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Prostitution and Colonial Relations chapter 28 Prostitution and Colonial Relations Liat Kozma Colonial encounters played a significant role in shaping policies and desires in both Europe’s colonies and in Europe itself, and thus they deserve their own thematic overview. I define colonial relations as ethnic or racial-based hierar- chies and segregations which developed as a consequence of western imperial expansion. These were unequal power relations in which the colonizer had control over, or at least attempted to control, residential choices, mobility in public space and across borders, and who wedded and bedded with whom. I thus follow Ann Stoler’s contention that the very intimate domain of desire was shaped by these colonial interactions.1 Historical research on prostitution and colonialism is relatively recent. The argument historians present is that colonial domination and colonial power relations affected prostitution on multiple levels. First, the migration of wom- en for prostitution to, between, from, and within Europe’s colonies was facili- tated, encouraged, or restricted by colonial authorities. Second, colonial urban planning segregated colonizers from colonized, industrial from residential, and respectability from vice. Such segregations did not mean, of course, that different social groups did not interact or even live together. It means, how- ever, that questions of racial and class interactions were central to the colo- nial vision of the city. These policies, in turn, affected the urban geography of prostitution, its interaction with the city’s inhabitants, and divisions within brothels or prostitutes’ quarters. Furthermore, the permanent and temporary migration of men—as soldiers, sailors, or industrial workers—created highly gender-imbalanced environments, and prostitutes were the only women of- ficially allowed in some of them.2 1 Ann Laura Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault’s History of Sexuality and the Co- lonial Order of Things (Durham, 1995); Ann Laura Stoler, “Rethinking Colonial Categories: Eu- ropean Communities and the Boundaries of Rule”, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 31 (1989), pp. 134–161; Ann Laura Stoler, “Tense and Tender Ties: The Politics of Comparison in North American History and (Post) Colonial Studies”, The Journal of American History, 88 (2001), pp. 829–865. 2 Raelene Frances, “Prostitution: The Age of Empire”, in Chiara Beccalossi and Ivan Crozier (eds), A Cultural History of Sexuality in the Age of Empire (Oxford, 2011), pp. 145–170; Philip Howell, Geographies of Regulation: Policing Prostitution in Nineteenth-Century Britain and the © Liat Kozma, 2017 | doi 10.1163/9789004346253_029 Liat Kozma - 9789004346253 This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-NDDownloaded 4.0 fromlicense. Brill.com09/30/2021 09:43:18PM via free access Prostitution and Colonial Relations 731 The processes and categories of regulation—of prostitutes, brothels, and red-light districts—were not unique to the colonial context, and they are out- lined in detail in the other urban and thematic overviews. What I try to do here is examine the specificities of colonial contexts and the various levels of power relations between the state and its subjects as well as between individuals on different sides of ethnic or racial hierarchic divides. Sources Sources for precolonial periods are often very rare or non-existent because many colonized societies were predominantly illiterate or because records were not preserved. Hammad and Biancani’s work on Cairo is able to recon- struct the precolonial history of prostitution because in Islamic Cairo decrees, chronicles and court records were kept.3 This was not the case for colonial Nai- robi or Lagos, for which very little information is available. Some colonial cities discussed here, such as Singapore, Casablanca, and Nairobi, were not urban centres or did not exist at all before the colonial encounter, and thus only pro- vide a roughly century-long historical survey.4 Sources for the colonial period were produced mostly by the colonizers. Historians of prostitution in these societies therefore use sources written by colonial administrators or imperial voluntary organizations who sought to civilize indigenous populations, combat global prostitution, salvage colonial reputation, and/or mitigate the flaws of colonial rule. Ekpootu’s research on colonial Nigeria, for instance, relies mainly on colonial police records and ad- ministrative correspondence. Similarly, Tracol-Huynh’s article on Hanoi notes that most available sources on prostitution are French and that French writ- ings about Vietnamese women were imbued with stereotypes of their race and sex.5 Empire (Cambridge, 2009); Philippa Levine, Prostitution, Race and Politics: Policing Venereal Disease in The British Empire (New York, 2003); Ashwini Tambe, Codes of Misconduct: Regulat- ing Prostitution in Late Colonial Bombay (Minneapolis, 2009); Luise White, The Comforts of Home: Prostitution in Colonial Nairobi (Chicago, 1990). 3 Biancani and Hammad, this volume, Cairo. 4 Babere Kerata Chacha, “An Over-view History of Prostitution in Nairobi: From the Precolo- nial Period to the Present”, unpublished paper collected for the project “Selling Sex in the City”, 2013; Ekpootu, this volume, Nigeria; Herzog, this volume, Singapore; Kozma, this vol- ume, Casablanca. 5 Ekpootu, this volume, Nigeria; Tracol-Huyn, this volume, Hanoi. Liat Kozma - 9789004346253 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 09:43:18PM via free access <UN> 732 Kozma Indeed, in most historical societies the life stories of the women in pros- titution are often mediated through those who tried to reform, regulate, or discipline them. In colonial contexts, notably, such mediation is further ex- tenuated by racial divisions and colonial power relations. So, those who wrote about prostitutes and recorded their life stories did not share these women’s language, and, as I demonstrate below, often held specific assumptions about the sexuality of non-European women. Sexuality and Colonial Relations Colonial relations were often metaphorically depicted as sexual encounters, be it the “virgin African continent”,6 or the likes of Kuchuk Hanem, the dancer who fascinated Flaubert in his mid-nineteenth century visit to Egypt and be- came a metaphor of the colonial coveting gaze in Edward Said’s Orientalism.7 Consequently, colonized women themselves became an object of colonial sexual fantasy, curiosity, and gaze. In certain cases, such as Kenya or India, the colonized woman was perceived as exotic and hypersexual.8 In other cases, such as Islamic societies, women’s sexuality was perceived, by definition, to be oppressed, and Muslim women were to be saved by colonial authorities or benevolent voluntary organizations. Such metaphors were translated into colonial erotic imagery, both at home and in the colonies themselves: erotic representations of the colonized, and sexual fantasies of the colonizer.9 Colonial policies in regulating and policing prostitution are best understood within a conceptual framework mindful of the role of desire and sexuality in shaping colonial relations. On the one hand, Ann Stoler has shown how the intimate domain of human interactions was central to colonial policies. British colonial officers, for example, were not allowed to age in the colonies so that imperial prestige would not be questioned by the sight of an elderly English- man. English and Dutch youth in the colonies were sent to boarding schools in Europe, so that affection toward their childhood nannies or desire toward indigenous girls would not undermine well-kept distinctions between colo- nizers and colonized. The policies that ensued from these anxieties differed 6 Chacha, “An Over-view History of Prostitution in Nairobi”. 7 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York, 1978), pp. 186–190. 8 Chacha, “An Over-view History of Prostitution in Nairobi”. 9 See, for example, Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colo- nial Contest (New York, 1995); Malek Alloula, The Colonial Harem (Minneapolis, 1986). Liat Kozma - 9789004346253 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 09:43:18PM via free access <UN> Prostitution and Colonial Relations 733 in different imperial contexts. All, however, saw interracial sexual relations or the potential for such relations as a matter fit for state intervention.10 In several colonial contexts, such as the Dutch Indies or Singapore, concubinage and the existence of “mixed-blood” children were perceived as a threat to co- lonial power and prestige and were strongly discouraged. Much earlier than the Dutch and the French, Herzog argues, the British created policies prevent- ing interracial relations and marriage, and they were outlawed throughout the Empire already at the end of the eighteenth century.11 On the other hand, as Franz Fanon has famously argued, colonial relations also produced and channelled desire itself. White men’s access to colonized women had distinctly different cultural meanings and different histories from colonized men’s desire for white women. The former was sometimes banned, but sometimes encouraged by colonial authorities, for example by operating indigenous brothels to cater to the “needs” of occupying armies or colonial administrations. The desire of indigenous or non-white men for white women, Fanon argued, was created and nurtured by colonial relations and anti- colonial sentiment. The colonized, he stated, desired that which belonged to the colo- nizer: to sit at the settler’s table
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