142 Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017

Msc. Eldi SHERIFI1

THE ROLE OF THE ALBANIAN POLITICAL ELITE IN ORGANIZING THE ASSEMBLIES 1878 TO 19202

Abstract

Assemblies, congresses, national assemblies, and constitutional assemblies are forms of political organization and representation by politicians who claim to represent the people. The political theories of institutions classify these forms of organization as elected assemblies, appointed assemblies and assemblies. However, each country has its own historic tradition of organization. In , assemblies had the mandate of representing the people and were considered to be people’s substitutes. also have tradition of organizing assemblies even when was under the rule of the . The Monastery Congress on November 14, 1908, and the Assembly of Dibra on July 12, 1909, were held with participants from all the Albanian vilayets and entered our national history as events of historical and institutional character. The power of Albanian national political and institutional conscience culminated with the Historical Assembly of Vlora on , 1912, where proclaimed Albania alone and indifferent. On December 25, 1918, Mehmet Konica and Mufti Libohova organized the Durrës Assembly. The political and juridical opinion of the Albanian political elite was exalted with the Congress of Lushnja on 21 January 1920, when the institution of the state president was established as a collective body with the name of the High Council, with the mayor Aqif Pasha . Key words: National Council, Assembly, National Assembly, Nulla Council

1 Business University; [email protected] 2 Paper presneted in “3 International Conference ‘Foreign Languages in a Global World, Linguistics, Literature, Didactics” Durres, June 2017” Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 143

Entry

Albanians have had a rich tradition in organizing congregations or congresses even when Albania was under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. The Albanian national conscience assumed institutional character in the Assembly in 1878, when elements of legislative, executive and court powers were created in several Albanian cities. Albanians are also protagonists in the establishment of the Union of Progress / Itihad ve Terakki organization called Jeun Turc. The organization was founded in 1902 by Ahmet Rizaj and Albanian from Dr. , including Ismail Qemali, Hoxha Kadria, , Jashar Erebara and Hamdi Ohri. Congress of The Monastery of 14 November 1908 and the Assembly of Dibra on 12 July 1909 were held with participants from all the Albanian vilayets and entered into our national history as special events of institutional character. These events were a revival of institutional political conscience. Assemblies were schools of political affirmation of some of the historical political figures who took the nation’s responsibility for organizing political institutions in Albania after the Ottoman Empire. Among Ismail Qemali, , Mitat Frashëri, , Mehmet Konica, Myfit Libohova were also Aqif Pasha, , Luigj Bumçi, Dr. , Refik Toptani and Sotir Peci. In 1908 Muslim and Christian Albanians were protagonists for the reinstatement of the Ottoman Empire adopted in 1876, but banned by the Sultan after the first parliamentary elections in 1877, when the first Albanian deputies were elected in the Ottoman Parliament. The Monastery Congress was the result of the rights acquired by the revolution with the help of Albanians. The chairman of the Manastir Congress was Mit’hat Frashëri, the son of Abdyl Frashëri, the father-in-law, the politician of the diplomat who dissolved all the wealth for the of Albania. While the chairman of the Compiling Commission in the Latin alphabet was / “Homer Albanian” who introduced the “Young Fiery of Sheypes” dictionary in the National Library of The Assembly of Dibra was the first organization with a political element of Albanians. Mit’hat Frasheri has considered it in the “Freedom” newspaper as the National Congress. The congress was led by Mr. Vehbi Dibra, who would also become chairman of the Vlora Assembly in 1912, after Ismail Qemali became president of the interim government. According to Abdyl Ypit, who was a participant and active participant in the Assembly of Dibra, there were delegates from every Albanian vilayet, attended by Aqif Pasha Elbasani, Dervish Hima, Abdyl Ypi, Hafiz Ali Korça, Sotir Peci, Feim Zavalani, Llambi Kota, Beniamin Nosi, Bajo Topulli, etc.1 The brutality and misery of the Young Turks after the assumption of power 144 Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 imposed the conflict between the Albanians and the High Gate and the creation of the Secret Command of Monastery in the fall of 1910, led by prominent publicist Dervish Hima, who initiated the creation of many other committees. In January 1911 Nikolle Ivanaj, Ismail Qemali and Luigj Gurakuqi threw the idea of merging​​ committees into a single headquarter, with headquarters in . But on April 25, 1911, lawyer Arbëresh Terenc Toçi, together with the abbot of Prend Doçi organized the Assembly in the Mirdita Fan Church, with representatives from Mirdita, Shala, Shoshi, Kthella, Thaçi, Nikaj, Mërtur, , Topllana and Iballa. On 27 April, the assembly announced the independence of Albania and the formation of the interim government with President Terenc Toçi, signed by 27 members. Its headquarters were assigned to the Store, where the Albanian national was raised. This situation forced the creation of the Bar Committee Central Committee in Corfu in May 1911 by Nikolla Ivanaj, Ismail Qemali, Themistokli Gërmenji, and others. Ismail Qemali, in the middle of June 1911 went to Cetinje, where were Luigj Gurakuqi, Nikolle Ivanaj and Hilë Mosi, and in cooperation with the leaders of the Malaysian uprising on June 23, 1911, according to the Law of Lek Dukagjini, prepared the Assembly of Grece as a First World War Balkans, where Albanians, although not participating, contributed more than its members to the weakening of the political and military power of the sick Empire. The events prepared the National Assembly of Vlora, continuing with that of Durrës and Lushnja in 1920.

Norms with constitutional powers for establishment of institutions by Albanian assemblies

From the way assemblies, conventions and assemblies with the political and juridical acts that have been approved to create the conviction that the political elite of time has recognized the political philosophy of John Lokut, which ended the rule of absolutism and created the constitutional . They have probably known Tomas Hobbs’s famous “Leviathan” work, where sovereignty is treated as “the highest and the everlasting power.” Undoubtedly, they are influenced by Rusol with the theory of people’s sovereignty and in the Lushnja Congress are oriented by Montesqueies’s “spirit of laws”, for parliamentary liberalism and the separation of powers.2 Assemblies, congresses or assemblies in Albania can be classified as a mix of elements of elected assemblies and appointed assemblies. The Lushnja Congregation or the National Assembly can be certified without hesitation as a model of national representation. Conventions / assemblies are usually implemented on the basis of agreements between trusted political community operators, which establish political institutions on constitutional legal norms. Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 145

The Conventions / Assemblies are also linked to constitutional canons / customs, as the earliest form of political organization in Albania, just as the councils of elders in customary law 3. Albanians also had a constitutional project formulated by Sami Frashëri since 1899 4. He imagined the political organization of Albania after the separation of 15 parcels from the empire, with the national assembly as a legislative body, with the head of the collective state, one elders with by one representative for each plot. The Vlora Assembly did not use Sami Frasheri’s “draft constitution” and the institutions were created on the agreement of the important operators Ismail Qemali, Syrja bej Vlora, Aqif Pasha, Abdi Toptani, Iliaz and Azis Vrioni, etc. But the influence of political and constitutional philosophy seemed to be the creation of a 18-member old-age institution. The elders do not even run the function of the head of state or of the legislative power. Even at the Durrës Congress, it was decided to choose a senior citizen. Its members would be elected by the Administrative Councils of the Prefectures, a designation based on Article 20 of the May 28, 1913, of the Municipal Council of Civil Administration. While the functioning of the old-age institution and its powers would be defined by the name 5. Only in the Lushnja Congress were created six legal norms with constitutional powers, which were named ”The Basics of the Grand Council Kanunore”. Understandably, the norms were formulated after four-member council, which headed the mayor’s office, was elected 6. With the proposal of the delegate of Mr. Iljaz Bej Vrioni at the Council of Narta were selected: Emzot Bumçi, Aqif Pasha Elbasani, Abdi Bej Toptani and Dr. Turtle, among whom Emzot Bumçi and Dr. Turtle would continue their mission in 7.

The evolution of the political mentality of the Albanian National Movement in the organization of the assemblies

The Albanian National Movement took institutional form with the Assembly of Prizren in 1878, when political institutions and provisional government of Ymer Prizren were created in January 1881. The Monastery Congress on 14 November 1908 and the Assembly of Dibra on 12 July 1909 were true schools of affirmation of some historical figures which after the Ottoman Empire assumed responsibility before the nation for the organization of political institutions in Albania. It is a historical fact that the Albanians with their active activity restored Hyrjet, Freedom and Political Rights in the Ottoman Empire in 1908. But Xhemijet / Ittihad ve Terakki or Jeun Turc did not embrace the constitution but Islamism and strengthened despotism against Albanians who wanted a free Albania, replacing the previous despotism with philosophy and governance “so I want” 8. Christian and Orthodox, Catholic, Bektashi and Protestant Muslims participated in the Congress of Manastir. Religious affiliation did not prevent the 146 Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017

“Marathonists” of the Albanian National Movement from cooperating for the future of Albania. There were Gjergj Fishta of Mitat Frashëri, Luigj Gurakuqi and Sotir Peci, Bajo Topulli and Shahin Kolonja / groom of Naim Frashëri. The difficult situation they encountered confounded in their soul and morality the feeling of union and brotherhood. In Bitola opened the printing press, which was funded by a group of Albanian Muslim merchants. Democratic demand was also made at the Diber Congress, as the unification of the Albanian vilayet in a single vilayet required, the recognition of nationality Albanian and the opening of Albanian schools. The newspaper “Freedom” wrote in those days: “Doubt Congress is undoubtedly the first national gathering in Albania, the first meeting where all Albania has met to choose a necessary work for the whole country, where more than 300 delegates gegë , Toskas, Muslims, Christians, Orthodox, Catholics, Hoxhallarians, priests and Shahlers came from every single chip and every corner of Albania. Them is the first congress that has gathered the whole country 10. “The delegates defending the interests of Albania demanded that the Albanian language enjoy full freedom, the administration officials knew the language and customs of the country, the government was decentralized and the councils of the vilayet had more The right 11.

The Albanian National Movement did not have a single leading center. Events in Malesia Greater developed rapidly against Ottoman forces. On June 23, 1911, Luigj Gurakuqi, Nikolle Ivanaj, Hilë Mosi in cooperation with the leaders of the Malaysian uprising according to the customary Law of Lek Dukagjini prepared the Greek Assembly 12. The reminder held 12 requests and was signed by 22 delegates. It is thought that the draftsperson of the Memorandum was Ismail Qemali. But it is alleged that he did not attend the assembly and as the author was considered Archbishop of Shkodra Jak Serreqi 13. But according to the historian Romeo Gurakuqi 14 his compilers were Ismail Qemali and Luigj Gurakuqi. In September 1911, Ismail Qemali and Luigj Gurakuqi from Nice, France, took the initiative to establish a single headquarters based in or any other European country 15. Their opinion was supported by Fazli Toptani, , Basri beu, Athanas Tashko, and others 16. According to the initiators, the governing center would be a federal union of Albanian patriotic organizations, each of which would preserve autonomy. Each of them would send representatives and funds. The delegates’ community would be the governing center that would deal with political organization. Its members would be paid from the funds raised. This political community would be the Leader of the Albanian National Movement 17. The proposal was welcomed by US, and Sofie associations, but a response from Alexandria Albanians in was delayed, perhaps by Sotir Kolea the management center had Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 147 to be in Albania 18. In the lead center was Ismail Qemali, deputy of Vlora, Basri Beu deputy of , Hasan Prishtina, deputy of Prishtina, Sali Hida, etc 19. On March 23, 1912, Sali Hida left for Hasan Prishtina in , while Ismail Qemali and Luigj Gurakuqi left for Albania. Ismail Qemali would go to Vlora, Berat, and Tomorricë, while Luigj Gurakuqi would get contacts in Shkodra and in Malesia e Madhe 20. Mersin Xhema and Gheja e Dibrës went to Elbasan and met with Aqif Pasha Elbasan, Dervish Beu and Pope Jorgjin. But the movement was not crowned, as there were no weapons or money. According to Hasan Prishtina, Ismail Qemali, Luigj Gurakuqi and Fazlli Toptani provided symbolic funds from the Albanian colonies of exile, so I wrote to Ismail Qemali “to complete the commitments made at the Taxation meeting,” but he responded with tomorrow and with promises dried “ 21. Institutionally important was the Junik Assembly, which took place in the village of Junik between and . The Assembly commenced its proceedings on May 21, 1912 and ended on May 25, 1912. The role of the assembly is reinforced by the editorial made to the newspaper “Liri e Shqipërisë” on May 22, 1912. According to the article, the aim of the Assembly of Junik was to establish a committee just so that the Albanian National Movement, both inside and outside the country, has a single governing body. The newspaper emphasized that this organization “ will elevate to the highest degree of courage to reach the end of the same goal”22. The main organizer of the Assembly of Junik appears to have been Hasan Prishtina who invited influential personalities to the Albanian National Movement and the party of various provinces of Albania to participate in the political event 23. The decisions of the Junik Assembly, despite the compromise reached, is considered as a political program and the most successful in decision-making in Vilajet of Kosovo, following the Greek Memorandum. According to the newspaper “Liri e Shqipërisë” from the assembly issued a resolution. At the end of it, the idea of protecting​​ the rights of Albanians was reinforced. But the resolution included loyalty to the homeland and the caliphate, dividing it from hatred for the Georgian government 24. The Ottoman government to extinguish as much as possible the devastating fire fled “an bloc” on July 17. 25 . On July 23, 1912, in Sinj, Berat, who was named the Sinj Assembly, was sent to the Grand Vizier a Memorandum signed by 46 participants seeking: Recognition of the Albanian nation, unique local administration throughout Albania, appointment of a general inspector to check legality, respect for Albanian customs, teach Albanian language in Albanian schools, to be an official language alongside the Ottoman and economic development of Albanians. According to the Serbian consul in , representatives of Vilajeti of Kosovo 26attended the assembly. According to the 148 Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 documents of the time the leading role in the Albanian National Movement was that historical moment Hasan Prishtina. This is reinforced by the letters sent to Hasan Prishtina, the leaders of the Albanian National Movement of Manastir, who attended the meeting with representatives of all Albanian villages, as they were “27 an opinion with them”. The role of Hasan Prishtina reinforces letters sent by Trieste Ismail Qemali and Luigj Gurakuqi to Refik bej Toptani and Masar bej Toptanin, ordering the representatives of Middle East and South Albania to defend the requests of the Memorandum in talks of Grece, as they formulated in that letter “we are all inseparable Albanians 28. At the beginning of August 1912, Ismail Qemali grew aloof with his actions, because he was informed about “Cakran’s Meeting” with leaders from Korça, , Berat and Vlora, where there was a clash between his supporters who opposed the attack on Vlora and those of Syrja bej Vlora, who supported the attack 29. Perhaps this was one of the reasons that at that meeting Ismail Qemali was asked to leave in to influence Qamil Pasha’s new cabinet to accept the demands of Albanians while Luigj Gurakuq was asked to go to to influence that the demands before the commission were in the spirit of the Greek Memorandum 30. Under those conditions, Ismail Qemali had no alternative but to start a telegram of Mayor Pasha on August 9, 1912, with the requirements: The issuance of an imperial Ivey / imperial decree to send a government commission to South Albania; Enabling telephone communications between North and South seamen; Removal of old employees from the administration and appointment of new employees under the new system to be understood under the agreement that was made by the government commission with Hasan Prishtina 31. Ismail Qemali after leaving the meeting with the leaders of the Albanian National Movement in Fier, arrived in Trieste from where he left for Istanbul on September 7, 1912, together with Luigj Gurakuqi returned from Kosovo 32. The political project for autonomous / , with institutions that enabled the harmonization of the interests of social groups, started as a political competition between Ismail Qemali and . While the political conflict for the leadership of the new state institutions took place between Ismail Qemali and Esat Toptani, between Vid and Esat Toptani, between Esat Toptani and the insurgents of Middle East. Ismail Qemali entered and stays in the pantheon of the Albanian nation, in the history of political institutions as the man who, with the excellence and quality of the diplomat, resolved in a short segment of time the “diplomatic puzzle” deliberately held by the European powers in the “drawer of forgetfulness “And to open it only when the Ottoman Empire would not exist, and with it Albania as well. The political mission of Ismail Qemali has the dimensions of the monumental Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 149 work that is identified with the history of the nation. The size of his political and diplomatic activity has left behind the gaps in the establishment of institutions by the historic Assembly of Vlora. On 3 November 1912, Ismail Qemalin was received by the vice-president of the Albanian Colony in Bucharest, Christo Meksi 33. Discussions with representatives of the Bucharest colony and those from Constanta continued for two days. Dilemmas, questions and controversies were related to the lack of organization in Albania. One of the attendees who articulated the criticism was Anastas Mihua. At the meeting were discussed Christo Meksi, Ahile Eftimiu, Athanas Kantili, Dhimiter Zografi, Luigj Gurakuqi. At that meeting expressed the desire to come to Albania also Dhimitër Berati and Milto Sotiri. At the Bucharest meeting, Albania’s autonomy or independence was not discussed, but about the means and means that should be used to cope with the risk of Albania. Kemal acknowledged that “understanding was not fully achieved” 34. Ismail Qemali used the Bucharest gathering to provide moral and material support. He used the meeting as credentialing to support the Dualist Empire, where the political rival Syrja Vlora felt safer. Ismail Qemali felt that he had to become more active and on November 7, 1912, he first articulated for “Neue Freie Presse” that “independent Albania was not only needed of Albanians but also of Europe”. Schemua, on November 9, urged him to send the “Arriverai premier bateau” telegram. Avenir Albanie assure “/ Get on the first ship. The future of Albania is secure. 35 On November 14, 1912, Ismail Qemali after meeting Berchtold stated that we will not allow our ports to Serbia. His statement was in sync with the content of the article that he made on Andrasy on the same day in the Budapest press, where he declared the support of -Hungary for declaring Albania’s independence and expresses also cut against Serbian plans for a port in the Adriatic. According to Austro-Hungarian diplomat in , Ugron, the statement was made when made the double game for Serbia’s exit to the Adriatic 36. Ismail Qemali received the mandate of the President of the Provisional Government at 16:30 by the National Assembly and gave him the flag of the nation Murat Toptani to unfold on the balcony and together with the delegates of the Bucharest colony sang the National Anthem. According to Lejhanec, the declaration of independence was made at 16:00.37 The raising of the flag in Vlora was the greatest historical act and the culmination of the political decision-making of the dissident Ismail Qemali. With this political act, Albania changed the course of centuries-old political orientation and created a historic chance to build the modern state, with the political and juridical institutions that gave Albanians the dignity that had been missing for several centuries. In this historical decision-making, the signatories 150 Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 are the delegates; Ismail Kemal, Dom Nicholas Kaçorri, Abdyl Haziz Vehbi / Vehbi Agolli, Jorgji Karbunara, Elmaz Boce, Veli Harxhi, Qazim Kokoshi, , , Dhimitër Berati, N.Tutulani, Aristill Ruci, Abdi Bej Toptani, AbazDilaver / Mitil Frasheri, Shefqet Daiu, Zihni Abaz Kanina, Xhelal Koprencka, Hajredin Cakrani, Qemal Karaosmani, Iliaz Vrioni, Sali Gjuka, Dhimitër Ilo, Emanuel / Mborja, Dhimitër Zografi, Murat Toptani, Pandeli Cale, Luigj Gurakuqi, , Spiro T. Ilo, , Kemal Be Mullaj, , Dr. H, Myrtezai, Nuri Sojliu, Mustafa Hasim Kruja, Ferid Vokopola, Ymer Deliallis, Xhemal Bey Deliallis, Nebi Sefa, Zydi Ohri.38 The Vlora Assembly created the first organizational experience, but also the tradition of spontaneity. At the Vlora Assembly, the delegates were accompanied by a mandate of parity, city councils, on the proposal of delegates during the development of the Assembly, at the request of the persons with the authorities, as well as with the passage of the mandate from one delegate to the other by voting in the Assembly National. The mandate requested by the authorities is verified by the telegram of Ismail Qemali no. 1699, words 82.OT Durrës, 9th third autumn / November 22, 1328-1912 at 4:20 pm, night, where it was communicated that Aqif Pasha and Shefqet Beu “should have been in the assembly of Vlora and for that could not be thought nor any cause or reason of prohibition. “39 The Assembly was introduced in the procedure of selecting the ministers according to an “Albanian model” unknown to political doctrines and legal institutions of the rule of law. For the post of minister competed 17 candidates. Finally, the elected ministers were Luigj Gurakuqi with 54 votes, Myfitbey Libohova with 52, Mehmet Pasha Tetova with 42, with 40, Pandeli Cale with 39, Lef Nosi with 37, Mid’hat Frashëri with 35 and Abdi Bey Toptani with 32 votes 40. Another institution that was chosen by The National Assembly of Vlora is that of old age. After counting the “advisory” votes, 18 delegates were elected. The chairman of the elders was Vehbi Dibra and vice president Eqerem bej Vlora. On October 23, 1913, the KNK discussed the local authorities, with which the interim government of Ismail Qemali joined. According to Eduard Gray, Ismail Qemali’s government did not inspire the British government and the resolution of the Ambassadors Conference in London, when defining the mandate of KNK, the government of Vlora approached the “existing local authorities”. Ismail Qemali worried about political developments on October 26, 1913, addressed the foreign ministries of the Great Powers to appoint and embrace a sovereign in Albania, for only “his presence would be able to unite all the people” . Consul Lamb immediately became aware of Sir. Eduard Grein for the creation of the Senate of Middle East and found the causes of creation to be justified. Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 151

The gendarmes of Esat Toptani began pressure in the villages of Peqin, Qukës / Librazhd and the outskirts of Elbasan, to tempt the most loyal man of Ismail Qemali, mayor Aqif Pasha. The meetings Aqif Pasha made with the Vlora government ministers and the exchange of letters with Esat Pasha and Abdi Toptani convinced him that Ismail Qemali had to cooperate with Esat Pasha and create another government under the leadership of Ismail Qemali, but with more ministers honest. The headquarters of the government had to be in Elbasan. For this, the prefect warned Ismail Qemali with a letter that if this could not happen he was forced to resign. Ismail Qemali became “almighty” in exercising the powers of a government that did not function because he lacked the political support of his associates and the international community and urged Aqif Pasha to accept the appointment of a senior commissar in Korca and to hold the office of the Prefect of Elbasan. This situation forced Aqif Pasha to diplomatically draw attention to Ismail Qemali, to understand the political realities and the attacks of Esat to Elbasan not to be considered as a “formal demonstration”, but as a very big danger, and for these reason he proposed that the KNK in his place assign a foreign prefect. This time the prefect Aqif Pasha experienced deeply, as he was asked by all political factors to mediate with Ismail Qemali to meet with Esat Toptani in order to create a new government with six ministers and prime minister Omer Vrioni. According to the project, two ministers would represent the north and were supposed to be the abyss of Mirdita Primo Doçi and an indefinite, south would represent Mehdi Frashëri and Orthodox Dr. Mihal Turtulli, two other ministers will be appointed by Ismail Qemali and Esat Toptani. On January 17, 1914, Aqif Pasha met with the American missionary Cilika and Mit’hatFrasher, dr. Mihal Turtullin and Abdyl bej Ypi. The interlocutors requested on behalf of the KNK not to fight against the forces of Esat Toptani. In the Elbasan prefecture, the conflict was taking on the character of the civil war. Against two of the organizers of the Vlora assembly fought each other. Aqif Pasha continued supporting the government of Vlora, while Dervis bej Elbasan supported Esat Toptani. Aqif Pasha informed Ismail Qemali that Dervish Beu was going to every village with a picture of Vid in hand, saying that “the government of Elbasan and Tosk want to bring this river to life, showing the portrait of Vid.” Dervish Bej Elbasan, as a tragedy-comedy actress, “poured tears” in front of believing villagers, because according to him, “upon the arrival of Vitus, Muslimism would end.” Esat Toptani, in co-operation with the delegates of Young Turks, was playing with the card and fanaticism of the believers in Peqin, Elbasan and Librazhd. The Austro-Hungarian Consul in Durrës, Rudnej, with Bertchtold’s message, co-operated with Chief Archbishop of Durres Prenk Bardhi and Dom Nicholas Kaçor to influence the area’s beahs to cease the campaign against the prince and at the same time invited Esat Toptani to 152 Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 supported . Meanwhile, Ismail Qemali had given support to Prince Vidin. On January 2, 1914, he communicated Aqif Pasha with a telegram that the Great Powers had decided to bring a foreign prince to Albania. He even recalled that Esat Pasha with his followers was playing a political game, as on one hand they invited the prince to come to Albania, while on the other side intrigued him and held close relations with Istanbul. Ismail Qemali’s political epilogue became the “Grebeneja Case”, culminating in his resignation. The resignation act Ismail Qemali did at the government meeting on January 10, 1914. The resignation act was approved by all members of the government. The act was qualified as a resignation act of the government, not as an act of resignation of the head of government. The resignation act was handed over to KNK, with protocol No.356, January 22, 1914. The reasons for resignation Ismail Qemali explains in the letter he sent to Aqif Pasha on January 22, 1914. On March 7, 1914 Prince Vidi came. The government was formed by Turhan Pashë Përmeti. Following the departure of Esat Pasha in Italy, a new government was created, whose composition aimed at restoring the diluted balances of Esat Toptani’s departure and increasing the credibility of the revolted people. See and persuade Preng Pasha and dr. Mihal Turtulli to return to the government. This was the only condition Vidi had put Turhan Pasha for rebuilding the government. Offering Interior Minister’s post, Aqif Pasha, was a well-thought-out solution as he was considered to be an opponent of Esat Toptani and for patriotism and loyalty to Ismail Qemali. The post of Minister of Agriculture and Trade was offered to Abdi Toptani, who was influential in Tirana and Kruja and could serve as a shock absorber for the people of Esat Toptani. The newspaper “Sun” praised the taking of ministerial posts by Aqif Pasha, Mit’hat Frashëri and Abdi Toptani. Aqif Pasha took office when the rebels in central Albania were becoming factored day after day. Interior Minister Aqif Pasha Elbasan, concerned by the inability of the panic-stricken government, tried a ceasefire agreement with the rebels. But, surprisingly, the government’s action was considered by the government as a personal initiative and was not allowed to be realized. Vali’s government was more anemic than the Provisional Government of Vlora, after Ismail Qemali drafted several laws and aimed at some “reforms.” On August 13, 1914, the Great Powers terminated the funding of Prince Vidi. On September 1, 1914, insurgent rebels urged the remaining members of the ICC to leave together with the Prince and the government. On September 3, 1914, at 11:00 pm the Prince accompanied by Eqerem Bey Libohova, TurhanPasha, Aqif Pasha Elbasani, Sami Bej Vrioni, Selim Beu, who was the son of Pashko Vasas and Professor Niko Kraja, left the scaffold where Prince had arrived six months, without the presence of people who have been waiting for him. He left without accepting the offer and without being abused. Seeing and kept in touch with the Laosan Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 153

Albanian colony and especially with Dr. Mihal Turtullin. Dr.Turtulli received a letter from Eduard Gray that the Albanians would support Antant. But Turtle became an ally of Austro-Hungary. On 28 July 1914 the First World War began with the Austro-Hungarian attack on Serbia. The beginning of the war ended de facto the agreement that created the “European Concert” a hundred years ago and the “Concert of Peace” was replaced by the war. European powers were no bigger than before. The division of the Great Powers diminished Europe’s political power and diplomatic language became the power of weapons. On 23 January 1916, Austro-Hungarian military troops took military control over Shkodra. With quick actions, the invasion points were set in three quarters of Albania. Territories from Shkodra to the North, Vjosa River in the South and Prespa Lake in the east were placed under the administrative and institutional direction of military commands. Korça was administered by the French, while the South of Albania from Vlora, up to the limits set by the International Commission on Border Limits, were placed under Italian occupation. Albania’s political elite was disoriented and dispersed inside and outside the country. In February 1916, the elite political thought was marking a revival, tending to be politically organized. On the occasion of the entry of Austro-Hungarian forces in Albania, former ministers Preng Bibë Doda, Aqif Pasha Elbasani, Luigj Gurakuqi, Seit Pasha, Fejzi Alizoti excited by the new political situation, on 28 January 1916 ordered from Cetinje that their army was seen as an ally, not invasive. On January 29, 1916, at 4:30 pm, the Elbasan city decorated with Albanian and Bulgarian flag received the No. 3 company of the Twenty-Three Infantry Regiment of led by Captain Serafinov. Following the dialogue with the authorities of the city, which cut culture and civilization cultivated by normalists, the city administration record was signed by Lef Nosi, Kasim Sejdini, Dr. Filip Papajani and Emin Maraxhiu as representatives of the city and by Captain Serafimof, Lieutenant Christof and the Subordinates, Skordef and Kasarof. On Jan. 31, 1916, Ahmet Zogu with his supporters, accompanied by Captain Gilard and Salahedin Blloshm, met in Elbasan with former Interior Minister Aqif Pasha, former Minister Lef Nosi and former Minister Mit’hat Frashëri. The meeting took place after the had entered the city of Elbasan. Gilard asked the city’s representatives that in the minutes drafted with the Bulgarians to say that at the same time in the city had entered the national forces. Zog liked it to be called “Commander of the National Powers”. Ahmet Zogu’s meeting in Elbasan with well-known political representatives served to find the understanding of organizing a congress. Removing Wait was considered an imposed action, so the Prince had not abdicated. The government promised by him had not resigned. Consequently, Vid’s return and the formation of the 154 Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 government were legitimate, so it was decided to raise the national flag in the Royal Palace in Durres. The political movement was awakening, but it was unacceptable for Austria-Hungary, who wished to continue “lethargy sleep” and that was why the project deposited at the Foreign Ministry by Syrja Vlora on behalf of Prince Vidit was not accepted as well. On February 14, 1916, Ahmet Zogu, as a man of action, together with Aqif Pasha’s fiance Irfan Bey Ohri set up the in the Dwelling of Wait in Durrës. On February 15, at 2 o’clock after midnight, at Zog’s custom, Tajar Malaziu announced from Kavaja the deputy Elbasan prefect to take measures to host him at the ceremony in Elbasan. On 18 February 1916, the Congressional Organization Committee was established. At the meeting attended; Ahmet Bej Zagolli, Qemal Bej Elbasani, Ahmet Efendi Haxhisinani, Ymer Efendi Stringa, Shefqet Daiu, Sava Papajani, Simon Shuteriqi, Thanas Floqi and Lef Nosi. The commission decided that the congress was to be held in Elbasan on March 18, 1916. The Commission judged that the Turhan Pash Përmet government had not resigned and Aqif Pasha Elbasan, pursuant to Article 11 of the Organic Statute of Albania, in the absence of Prince Wight could build a government . Because, according to the statute, Prince’s function could be performed by one of the top state officials. After the discussions, it was decided that former Interior Minister Aqif Pasha would forward the congratulations to Vid and, together with the other ministers, to start the work they had left. The commission organized a vote for the candidate ministers that had to select Aqif Pasha. The principle of electing by voting increased the level of confidence among those present and the tendency to objectivity. In the list were sixteen well-known personalities of religious beliefs and of their respective provinces. This ranking resulted after the vote; Kara Seid Pasha won 9 votes, Luigj Gurakuqi 9, Ahmet Zagolli 8, Lef Nosi 7, Hasan bej Prishtina 3, 3, Grigor Cilika 3, Refik bejToptani 3, Qemal bej Elbasani 3, Fejzi Alizoti 2, Pandeli Cale 2, Mehmet Ali Zaimi 2, SotirPeci 1, Nexhip Bej Draga 1, Mehdi Borshi 1 and Ahmet Dakli1. Concerned Austro-Hungarian commander increased pressure on “the mayor of government” Aqif Pasha Elbasan, who held contacts with the prefects of middle Albania, even appointed under prefect Hajdar Blloshmin. Aqif Pasha after understanding that the political movement would not be accepted by the Austro- Hungarians, on April 14, 1916, he communicated to the Prefect of Berat, Durres, that for military reasons his government would pass temporarily to the Kingdom of Austria-Hungary and according to the order of Trollman’s prefectures would be transformed into sub-prefectures and would be directly linked to the top command, according to the administrative division he had made and diplomatically advised the prefects to “not be grieved by his resignation and the Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017 155 situation that had been created.” brought new political realities. It “melted” the Dual Empire, just as the Ottoman Empire came into being after the Balkan War, the time had come for the reaction of the Albanian political elite, despite the fact that the reaction was not a “political ensemble”. The situation created by a group of Albanians in responded with political demands. Myfit Libohova, Mehdi Frashëri, Turhan Pasha, Mustafa Kruja, Syrja Bey Vlora, Mehmet Bey Këlcyra, Mit’hat Frasheri and Pandeli Cale. Their opinion was joined by Mit’hat Frasheri and Dr.Mihal Turtulli. Actually, the drum did not have any sympathy for Italy or belief in their politics. The request was sent by telegram to the consulate of Italy in Switzerland and accompanied by the plea for Italy to mediate with Antant’s allies in order “for Albania to regain the independence and territorial integrity guaranteed by the European powers”. In those historical circumstances, the Consulta, when unable to curb the movement of Albanian politicians, elaborated the idea of establishing​​ a National Council and immediately contacted the group of politicians affected by Mehmet Konica, from the promise that they would adhere to Italy’s political line to create just a “bailiff committee” that would have the mission of selecting the delegation to go to the Paris Peace Conference and accept the Italian protectorate over Albania. While inside the country, as stated in the congressional record, he would be interested in securing the national political life of the Albanian people. Aqif Pasha Elbasan did not attend the Assembly of Durres, but from the letter to Mehmet Konica, whom he called “Honorary Chairman of the Albanian Meeting”, we understand the institutional culture of Aqif Pasha. Rejection of the invitation to participate in the Durrës Assembly Aqif Pasha justified the “bad time” and “bad roads”! Through the letter, he gives us the opportunity to understand that the congressional organizers had “dated” the composition of the government and Aqif Pasha was not part of it. It is understood when he stated that “he did not pretend to keep the title of ministries and after the congress”. Aqif Pasha’s letter has historical institutional value because it reflects his high legal and political culture when he asked for the letter to be read in the “extended congress” that “his heart told him that he would do good work”. According to him, Albania’s status was won by the decision of the Great Realms of the London Conference and that decision was neither broken nor outdated and required Italy to recognize the right to expand the borders. In his letter, Aqif Pasha said that the convention would preserve the status and form of government determined by the London Conference and the borders to be brought to the “pit” / their natural boundaries. Aqif Pasha did not take part in the congress, not because he was old and frightened by the bad times and the difficult roads, which plagued the politician’s heart two years later, when he was even older and was elected President of the Lushnja Congress and member of the chairman of the council. 156 Interdisiplinary Journal of Research and Development, Vol. 4, no. 3, 2017

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