Monogamy Vs. Polygyny in Rwanda: Round 1 - the White Fathers Round 2 - the 1994 Genocide

University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln

Nebraska Anthropologist Anthropology, Department of

1997

Monogamy vs. Polygyny in Rwanda: Round 1 - The White Fathers Round 2 - The 1994 Genocide

Clea Koff

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Koff, Clea, "Monogamy vs. Polygyny in Rwanda: Round 1 - The White Fathers Round 2 - The 1994 Genocide" (1997). Nebraska Anthropologist. 106. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/nebanthro/106

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Round 1 - The White Fathers Round 2 - The 1994 Genocide

C/ea Koff

Introduction case in the rest of East Africa. The The symbiotic relationship Catholic hegemony in Rwanda was a between European Christian unique situation that enabled the missionaries and European colonizers missionaries to remain uncompromising in East Africa is well-documented over the issue they envisioned to be at (Opoku 1985:513; Uzukwu 1996:29). the "very heart" of their endeavour: However, the colonial history of marriage monogamous and Rwanda reveals a collaboration indissoluble (Hastings 1967:163). between French Roman Catholic This paper examines the missionaries and the coexistent Belgian dichotomy between the Christian and administration that ensured a profound Rwandan models of marriage, the transformation, not only of indigenous strategies employed by the White religious practice, but of the marriage Fathers to impose their beliefs, the pattern - from polygyny to monogamy. Rwandan response to that imposition, The Catholic missionaries in Rwanda, and the current marriage pattern in an order called the White Fathers, Rwanda. imported a model of ideal marriage that was an amalgam of Christian theology Missionaries and Colonizel'$ and their own Western European in East Africa culture. The model was not Intense and sustained Christian immediately embraced by Rwandans missionization of East Africa and after twenty years, the White commenced in Tanzania in the mid Fathers recognized that traditional nineteenth cen~ry (Shorter 1974a:88). methods of evangelism and teaching Over the next forty years, the Christians were not resulting in the conversions expanded into Uganda and south they had hoped to gain. eastern Kenya. The tum of the century The White Fathers, therefore, brought the Roman Catholic White turned to a decidedly secular forum for Fathers (Peres Blancs) from Uganda aid in enforcing their ideal marriage into Rwanda, building their first mission model: ordinances, taxes, and coercion at Save in 1899, just as the country through the Belgian administration. became part of German East Africa Rwanda is a small country by African (Dorsey 1994:44). Particularly in the standards at 26,338 square kilometers. coastal regions, Kenya and Tanzania It proved a fertile laboratory for the continued to receive missionaries of White Fathers' experiment, as their different Christian religions, such as presence and beliefs were not Protestant, Quaker, Seventh Day challenged by proselytizers of other Adventist, the Church of God, and the religions - such as Protestants, Church of Scotland, as well as Muslims, and Quakers - as was the missionaries of Islam. The British·

84 colonial administration, which governed The New Testament adds another Uganda from 1894 until 1962, fostered dimension with the indissolubility of competition between the missionaries " marriage (Shorter 1974b:174-5). ... thereby rendering the religious The pre-colonial Rwandan ideal parties even more rigid and intolerant of marriage and family model is a study in each other" (Dorsey 1994:89; Shorter contrast from the Christian model: 1974a:89). leviratic marriages were commonplace, Such interreligious competition polygyny was the ideal strudure, did not exist in Rwanda, where Belgium separation or divorce of spouses was gained the German protedorate after allowed if necessary, bridewealth was World War I. The new Belgian universal and was followed by administration was grateful for the patrilineal inheritance, and residence White Fathers, who knew both the was predominantly patrilocal (Maquet language of the country, Kinyarwanda, 1962:69-74). Jacques Maquet (1962) and the lay of the land. Perhaps more describes Rwanda as a "polygynous importantly, the Belgians believed that socieV because it was the ideal the "work of the missions ... are strudure and was achieved by 30 contributing in the most efficacious percent of the population. The largest manner to the progressive civilization of family strudure reported consisted of the coun~ (Belgium 1920:19 in Des four wives, with two and three wives Forges 1969:191). In keeping with this appearing more often. Wives were amicable relationship, the Belgian managers of a husband's multiple administration continued and expanded homesteads if he herded many cattle, upon the previous German Residenfs or they would assist in cultivating land. ordinance that provided protection for In addition, polygynous unions the spread of Christianity and its facilitated social cohesion between converts (Des Forges 1969:192). This chiefs and their extended family protection and advocacy enabled the (Maquet 1962:72-3). White Fathers to continue building their missions at the rate of approximately Mate choice rules one per year in all regions of the Mate choice rules are explicit country. within Christian teachings and primarily consist of incest prohibitions that Christian and Rwandan include "all lineal ascendants and Marriage Models descendants of the spouse, and Owrview collateral relatives to the second degree Ron Lesthaeghe (1989) (brother, sister, first cousin, aunt, describes Christianity in Africa as uncle)-! (Shorter 1974b:161). Although having "little or no tolerance of polygyny East African societies also maintained or divorce ... nor ... bridewealth, incest prohibitions, this last rule postpartum abstinence, or widow excluded leviratic marriages, a common inheritance ... In contrast ... it practice in East Africa, in which the propagated the notions of premarital widow of a deceased man became the chastity, conjugality, and marital fidelity wife of one of his brothers, as opposed ... with neolocal residence.- Although to remarrying outside of her husband's the Old Testament does allow for lineage or not remarrying. Lesthaeghe polygamy when a marriage is infertile, (1989:22) contextualizes the practice of ~ere is no doubt that monogamy, and the levirate in the African conception of not polygamy, is the Christian ideal: marriage: "A marriage in the African context is not a contrad between two

8S individuals, but a definitive transfer of The cow that is acquired as bridewealth the rights in uxorem and in gentrlcem is known as indongoranyo, to from one lineage or kinship group to distinguish it from cows that are another ... rlt] implies that a woman who inherited or traded (Kimenyi 1989:27). is young enough to continue Among the Hutu and the Twa, a pitcher childbearing and/or work in the fields of beer sufficed to introduce the will remain with the clan of the negotiations, but the bridewealth itself deceased husband ... pn] the form of varied greatly between regions. Once widow-inheritance ... the bridewealth amount was fIXed, it Marcel d'Hertefelt (1962)2 could be delivered at a later date, and provides details of the marriage often in installment payments. transaction in pre-colonial Rwanda: the The Christian church in Africa father of a young man chose a wife for has attempted in the past to abolish or his son and negotiated with the place a "ceiling limif on the practice of woman's family for an engagement. In bridewealth due to the concern that contrast, Christian marriage is based wives 'could be treated as "chattel" and upon consent between the couple; high bridewealth could limit some Shorter (1974b:182) maintains that "In individuals' ability to marry (Shorter Church Law marriage begins with an 1974b:171-2). Yet there were exchange of consent (ratification). This recourses in pre-colonial Rwanda for exchange constitutes the beginning of a those fathers who could not afford the marriage and the beginning of the standard bridewealth. For example, if a mutual administration of the sacrament man's father had one cow, he could of matrimony: Mutual consent is bound 'lend the cow to the woman's father until up with the Christian teaching of social a calf was born. The calf would then equality between the sexes (Shorter belong to the woman's father. Goats 19748:73). There was some flexibility and hoes could also be used to pay in ancient Rwandan marriage, however, bridewealth. If a man was poor, he in that a couple whose parents could work at his future father-in-Iaw's disapproved of their marriage could house. Among the Tutsi, some men "force" a marriage through cohabitation. avoided paying bridewealth altogether, Cohabitation created a "de fado and in this case, the fiancees were marriage" and the parents could agree known as umugeni wubuuntu, "fiancee to regularize the "marriage" through of friendship" or "fiancee-gift." The exchange of bridewealth and a fiancee's father and relations also gave ceremony. gifts to the future husband and his lineage. These counter-gifts consisted Bridewealth of cattle, equipment, provisions, and Bridewealth in ancient Rwanda beer. In some circumstances, the was negotiated ("through long husband received land that he conversationsj by the father of the man bequeathed to his male descendants. with the father and lineage relations These counter-gifts held almost as (zu) of the woman. Among the Tutsi, much importance as the bridewealth. the standard negotiation required the male's father to support his request for The Marriage Ceremony an engagement with an earthenware Between the engagement and pitcher of "excellenf beer, a hoe the marriage, Tutsi were not obliged to encircled with a branch of momordique, give presents to the woman's relatives. and kwaano, the transfer of one cow. However, the Twa and Hutu sent a

86 number of pitchers of beer to the declaration by two fiances to the parish parents of the fiancee, as well as her priest) (Unden 1997:149). brothers and maternal and paternal uncles. In general, the marriage Postmarital residence and family types ceremony took place at night at the Christian marriage is fiance's father's house. The woman charaderized by neolocal residence went to her future husband's home and the "autonomy of the nuclear accompanied by her friends and a family" (Shorter 1974a:73). Neolocal number of male and female relatives, residence also charaderized some pre including the paternal aunt who played colonial Rwandan marriages, but the a special role. The fiancee did not walk nucl~ar family was not the only pattern. in the middle of the paths for fear of d'Hertefelt (1962) distinguishes "being bewitched by contad with an between three types of family in ancient objed hidden by sorcerers: The Rwanda: nuclear, polygynous, and woman went to a hut construded for leviratic. The nuclear family was the new couple in her fiance's father's marked by patrilocality among the Hutu compound. The peak of the nuptial and neolocality among the Tutsi. The ceremony consisted of the husband, polygynous family consisted of a crowned with a wreath of momordique, husband and several wives, each with spitting a mixture of herbs and milk onto her own hut and attic either in a group his wife's face or chest. This ritual took enclosure or in separate go's. The place at midnight, after her male husband did not live on his own, but relatives and her future father-in-law visited each wife in turn. The co-wives' discussed spiritual matters, while possessed equal status, although drinking "considerable quantities of among the Reera, the first-married wife beer." was the most important in the ritual The Christian church in Africa domain. Sororal polygny was not advocates a long engagement during common in ancient Rwanda. All which the partners are prepared for children born in the marriage belonged marriage by a priest, who ascertains to their father's lineage, unless that neither individual is already bridewealth had not been paid. In married. The marriage must take pla~ which case, the children were kuri or in a church in a manner that kurin kooba, meaning they belonged to "emphasizes marriage and married life their mother's lineage. and plays down the wedding aspect" (Shorter 1974b: 183). Indeed, the Divorce Roman Catholic priests in Rwanda Divorce in pre-colonial Rwanda "were against night celebrations and was initiated by either the husband or even the practice of newly-weds the wife. There were several "socially wearing veils in church. Or from the recognized" reasons for divorce. For viewpoint of a canon lawyer: 'La the husband, they included a wife's preponderance des interventions des negligence in domestic work and parents et de la famille a fait place a repeated infidelities. For the wife, they une simple mais sereine declaration included maltreatment, incapacity of the des deux fiances au cure de la husband to support her, and refusal to paroisse" (The preponderance of cohabit. Divorces were customarily interventions by parents and family has preceded by temporary separations, given way to a simple but serene kwaahukana, during which the spouses' relations attempted to mediate between

87 the two people. Bridewealth was not Africans resisted conversion to retumed to the husband's family unless Christianityl. In Rwanda, the White children had not been bom or the Fathers initially utilized evangelism and counter-gifts had not been exchanged. teaching as the primary method of Children bom to a divorced woman gaining converts. They had established belonged to her lineage, atthough the at least sixteen missions throughout the genitor could acquire the children in country by 1919 where they provided retum for payment of a "birth priceD or education and the then unknown wage "childweaIthD. labor, following the instruction of their It is notable that infertility was founder, Cardinal Lavigerie: "To not a "socially recognizedD reason for succeed with the Negroes, gross and divorce in pre-colonial Rwanda. The materialist as they are, spiritual response to infertility was polygyny, teaching and moral truths will not regardless of which partner contributed suffice: tangible and material benefits to the infertility. Mbiti in 1969 must be added to them as much as characterized African marriage as "a possible ... D(Un Pere Blanc 1925:382- duty, religious and ontological ... and if 3 in Des Forges 1969:179). Despite the a man has no children or only possibilities of "material benefits, D the daughters, he finds another wife so that final year of transition from German to through her, children (or sons) may be Belgian rule, 1918, ended with converts bom who would survive him and keep numbering only 13,000. The converts him (with other living dead of the family) consisted of mostly disempowered in personal immortali~ (in Kuria Hutus attempting to free themselves 1987:288). In contrast, Christian from oppressive client relationships with marriage must remain monogamous, Tutsi nobles (Des Forges 1969:194). regardless of the ability of the partners Even among their converts, the White to produce children, and divorce is not Fathers found themselves intervening in an option. Ancient Church Law family affairs to prevent the levirate maintained that a marriage became from taking place after a husband's "indissoluble after the first act of marital death (Linden 19n:137). intercourse. Consequently, impotence The White Fathers must have (inability to perform the marital act) was recognized that intervention in an impediment, and sterility (inability to individual marriages would not change have children) was not considered an the pattem of marriage for the whole impediment.D Although the Vatican country, nor did they trust that the Council recognizes the " ... very intense conversion of a portion of the proletariat desire of the Vnfertile] coupleD to have would yield the rest of the country. As children, the rule of indissolubility Cardinal Lavigerie envisioned, "[implies] that ... the Christian marriage "Christianity will not become universal in ideal includes a readiness to accept a country until it is officially adopted by barrenness as well as fruitfulness from the chiefsD (Un Pere Blanc 1925:386 in [God's] handsD(Shorter 194b:182). Des Forges 1969:179). The obstacle to the conversion of the chiefs was the Conversion Strategies Mwami (king) Yuhi Musinga. Musinga of the White Fathers tolerated Christian presence in Rwanda, Recognition of the obstacle particularly as the Belgian Given the dichotomy between administration demanded his Christian and East African models of cooperation with the White Fathers. ideal marriage and family life, East However, he refused to convert to Christianity himself and was perceived

88 by the Belgians as being publicly also subsidized education in Catholic adulterous. His lower chiefs followed mission schools where the White his example and by extension, the Tutsi Fathers not only addressed literacy, but nobles did. Even more importantly, the also disseminated their teachings on Mwami was conceptualized by ideal marriage and family life4 (Des Rwandans as an agent of Imana, the Forges 1969:180; Dorsey 1994:19). Supreme Being of the Rwandan Chiefs in particular were encouraged to religious system. Thus, "conversion to become literate and to send their sons this new religion could be seeri as a to the mission school at Nyanza betrayal of the king" (Des Forges reserved only for them. However, as 1969:180). Lavigerie's top-down model Alison Des Forges (1969:195) could succeed only with the conversion describes, "From 1926 on, the or removal of Mwami Musinga. administrators were less likely to be content with mere cooperativeness or Collusion with the secular world even with literacy; they increasingly Success for the White Fathers expected the Chiefs to be Christian as came fifty years after their arrival in well." Rwanda, amidst an era of Belgian The culmination of the joint colonial reforms known as /as reformes Christian-colonial effort came on Voisin, after the Governor of the November 14, 1931. After years of Territory of Ruanda-Urundi who initiated exiling members of Mwami Musinga's the changes. The reforms were court who refused to convert to primarily administrative, restructuring Christianity, the Belgian administration chiefdoms for greater Belgian control deposed the king with the support and and commencing agricultural assistance of the White Fathers who development programs (Dorsey "participated fully in the planning of the 1994:403). However, embedded within depOSition, the Bishop himself being the the reorganization was a "prerequisite" one to win Mutara's [Musinga's pro for access - becoming Christian Christian son] consent to succeed to (Prunier 1995:31). It was through these the vacated throne"s (Des Forges reforms that the White Fathers 1969:193-4). One of the reasons given succeeded in transforming the marriage for Musinga's dethronement was "moral pattern of the country. Lavigerie's top turpitude" (Dorsey 1994: 305). The new down policy finally had an opportunity to king had no such fault and the White be tested. Fathers furthered their ideals of In 1931, the Belgian marriage and moral life through him: administration instituted a "when the Fathers requested it he supplementary tax that became known [Mutara Rudahigwa] would summon a as the Polygamy Tax (Dorsey 1994:51). Tutsi who had taken another wife and It entailed an additional payment of 6 to publicly admonish him" (Unden 15 francs per wife for all Africans 1977:199). married polygynously (Des Forges In just four years after the 1969:189). This tax particularly removal of Musinga, 60 percent of the affected Musinga-Joyal Tutsi, who had 969 chiefs and subchiefs in Rwanda remained polygynous. The Belgian were literate (none of whom had been administration facilitated payment of the able read or write prior to the reforms) tax by reducing the tributes traditionally (Des Forges 1969:190). All of these paid to the Mwami (Des Forges men were educated at Nyanza. 1969: 189). The Belgian administration Correspondingly, over 80 percent of them were Christian (Newbury

89 1988:155). Lavigerie's prediction of the Rudahigwa's ascendance to the throne mechanics of country-wide conversion as " ... a legitimising factor, a banner, a was realized. The period in Rwanda source of profit, a way of becoming from 1927 to 1935 saw an enormous educated, a club, a matrimonial agency, conversion to Roman Catholicism by and even at times a religion." both Tutsi and Hutu, from 36,978 to 202,732 (Des Forges 1969:198). This Resistance period is known as la Tomade ("the Conversion for material reasons Tomadoj; indeed, the Bishop of the was not the only Rwandan response, White Fathers, Leon-Paul Classe, wrote however. Resistance was manifested in 1932: " ... A veritable epidemic one in several ways. Early resistance took would say: no one wants to stay pagan an interesting form, in that chiefs ... everyone wants to be catholic" offered presents to the Church as (Figure 1; Salzman 1997:18). payment for not evangelizing and those who could afford it paid catechists not Rwandan Response to teach their children. The concern Conversion was the inherent conflict between Outside of Mwami Musinga's allegiance to Christianity and to the anti-conversion stance, the initial patrilineal corporate group; "... no response to the White Fathers at the children would honour a head of tum of the century varied from umuryango when he died, if they were indifference to chiefs offering their all Christian" (Unden 1977:116). concubines in marriage to the Father Organized resistance came Superior. The only conversions arose most strikingly in the form of the out of the Hutu underclass6 (Salzman Nyabingi cult of northern Rwanda. The 1997:18). However, the cumulative Nyabingi cult was multi-ethnic and multi weight of les reformes Voisin and the regional; its adherents lived in Uganda crowning of a pro-Christian and and northwestem Tanzania, and it monogamous king led to a massive surfaced in southern and central conversion by Rwandans to Christianity. Rwanda under the name Ryangombe For some, conversion increased their or Kubandwa (Taylor 1992:56). The status and led to jobs in the colonial cult is named for the goddess of fertility, administration' (Salzman 1997:19; health, and prosperity, and its followers Taylor 1992:55). For others, it was a believed that Nyabingi's power, among strategy that reduced the ever-growing other capabilities, could melt European taxes or earned the monetary income bullets (Opoku 1985:516). Both the necessary to pay the taxes (Des Forges German and Belgian administrations 1969:194; Taylor 1992:59). Some had difficulty in suppressing the cult. Rwanqans converted because they Before it was sent completely believed that baptism could protect underground in 1934, the cult protested them from disease (Unden 19n:117). against missionaries and colonialists The sharp rise in conversions even led several times. the Fathers to ponder the motivation of By 1941, a decade after la their new converts: "Their motives are Tomade, there was a backlash by perhaps not the most disinterested, but converts who did not feel rewarded by with the help of God's Grace, they will either the colonial administration or the be tumed into good Christians" (Prunier White Fathers. Some baptized 1995:32). Gerard Prunier (1995:34) Christian Tutsi took second wives. describes Catholicism in Rwanda after Catholics in search of work were drawn

90 away from mission stations and it particularly among people between the became possible for them to maintain ages of 24 and 29 years where the ratio "temporary liaisons with women is 67 males for every 100 females (Unden 19n:208). (Drumtra 1998). This imbalance has led to polygyny in some communes and Rwanda Today to unmarried women sharing a Single Pre- versus post-genocide male in others (McKinley 1998). Recent, but pre-genocide, In addition, it is not clear if the statistics tally Catholics in Rwanda as Catholic church has "Iosr followers 85 percent of the population, although since the genocide. It is possible that resped for Imana is still strongl (Waller syncretic churches, perhaps from 1993:62). A 1950 United Nations report neighboring countries such as states that the Polygamy Tax was Tanzania, have taken the opportunity to colleded from 10 percent of the create a more significant presence in population (Dorsey 1994:337). The Rwanda since the genocide and have most recent estimates of polygynous welcomed those individuals who are unions in East Africa in general range living in a polygynous household. from 15 to 35 percent and indicate that Roman Catholic participation in the prior to the 1994 genocide, Rwanda genocide is also well-documented (AP exhibited the lowest level of polygyny in 1998; Brittain 1998); priests allowed that region, with a polygyny ratio of 1.1 their churches to be used during the out of a possible 1.3~ (Figure 2, genocide as collection sites for those Lesthaeghe et al. 1989:270). who would be killed, and some priests A Post-genocide survey of "even joined in the killing of their own married people, however, has shown a parishioners. The effed that this has resurgence in polygyny almost to the had on the religious beliefs of surviving level achieved prior to colonialism: 23 Rwandans, Catholic or otherwise, is percent of married women and 17 unknown. percent of married men reported living in polygynous households (McKinley Discussion 1998). The resurgence in polygyny is I would argue that the dichotomy attributed to two consequences of the in pre-genocide levels of polygyny genocide: a sex ratio imbalance and the between Rwanda and the rest of East deaths of many children. The genocide Africa is the legacy of the colonial-era resulted in a population in which more dominance of the White Fathers. Their than a third of all households are unique reign enabled them to stunt the headed by women, many of whom are growth of the myriad of independent widows whose husbands were killed and syncretic churches that have during the genocide. As Jeff Drumtra developed in East Africa (Taylor (1998) states, Dfhe feminization of the 1992:62). These institutions marry population is one of the dired traditional African religious beliefs with consequences of the genocide and Christian dogma. A number of syncretic massacres ... only 84 males exist per churches, such as the African National 100 females [in all age groups] .... - Church of Tanzania, were formed Both widows and single people that expressly to incorporate Africans who survived the genocide are attempting to refused the monogamy rule or "replace" either children or family Christians who transgressed, took members lost to the genocide. The sex multiple wives, and were subsequently ratio imbalance is significant, banished from the Catholic church

91 (Atiendo-Odhiambo 1985:655). recognized the prohibitive cost of Syncretic churches must account in part bridewealth, and provided wives for for the greater levels of polygyny their followers at little or no reported for East Africa than in Rwanda bridewealth10 (Taylor 1992:80). itself prior to 1994. Between the Polygamy Tax and the In addition, the Catholic Church rising cost of bridewealth, however, in Rwanda weathered the stonn of monogamy was the default marriage independence and the Church pattem for the majority of the remained the genitor of primary and population. secondary education (Taylor 1992:62). In other parts of East Africa, post Conclusion independence refonns brought The transfonnation in Rwandan education within the control of the new marriage pattems between the arrival of govemments (Shorter 1974a:73). Just the White Fathers in 1899 to 1994 is a as the White Fathers could not resist clear shift from polygyny to monogamy. "secretly" teaching religion at their As Ian Unden (1977) states, the White schools even when Mwami Musinga Fathers were not "unifonnly hostile to forbade it in the early days. One may Rwandan social institutions; it was only predict that such lessons continued in the area of marriage that they had after independence (Des Forges shown themselves detennined to 1969:180). impose quite new pattems of Lastly, I would argue that the behaviour." This detennination led the White Fathers' introduction of a Catholics to collude with the colonial monetary economy, and the colonial administration in order to ensure that regularization of that economy, led to the transformation of the society be a the inability of many Rwandans to lasting event and not be overtumed by afford polygyny. Christopher Taylor resistance cults or Rwandan (1992:51) describes this development independence. as a "passage from a gift economy to a It is unlikely, however, that the commodity economy.. Traditional missionaries could have predicted the objeds of bridewealth, such as hoes genocide of April to June 1994. In the and cattle, became valuable as cash space of those two months, it is amongst mission stations where traders estimated that 800,000 to a million gathered; even the White Fathers noted people were killed, out of a population a " ... doubling and even trebling of of seven million. Since that time, bride price in the marriages at which hundreds of thousands more have been they officiated ... more hoes were either jailed or killed. The needed to effect transfer of genetricial consequences of the genocide have rights from one lineage to another ... .. been many fold; in the realm of family (Unden 19n:103). The mission structure and social mores, deaths of stations were the only source of wage entire families and social upheaval in labour prior to the colonial imposition, the fonn of refugee existence have and to work there one had to convert to resulted in the rapid "[break] down [of] Catholicism. It is likely that Rwandans social taboos ... as people whose recognized that in order to afford families have been scattered or killed bridewealth or counter-gifts, working at try to ... find new companionship and a mission station was one of the few start new families" (McKinley 1998). It options available to accomplish a good is clear that in order to have the marriage. Even as recently as 1992, children so highly valued in Rwanda, an the priests of the Nyabingi cult

92 increasing number of men and women lOther sources describe Rwanda as 57 percent are willing to marry polygynously and Catholic (Dorsey 1994:349). It is not clear which indeed, are constrained by is the correct count. 9polygyny ratio is defined by Lesthaeghe et al circumstance. It is not clear how the (1989) as the proportion of currently married Catholic church may bring about females to currently married males. monogamy among Rwandans faced lo,ne priests can provide wives through the with a significant sex ratio imbalance, requirement that a follower give his daughter as particular1y as the new govemment may a "gift" to the priest if the follower or the daughter is suffering from a misfortune (Taylor 1992:80). not be as open to collusion as the previous one, and certainly not as willing as the colonial administrations. REFERENCES CITED

ENDNOTES The Associated Press (AP). 1998 Rwandan Arrested in War Crimes. IShorter (1974b:161) adds that "the Church is February 27. conscious of being able to dispense from the prohibition in all cases save that of lineal Atiendo-Odhiambo, E.S. consanguine ascendants and descendants in 1985 Politics and Nationalism in East Africa, contiguous generations, and brothers and 1919-35. In General History of Africa - sisters. She regards this as a divine law which Vol. VII - Africa under Colonial cannot be dispensed from ... All other prohibitions Domination, 1880-1935. Pp.648-672. are regarded as ecclesiastical laws which can be Berkeley: University of California Press. dispensed from." It is not documented, however, that the Church in Rwanda chose to "dispense from" any ecclesiastical laws during the colonial Brittain, Victoria. era. 1998 The Unavenged. The Guardian, March l-rhe following section on ancient Rwandan 21. Pg.38. marriage customs is based upon d'Hertefeit (1962) unless otherwise noted. All d'Hertefelt d'Hertefelt, Marcel. (1962) is my translation. 1962 La Rwanda. In Les Anciens Royaumes 31n Nigeria, .Iite men recognized some virtues of de Ia Zones Interlacustre Meridionale Christianity but refused the (Rwanda, Burundi, Buha). M. monogamylindissolubility clause on the grounds d'Hertefelt, A Trouwborst, and J. of its conflict with post-partum abstinence, the Scherer, authors. Pp. 9-112. London: problem it creates for widows who cannot International African Institute. remarry, and the fact that it leaves some women unmarried, thereby stripping them of their "natural calling" (Mann 1994:173). Des Forges, Alison. "The White Fathers paid parents who sent their 1969 Kings Without Crowns: The White children to the mission school even prior to the Fathers in Ruanda. In Eastern African Belgian reforms (Des Forges 1969:181). History. D.F. McCall, N.R. Bennett, and J. Butler, eds. Pp. 176-207. New York: sMutara 1\1 Rudahigwa's succession to the throne Frederick A Praeger. did not follow Rwandan traditions of succession and "the abiru royal ritualists were not even present when Mutara was formally proclaimed Dorsey, Learthen. King. So for the people he was always to 1994 Historical Dictionary of Rwanda. New remain, in a way, Mwami w'abazungu, 'the King Jersey: The Scarecrow Press, Inc. of the Whites'· (Prunier 1995:31). 600ft was a familiar tactic to form marriage Drumtra, Jeff. alliances with powerful and troublesome local 1998 ute After Death: Suspicion and leaders ...• (Unden 19n:70). Reintegration in Post-Genocide 71n Nigeria, women were drawn to Christian Rwanda. Washington D.C.: U.S. monogamous marriage as a mark of .Iite status Committee for Refugees. and it enabled them and their children to have access to a conjugal estate (Mann 1994: 172).

93 Hastings, Adrian. African Kingdom. London: Oxford 1967 Church and Mission in Modem Africa. University Press. New York: Fordham University Press. McKinley, James C. Kimenyi, Alexandre. 1998 AIDS Prolongs War Devastation in 1989 Kinyarwanda and Kirundi Names: A Rural Rwanda. New York Times, May Semiolinguistic Analysis of Bantu 28. Onomastics. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press. Newbury, Catharine. 1988 The Cohesion of Oppression: Clientship Kuria, Gibson Kamau. and Ethnicity in Rwanda, 186~1960. 1987 The African or customary marriage in New York: Columbia University Press. Kenyan law today. In Transformations of African Marriage. David Parkin and Opoku; K. Asare. D. Nyamwaya, eds. Pp. 283-306. 1985 Religion in Africa during the Colonial Manchester: Manchester University Era. In General History of Africa - Vol. Press. VII - Africa under Colonial Domination, 1880-1935. Pp. 508-538. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lesthaeghe, Ron. 1989 Production and Reproduction in Sub Prunier, Gerard. Saharan Africa: An Overview of 1995 The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Organizing Principles. In Reproduction Genocide. New York: Columbia and Social Organization in Sub-Saharan University Press. Africa. R. Lesthaeghe, ed. Pp. 13-59. Berkeley: University of California Press. Salzman, Todd. 1997 Catholics and Colonialism: The Church's Failure in Rwanda. Lesthaeghe, Ron, Georgia Kaufmann, and Commonweal, May 23. Pp.17-19. Dominique Meekers. 1989 The Nuptiality Regimes in Sub-Saharan Shorter, Aylward. Africa. In Reproduction and Social 1974a Eastern African Societies. Boston: Organization in Sub-Saharan Africa. R. Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd. Lesthaeghe, ed. Pp. 238-337. 1974b African Culture and the Christian Berkeley: University of California Press. Church: An Introduction to Social and Pastoral Anthropology. New York: Linden, Ian. Orbis Books. 1977 Church and Revolution in Rwanda. New York: Africana Publishing Taylor, Christopher. Company. 1992 Milk, Money, and Honey: Changing Concepts in Rwandan Healing. Mann, Kristin. Washington: Smithsonian Institution 1994 The Historical Roots and Cultural Logic Press. of Outside Marriage in Colonial Lagos. In NuptiaJity in Sub-Saharan Africa. C. Uzukwu, Elochukwu E. Bledsoe and G. Pison, eds. Pp. 167- 1996 A Ustening Church: Autonomy and 194. New York: Oxford University Communion in African Churches. Press. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

Maquet, Jacques. Waller, David. 1962 The Premise of Inequality in Ruanda: A 1993 Rwanda: Which Way Now? Oxford: study of Political Relations in a Central Oxfarn.

94 APPENDIX

381 TOTAl NUMBER OF ROMAN CATHOLICS 367 IN RUANDA

Vi Q Z <: V? ::::l 270 0 256 = 242 z 228 214 ..., 200 <-:> 186 =--' 172 - 158 -<-> :z: 130 116 -~ = 102 ...... 88 = 74 ....= 60 = 49 ~ 35 = 21 7 I90F 07 III II 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 Z7 29 3133 35 37 39 41 43 45 47 49 51 YEARS Figure 1: from Des Forges 1969:200.

[IT}T 1'00 @illl'CO.l.lS9 illlllllllll '"CO-1m ~ U~~· (C~-rlC~-"')

M.p 6.Sh. Polygyny Ratio; Latest Available Data Figure 2: from Lesthaeghe et al. 1989:279.