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Introduction Welcoming millions of visitors annually Competing iconographies in (”Yaakov”), has seen the devel- Jerusalem’s opment of a particular touristic iconogra- phy, both publicly and privately. This ico- nography is aimed at helping tourists find their way around the city, but it also serves other purposes, namely asserting a per- son’s legitimacy in the city and building a narrative for this legitimacy. Under tour- ism, we understand the phenomenon of short-term migration for leisure or cultural purposes, and the system of actors, prac- tices and spaces created for the accom- modation of these visitors away from home (Ceriani-Sebregondi 10). This article is more focused on the iconography that sustains these practices, the one which is created to guide the tourists, and the one which offers them an image of what they have come to visit. Although this iconog- Thomas Richard raphy can be rather neutral, particularly when it is aimed at religious pilgrims, it The Old City of Jerusalem is at the core of At the same time, this specific target has coexists with a more identitary iconogra- an ongoing visual struggle between two had a very strong influence on the choice phy, albeit also touristic, that is linked to sets of iconographies, with the Palestinian of images, which are designed to fit its the Israeli and the Palestinian narratives. and Israeli sides trying to assert by this tastes and demands in a global cultural Based on field research conducted mean their clairm to the City, both on a context. through participatory observation in the private and a public level, with diasporic museums and touristic shops of Jerusalem and tourists as their target audience. This Keywords: Jerusalem, iconography, tour- in 2010 and 2014, this study focuses on this struggle has led to the appearance of a ism, diaspora, cultural globalization, iden- second type of iconography and intends specific visual culture of the Old City, with tity to understand how it is used to assert visitors being entangled in this struggle. these narratives amongst its target audi-

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ence, foreign visitors. Tourists and visitors (Halbwachs .11), elements which the visi- transformed by its target audience. As a are offered a wide array of Israeli and tors have in mind when visiting the Old result, this iconography can be interpreted Palestinian symbols and objects of iden- City, and they are being invited to take as creating a new visual identity for the tity, which they can, in turn, bring back part in a particular memory (Cohen- Old City, one that is centered on compet- home and be bearers of these narratives Hattab “Zionism” 67; Brin “Politically- ing narratives within the visual culture of a themselves. In this way, visitors to oriented tourism” 215; Stein “National particular form of war tourism (Butler and Jerusalem become “entangled” in this itineraries” 107). This is to be understood Suntikul 132, 143, Debbie 91). narrative through the iconographic through the question of diasporic tour- To address these questions, we will study choices they make while shopping in the ism (Kelner Tours that bind 191.; Coles this iconography first on the Israeli and Old City (Gell 16). This will lead us use a and Dallen Tourism 215) and transna- then on the Palestinian side and will exa­ homogenized frame in order to focus on tional mobilization through images mine both the public and private levels. images and products which demonstrate, (Tarrow and Della Porta Transnational Then, we will study the transformation of in the most visible way, their identitary Activism 203.; Doerr et al “Visual Analysis” the visual identity of the Old City through content. We will consequently pay less 13) in which visitors are conceived as the integration of these iconographies in attention to iconographies in which this potential supporters of one national a global cultural context. aspect is more ambiguous or can be claim on the city or the other. linked to multiple narratives (the associa- At the same time, this political iconogra- Israeli iconography and the diaspora: a tion would depend on the place of pur- phy in a touristic place is to be analyzed in biblical, Oriental, and military identity chase and on the possible intention of light of the creation of a new visual image The most obvious features of public ico- the buyer, such as Dead Sea products, of Jerusalem, one that is deeply linked to nography in Jerusalem are the signs and photos of Jerusalem’s landscape, or these competing narratives when taken as banners that guide the visitors. As such, images simply labelled “Holy Land”, a comprehensive phenomenon. As this they are part of a policy of Israelization of which can be interpreted to support none iconography is conspicuously present, it the Old City (Nassar 5., Bar and Rubin or either narrative). questions the visual culture of the Middle 775), a policy that places a particular It is present on city banners and road East and its evolution (Gruber and emphasis on archeology and the on the signs, but mostly appears on much more Haugbolle 9). As it has been addressed imposition of an Israeli historical narrative intimate objects, such as lighters, T-shirts, toward a global audience, it has absorbed about Old City places (el-Haj 130 and 163), key chains, kitchen gloves, etc. so that the and transformed symbols from all over the especially in the Jewish Quarter and in the buyers become the bearers of a particu- world, and has turned these symbols into City of David (Ricca 25, Pullan and Gwiazda lar narrative as they use the items parts of the existing narratives, which con- 10). From an iconographic point of view, throughout their daily lives. This icono­ sequently, questions the evolution of cul- this Israelization is done through the graphy is to be linked with the political ture in a postcolonial world (Appadurai choice of images that should symbolize and memorial geography of the Old City 89.). This visual and militant culture is the various sites of Jerusalem and blends

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together biblical and historical references banners bearing a particular character. the First Exile. The Roman legionary, in into a narrative that sustains the Israeli For the Davidson Center, the character is the attire of the Flavian dynasty, is remi- claim and is directed, in particular, towards a Herodian stone worker; an Ottoman niscent of the fall of Jerusalem at the diasporic tourists, guests who want to visit character was chosen for the hands of the Roman legions in 70 AD, and places that have been identified through Archeological Park; a Roman legionary of the diaspora, as the history of the biblical archeology, which focuses on the represents the ; and a Jewish Revolt by Josephus has been search for historical proofs of the Bible, as Hebrew royal figure was selected for the deeply appropriated by the Israeli narra- being biblical sites (Ben-Yehuda et al 299, Ancient Quarries. The stone worker is an tive (Ben-Yehuda 247, 71, Weingrod 228) Finkelstein and Silberman 4). allusion to the building of the Second and thereby transforms the visual identity These references accompany visitors Temple, about which much of the of the gate. The Ottoman character erases along their way through the City as soon Davidson Center’s exposition is devoted the Palestinian narrative of the city, espe- as they are welcomed by the tourist office to, and the Roman legionary alludes to cially the whole of the Middle Ages and of Jerusalem at the . Its symbol the fact that at the Damascus Gate, one incorporates this entire period into the portrays two characters carrying a large can also visit the remains of the Roman domination of the Ottomans (which are grape on a stick, this being a reference to gate. The royal figure hints at the water conceived of as a foreign power). From the entrance of the Hebrews into the Holy drops in the quarries that are called the First Temple to present day , ico- Land (Numbers 13). As visitors, they follow “Zedekiah’s tears”, while the quarry is also nography appears to be a powerful tool the steps of Jerusalem’s mythical topogra- said to have been used to build the First for the Israelization of the city and for link- phy (Halbwachs 11), a topography that has Temple. The Ottoman character stands ing its past to its present. The images been marked by an Israeli iconography for all of Jerusalem, but most particularly, give a sense of reality to the Israeli narra- that reinterprets the traditional pilgrimage the ramparts built under Soleiman I. tive, and transform the mythical topogra- roads. The same mix of references appears Each of these characters strengthens the phy of the Holy Land (Boytner, Dodd and next to the Dung Gate with its symbol of Israeli narrative, which uses biblical Parker 142, Silberman 487). the City of David. While most of this site is archeology to identify places where bibli- This mix of archeology and biblical refer- more modern, an ancient harp, a refer- cal narratives could have occurred. ences is also prevalent in the souvenir ence to King David, is printed onto the Zedekiah and the First Temple resort to shops that offer visitors a wide variety of flashlight that each visitor receives as a invented traditions (Hobsbawm and posters and models, together with ritual memento. Ranger 1, Finkelstein 27) and strengthen objects to be used at home (mezuzahs, the link between present-day Israel and candlesticks, Sabbath tablecloth etc) and Within the City, tourists are invited to visit the Ancient Kingdom in the model of are decorated with such iconography. the Davidson Center, the Archeological imagined communities (Anderson 2006). Among these, the representations of the Park, the Damascus Gate and the Ancient This narrative is fostered by the Herodian are common. The image Quarries of Jerusalem, each signaled by sculptor who rebuilds the Temple after is designed according to biblical accounts

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and archeological evidence and thereby Holy Land according to an identity narra- Nevertheless, the most popular iconogra- creates a virtual representation of tive (Long 165). phy on the Israeli side is linked to the Israel Jerusalem that is supported by archeol- This recreation is not devoid of exoticism, Defense Forces (IDF), particularly on ogy and that fits the Israeli narrative better as the Israel pictured on these objects is T-shirts, but also on all forms of intimate than the actual Old City. This virtual image also deeply oriental. This is linked to the objects such as kippahs, lighters and serves the construction of the community construction of Israel as an Oriental land necklaces, anything but those objects that between Israel and the diaspora, the alongside its archeological and biblical would appear disrespectful (for example, image being more relevant in this regard references (Khazzoom 489, Kalmar, ashtrays). It is a common sight in the Old than the actual remains, and it creates a Davidson and Penslar 80, Peleg 75). City to come across visitors wearing IDF common identity around that image Objects often feature paintings of Israel T-shirts, or bearing the emblem of the (Edensor 135, 103) through diasporic tour- that present its cities as Oriental villages police, the Air Force, or the Paratroopers. ism (Holmes 192). with domes and white houses, creating an When not in uniform, Israelis do not wear Through ritual objects, diasporic visitors identity landscape (Thiesse 189, Sgard 23) such symbols, and this iconography are invited to Israelize their Jewish lives that is evocative of the ancient Israel and appears to be specifically targeted at the (Collins-Kreiner and Olsen 279). These of the Middle Eastern identity of the coun- touristic audience. It is most particularly objects are made in Jerusalem or are try. This is in fact an Orientalized version of aimed at the diasporic visitors, who can made with Dead Sea stone, or olive wood the country that fits visitors’ demands, also buy a wide array of products labeled grown in Israel, and they bear views of the which are visually derived from the as being “similar to the ones in use in the Old City, the Jerusalem coat of arms, the Palestinian landscape of the 30’s (which IDF”. Tsahal is perceived as being at the Lion of Judah, the Wailing Wall, or the has been appropriated by the Israeli nar- core of the Israeli identity (Ben-Amos 103, Tomb of Absalom, all elements that are rative) and which is coherent with the sale 201), and the wearing of such shirts creates key to the identification of Israel as the heir of reproductions of touristic posters of the participation in that community (Cohen to the ancient Jewish kingdoms that built 30’s that feature such landscapes. This has 2013, pp 97 Helman 305) and assigns the these structures. Further relevant are the led also to the adoption of ceramic paint- visitor to a particular side within the narra- symbols that appear on official emblems, ings presented as a “traditional” Israeli tive conflict. It is a way to manifest one’s with mentions of “Israel”, “Sion”, or crafts, something that is considered to be sense of belonging and solidarity with “Jerusalem” in Hebrew. They also feature more Oriental and that better fits the visi- Israel (Habib 139, Lev Ari and Mittelberg another virtual iconography, that of the tors’ tastes. This Orientalization of Israel 86, Kelner 191), and could even be per- replica of the original menorah that domi- has also led to the adoption of the camel ceived as a symbol for the diaspora itself. nates the stairs above the Wailing Wall, as a national symbol on T-shirts, fridge which thereby participates in the virtual- magnets, postcards, etc, as a manifesta- ization of the City around models that are tion of the Oriental flavor that visitors seek archeologically precise and recreate the when visiting Israel (Bendix 131).

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Palestinian iconography of resistance for the film renditions of his rule, particularly trary to the Israeli side, where non-Jewish a local and global audience Youssef Chahine’s Al Nasser Salah-ed- religious monuments are considered The Palestinian narrative cannot benefit Din (Aigle 189, Mayeur-Jaouen 91), which landmarks and appear more frequently from an official iconography as the Israeli portrays the sultan as a national hero. The on touristic clothing. one does, but, within the political frame image of Saladin and his troops advanc- Apart from the Holy Places, these symbols imposed onto the Old City, it is neverthe- ing towards Jerusalem is also a popular also encompass the map of as it less very much present. If the Palestinian feature on T-shirts or on posters that are was before 1948, where it is often com- Authority lacks the possibility to officially sold on the Palestinian side of the Old bined with the Palestinian flag, the keffi- present its national narrative, it neverthe- City. Nevertheless, this image appears yeh (Swedenburg “Keffiyeh” 63), portraits less appears through private initiatives in limited to such products, as other objects of Yasser Arafat, and drawings of Handala interstitial spaces. For lack of banners, would appear disrespectful. (Najjar 255, Halevy 2009). These images Palestinian graffiti and advertisements are Since the Israeli authorities forbid the evolve from the Palestinian national ico- common and act in the same manner, as appearance of martyr posters or militant nography into a touristic context (Le markers of national property, and show groups’ logos, the Palestinian iconogra- Troquer and Nammari 201). The keffiyeh, the Palestinian flag or praise the resis- phy revolves around a few political, reli- which has been identified as the primary tance and glorify the spirit of Saladin. gious, and identity symbols that appear symbol of the Palestinian struggle since Since the Haram-ech-Cherif itself cannot on all kinds of supporting objects, but the 30s, is linked to the Palestinian rural be appropriated in a Palestinian perspec- here again, the objects matter in the identity (Sanbar 50, Khalidi 89), and, tive, due to the Holy Places regulations, in sense that the political statement made through its use by Yasser Arafat, has the same way other pilgrimages have should not interfere with the necessary become particularly important in this been portrayed in Palestine (Aubin- respect that should be given to a reli- regard (Sayigh 151). Handala is also very Boltanski 131), this iconography is to be gious symbol. In that sense, symbols that common, and Naji el-Ali’s cartoon has found on the ramparts that surround it. bear a sacred meaning, such as the Dome re­presented the for This appears as an iconographic counter- of the Rock, and al Aqsa Mosque (Vale decades and has also been widely used virtualization, and these images are linked 391), which are often accompanied with among leftist organizations that support to the Palestinian narrative and to the Koranic verses, appear commonly as the Palestinian cause. Symbols of campaigns of Saladin, the liberator of the posters, embroideries, paintings and Palestinian suffering putting an emphasis city from Crusader rule, around which the mosaics that are intended to be dis- on pathos, such as images of mothers and Ottoman ramparts are reinterpreted played in the home as both national and children weeping, are also common and (Khalili 90). religious symbols, or they also appear on are linked to the particular visual culture of Saladin himself is rather common on keychains that are intended to be used as the Middle East, especially in Turkey Palestinian commercial banners in the personal amulets. The nazar is used in the (Haugbolle and Gruber 103), but these Old City with an iconography inspired by same manner, but less on T-shirts, con- images seem to be limited to books, pos­

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ters and CD covers in religious bookstores places it in its own narrative, each one strong relation to the land (Swedenburg which may interest militant Muslim visitors, claiming authenticity. At the same time, “The Palestinian peasant” 22, Bardenstein but their scope remains limited, due to the both of these narratives are faced with a 148, Abufarha 352). Israeli regulations and their lack of appeal particular iconographic competition over Part of these products are aimed at a local for other tourists. Moreover, the symbols these paintings in the . audience, who, as of offered to buyers differ according to the Ceramic painting here is presented as a Jerusalem and the , want to places where they are sold, with portraits traditional Armenian craft was imported in assert their national identity, especially of Yasser Arafat being more concentrated Jerusalem after the 1915 genocide. when it comes to intimate objects such as around the Damascus Gate and the Armenian ceramic shops in Jerusalem link keychains and lighters. At the same time, Haram-ech-Cherif, along the lines of reli- this particular iconography to their own this iconography is also aimed at Jewish gious iconography, in shops targeting a narrative, displaying next to their products and Israeli tourists who visit the Arab quar- local audience. Shops aimed at a more photos and posters that depict the ters of the Old City, where products are global audience tend to prefer Handala Armenian genocide, thereby drawing cheaper than on the Israeli side. To answer and the national flag. attention their ill-recognized agenda the demands of these customers, These images are often combined, espe- (Oron 351) through this iconographic Palestinian iconography can appear side cially as olive wood, from which many competition. by side with the Israeli one. This entails a decorative objects and key chains are In line with this iconography, Palestinian complex relationship with the Israeli visi- made, is used as a national signifier shops also offer a wide range of images tors, considered as adversaries, neigh- (Abufarha 343) of the Palestinian rural based on the traditional embroideries of bors, and customers at the same time. identity but also as a symbol of peace. In Palestinian dresses, which, when reinter- Palestinian shops play on the orientalist the same manner, images displaying an preted in a national sense, play a role in stereotypes of authenticity and exoticism identity Palestinian landscape are often women’s clothing that is rather parallel to for marketing purposes and make a state- painted on ceramic. It is the same ceramic that of the keffiyeh for men (Khalidi 14, ment of political existence (Stein “National as the one in Israeli shops, but it is inter- Allenby). These embroideries appear on itineraries” 105, Tamari and LeVine 77) preted in a different sense as here the dresses, but also on different cloth objects through the various images they sell. focus is on the original (pre 1948) (purses, bags…), and they particularly Beyond this local audience, these pro­ Palestinian landscape (Thiesse 189, Sgard appear on posters displaying pictures of ducts are aimed at militant visitors who, by 23). The case is the same for floral ceramic women wearing these embroideries, with wearing these dresses made in the colors painting, similarly presented as bearing the origin of each dress also carefully of the keffiyeh and the Palestinian flag, or the national identity in both Palestinian mentioned . These embroideries, reinter- T-shirts with Handala, take sides within the and Israeli shops. In each case, it is the preted to fit both local needs and global narrative conflict and assert their solidarity context and sometimes the political sym- taste, are markers of the Palestinian with the Palestinians. Through iconogra- bol associated with the painting that national identity that are linked to its phy, these objects are a symbol of trans-

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national mobilization in favor of visitors can buy shirts with the logo of Ranger 1) Others are inspired by the Palestinians, and mirrors the visitors who va­rious famous international sport teams global cigarette brand’s character, Joe claim adhesion to the Israeli narrative (A. or local ones, the first having clearly influ- Camel (Calfee 168). The same appears on Cohen 109). In that regard, iconography is enced the designs of the local teams’ the Palestinian side with the use of Che a way of voluntarily entangling oneself in logos. The same goes for fake local univer- Guevara’s portrait, associating the global the conflict (Gell 16) and thereby trans- sities shirts, which are modeled after their icon (Maguet 153, Kunzle 17) with the forming a touristic activity into a political American counterparts. In the same man- Palestinian colors, or carving his likeness statement of affiliation with a national ner, it is possible to buy T-shirts bearing a onto olive wood in order to link him to the cause. Nevertheless, this type of touristic (fake) logo for “Planet Hollywood”, “Hard local Palestinian cause. Both iconograph- militancy transforms the products them- Rock Cafe” Jerusalem, or “Harley- ical narratives aim at resolving the tension selves, as they are tailored to fit particular Davidson”, sometimes mixed with the between the contradictory visitors’ needs and cultural references, and in Israeli or Palestinian national colors, or the demands of local authenticity and his or doing so, create a new kind of cultural tourist’s name written in Hebrew or in her global references, which then results iconographic product. . This is linked to a global consumer in the creation of new hybrid iconogra- culture (Stenger 42, Bryman 57) that is phies. Transforming conflictual iconography in a keen to look for a local meaning in its con- This hybridization can be problematic global cultural context suming experience but one that also fits from a narrative point of view as it blurs The competition between Israeli and its global references. This hints at a global the solidarity relationship built around one Palestinian iconographies in the Old City mainstream culture that local sellers must or the other iconography. While the act of is more complex than frontal opposition. comply with in order to earn their living buying such iconography can be militant, Both iconographical sets have been trans- and to “entangle” consumers in their nar- it is nevertheless also a touristic experi- formed and have evolved through the rative competition (Martel 251, Al Sayyad ence. This can be seen, for example, with touristic context in which they are bought, 34, Mignolo 91). the keffiyeh. As much as it is a symbol of leading to the creation of a new visual Objects and iconography are thus trans- the Palestinian struggle, the keffiyeh and identity for Jerusalem that is centered on formed to fit this global taste and its its related iconography can also simply be global cultural references, and a form of understanding of the competition. On the worn as fashion statement (Swedenburg war tourism. Israeli side, this appears in relation to the “Keffiyeh” 64, Ferrero-Regis 4), which in This appears through the transformation appropriation of the camel as an identi- turn considerably lowers its militant sig- of the iconography, which draws a bridge tary animal: some representations are nificance. This is revealed in the prolifera- between local references and more a made to look “traditional and local” (sewn tion of keffiyehs of different colors in global imagery. This is most obvious when with glass beads and Bedouin-looking Palestinian shops, or by its use in other it comes to T-shirts made on demand. ornaments), following the process of an garments in a movement that is both Both on the Palestinian and the Israeli side, invented tradition (Hobsbawm and intended to keep the Palestinian symbol

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relevant and to fit the global fashion ending with the Islamic Republic, hinting something which is already an interpreta- demand of tourists, a tension which is par- at its final failure. tion of the local situation. This self-reflec- alleled by the pashmina scarves worn by Beyond this transformation, this iconogra- tion can be can be seen as the appearance Palestinian women. These have become phy can also be interpreted as self-reflex- of a new visual culture that roots itself in internationally fashionable, and their local ive, as it questions the relationship that the touristic, militant and diasporic view of use has to be reconciled with the fact that visitors build with the places they are visit- the Middle East, with visitors coming in they became globally trendy. ing. Since 9/11 a design representing an search of the romanticism of the Palestinian Various figures have also been reinter- F-16 launching a missile with the sentence cause or of a militaristic Israel. preted locally in this way, from super- “America don’t worry, Israel is behind you” Thus, this iconography can be seen as the heroes to cartoon characters, but the main is widely seen. This joke about military result of the touristic visual culture that is movement seems to be the importation of power and the supposed influence of present on both sides of the narrative global characters and references into the Israel on America is also a way of making competition and that is rooted in the war local narrative in order to fit the audience’s fun of the Americanization of Israel experience of Jerusalem (by now wishes, rather than the contrary. This (Rebhun and Waxman 65, Diamond 335) engrained enough to create its own ico- appears, for example, with Superman as is demonstrated by the evolution of ico- nography that makes fun of the situation). T-shirts that have been transformed into nography itself. At the same time, it is a In parallel, and not contradictory to dia- “Super-Jew” shirts with the orthodox attire means of mocking the touristic fascination sporic and militant tourism, visiting the completing the super-hero logo (Fink with Israeli elite troops and their adulation Old City of Jerusalem can be interpreted 108). “Hello Kitty” can also be reinter- of the IDF. as a kind of war tourism, with visitors com- preted in a local way with the addition of This type of mockery is also present on the ing to a contested place to be witnesses a pun or a feature considered to be typi- Palestinian side with T-shirts bearing the of this contestation while looking for an cally Israeli or Palestinian. The styles and face of Homer Simpson dressed as Che iconography that is the iconography of turn-overs follow political events and Guevara with the sentence “Hasta la ultima conflict. For Israelis, this can mean a visit global cultural trends. During the begin- cerveza siempre”, a pun on the slogan to the ancient battlefields (Brandt 20, ning of the 90s, T-shirts representing the “hasta la victoria siempre”, this time mak- Ryan 17), particularly around the Hurva Israeli and Palestinian flags together with ing fun of the touristic interpretation of the Synagogue and the Museum of the Old the word “peace” (in Hebrew, Arabic and Palestinian struggle through romantic Yichuv, which commemorate the 1948 English) were a common sight (Fink 106), Cuban references (Chaliand 39). These War (Bar and Rubin 775), and their adja- while during Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s types of jokes can be interpreted as a sign cent shops. But for other visitors, coming presidency, a popular design listed all the of resilience in the ongoing conflict, but at to Jerusalem can also be coming to a powers which failed to destroy the Jews, the same time, the F-16 and Homer place that is marked by conflict, and a beginning with the Pharaoh of the Exodus Simpson belong to the local interpretation place that has harbored bitter fighting, and Haman (from the Book of Esther) and of a global visual culture, and are jokes on but that is still relatively safe for them to

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experience first-hand (Butler and Suntikul visual war folklore that is the product of between mirror narratives has reached 132, 143, Ryan pp.153 Lisle 91). both local competing narratives and mili- the point of appropriating the same As tourists, they visit places that still bear tant touristic globalization. The conflict has designs and materials that both narratives bullet holes (the ); they pass by shaped the iconography of the city to the consider to be authentically their own. In an UNRWA flag (near the Dung Gate); they point that it has become part of its visual both cases, iconography appears as a cross paths with soldiers; they may witness identity and something that visitors expect means to virtualize the actual Old City in people being searched or demonstra- to experience. order to make it better fit the national nar- tions, etc. And as visitors, they are also rative, thereby transforming the way the looking for an iconography that reflects Conclusion City is seen. At the same time, this iconog- this experience. So, there is a secondary The touristic iconography in Jerusalem is raphy, through the touristic phenomenon, meaning to the military and militant ico- a multi-layered phenomenon. It can be deeply interrogates the narratives at stake. nography, beyond their narrative dispute; neutral, or it can demonstrate a religious It has been deeply transformed, in order it is a meaning by which it answers the identity, particularly in the case of Christian to fit the demand for some particular demand for a touristic iconography that iconography, which is particularly visible aspects of the narratives, which in turn fits the visitors’ experience of a conflicted around the Holy Sepulcher, and which, have been visually transformed by this place, and that is expressed with refer- usually (apart from some Palestinian demand. In this case, identity narratives ences that fit these visitors’ expectations. Christian shops and the pro-Israeli Christ are a particularly specular phenomenon In this regard, making fun of Che Guevara Church near the Jaffa Gate) does not that develops through the look of others or Israeli military power is not intended to involve a claim on the Old City but instead (Luque 65, Todorova 101) and that adapts be disrespectful towards the conflictual only focuses on its religious heritage. It its visual presentation for the sake of their narratives at stake. It is a way to transform showcases the conflict between the Israeli appreciation. the iconography so that it fits this dark and and Palestinian narratives, but it would be The global references that are used in the war-driven tourism (Lennon and Foley 99, a mistake to consider this the end of the iconography present in Jerusalem, com- 129.), something often already obtained visual identity of the Old City. The bined with local elements, have trans- through a visit to Jerusalem during the Israelization of the City through the design formed these narratives (Appadurai 178) Yad Vashem museum (E. Cohen 193), of banners and touristic institutions is to the point that the visual identity of a city where visitors can buy an iconography quite obvious, as is the Palestinian way of in conflict has become a conflictual visual similar to the one described above. Due contesting this Israelization by displaying identity that is linked to new ways of to the length of the conflict in Jerusalem, an iconography of resistance. At the same expressing feelings on a global scale and to the global attention directed time, both narratives are expressed (Appadurai 15.) and that positions itself towards it, an iconography has appeared though an iconography that adapts the between local politics, global culture and that has made use of this conflict in order local visual culture to the image that visi- means of consumption. A hybrid visual to turn it into a visual identity, a kind of tors expect to see. This competition culture of war has been created through

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Thomas Richard the touristic market. This is symbolized by one of the most popular T-shirts on sale in is a doctor from the University Clermont- Jerusalem, both on the Palestinian and on Auvergne. His political science the Israeli side: above the sentence “Peace dissertation was aimed at the study of in the Middle East?” are three characters conflicts in the Middle East through laughing hardily. The absence of peace is the use of films, cultural products, and now an image for sale. museums, and has been published by LGDJ-Lextenso under the title Du Works Cited Allenby, Jeni. “Re-inventing Aubin-Boltanski, Emma. Ben-Yehuda, Nachman, Brandt, Susanne. “Le voyage Musée au cinema, narrations de guerre cultural heritage: Palestinian Pèlerinages et nationalisme Philip L. Kohl, and Mara aux champs de bataille.” au Moyen-Orient. He won the Michel de traditional costume and en Palestine: prophètes, Kozelsky, eds. Selective Vingtième Siècle, revue Abufarha, Nasser. “Land of embroidery since 1948.” héros, et ancêtres. Vol. 111. remembrances: Archaeology d’histoire, vol. 41, no. 1, 1994, L’Hospital PhD award, and has published symbols: Cactus, poppies, Silk Roads, Other Roads: Editions de l‘Ecole des in the construction, pp. 18-22. articles and presented papers on orange and olive trees in Proceedings of the 8th Hautes Etudes en Sciences commemoration, and Palestine.” Identities: Global conflicts and films, war memories, and Biennial Symposium of the Sociales, 2007. consecration of national Brin, Eldad. “Politically- Studies in Culture and Power, Middle Eastern identities. His current Textile Society of America. pasts. Chicago UP, 2008. oriented tourism in vol. 15, no. 3, 2008, pp. 343- 2002. http://digitalcommons. Bar, Doron and Rehav Rubin. Jerusalem.” Tourist Studies, research topics deal with migrations, art 368. unl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cg „The Jewish Quarter after Ben-Yehuda, Nachman. vol. 6, no. 3, 2006, pp. 215- as it appears in museums and movies, i?article=1369&context=tsa 1967 A Case Study on the Masada myth: Collective 243. Aigle, Denise, et al. Figures and terrorism and its use of film. conf Creation of an Ideological- memory and mythmaking mythiques des mondes Cultural Landscape in in Israel. Univ of Wisconsin Bryman, Alan. “The email: [email protected] musulmans. Éds. Édisud, Anderson, Benedict. Jerusalem’s Old City.“ Journal Press, 1996. Disneyization of society.” The 2000. Imagined communities: of Urban History, vol. 37, no. Sociological Review, vol. 47, Reflections on the origin and 5, 2011, pp. 775-792. Bendix, Regina. “Tourism and no. 1, 1999, pp. 25-47. Al Sayyad, Nezar. Consuming spread of nationalism. Verso cultural displays: Inventing tradition, manufacturing Books, 2006. Bardenstein, Carol. „Trees, traditions for whom?” Journal Butler, Richard and Wantanee heritage: global norms and forests, and the shaping of American Folklore, 1989, Suntikul, eds. Tourism and urban forms in the age of Appadurai, Arjun. Fear of of Palestinian and Israeli pp. 131-146. war. Routledge, 2013. tourism. Routledge, 2013. small numbers: An essay collective memory.“ Acts of on the geography of anger. memory: Cultural recall in the Boytner, Ran, Lynn Swartz Calfee, John E. “The historical Duke University Press, 2006 present, 1999, pp. 148-68. Dodd, and Bradley J. Parker, significance of Joe Camel.” eds. Controlling the past, Journal of Public Policy & Appadurai, Arjun. Après Ben-Amos, Avner. Israël: owning the future: The Marketing, vol. 19, no. 2, le colonialisme. Les la fabrique de l’identité political uses of archaeology 2000, pp. 168-182. conséquences culturelles de nationale. CNRS éditions, in the Middle East. Arizona la globalisation. Payot, 2001. 2010. UP, 2010. ––›

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ISSN: 2196-629X http://dx.doi.org/10.17192/ meta.2017.8.6026

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