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SHARMA, Satlsh Chander, 1941- PSYCHO-SOCIAl MODERNISM IN INDIAN VILLAGES AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR PROGRAMS FOR PLANNED SOCIAL CHANGE.

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1974 Sociology, general

Xerox University Microfilms t Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106

@ 1975

SATXSH CHANDER SHARMA

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. PSYCHO-SOCIAL MODE IN ISM IN INDIAN VILLAGES

AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR PROGRAMS

FOR PLANNED SOCIAL CIUNGE

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

Satish Chander Sharma, U.A., M.A

* * * * *

The Ohio State University

197U

Reading Committee: Approved

Dr. Ted L. Napier Dr. G. Howard Phillips D r. Donald W. Thomas A dvisor Department of Agricultural Economics and Rural Sociology ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The present piece of research has been made possible by the active interest, cooperation, guidance and constructive criticism s of many people. The author wishes to express his gratitude to all of them for their contribution to this research in several important ways.

To his advisor, Dr. Ted L. Napier, for his very active interest in the research, harmonious working relationship, brilliant guidance and constructive criticism s.

To Dr. Howard Phillips, Dr. Donald Thomas, Dr. David Francis,

Dr. R. F. Sletto and Dr. C. T. Jonassen for their active participation in the research, advice and helpful suggestions.

To Dr. V. S. D'Souza, Dr. S. S. Johl, Dr. P. C. Deb and

Dr. H. P. Kaushal for their advice and suggestions in the in itial stages of the research.

To his friends, Bali Ram, Gurbachan, Bagi, Judy, Tom, John and Acquah for their suggestions and help.

To Dr. David Boyne and the Ohio Agricultural Research and

Development Center for financial support.

To Piara Singh, Sardara Singh, Mehanga Ram, Nirmal Singh of

■ Khaira Bat village, Lakhbir Singh, Lt. Inder Singh, Dan Singh,

Hazoora Singh of Hiagpura village and other respondents for their interest and cooperation in data collection.

i i VITA

April 2, 19h1 ...... Born - Batala, Punjab, India

1960 ...... B.A,, Pan jab University, Chandigarh, India

1962 ...... B.A. (Additional), Fan jab University, Chandigarh, India

I 96U ...... H.A., Panjab University, Chandigarh, India

1965-1966 ...... Health Educator (State Level), Directorate of Health Services, Punjab Government, In d ia

1966-1970 ...... Lecturer, Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana, India

1970-1971 ...... Assistant Professor, Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana, India

1971-197 U ...... Graduate Research Associate, The Ohio State University, Columbus, U.S.A.

19 7 h ...... Assistant Professor, University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Phils, U.S.A.

PUBLICATIONS

"Health Educator vs. Doctor." Health Centre, Vol. VIII, No. 3, 1965.

"The Role of Caste in Village Life." Adabasl, Vol. IX, No. 3, 1967.

"Rural-Urban Migration and Characteristics of Migrants." Khadigramodyog, V ol. XIV, No. 3, 1967.

"Role of Social Structure in Emergence of Village Leadership Pattern." Adabasi, Vol. X, No. 1, 1960.

"Socio-Cultural Adjustment of Rural Migrants in a Planned City." Khadigramodyog. Vol. XIV, No. 9, 1968.

ill FUTJLICATIONS (continued)

"Awareness of Marketing Provisions and Practices Among the Fanners in The Punjab." Journal of Research, Vol. VII, No. 3* 1970 (with K. S. G ill). ”

"Occupational Satisfaction and Their Social Grading—A Study of Suburban Inhabitants." Journal of Research, Vol. VII, No. U, 1970 (with Ii, P. Kaushal).

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Rural Sociology

Studies in Rural Sociology. Professor Ted L. Napier

Studies in Social Organization. Professor Donald W. Thomas

Studies in Community and Community Development. Professor 0. Howard Phillips

i v TABLE OF CONTENTS

P^ce a ck T-i'j v/lejxi I : i ■ -r r s ...... i i

VITA ...... i i i

LIST OF TAJT...SS...... v i i i

C hapter

I. INTRODUCTION...... 1

The Problem The Objectives of the Study The Significance of the Study The Study Situation

I I . CONCEPTUALIZATION OF TRADITIONALISM A:© MODERNISM . . 8

Origins of Traditional and Modem Concepts Theoretical and Empirical Issues Regarding Traditiona 1 -1 lodem Conceptualizations Assumptions Behind Traditional-Modern Conceptualizations Validity of Traditionalism and Modernism Concepts and Their Theoretical and Empirical Nature Empirical Identification and Scope of Traditionalism and Modernism Concepts Empirical Nature of Traditionalism and Modernism Concepts Dimensionality of Traditionalism and Modernism Concepts Empirical Relationship between Traditionalism and Modernism Concepts Traditionalism and Modernism Concepts and Social Change and Development in Societies Defining Psycho-Social Traditionalism and Mode rnisrn Some Conceptual D istinctions

I I I . Ti:E RURAL INDIAN CONTEXT...... US

The H istorical Context Internal Organization: Change and Continuity The Model of Social Change in Indian Villages

v CONTENTS (continued)

Chapter Page

THE TliEri'iFriCM. FRAMED. IM 63

Analytical and operational Parameters The Theoretical Kronework The ] vpothescs

V. THE JIETHODOLPGI 69

Selection of the Villages Description of the Selected Villages Unit of Study and Data Collection Operationalization of the Variables Measuring Psycho-Social Modernism Measuring Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change

V I. PRELIMINARY OBSEmTIONS 120

Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents' Families Socio-economic Characteristics of the Respondents Socio-economic Characteristics of the Re sp ondent s ' Funilie s Behavioral Modernism of the Respondents Psycho-Social Modernism of the Respondents Attitudes of the Respondents Toward Programs for Planned Social Change Summary S t a t i s t i c s

V II. CORRELATES AND PREDICTORS OF PSYCHO-SOCIAL MODERNISM 1U8

Correlates of Psyclio-Social Modernism Predictors of Psycho-Social Modernism Summary o f th e Findings

v i CONTENTS (continued)

Chapter Page

V III. COIAEIATFS ' ND P.tEDINTCPE OF ATTITUDES m.ViD ■ .t. o.u :s Fa planned social change . . . 170

Correlitos of attitudes Toward Frograns fo r Planned Soci. ;1 Change Predictors of Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change Summarj of th e Findings

ix . sui-Ehuix, C onclusions and i m p l i c a ti o n s ...... 195

Summary of th e Stud,' Conclusions of the Findings Suggestions for Planned Social Change Efforts

APPENDIX

A...... 208

B...... 209

C...... 210

D...... 212

E...... 213

F...... 21 h

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 21 5

vii TAHLKS

Table Page

5-1 The Psycho-Social Modernism S cale ...... 1lU

5-2 The Attitudes Toward Programs for Planr.ed Social Charge Scale ...* ...... 118

6-1 Demographic Characteristics of the [Respondents . . . 122

6-2 Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents1 F a m i l i e s ...... 125

6-3 Socio-Economic Characteristics of the Respondents ...... 12?

6-1; Socio-Economic Characteristics of the Respondents' Fam ilies ...... 131

6-5 Behavioral Modernism of the Respondents ...... 137

6-6 P sy ch o -S o cial Modernism o f th e R e s p o n d e n ts ...... 1 lj.1

6-7 Attitudes of the Respondents Toward Programs for Planned Social Change ...... 1U3

6-8 Summary Statistics of the Characteristics of the Respondents and Their F am ilies ...... 1l*>

7-1 Correlation Matrix of the Selected Independent Variables with Psycho-Social Modernism and Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change (Khaira B et) ...... 11*9

7-2 Correlation Matrix of the Selected Independent Variables with Psycho-Social Modernism and Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change (aiagpura) ...... 150

7-3 Stepwise Regressions for Psycho-Social Modernism (Model 1 ) ...... 155

7-U Stepwise Regressions for Psycho-Social Modernism (Model 2 ) ...... 159

v i i i TART;"3 (continued)

Table Page

7-5 Stepvri.sc iiegrcsslon for Fsvcho-Social Modernism in Khaira Ret (Model 3 )...... 1^2

7-6 Stepwise degression for rsycho-Social Modernism in Biappura (Model 3 )...... 163

6-1 The Correlations of the Selected Independent Variables with Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change (Khaira B e t) ...... 171

6-2 The Correlations of the Selected Independent Variables with Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change (Hiagpura) ...... 172

8-3 Stepwise Regressions for Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change (Model 1) . . 177

8-U Stepwise Regressions for Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change (Model 2) . . 181

8-5 Stepwise Regressions for Attitudes Toward Programs for Flanned Social Change (Model 3) . . 1BU

8-6 Stepwise Regression for Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change in Khaira Bet (Model 1 0 ...... 187

8-7 Stepwise Regression for Attitudes Toward Programs for Flanned Social Change in Biagpura (Model 1 0 ...... 188

i x CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

Scientific interest in the area of societal change is as old as modern social thought. But, in recent years, this interest has acquired a new focus and a new puipose. This had occurred in part due to an increasing awareness of the problems of the developing

countries since World War II. The question being asked at present is not only how and why societies change, but also how can they change in desired directions. An important objective of this new research emphasis in the area of societal change is to help the developing countries acquire better living conditions through their planned socio-economic development. Social scientists, therefore, are trying to identify the factors which w ill promote socio-economic development of the developing countries as well as other factors which w ill hinder it. Same other related questions which are being explored are: Do the developing countries have to fallow the same path to their socio­ economic development as did the developed countries, or can they achieve sim ilar results with lesser efforts through planned develop­ mental programs? Will the factors for socio-economic development lead to sim ilar products everywhere, or w ill these products differ according to different socio-cultural conditions of societies? What are the factors which w ill facilitate implementation of programs for

1 2 planned socio-economic development? What are the impacts of socio­ economic development of societies on the attitudinal and behavioral patterns of the people in them? Exploration of all of these questions

regarding societal change is currently referred to as the study of modernization of societies.

Modernization broadly refers to the processes of socio­ cultural change whereby less developed societies are acquiring char­ acteristics common to more developed societies (Lerner: 1966)* How­ ever, when used in a narrower sense, the term modernization may refer to the processes of change in a specific societal dimension. Thus, one may speak of technological modernization of a society, or of its economic modernization, or of its socio-cultural modernization.

Similarly, the term modernization may refer to the processes of socio-cultural change at the international level, the societal level, the community level, or the individual level.

Whereas, the term modernization refers to the current pro­ cesses of socio-cultural change in societies and in their sub-units, the term modernism refers to the end-products of those processes.

Thus, a society or its particular sub-unit may be termed as 'rela­ tively traditional' or 'relatively modern' according to the degree to which modernization has occurred in it.

The Problem

The established goals of socio-economic development are being sought by the developing societies through various programs for planned social change. A successful implementation of these programs hinges heavily on the favorable attitudes of the people toward these programs.

The states of traditionalism and modernism among the members of a society seem to be associated with different sets of attitudinal and behavioral patterns. Therefore, occurrence of either of these states among the members of a society may have important consequences for the planned developmental efforts. It is, therefore, crucial to evaluate the states of societies and of its members in terms of their degrees of traditionalism or modernism and the factors which are associated with these states. Evaluation should also be made of the implications of these states for programs for planned social change and the consequent measures which could be adcpted to facilitate the achievement of established goals of societies.

Daring the last two decades, various aspects of traditional­ ism and modernism have been studied at different levels of analysis in different parts of the world (See: Lemer: 195®* Levy: 1966,

Eisenstadt: 1?66, Kahl: 1968, Inkeles: 1966, 1969, Sjoberg: 1964,

Weintraub: 1968, 1972, Schnaiberg: 1970, Dowse: 1969, Rudolph and

Rudolph: 1967, Portes: 1973, among others). But, in spite of these efforts, many issues concerning traditionalism and modernism are s till unresolved. For example, controversies are still current regarding the articulation of traditionalism and modernism concepts, their measurement and their u tility in sociological research (See:

Qusfield: 1967, Bendix: 1967, Weintraub: 1968, 1969, Weinberg: 1968,

GalJart: 1971). Sufficient knowledge is also not there regarding the factors which contribute to the oc cur re rice of traditional and modem states and the implications of these states for attitudes, values and behavioral patterns of the people in relation to programs for planned social change (See: Weintraub: 1972, Poi'tes: 1973)* Since these are some of the crucial issues relating to the developmental efforts of numerous countries, their further analysis appears to be badly needed.

Before undertaking an analysis of the above mentioned issues, eveiy researcher has to address to a current controversy whether to treat traditionalism and modernism as a universal or as a context- specific phenomenon. Sane sociologists argue that traditionalism and modernism is a universal phenomenon which can be identified in terms of some universal indicators (Lerner: 1956, Smith and Inkeles: 1966,

Inkeles: 1969)* Therefore, they suggest that various aspects of tradi­ tionalism and modernism may be analyzed in terms of their universal conceptions. There are some other sociologists who disagree with this position (Gusfield: 1967, Bendix: 1967, Sen: 1966, Weintraub: 1969,

Stephenson: 1968). They argue that there are manifold possibilities of variations in traditional societies and in the relationships between old forms and new conditions (Gusfield; 1967). Therefore, findings based on universal conceptions of traditionalism and modernism may not be valid. They suggest that for a valid understanding of various aspects of traditionalism and modernism, a context-specific treatment of the phenomenon is more appropriate. This position appears to be scientifically more desirable since in this case, universal conceptions of traditionalism and modernism are no longer matters of assumption, but of empirical testing. The findings based on universal conceptions of traditionalism and modernism may be important in their own ways.

But, unless the validity of such universal conceptions is estab­

lished, those will be poor bases for scientific generalizations. A

need for more context-specific studies on traditionalism and modernism

is thus obvious.

The Objectives of the Study

Focus of the present study is on psycho-social aspects of

traditionalism and modernism at the individual level. Traditionalism

and modernism have been treated in this study as a context-specific

phenomenon with respect to the rural Indian conditions.

Drawing upon other researches in different parts of the world,

the stucty proposes to test several hypotheses regarding the factors

which are associated with the occurrence of traditionalism and mod­

ernism. Another objective of the study is to identify the relative

importance of traditionalism and modernism as predictive factors in

explaining acceptance or rejection of programs for planned social

change. Thus, the objectives of the stucty may be stated as follows.

1 . To identify the factors which are associated with the

occurrence of psycho-social traditionalism and modernism at the

individual level.

2. To study the implications of psycho-social traditionalism and modernism at the individual level for the acceptance or rejection

of programs for planned social change. 6

Significance of the Study

In the light of the above objectives, the present study seems to serve the following purposes.

1. The empirical evidence from the study w ill be useful for reexamining some of the theoretical issues concerning psycho-social modernism at the individual level.

2. The study w ill demonstrate whether psycho-social tradi­ tionalism and modernism at the individual level or the factors asso­ ciated with then have any consequence for the acceptance or rejection of programs for planned social change.

3* Since the study w ill partly consider behavioral modernism at the individual and family levels, it will provide sane insight into the implications of this phenomenon for programs for planned social change*

The Study S itu a tio n

The present study has been conducted in two villages in the

Punjab State of India. One of the considerations which guided the selection of these villages was that they should differ on their communicative proximity to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities. But, on other possible factors relating to modern­ ism, they should be sim ilar and comparable. While selecting the two villages, therefore, selected factors were employed to insure that they meet the above specifications (See: Chapter V). Die two selected villages were Hiagpura and Khaira Bet.

Both of them were located In Mangat Block (County) of the Ludhiana d istrict. Ehagpura was communicatively close to the modernizing influences of nearly towns and cities and Khaira Bet was relatively remote from them.

Household-head was the unit of analysis in this study and therefore, was taken as the respondent. The data was collected by administering a research schedule to the respondents and same data on caste and occupational rankings was collected separately through the common ranking procedures. The study consists of all the house- hold-heads in the two villages (116 in Ehagpura, 123 in Khaira Bet). CHAPTER I I

CONCEPTUALIZATION OF TRADITIONALISM AND MODERNISM

Traditionalism and modernism concepts have been used exten­

sively in sociological literature during the last two decades. But, in spite of their increasing use, there is still an overwhelming con­ ceptual unclarity regarding their theoretical and empirical nature

(Schnaiberg: 1970), Therefore, to give a theoretical base to the present study, a brief review of various aspects of the concepts seems to be necessary.

Origins of Traditional and Modern Concepts

Traditional and modem concepts are one of the outcomes of a crucial historical process which had considerable influence on the future states of societies and their processes of change. The origins of this process can be traced back to the revival of Greek science in

Western Europe in the twelfth century. During this period, a phen­ omenal growth of scientific knowledge occurred in Western Europe and its impacts were soon noticeable in economic and social realms

(Black: 1966). However, it was not until the constant growth of scientific knowledge since the twelfth century led to the eighteenth century Industrial Revolution that unprecedented changes started occurring in Western Europe. These changes were phenomenal in

6 9 technological and economic realms. But, equally Important were those occurring in the socio-cultural realm.

The processes of change which first started in Western

Europe, later got diffused to other Western countries and remained confined to the Western countries for several centuries. Only during recent times, the massive developments in the fields of transpor­ tation and communication have made these change processes a world­ wide phenomenon.

In order to predict the future states of societies, social scientists had been trying to conceptualize the above mentioned change processes since the early stages of their respective disci­ plines. In sociology and anthropology, some of those efforts have resulted in a number of ideal-type conceptualizations of the states of societies and their processes of change. These conceptualiza­ tions differ widely in their focus, range and theoretical sophis­ tication (Weintraub: 1969). But, all of them are similar in their form and principle of articulation. Some of the best known examples of such conceptualizations are: mechanic solidarity and organic solidarity (Durkheim), gemeinschaft and gesselschaft (Toennies), feudal-agricultural and bourgeois-industrial (Marx), traditional and rational societies (Weber), sacred and secular societies

(Becker), folk and urban societies (Redfield).^ All of these conceptualizations refer to ideal states of traditionalism and modernism in societies. For example, gemeinschaft, mecbanio

^ S ee: Bendix: 1967, Weintraub: 1969. 10

solidarity, feudal-agricultural, sacred and folk refer to ideal traditional states of societies and the other ends refer to their ideal modern states. Further, these conceptualizations also imply that societies change from their traditional states to modern

states in a unilineal and irreversible fashion.

The ideal-type conceptualizations have dominated anthro­ pological and sociological lit e rat lire for the last many decades and even today, they are a central theme for theorizing (Portes: 1973).

Thus, the use of traditionalism and modernism concepts, under one name or the other, is over half a century old (Weintraub: 1969).

But, the explicit use of the concepts, under their present names, became popular only after World War H .

The focus of the earlier theorists was primarily on the transformations of Western European societies since the eighteenth century. But, the present theorists are also concerned about the transformations of developing societies and their future states

(Portes: 1973). Due to this increasing interest in the fate of developing countries, the focus, range and purpose of traditional- modern conceptualizations has become relatively broader. But, in many other ways, they are still similar to the earlier ideal-type conceptualizations (Bendix: 19^7).

Theoretical and Etapirical I bsubs Regarding ~ Traditional-Modern Conceptualizations

In spite of the long history of traditional-modem concep­ tualizations and their current popular use in all social sciences, many issues regarding their theoretical and enpirical nature are s till unresolved. Most of these issues relate to the assumptions on which traditional-modem conceptualisations are based, the conceptual

clarity and empirical validity of the conceptualizations and their predictive power regarding the implications of traditionalism and modernism for planned developmental efforts (See: Gusfield: 1967,

Bendix: 1967, Barringer, Blanksten and Mack: 1965, Stephenson: 1966,

Weinberg: 1968, Schnaiberg: 1970, Weintraub: 1969* 1972, Portes: 1973)-

Gusfield (1967), for example, mentions that traditional-modern con­

ceptualizations of social change which often assume "a linear move­ ment of traditional past toward a modernized future" are not based

on valid assumptions about traditional societies. Therefore, they may not be facilitating our understanding of the states of societies and their processes of change* Similarly, Bendix (1967) mentions that the assumption that change once initiated will follow its uni- lineal path as indicated by the "Western Model" ignores the crucial factors of timing and sequence of modernization of societies in their several distinct aspects. These and other criticisms of traditional- modern conceptualizations have raised some fundamental questions regarding their theoretical and empirical utility in explaining the processes of change in societies. The major questions which are being raised at present are2:

1. Do we have valid assumptions on which traditional-modern conceptualizations are based?

2See: Gusfield: 1967, Bendix: 1967. 12

2. Are traditionalism and modernism valid concepts or are they a matter of definition only?

3. Have we been able to explore satisfactorily the theore­ tical and empirical nature of traditional and modem concepts?

1*. How far traditional-modern conceptualizations are facili­ tating our understanding of the change processes in societies and the factors associated with them?

$. Have we been able to identify the implications of tra­ ditionalism and modernism for efforts toward planned social change in societies?

Recently, considerable research has been done to explore the above questions and to arrive at seme consensus on them. In the light of this research evidence, a brief review of the questions is presented below.

Assumptions Behind Traditional-Modem Conceptualizations

As indicated before, the major objective of a ll traditional- modern conceptualizations was to conceptualize the processes of change in societies since the eighteenth century Industrial Revolution*

Therefore, although these conceptualizations differ with respect to their focus, coverage, substantive propositions and theoretical sophistication, all of them share sane common assumptions as follows:

1. The eighteenth century Industrial Revolution has been taken as a historical point to distinguish 'modern societies' from

'pre-modern ones'. 13

2. The technological, economic and socio-cultural trans­ formations associated with the Industrial Revolution have been taken as criteria to define ’modern1.

3- Based on this definition of 'modern1, sane ideal-type characteristics of traditional and modern societies have been assumed in terms of some dichotomous, but interrelated attributes.

1*. The assumed direction of social change in societies is frcm traditionalism to modernism in a sequential and ordered way as indicated fcy the ’Western Model'.

Now, the question to be examined is whether these assumptions are valid. It has been mentioned before that changes occurring in societies since the Industrial Revolution have been unprecedented in human history and are now global in scope. Therefore, it seems reasonable to take the Industrial Revolution as a historical point to distinguish modem societies frcm pre-modem ones and to define

'modern' in terms of the transformations of societies since that point in time* However, while using these concepts, the meaning and purpose of so defined 'modern' and 'not-modern’ (traditional) have to be kept in focus. Further, these concepts have to be used in such a way that they do not oversimplify or obscure other characteristics of societies and the processes of change in them. But, in traditional- modern conceptualizations, these concepts have been used in such a way that they have either oversimplified or obscured sane of the char­ acteristics and change processes of societies, particularly of the traditional ones. n To locate the reasons for the oversimplificat ion and obscurity effects of traditional-modern conceptualizations, we need to refer to their three aspects: 1. their origins, 2. nature of their articulation and 3« their use ty researchers.

Regarding the origins of traditional-modern conceptualiza­ tions, we know that they were the efforts to conceptualize the

Western experience of social change since the eighteenth century.

Another objective of these conceptualizations was to find the rele­ vance of the Western model of social change for the processes of change in other societies. Out of these focuses for the articu­ lation of traditional-modern conceptualizations, at least two con­ sequences seem to have followed. 1. The techno-economic transfor­ mations and the consequences following from them have been taken as criteria to evaluate the states of societies and their processes of change. 2. In order to lend to the conceptualizations a global relevance, some ideal-type characteristics of traditional and modern societies have been assumed, based on the above evaluation criteria for societies.

Obviously, techno-economic transformations and their con­ sequences are some of the criteria to evaluate and compare societies.

But, according to many other criteria, the evaluation and comparison of societies may reveal a different picture (Fyet 1966)* Therefore, it appears that traditional-modern conceptualizations have been articulated with a specific purpose of evaluating and comparing societies with respect to their techno-economic transformations and their consequences and they have to be used within these 15

conceptual lim its. An overgenerous use of the conceptualizations

to explain all types of changes in societies is bound to lead to

oversimplification effects and misleading conclusions.

As sociological and anthropological literature reveals, the use of traditional-modern conceptualizations during the last two

decades has indeed been overgenerous in the above sense (Schnaiberg:

1970). Therefore, the same consequences have followed from their

overgenerous use as were expected. Firstly, it has led to some misleading assumptions regarding traditional societies that they have been static, homogeneous in their social structures and con­

sistent in their norms and values (Gusfield: 1?67). Due to these

assumptions, the traditional-modem conceptualizations have either hidden or denied the fact that even the so called traditional

societies have been subject to changes and transformations. For the

same reason, the traditional-modern conceptualisations have also

denied that traditional societies possess more possibilities of

change than what is assumed in traditional to modem conception of unilineal change (Bendix: 1967, Gusfield: 1967, Sen: 1968,

Stephenson: 1968).

A second consequence of the overgenerous use of traditional- modern conceptualizations has been in terms of some misleading

connotations which are often associated with traditional and modern

concepts. The literature reveals that the concepts traditional

and modern have often been associated respectively with such con­

cepts as underdeveloped and developed, backward and advanced, non­

industrialized and industrialized (Bendix: 196?, Horowitz: 1970, 16

Portes: 1973). There may be no objection to such associations if

they are limited to the conceptual lim its of techno-economic trans­

formations of societies. But, the problem begins when such associa­

tions are expanded and are given value connotations. Thus, tradi­ tionalism has often been cited in literature as something which

works against social change and socio-economic development and

therefore, as undesirable. On the other hand, modernism has invar­

iably been given a positive connotation as something necessary for

social change and socio-economic development and therefore, it has

been advocated as an asset (See: Inkeles: 1969, K ahl: 1968,

Lemer: 19f>8| Peshkin and Cohen: 1967, as quoted in Portes: 1973).

Several other writers have pointed out that such implications of traditionalism and modernism for social change and development may

not be valid in all cases and that traditionalism in societies is not totally undesirable. Ousfield (1967), for example, mentions that it is not true that traditional and modern forms are always in

conflict or that modernity necessarily weakens the tradition.

Sim ilarly, Weintraub ( 1969) tries to show through his four cate­ gories of traditions that not all traditions work against social change and development.

Thus, it seems that part of the oversimplification and obscurity effects of traditional-modern conceptualizations could be avoided by using them within their meaning, purpose and scope. But, in view of the possibilities of .anifold variations in traditional societies and in the relationships between old forms and new condi­ tions (Gusfield: 1967, Sen: 1968, Vfeintraub: 1968, 1972), even this 17 limited use of traditional-modern conceptualizations does not warrant that change from traditionalism to modernism must take place In a unilineal way (Gusfield: 1967, Bendix: 1967, Sen: 1968).

Nor, does it warrant that modernism in the West is identical with modernism in other parts of the world (Portes: 1973). The reasons for these obscurity effects of traditional-modem conceptualizations may be located in their ideal-type articulation. Firstly, the use of ideal-type concepts in these conceptualizations has tended to show greater contrast between traditional and modern societies than what is warranted by the empirical evidence. Secondly, it has tended to reduce the traditional and modem societies to common denominators, irrespective of their organizational, historical and cultural differences. Therefore, it seems that partly the assump­ tion of uni lineal social change in societies in traditional-modem conceptualizations is due to the use of ideal-type concepts in them.

But, partly it is also due to uncritical extrapolation of the con­ sequences of the Industrial Revolution in the West into causes for social change in other societies (Portes: 1973)*

In summary, the traditional-modern conceptualizations seem to have been based on valid and reasonable grounds. But, their articulation in ideal-type terms and their assumption of unilineal change in societies do not seem to correspond well with the empirical situations. V alidity of Traditional!an and Modernism Concepts and Their Thooretical and Empirical Nature

The ideal-type conceptions are constructed primarily for the methodological purpose of instituting comparisons. They are the logical extremes of the evidence from empirical situations and need not necessarily exist empirically as such (Martindale: 1959,

Rogers: 1962). Therefore, validity of traditionalism and modernism concepts can not be doubted on the ground that their ideal-type conceptions do not correspond perfectly with the enpirical situations.

However, in view of the oversimplification and obscurity effects of ideal-type conceptions, they can be taken only as a partial proof of the validity of the concepts and further proof of their validity has to come from the empirical situations themselves.

This further proof of the validity of traditionalism and modernism concepts did cone from empirical situations. Most of the researchers on this topic tend to agree that indeed some unprece­ dented changes are occurring in societies since the Industrial

Revolution and they may be represented by the concept modernism or any other concept, provided it is consistent with the empirical evidence (Levy: 1966. Also see: Lemer: 195&, Smith and Inkeles:

1966, Inkeles: 1969, Kahl: 1968, Schnaiberg: 1970, Portes: 1973,

Dowse: 1969, Yekhaun: 1966, Beckmann: 1962, W ells, 1969, Dawson: 1967,

Hunter: 1969, Doob: 1967). Thus, it seems to have been established that traditionalism and modernism concepts have been founded on valid grounds. But, it is still not clear Whether we have been able to explore satisfactorily the theoretical and empirical nature of these concepts. 19

Scxne of the questions which are being asked regarding the theoretical and empirical nature of traditionalism and modernism concepts are^:

1. To what extent are these concepts empirically identi­ fiable, at what levels, in terms of which indicators and do these indicators cohere together?

2. Are these concepts mutually exclusive?

3- Do these concepts refer to states or processes, to cul­ turally specific items or universal ones and to unilineally evolving clusters or m ultilineal ones?

U* Are these concepts opposite extremes of each other and does growing modernism necessarily displace traditionalism ?

5. Does traditionalism necessarily work against social change and socio-economic development and modernism necessarily promotes them?

Bnpirical Identification and Scope of Traditionalism and Modernism Concepts

Anthropologists and sociologists s till disagree on theore­ tical and empirical nature of traditionalism and modernism concepts.

But, almost a ll of them agree on one point that currently growing modernism is a universal phenomenon (Lerner: 1956, Levy: 1 966,

H lack: 1 966), which is empirically identifiable in almost all aspects of life (Weiner: 1966, Moors: 1963) and at an societal

^See: Gusfield: 1967, Bendix: 1967, Schnaiberg: 1970. levels (See: Nettl and Robertson: 1968 for international level;

Lerner: 1958* Levy: 1966 for societal level; Abu-Lu^iod: 1961*,

S jo b e rg : 196I* for community level; Kahl: 1968, Inkeles: 1969*

Schnaiberg: 1970, Stephenson: 1968, Portes: 1973 for individual

level). Black (1966), for example, mentions that "the revolutionary

change in man's way of life in modem times, which for several

centuries was confined principally to the Western people, has in our

life time come to affect all mankind". Similarly, Moore ( 1963) mentions that the contemporary change is everywhere and it affects a wider range of individual experience as well as functional aspects of societies in the modern world because virtually no feature of life is exempt from the expectation or normality of change.

Several researchers have shown further that modernism, as it is defined currently, is not just a hypothetical construct. Rather, it refers to some phenomenon which is empirically identifiable in terms of several theoretical and empirical indicators (See: Lemer:

1958, Kahl: 1968, Dawson: 1967, Doob: 1967, Inkeles: 1969, Schnaiberg

1970, Rogers: 1962, Portes: 1973). Lemer (1958), for example, found that in the Middle East, there were Indeed traditional and modem profiles at societal and individual levels which differed signifi­ cantly in terns of such factors as urbanism, literacy, media parti­ cipation, political participation and empathy.^ Similarly, Rogers

(1962) found that both at systemic and individual levels, it was

^Lerner (1958) defines empathy as psychic capacities to see on jlf in other fellow's situation and to identify with new aspects of v.ivironraent. 21 possible to separate relatively traditionals from relatively modems in terms of their reactions and behavior in relation to adoption of improved agricultural practices. Several other research­ ers have confiraed the findings of Lemer (1958) and Rogers (1?d2).

However, they have shown further that traditional and modem pro­ files may be separated in terms of sane other psychological and behavioral indicators as well. Some of these indicators are: family-role structure, familism, religiousity, environmental orientation, reproductive orientation and rural-urban preferences

(See: Schnaiberg: 1970, Portes: 1973). Lastly, the researchers agree that several theoretical and empirical indicators of tradi­ tionalism and modernism tend to cluster together to form complex, but coherent syndromes of traditionalism and modernism and which meet the acceptable standards of scale construction (See: Lemer:

1958, Smith and Inkeles: 1966, Inkeles: 1969, Boob: 1967).

Thus, there seems to be a wide agreement on the universality of the modernization processes, their permeability into almost all aspects of life and the empirical identification of traditionalism and modernism concepts.

Bnpirical Nature of Traditionalism and Modernism Concept a

Traditionalism and modernism concepts refer to two different states in societies and therefore, at the conceptual level they are mutually exclusive. Butt, at the empirical level, they occur together and their proportions vary relative to time and the situ­ ational contexts (Gusfield: 1967). This suggests that the study of 22 traditionalism and modernism is not possible in absolute terms since in real situations their pure forms simply do not exist* The study of traditionalism and modernism, therefore, has to be in relative terms and our models for their study have to be stated in probabi­ listic terms (lem er: 1950). Since different indicators of tradi­ tionalism and modernism tend to cluster together to meet the acceptable standards of scale construction (Smith and Inkeles: 1966, Inkeles:

1969, Doob: 1967), it is possible to measure relative degrees of traditionalism and modernism and to specify overall traditionalism and modernism profiles.

The second point regarding the empirical nature of tradi­ tional! an and modernism concepts relates to the units of analysis and their analytical levels. What traditionalism and modernism mean in a unit at a particular level, may not mean the same in other units and at other levels. For exajnple, modernism at the societal level gen­ erally refers to some structural and cultural conditions in societies, such as urbanization, industrialization, literacy, high rates of mass- media and political participation, universal!stic ethics, legitimation through scientific ideas and resource allocation through achievement.

But, at the individual level, it refers to seme psychological, behavioral and cultural orientations as are characteristic in urban- industrial societies (See: Parsons: 1951, Hoselitz: 1960, Kahl: 1966,

Smith and Inkeles: 1966, Inkeles: 1969, Portes: 1973). Therefore, in the stud/ of traditionalism and modernism, not only one needs their different indicators at different analytical levels, but there is

also a need for different level of operationalization of the variables

at each level (Kaplan: 196li. Also see: Smith and Inkeles: 1966,

Portes: 1973).

The analyticalabstraction of traditionalism and modernism

at different levels mayrequire different level of operationali­

zation and different indicators. But, it does not mean that tradi­

tionalism and modernism in different units at different levels are

entirely different phenomena. Nor, does it mean that there is

generally no consistency between different units at different levels

in terms of their degrees of traditionalism and modernism. Since

societies are intertwined and interdependent structures, the changes

occurring in then at any level closely affect the other levels.

Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that there would be some degree

of consistency in what is present in a unit at one level and what is present in other units at the same or other levels. Also, what one unit at a particular level reveals in terms of traditionalism and modernism is in a way a reflection of what may be present in other units at different levels. Therefore, it can neither be quite a different phenomenon, nor can it be totally inconsistent in terras of its degree. But, different units of societies at different levels are also relatively independent of one another in terms of their potentialities and propensities for change (Olsen: 1968, Weintnaub:

1968). Therefore, it is also not sound to assume that the degree of traditional!an or modernism in different units of a society at different levels will be the same. Nor, can it be assumed that 21*

traditionalism or modernism in any particular unit is completely

predictive of the same phenomena in other units* This suggests that

within the same socio-cultural setting, social systems, institutions

and individuals may vary in terms of their degrees of traditionalism

and modernism. But, since they belong to the same socio-cultural

setting, there have to be some lim its to these variations in tradi­

tionalism and modernism.

The third point regarding the empirical nature of tradition­

alism and modernism concepts is sim ilar to the one above. But, in

this case, it relates to the levels of abstraction of traditionalism

and modernism as a phenomenon. Both, in case of societies and their

units, traditionalism and modernism may be abstracted at several

analytical levels. At the societal level, for example, one can

speak of structural modernism, organizational modernism, institu­

tional modernism or cultural modernism. Similarly, at the individual

level, one can speak of his psycho-social modernism, behavioral

modernism or psycho-cultural modernism. These are analytical

abstractions of the same phenomenon, but at different analytical

levels. In case of each analytical level, therefore, one needs a

different level of operationalization of traditionalism and modernism

in terns of different levels of variables and their indicators.

finpirically, the analytical abstractions of traditionalism

and modernism at different levels are both relatively interdependent and independent of one another (Olsen: 1968). Therefore, one may expect some degree of consistency in various aspects of traditionalism and modernism in a society or an individual. But, it cannot be assumed that various aspects of traditionalism and modernism w ill be

present in them to the same degree or that they w ill change at the

same rate. The case of Thailand, for example, shows clearly that a

society can be relatively advanced on cultural modernity, while

being relatively backward on structural modernity (See: Jacobs:

1971). The same is true at systemic, institutional and individual

levels (Weintraub: 1968, Schnaiberg: 1970). An individual, for

example, may be psychologically modem. But, he may not be equally

modern in his behavior because of some organizational or cultural

restraints* Or, an individual may seem to be high on behavioral modernism simply because his other fellow-men are behaving that way

and tendency to imitate or conformity to group norms force him to

behave the same way. There is, therefore, a need that various

analytical abstractions of traditionalism and modernism at different

levels be studied separately.

Lastly, it is commonly agreed upon that traditionalism and raodemian concepts refer to the states of societies and their units at different levels. These states are assumed to change over time in the direction of Increasing modernism as a result of the operation of several modernizing forces on societies. Modernism, therefore, is often defined as the end products of the processes of social change in societies at a particular point in time and to refer to the processes of social change, the term which is often used is modernization (Lerner: 1958, Smith and Inkelest 1966, Stephenson: 26

Dimensionality of Traditionalism and Modernism Concept a

Some other questions regarding the theoretical and empirical nature of traditionalism and modernism concepts are* 1 . w hether they are universal or culturally-specific concepts and 2. Whether they refer to a unidimensional or a multidimensional phenomenon.

Some sociologists argue that traditionalism and modernism con­ cepts refer to a universal phenomenon since the same syndrome of modernism reappears everywhere, irrespective of a ll other differences in societies, such as their location, history, culture, race, color and creed (Lerner: 1958* Inkeles: 1969). Lemer 095®), for example, mentions that "the Western model of modernisation exhibits certain components and sequences, whose reference is global" and that "the same basic model reappears in virtually a ll modernizing societies in a l l continents of th e world, regardless of the variations in race, color and creed." Similarly, Inkeles (1969) mentions that "to a striking degree the same syndraue of attitudes, values and ways of acting defines the modern man in each of the six countries (Chile,

Argentina, Israel, Nigeria, Pakistan, India)" and that "this syn­ drome does not differ from culture to culture."

Some other sociologists disapprove of the universal concep­ tions of traditionalism and modernism on the ground that such con­ ceptions do not properly take into account the specific contexts of societies. They argue that the differences in societies in terms of their locale, history, socio-cultural structure and the timing and sequence of modernization may cause crucial qualitative differences

In their states of traditionalism and modernism. Therefore, they suggest that It is more appropriate to consider traditionalism and modernism as a context-specific phenomenon (Gusfield: 1967, Bendix:

1967, Stephenson: 1968, Sen: 1968, Eisenstadt: 1966). Sen ( 1968) ,

for example, mentions that "each society may follow one of the numer­

ous possibilities toward modernization, conditioned by time, locale, history and uniqueness of its culture." Sen further mentions that

"the historical process of modernization in underdeveloped countries is most likely to be a synthesis of some sort between new cultural traits and the traditional ones and is likely to be different in each case." Gusfield (1967) similarly mentions that "there are manifold variations in relation between traditional forms and new institutions and values, variations whose possibilities are either denied or hidden by the polarity of traditional-modem model of social change."

Thus, the first group of sociologists is suggesting that

1 . the concept of modernism refers to a universal phenomenon in societies, 2 . this phenomenon is identifiable in terms of some uni­ versal theoretical and empirical indicators and 3. change in societies occurs in the direction of increasing modernism in a uni­ lineal way. The second group of sociologists disagrees with this position. They suggest that the identification of modernism by the first group of sociologists in terms of several universal indicators does not prove that those indicators refer to the same phenomenon everywhere in terms of its meaning and content. Therefore, those may not be valid indicators of the phenomenon on a cross-cultural basis

(Stephenson: 1966). This group of sociologists further indicates that "an examination of the concepts, which are most frequently used in modernization research, shows that they have been defined to fit

the Western model of social change rather than the real conditions in

underdeveloped countries (Sen: 1968). Therefore, they suggest that

"the search for change universals has biased measures in favor of

their discovery" (Stephenson: 1968). Thus, the second group of

sociologists is suggesting that 1. modernism is a context-specific

phenomenon, 2. it is multidimensional in nature and 3. change from

traditionalism to modernism occurs in a m ultilineal way (Gusfield:

1967, Sen: 1968, Hoselita: 1961:, Bendix: 19&7, Schnaiberg: 1970).

Although the above two positions seem to be poles apart, yet

the major point of difference in them seems to be one of emphasis on

the level of generality or specificity desirable in the study of

traditionalism and modernism (Schnaiberg: 1970). Few sociologists

disagree with Lerner (1956) that increasing urbanization, industri­

alization, literacy, physical and social mobility, mass-raedia and political participation is a universally occurring phenomenon and which may be defined as modernism at the societal level. Similarly,

few sociologists seem to disagree with Inkeles ( 1969) th a t i n a l l th e

six countries studied by him, a modem individual could be defined in terns of his openness to new experience, independence from parental authority and taking an active part in civic affairs. The point of

difference, however, is whether such conceptions of modernism based

on some universal indicators reveal a ll of what modernism is in terms of its meaning and content in different socio-cultural contexts.

The second group of sociologists stresses that although increasing modernism at societal, systemic, institutional and individual levels 2 9

is a universal phenomenon, yet it is conditioned by the specific

socio-cultural contexts of societies. Therefore, broad indicators

of modernism may be the same everywhere, but the net products of the modernizing forces w ill not be the same in different socio-cultural

context s.^

In conclusion, it may be stated that modernism can be defined as a universal, unidimensional and unilineally evolving phenomenon at a general level. But, such conception of modernism is possible at a highly abstract analytical level. Therefore, it may be too abstract to represent the social reality and may not be very meaningful for the scientific purpose (Gusfield: 19&7)• The greater consensus, therefore, is that modernism should be treated as a context-specific, multidimensional and m ultilineally evolving phenomenon. But, the decision as to which way to treat the phenomenon still lies with the researcher depending upon his purpose of research and how deeply he wants to probe into the meaning and content of the phenomenon.

Bnpirlcal Relationship Between Traditionalism and Modernism Concepts

Die above discussion on dimensionality of traditionalism and modernism concepts leads to another question regarding their theoreti­ cal and empirical nature. The question is whether or not modernism is really the opposite of traditionalism and if so, does growing modernism necessarily displace traditionalism ?

^Even Lemer (1?58:U7) recognizes that the nature of modernism may vary according to the specific contexts of societies. 3 0

The first group of sociologists, Wio emphasize that modernism

is a unidimensional phenomenon and that change from traditionalism

to modernism occurs in a unilineal way, imply that modernism is really

opposite of traditionalism and that as modernism grows, traditionalism

w ill necessarily be displaced fcy it. The second group of sociologists,

on the other hand, disapprove of such assertions on the ground that

modernism is a multidimensional phenomenon and that change from

traditionalism to modernism occurs in a m ultilineal way. Therefore,

they suggest that growing modernism need not necessarily displace

traditionalism. Weintraub ( 1968), for example, concludes on the

basis of his study in Israel that "in some respects the supposedly

opposing traditional and modem patterns are not quite as mutually

exclusive as has often been believed. Mot only can they coexist under certain conditions, but they may even reinforce each other in the process of change and development." Similarly, Gusfield (196?)

states that "the relations between the traditional and the modem do not necessarily involve displacement, conflict or exclusiveness" and that Modernity does not necessarily weaken the tradition." Gusfield, therefore, concludes that "the all too common practice of putting tradition and modernity as paired opposites tends to overlook the mixtures and blends which reality displays."

In the light of the earlier discussion on dimensionality of traditionalism and modernism concepts, it is clear that both of the above positions entail some degrees of scientific truth. But, the crucial question is which of these positions corresponds more closely to the empirical reality and is more meaningful for the scientific purpose. It has been indicated earlier that unidimensionality of traditionalism and modernism concepts and a unilineal change from traditionalism to modernism is warranted by the empirical evidence at a highly abstract analytical level. Therefore, it is not scienti­ fically naive to assume that traditionalism and modernism are oppo­ site concepts or that growing modernism necessarily displaces tradi­ tionalism. But, such conceptions of traditionalism and modernism are possible at a highly abstract analytical level only. Therefore, they may not suitably correspond to the meaning and content of tradition­ alism and modernism in different socio-cultural contexts and the possibilities of manifold relationship between traditionalism and modernism.

The second position treats traditionalism and modernism at relatively more specific analytical levels and takes into account the possibilities of manifold variations in societies and in the rela­ tionships between old forms and new conditions. Therefore, it appears to be relatively more close to the empirical reality and may be relatively more meaningful for the scientific purpose.

Thus, it seems that although it is not scientifically naive to treat traditionalism and modernism concepts as paired opposites, yet it may be scientifically more meaningful to allow for more than one type of relationship between them. It is also important to recognize that the consequences of the relationships between tradi­ tionalism and modernism do nob flow just in one direction (that is, displacement of traditionalism by growing modernism), but in both directions. This point becomes clear when we note that although modernizing forces (such as, increasing urbanization, litoracy,

transportation and communication facilities) have important con­

sequences for all traditional societies, yet the nature of these

consequences is partly determined by the historical, organizational

and socio-cultural contexts of these societies. Thus, the nature

of traditionalism in societies seems to affect the products of the modernizing forces (modernism) in some important ways. On the other

hand, the traditional societies do not remain unchanged in the

presence of modernizing forces and some consequences do follow for

their traditionalism when such forces are present. Thus, the rela­ tionship between traditionalism and modernism is one of mutual inter'

action and there are manifold possibilities of variation in this

relationship. Therefore, growing mode m i an may displace traditional­

ism, may transform it into a new product or in some cases nay leave it unchanged (Weintraub: 1972).

In spite of the possibility of many types of relationships

between traditionalism and modernism, there is enough empirical

evidence to show that growing modernism in societies is a universal phenomenon (Lemer: 1958, Levy: 1966, HLack: 1966, Weiner: 1966,

Moore: 1969). Therefore, without implying that traditionalism and modernism are paired opposites (since modernism itse lf is a product

of the mutual interaction between modernizing forces and the tradi­ tional contexts of societies) or that change in them occurs in a unilineal way, it is safe to conclude that as overall modernism in

societies increases, overall traditionalism will decrease in them.

This may occur in the form of displacement of traditionalism by growing modernism or in the form of transformation of traditionalism

into new products or both. This, however, does not negate the

possibility that there will always be some degree of traditionalism

in societies and in their units at different levels. The reasons for

this are: 1. growing modernism does not have displacement or trans­

formation effects for all aspects of traditionalism in societies,

2. both societies and their units at different levels have some

capacities to remain in symbiotic relationship with the modernizing

forces and 3. what is modern today, may be known as traditional

o v er tim e .

Traditionalism and Modernism Concepts and Social Change and Development in "Societies

The last question to be examined in this section is whether traditionalism is necessarily an impediment to social change and

development in societies and whether modernism is necessarily pro­ motional to them.

In the earlier discussions, it has been indirectly indicated at several places that traditionalism may not be necessarily hostile to social change and development in societies. Firstly, if tradi­ tionalism was hostile to social change and development, then tradi­ tional societies should have been completely static. But, there is enough empirical evidence to show that traditional societies have never been completely static and that they possessed more possibilities of change and continuity in them than a hostile relationship between traditionalism and social change would suggest (Gusfield; 1967,

Weintraub: 1972), Secondly, growing modernism is itse lf a product of the interaction between the modernizing forces and the traditionalism

in societies. Thus, the traditional contexts of societies do leave a

scope for the operation of modernizing forces and the growing

modernism does not necessarily displace traditionalism in them

(Weintraub: 19?2). Therefore, it is logical to conclude that tradi­

tionalism may not be neoessarily hostile to social change and devel­

opment. Thirdly, traditionalism itself is a multidimensional phen­

omenon. Therefore, sane aspects of traditionalism may be hostile to

social change and development, but all of them may not be so

(Weintraub: 1972).

Major orientation in case of traditionalism, however, is to

preserve the past rather than to plan for the present and the future

(Rohden: 1935). Therefore, general tendency in case of traditionalism

is one of resistance to social change and development. But, the

degree of resistance put forth by traditionalism depends on the

nature of change forces in terms of their magnitude, scope and cen­

trality. If the change forces are relatively small in magnitude and

scope and if they do not affect significantly the socio-cultural

order on its salient points, then traditionalism may not be a

barrier to social change and development. Similarly, traditionalism

will not be a barrier if the anticipated social change is desired by

the members of a society and is considered to be a needed one.

Traditionalism is particularly less resistant to social change

and developmental efforts when such efforts are planned within the

legitimizing boundaries of traditionalism (Weintraub: 1972). In fact, most of the social change and developmental efforts themselves operate between the desire to be modern and the desire to preserve

tradition (Gusfield: 1967). Therefore, in several important ways,

traditionalism instead of acting as an intervening factor between

a society and its social change efforts, may act as a determinant

of the nature of the social change efforts. For the same reason, it may also determine which social change and developmental efforts w ill

be accepted and which w ill be rejected (Gusfield: 1967, Weintraub:

1972).

In summary, major orientation in case of traditionalism is

one of resistance to social change and development. Therefore, most

of the social change and developmental efforts are planned in such a way as not to be in major conflict with the traditionalism in

societies. But, traditionalism in societies may not always be hostile to social change efforts, particularly when such efforts are undertaken within the legitimizing boundaries of traditionalism .

Similarly, it can be shown that modernism is in general favorable to

social change and development. But, it may not be always true

(S e e : P o r te s : 1973).

Defining Psycho-Social Traditionalism and Modernism

The above discussion on theoretical and empirical nature of traditionalism and modernism has made it clear that these concepts have been founded on valid grounds and they are meaningful for the scientific purpose. Therefore, the next task is to specify the con­ ceptions of traditionalism and modernism as these have been used in the present study. Two of the major considerations for defining traditionalism and modernism are: 1 . whether these definitions should be in ideal- type terms or in enpirical criteria terms, and 2 , whether these con­ cepts should be defined as a universal phenomenon or as a context- specific phenomenon.^

The ideal-type conceptions of traditionalism and modernism have been used frequently by the earlier sociologists and anthro­ pologists to describe the states of societies and the changes occur­ ring in them with respect to the ideal extremes. But, such expla­ nations of the phenomenon could not move beyond descriptions due to some weaknesses in the articulation of ideal-type conceptions and in their use. Some of these weaknesses are: 1. ideal-type conceptions only classify the phenomenon and they do not relate it to other situations, either as causes or as consequences, 2 . there are no standardized procedures for the articulation of ideal-types,

3 * ideal-types are only sensitizing devices and they oannot be used as measurement tools, U. when one is thinking in ideal-type terms, there is a general tendency to overemphasize the differences or sim ilarities of empirical situations with respect to the ideal extremes, $. most of the empirical situations fall somewhere in the middle of the ideal extremes and ideal-types are not very suitable

^Schnaiberg (1970) has treated these two considerations as one issue. But, it is better to treat them separately since the universal conceptions of traditionalism and modernism can be in ideal-type terms or in empirical criteria terms. For an example of the latter, see: Lemer (1958), Bnery and Oeser (1953). Also see the discussion on levels of abstraction of traditionalism and modernism in this c h a p te r. for the study of such situations and 6. ideal-types are not

suitable for the purpose of scientific predictions since only descrip­

tive level explanations are possible through them.

Due to the above weaknesses of ideal-types, it is being in­

creasingly realized that ideal-type conceptions of traditionalism and

modernism are not very suitable for adequate description, measurement

and prediction of the phenomenon. Cross-cultural evidence has also

shown that there may not be just one model of traditionalism and

modernism as implied by the ideal-type conceptions; instead there may

be many (Gusfield: 1967, Bendix: 1967, Sen: 1968, Stephenson: 1968) .

Lewis (1951), for example, mentions on the basis of his re study of

Itodfield's (1930) work on the village of Tepoztlan that "the char­

acteristics, by which Redfield distinguished folk from urban com­

munities, can vary independently from each other so that a place can

be very urban in some ways and decidedly folk in others." (Also see:

Dewey: i 960, Napier: 1973). Therefore, Lewis suggests that instead of

ideal-types, under which many variables are subsumed, the separate

variables ou^it to be the focus of study. On these lines, Parsons's

( i 960) pattern variables regarding the ways in which people relate to

one another when they interact, are a refinement of the typological id e a s .

Simpson 0965) suggests that 'h good procedure might be to split up the global notions of the typologies into separate variables, exandne their interrelationships through research, and then, insofar as possible, put them back together into theoretically coherent basic variables and perhaps (if the research findings warrant it) into new 38 typologies." Simpson feels that in this way the value of the typo­ logical tradition would be retained without having to assume rela­ tionships which have not been demonstrated and therefore, may not exist. One difficulty in following Simpson's suggestion is that it is not possible to recombine the variables into typologies without sufficient cross-cultural empirical evidence, therefore, until enough cross-cultural evidence is gathered, researchers prefer to use the insights from the typological tradition without trying to explain everything on the basis of ideal-types. This approach has been fol­ lowed in lem er 1 s (1958) study of modernization of the Middle East and in finery and Oeser's (1958) study on acceptance of innovations by

Austrian fanners and it has come to be known as empirical criteria approach. Besides using insights from existing typologies, this approach can also use other theoretical and empirical insights.

Like ideal-type approach, the use of enpirical criteria approach is not free from problems. In this regard, one of the major problems is the lack of a sound body of theoretical knowledge and therefore, there are frequent disagreements among sociologists on the selection of proper criteria. Another problem is in tenns of empirical application of the theoretical criteria due to the difficulty in isolating valid indicators of the theoretical concepts. However, such problems primarily relate to the operationalization of the theoretical concepts and are not unsuimountable.

Thus, until new typologies are formulated on the basis of more extensive cross-cultural research evidence, empirical criteria approach seems to be relatively mors promising than the ideal-type 39

approach. In the present study, therefore, psycho-social tradition­

alism and modernism will be defined in tem s of empirically identi­

fiable indicators.

Regarding the second consideration, some w riters have suggested

that traditionalism and modernism should be defined as universal con­

cepts since it gives some fixed reference points in the analysis of

modernization and makes cross-cultural and intersocietal comparisons

possible (Lerner: 1958, Smith and Inkeles: 1966, Inkeles: 1969,

Kahl: 1968, Wrong: 1969, Schnaiberg: 1970). As mentioned earlier, the

universal approach to the study of traditionalism and modernism is

possible at a highly abstract analytical level. Rut, at that level

of abstraction of the phenomenon, it is not possible to take into

account the possibilities of manifold variations in societies and in

th e relationship between old forms and new conditions (Gusfield: 1967).

Therefore, the findings from the universal approach to the phenomenon •

may be too abstract and gene m l to depict traditionalism and modernism

in the specific contexts of societies (Gusfield: 1967, Bendix: 1967).

Similarly, in case of cross-cultural comparisons through the universal

approach, one cannot be certain whether the comparisons are being made

between the same phenomenon or different phenomena, since broad indi­

cators of traditionalism and modernism may be the same in different

cross-cultural contexts, but the total meaning and content of the

phenomenon may not be the same (Stephenson: 1968, 1 969, Weinburg: 1968).

Therefore, until it is established that the meaning and content of traditionalism and modernism is the same everywhere, it seems more appropriate to take into account the specific contexts of societies 10 and to study the phenomenon with reference to those contexts (Clignet and Sween: 1969). In the present study, therefore, psycho-social traditional! an and modernism w ill be defined as a context'■specific phenomenon. However, these definitions w ill not be based only on the perceptions of traditionalism and modernism by the respondents, but will also use other theoretical and empirical insights (See;

Stephenson: 1968, Inkeles: 196$>a, Stephenson: 196?).

In view of the earlier discussions, the various theoretical and analytical positions of the present study regarding conceptuali­ sation of traditionalism and modernism are as follows;

1 . It is recognized that traditionalism and modernism can be defined in many different ways (Pye: 1 966). But, the definitions of traditionalism and modernism in the present study w ill refer only to the socio-cultural transformations in societies since the Indus­ tria l Revolution.

2. It is recognized that it is relatively more appropriate to treat traditionalism and modernism as a context-specific phenomenon and to define them in terms of empirically identifiable indicators.

The definitions of traditionalism and modernism in the present study* therefore, w ill be in these terms.

3. Although it is possible to treat traditionalism and mod­ ernism as a unidimensional and unilineal phenomenon at a highly abstract analytical level. But, in the present study this phenomenon w ill be treated as multidimensional and m ultilineal in nature. U. The present study will define traditionalism and modernism as two different states without implying that these concepts are necessarily paired opposite3 or that growing modornisn necessarily displaces traditionalism*

f>. The focus of the present study is primarily on psycho­ social aspects of modernism. Therefore, the definitions of tradi­ tionalism and modernism will be within these analytical lim its.

6. It is recognized that empirically traditionalism and mod­ ernism occur together. Therefore, references to traditionalism and modernisn in the present study will refer to 'overall traditionalism 1 and 'overall modernism’ respectively.

7. It is recognized that both traditionalism and modernism have some positive functional u tility for societies (Gusfield: 1967).

Therefore, the present study does not attach any value connotation to these concepts regarding their desirability or undesirability in s o c ie tie s .

Within the above theoretical and analytical lim its, psycho­ social traditionalism and modern!an have been defined in the present study as two different attitudinal states of individuals in relation to the psycho-social context of Indian villages.

SOME CONCEPTUAL DISTINCTIONS

Traditionalism and Modernism

Major orientation in case of traditionalism is to preserve the past and the existing socio-cultural order. But, in case of modernism, the major orientation is to plan for the present and the future by making changes in the existing socio-cultural order* Therefore, while traditionalist attitudes set up a thesis of the primacy of socio-cultural order (Ruhden: 1935), modernist attitudes take the socio-cultural order as manipulable in case of upcoming exigencies. An overall traditionalism profile, therefore, is one of resistance to changes in the existing socio-cultural order. But, in case of an overall modernism profile, the major tendency is "to subordinate the traditional to the novel and the established and customary to the exigencies of the recent and innovating" (Kallen: 1935). Kallen further mentions that the practical effect of modernism may be either conservative or revolutionary. It is conservative, where old tradi­ tions are retained in a modified form and thus, subordination of the old to the new, saves the old from total destruction through disuse or attrition. It is revolutionary, where this subordination takes the form of total nullification of the old through disuse or attrition.

Traditionalism and Traditions The concept of traditionalism is closely related to the con­ cept of tra d itio n . But, they are not the same. Rohden (1935) defines traditionalism as the naive conservatism of Individuals in the presence of acme revolutionary forces attempting sane radical transformations in their socio-cultural order. General orientation in this case is to adhere to the past traditions and to resist the new forces. Tradition, on the other hand, is an idea about some past event, order or figure which expresses a value judgment of being the right one and carries a symbolic significance for those who share that idea (Radin: 1935)* U3

The traditions constitute the dominant social principle and people

look to them for: 1. the major focus of their collective and per­

sonal identity, 2. the delineator of the scope and nature of their

social and cultural order and 3* the ultimate legitimator of the

nature and lim its of change in their socio-cultural order (Weintraub:

1572). This indicates that even the people living in the most tradi­

tional social systems are not opposed to all changes and that they 7 w ill accept some of them which are legitimated by their traditions.

Further, not all traditions are of equal social and symbolic signi­

ficance to their adherents. Therefore, the changes which are not in

conflict with the highly valued traditions are not forcefully r e s i s t e d .

Although roots of traditionalism lie in the traditions of a

social system, yet traditionalism is not an attitude of defending all traditions. Hie reasons for this are: 1. traditions themselves provide for some degree of change in the social system and 2. only those traditions need to be defended against the change forces which are vital to the major aspects of existing socio-cultural order and for retaining collective and personal identity.

?If traditional societies were opposed to all types of changes by definition, there could be no modem societies. Modem societies are only modified traditional societies (an informal comment by Professor G. Howard Phillips). Also see: Gusfield: 1967. Modernism and Modernization

D istinction between modernism and modernization concepts is an analytical one. Modernization refers to broad and encompassing processes of socio-cultural change occurring in societies in the presence of several modernizing forces. Modernism refers to the end products of these processes. CHAPTER I I I

THE RURAL INDIAN CONTEXT

In view of the discussions in the previous chapter, it is clear that the meaning, content and processes of occurrence of traditionalism and modernism may vary according to the differences in societies with

respect to their historical, organizational and socio-cultural con­ texts. It is, therefore, relatively more appropriate to define tradi­ tionalism and modernism as a context-specific phenomenon and to study it with reference to the specific contexts of societies. To isolate valid indicators of psycho-social traditionalism and modernism in

Indian villages and to develop a theoretical framework for the present study, it is therefore necessary to review briefly different aspects of the rural Indian context.

The H istorical Context

India has always been a predominantly rural country and even at present, eighty percent of its population lives in rural villages

(United Nations: 1972).

Throughout their history, the villages in different parts of

India have exhibited considerable heterogeneity with respect to their size, settlement pattern, type of social organization and cultural

liU U6

patterns of the people in them (Marriot: 1952). In view of this

heterogeneity in Indian villages, Smith (1953) has remarked that

"fam iliarity with one part of India should never be taken as con­

clusive knowledge of another." However, Indian villages also pos­

sessed some common characteristics, such as a comparatively folk

ideology and customs, subsistence economy, economic self-sufficiency,

political autonomy, considerable physical and socio-cultural isolation,

solidarity against the outside world and relative noninvolvement in

the economic, socio-cultural and political processes of the cities

(Harriot: 1952, Srinivas: 1951, Gough: 1952, M iller: 1952, Bailey:

1953, Beals: 1951;). Marriot (1952), for example, mentions that

"anthropologists and sociologists have argued convincingly that

thirty, fifty or one hundred and fifty years ago, little communities

in Mysore, Kerala, Tanjore and Upland Orissa actually possessed clear

structural definition, a high degree of economic self-sufficiency, political solidarity against the outside world and a sense of ritual

integrity." Similarly, Srinivas (1951) mentions that "one hundred years or so before, when communications wBre not developed, nor admin­ istration centralized, village communities were far more isolated than today. Man's effective contacts stopped a few miles off his natal place. Ihe overall political authority does not seem to have been much more than tax-collecting body in its relations with the villagers."

In its long history, India has experienced many social and political upheavals due to the foreign rule of it for several cen­ turies. But, the traditional socio-cultural organization of Indian U7

villages remained relatively unaffected by these developments due

to their considerable physical and socio-cultural isolation, economic

self-sufficiency, political autonomy and relative non involvement in

the socio-cultural and political processes of the cities. Thus, even though Indian cities have experienced extensive socio-cultural

changes over time, the Indian villages have demonstrated a remarkable

stability in their traditional socio-cultural organization. Empha­

sizing this relative stability of the socio-cultural organization of

Indian villages, Metcalfe (1832) has observed that "the village com­ munities are little republics, having nearly everything they want within themselves and almost independent of any foreign relations.

They seem to last where nothing else lasts. Dynasty after dynasty tumbles down, revolution succeeds revolution . . . but village com­ munities remain the same."

Almost all social scientists agree that at present Indian villages do not possess the above mentioned traditional character­ istics to the same extent as one hundred years or so before (Srinivas:

1966, M arriot: 1952, Gough: 1952, 1970, Smith: 1953, Beals: 1951*,

1970, M iller: 1952, Bailey: 1953, Lewis: 1958, Bsrreman: 1963, 1970,

Ishwaran: 1970, Eisenstadt: 1970). Agreement, however, has not been reached as to when the change forces started operating in Indian villages to erode the traditional basis of life in them. There are some indications in the historical and ethnological writings that some forces were probably in existence in India since the fifteenth century which were not consistent with the Ideological basis of the caste system and the economic and socio-cultural stability of Indian U 8 villages (Mukherjee: 1961). However, it is still an open question whether or not these forces were able to produce a significant qualitative change in the traditional socio-cultural organization of

Indian villages.

Many historians and Indologists tend to agree that the change forces in India during the pre-British period were not strong enough to produce a significant qualitative change in the traditional socio­ cultural organization of Indian villages (Mukherjee: 1961). Therefore, there seems to be some agreement that prior to the British rule of

India, Indian villages were relatively socio-culturally isolated, self-sufficient, autonomous and stable communities. Ihis, however, should not be taken to mean that prior to the British rule of India,

Indian villages were completely closed social systems or that they were completely static communities. In fact, there is sufficient empirical evidence to show that even in their relatively traditional states, Indian villages were not completely isolated from the rest of the world and nor was their socio-cultural organization completely static (Marriot: 1952, Srinivas: 1951* 1952, 1966, Majumdar: 1962,

Kumar: 1965# Ishwaran: 1970, Eisenstadt: 1970). With regard to the dynamics of Indian villages in the pre-British period, Ishwaran (1970), for example, mentions that even before the British rule of India, the occupational, economic and political organization of Indian villages was undergoing constant changes in response to the changes occurring in demographic and ecological conditions. Similarly, with regard to the socio-cultural isolation of Indian villages, Marriot (1952) observes that Indian villages, even in their traditional states, cannot be imagined to exist in complete isolation from the effects of

cities and state government. Several other writers have also noted

the interactions of Indian villages in the pre-British period with

other villages, towns and cities in terns of their needs, such as

searching marriage partners, maintaining kinship relationships,

importation of specific goods and services, participation in inter­

village caste and village councils, pilgrimages and participation

in cattle fairs and sports (Srinivas: 1951, Mukherjee: 1957, 1958).

These interactions of Indian villages in the pre-British period with

the outside world, however, were so infrequent and the changes

occurring in their socio-cultural organization were so slow t*.at for

all practical purposes they could be considered as relatively static

and closed communities (See: Srinivas: 1951, Mukherjee: 1957, 1965).

More rapid changes in the traditional socio-cultural organi­

zation of Indian villages appear to have started occurring during the

British rule of India. Traditionally, occupations and other socio­

cultural opportunities of individuals and families in Indian villages were determined by the caste system through its hereditary principles

(See: Hutton: 1963)* But, in 1650, the British government of India passed Caste D isabilities Removal Act and in 1858, Queen Victoria proclaimed the eligibility of all Indian subjects to employment by the government on the basis of individual merit alone. Both of these social reform measures, adopted by the British government of India, were inconsistent with the caste prerogatives and threatened the traditional economic and socio-cultural organization of Indian v il­ lages (Mukherjee: 1961). The British government of India also 50 introduced a state system of secular education with its heavy emphasis upon the Western science, philosophy and literature. This system of education and its implications for social mobility of individuals were quite different from that of the traditional sanskritized teaching which upheld the caste system as a base for Indian socio-cultural

organization. Some other change forces which were introduced in

India during this period were: continued expansion of the centralized authority of state government at the expense of local systems of traditional authority, introduction of secular law and legal proce­ dures, introduction of factory-made goods and cash economy, improvement and expansion of transportation, communication and trade systems', development of urban manufacturing, trade and political centers and diffusion of European systems of public health and welfare (Mukherjee:

1961, Beals: 1 95U, 1970).

All of the above mentioned change forces, introduced in India during the British period, had some far-reaching consequences for the traditional socio-cultural organization of Indian villages. Legis­ lative removal of caste disabilities and recognition of individual merit for employment purposes, for example, opened many opportunities for economic and social mobility of Indian villagers which was seldom possible under the hereditary principles of caste system. The formal education with its heavy emphasis on the Western science, philosophy and literature tended to imbibe in Indian villagers new attitudes and values different from the traditional ones. Continued expansion of the authority of state government over Indian villages dimini died their political autonomy* Easy access to secular law in courts 51 tended to undermine the previously undisputable authority of caste and village elders. Introduction of factory-made goods in Indian villages decreased the need for some of the traditional caste occupa­ tions and made Indian villages relatively more dependent on the city markets. The increasing emphasis on a monetary system for trade changed the emphasis of production for subsistence to production for marketing, decreased the need for traditional exchange of commodities and services (barter system^ ) and made Indian villagers relatively free of the traditional socio-economic bonds (jajmani system^). The development of urban manufacturing and trade centers provided many unskilled job opportunities for Indian villagers and initiated a process of rural-urban migration. The development of relatively more

^Barter system refers to the traditional node of exchange of commodities and services in Indian villages which did not involve any cash transaction. In this system, neither the exchanged commodities were strictly assessed in terms of their values, nor was it necessary that the two parties exchange their commodities at the same time. The system functioned on an informal and customary basis and was oriented to the needs of first party which proposed the exchange. In overall terms, however, the system satisfied the economic needs of a ll v il­ lagers and therefore, contributed to the economic self-sufficiency of Indian villages. Due to its informal and customary basis, the system strengthened the socio-cultural ties among Indian villagers and lent to them a collective identity.

Jajmani system may be regarded as a sub-systeir. of the broader barter system in Indian villages. But, in this case, the socio­ economic relationships between villagers were highly structured on caste lines and were relatively permanent since they passed on from one generation to another. In this system, the lower caste families rend­ ered some standardized services to the higher caste families and in return they received periodic payments, mostly in kind, according to the established custom. The families which rendered the services were known as ‘kamins1 and the fam ilies which received the services were known as 'jajm ans'. The relationship between a jajman and a k^oin, however, was not one of employer and employee and in several important ways the kamin and his family were regarded as a part of jajman1 s family. For greater details of barter system and ja jmani system, see: Wiser: 1958, Lewis: 195&« efficient transportation, communication and mass-media systems further involved Indian villages in wider socio-cultural processes (Srinivas:

1951, 1966, Rao: 1957, Mukherjee: 1 961, 1965, Smith: 1.953, Beals:

195li, 1970, Bailey: 1957, Lewis: 1958, Gou£i: 1952, 1970, Ishwaran:

1970).

The changes which started occurring in the traditional socio­ cultural organization of Indian villages during the British rule of

India were further accelerated during and after the Indian movement for independence. The nation-wide struggle for independence was per­ haps the first occasion in the long history of India when villagers from a ll parts of India participated actively in a common, effort.

One of the important consequences of this participation of Indian villagers in a nation-wide common effort has been that it inculcated in Indian villagers a much wider social and political awareness.

Thus, while the change forces during the British rule of India intro­ duced Indian villagers to the socio-political processes of nearby towns and cities, their participation in the Indian struggle for inde­ pendence tended to encourage in them a nation-wide socio-political aw areness.

After independence, the newly formed Indian government elected to reorder political and administrative frameworks of the i country by establishing a centralized democratic'polity based on a \ secular constitution and body of laws tical and administrative frameworks resulted in some further changes in the traditional socio-cultural organization of Indian villages

(Eisenstadt: 1970). The establishment of a new democratic polity, for example, gave Indian villagers a national level political identity

as compared to their traditional local level political identities.

This wider political identity in turn became an inspiring source for

new socio-cultural goals and orientations in Indian villages. The

centralized political system based on a relatively recent ideology

of democratic political participation further diminished the political

autonomy of Indian villages and involved them in socio-political pro­

cesses ranging from local to national levels (Singh: 1970). The

adoption of secular administrative and legal systems gave Indian vil­

lages a relatively more secular base at the expense of their tradi­

tional caste and religious bases (Eisenstadb: 1970).

In terms of its national policies, the Indian government not

only continued the social reform efforts initiated during the British

period, bub also launched seme new programs for the socio-economic

development of the country. Seme of these programs for the rural

areas were: national extension service for agricultural development,

community development program for intensive development of village

coimunites, agricultural services and credit cooperatives, programs

for the improvement of formal education facilities in villages, family

planning and health services program, programs for the education and

employment of low caste village population and programs for develop­ ment of improved technology and new inputs for agriculture. Consistent

with the national strategy of maintaining a balance between the demo­

cratic institutions in villages and the planned developmental efforts

(Ishwaran: 1970), the major responsibility for the planning, adoption and execution of many of these programs was delegated to the local 5b villagers. As a result of this, the villagers got some opportunity

to influence the policies and programs designed for their socio­

economic development (Iswaran: 1970).

Due to the above mentioned change processes in Indian villages

during and after the British rule of India, the traditional village

socio-cultural organizations have undergone some considerable

changes. Numerous studies conducted since 1990 in different parts of

India suggest that the centuries old tradition of extensive socio­

cultural isolation of Indian villages has decreased, the economic

self-sufficiency and political autonomy of the villages have lessened

and the satisfaction of the villagers' educational, economic, socio­

cultural and political needs has increased their dependency upon

cities and state government (Srinivas: 1991 , Marriot: 1992, Gough:

1992, 1970, I tiller: 1992, Smith: 1993, Bailey: 1993, Cohen: 195b,

Beals: 199b, 1970, Newell: 1993, 1970, Lewis: 1996, Berreman: 1963,

1970, Chauhan: 1967, Rao: 1957, Elder: 1970, Hencher: 1970, Singh:

1970). This is true even in the case of those villages located in the

remotest parts of India. Due to these changes, the interaction pat­ terns of Indian villages have widened and they are now relatively more

integrated into the socio-political systems at state and national

levels. Marriot (1992), for example, mentions in case of an Uttar

Pradesh village that "the social system of the village reaches beyond

its central locus far into the outside world, while the outside world in turn reaches into the most central core of the village." Due to this close integration of Indian villages into the wider socio-political

systems, many writers have suggested that it is not possible now to stud/ Indian villages as self-contained social systems. The/ suggest that for their relatively more meaningful study, Indian villages have to be viewed as integrated with wider social systems in terms of spa­ tia l and temporal dimei nions (Srinivas: 1952, Smith: 1953, M iller:

1552, Lewis: 1950, Hajui'-dnr: 1962, Iterreman: 1963, Gough: 1952, 1970).

Even with the numerous above mentioned changes taking place in the socio-cultural organization of Indian villages, there is a wide agreement that Indian villages still retain to a remarkable degree several aspects of their traditional socio-cultural organization, particularly their conceptual and ideological identity. Majumdar

(1962), for example, mentions that "an Indian village is not only a way o f l i f e , i t i s a concex>t and a c o n s te lla tio n of values due to which i t has retained its identity. Even the villages situated on the out­ skirts of towns do net 00come townships." Similarly, Marriot (1952) mentions in case of an Uttar Pradesh village that even though the economy, kinship and marriage patterns and religious and political structure of Kishangarhi have become a part of the wider social system, it is still "like a living thing has a definable structure, is concept­ ually a vivid entity, is a system, even if it is one of many sub-eystems within the larger socio-politico-religio-economic system."

Internal Organization: Change and Continuity

Three of the most important traditional organizational compo­ nents of Indian villages have been: the joint family system, the caste system and the village council. 56

The joint family system briefly referred to the living

together of three to four generations of a family in the same house

and eating from the same kitchen. The head of the joint fainily was

generally the oldest male member of the family in case of patriarchal

family system and the oldest female memljer of the family in case of

matriarchal f;

generally pursued the traditional family occupation and they worked

together to earn the family's livelihood. The earnings of different

family members were pooled and kept in the custody of the head of the

family. The various needs of the joint family were met from this com­ mon pool of economic resources. This system provided encouragement

for shared responsibilities of the family members and sustained its

social and ritual integrity. High regard was also given to kinship

bonds, honor and respect was given to elders and the privacy of the family affairs was highly respected. Due to these features of the

joint family, there were strong fam ilial orientations among the family members. Ultimate economic, social and ritual authority in the joint family was vested in the head of the family and therefore, he acted as its spokesman in the village. Given this type of family system, the joint family rather than the nuclear family unit was the basic social unit of the traditional socio-cultural organization of Indian villages

(Mandelbaum: 1970, Desai* 1956).

The caste group was the next higher unit of the socio­ cultural organization of Indian villages. Each caste group in the village comprised of a few Joint families who had the same tradi­ tional occupation generation after generation, the same social and ritual status in the village and the same political power. Due to these features of the caste group, its members shared a strong feeling of unity and loyality to the group and its prerogatives.

Different caste groups in the village were integrated into one another in terms of their traditional and hereditary economic, social, ritual and political relationships. This type of inte­ gration among different caste groups was often referred to as the vertical unity of Indian villages. The caste groups in the villages, however, also had economic, social, ritual and political ties with similar caste groups in other villages. This type of integration among a caste group v ; .s referred to as its horizontal unity across the villages.

The caste system, therefore, referred to the institutionalized inequalities among different caste groups which were complementary in nature for the socio-economic functioning of Indian villages.

The system functioned on an informal and customary basis and had a strong hold over the economic and socio-cultural life of Indian villagers.^

Caste councils and village council were the regulatory bodies in Indian villages. In case of intra-caste disputes and other matters, caste councils were autonomous authorities. But, in

3F o r greater details of different aspects of the caste system in India, see: Hutton: 1 963, Srinivas: 1952, 1962, Wiser: 1958, Lewis: 1956. the event of disagreement with the decisions of a caste counciltan individual or family could approach the village council which was the final authority pertaining to all local matters in the village.

This practice, however, often drew strong criticism from the caste

group members since such an act threatened the autonomy and privacy of caste affairs.

The internal socio-cultural organization of Indian villages based on the joint family, the caste system and regulated by caste and village councils was a closely knit social system which demon­ strated remarkable solidarity against outside interventions into the village affairs (Mandelbaum: 1962, 1970, Srinivas: 1951, 1952,

Lewis: 1958, Shah and Rao: 1965). This type of traditional socio­ cultural organization of Indian villages provided them considerable socio-economic self-sufficiency, political autonomy and organizational stability. However, even with these characteristics, the internal socio-cultural organization of Indian villages has never been static*

Even in case of relatively traditional states of Indian villages, large joint fam ilies, for example, have been breaking into smaller ones due to practical lim its to family size or tensions among family members (Shah: 1961:, Mandelbaum: 1970). Caste groups have been splitting into sub-caste groups and in seme cases the division also resulted in changes in the hereditary occupations of the sub-caste groups. Similarly, from time to time, caste and village councils have been accommodating needs for making changes in caste and village norms (Bailey: 1957). Prior to the British rule of India, however, such changes in the traditional socio-cultural organization of Indian villages have been occurring in a slow and spontaneous way and they did not result in a significant qualitative change in the internal socio-cultural organization of Indian villages (Mukherjee: 1957, 1961).

During and after the British rule of India, the traditional socio-cultural organization of Indian villages has been subjected to relatively more powerful and complex change forces. As a result, the internal socio-cultural organization of Indian villages has been changing more rapidly. Saksena (1961), for example, mentions that

•’the joint family, joint in home, kitchen and worship is giving way to a more individualistic family under great economic pressure." (Also see: Cohen: 195U, Beals: 195U, 1970, Kapadia: 1959, 1966, Mandelbaum:

1970). Bose (1961) reports that "caste has not remained unchanged.

But, shows some amount of alteration with regard to feat tires connected with economic pursuits as well as ranking in society on the basis of occupations." (Also see: Marriot: 1952, Bailey: 19??, Srinivas:

1952, 1955, 1962, Majumdar: 1962, Mukherjee: 1961, Mandelbaum: 1970).

Lewis (1958), Mandelbaum (1970) and Elder (1970) report that the j a jmani system is weakening in Indian villages and that it is being replaced by contractual, pecuniary and impersonal economic relation­ ships. Similarly, Marriot (1952) and Newell (1953) report that the regulatory powers of caste and village councils in Indian villages are weakening. Thus, it appears that seme significant qualitative changes have been occurring in the internal socio-cultural organization of

Indian villages since the British rule of India. Even with the many above mentioned changes, the traditional elements of the internal socio-cultural organization of Indian vil­ lages still persist to a significant extent. Such persistence of the traditional elements is particularly noticeable in case of the ideo­ logical base of Indian villages, their local institutions and the way of life in them (Beals: 195h, 1570, Lewis: 1958, Majumdar: 1962,

Berreman: 1963). Lewis (1958), for example, mentions in case of a village near Delhi that "there is a remarkable stability of local village life and institutions, despite its proximity to Delhi and despite mary urban influences to which it has been subjected."

Similarly, Berreman (1963) noted that "traditional ties are strong in India. Even villages situated near large cities remain remarkably cohesive and people who go to cities to work retain close ties in t h e i r home v illa g e ."

The Model of Social Change in Indian Villages

In the light of the earlier discussions it is clear that even prior to the British rule of India, a variety of processes and pat­ terns of social change existed in Indian villages. The changes occurring during th is period, however, were slow and spontaneous in nature and they did not result in a significant qualitative change in the traditional socio-cultural organization of Indian villages.

Since the British rule of India, the traditional socio­ cultural organization of Indian villages has been subjected to rela­ tively mors powerful and complex change forces and since this period, extensive changes have been occurring in the traditional socio-cultural organization of Indian villages. Even with the occurring changes, the research evidence reveals that many of the basic aspects of the traditional socio-cultural organization of Indian villages still persist to a remarkable extent. This is true of the relationships of

Indian villages with the outside world as well as their internal socio-cultural organization. It, therefore, appears that centuries old operation of the change forces in Indian villages has not been able to transform completely their traditional socio-cultural organ­ ization. This relative stability of the traditional socio-cultural organization of Indian villages in the presence of numerous change forces is attributed by the researchers to the capacity and readiness of Indian villages to differentiate and diversify their socio­ cultural organization to accommodate the impacts of change forces

(Ishwaran: 1970, Eisenstadt: 1970). by doing so, the traditionalism in Indian villages, instead of becoming an obstacle to social change forces, often became a channel through which the social change forces worked in Indian villages. This explains why traditional aspects of the socio-cultural organization of Indian villages have not been transformed completely even in the presence of a great variety of processes and patterns of social change in them since the

British rule of India (See: Berreman: 1963, 1970, Ifcals: 19SU, 1970,

Gougfr: 1952, 1970).

Thus, it appears that the model of social char - in Indian villages is one of coexistence of traditionalism and modernism and the nature of social change in them is evolutionary and adoptive, rather than radically transformative. The social change forces work through both modern and traditional channels* The traditional

system of Indian villages has not been destroyed. But, it has either

acquired new functions or modified its structure to some extent

(Ishwaran: 1970). The great variety of processes and patterns of

social change in Indian villages suggests that in the rural Indian

context, it is more appropriate to define traditionalism and modernism as a m ultifactorial, multidimensional and m ultilineal phenomenon. CHAPTER IV

THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Complexity of the modernization processes necessitates the

study of modernization within some analytical and operational lim its.

Before explicating the theoretical framework, therefore, it is impor­

tant to state the analytical and operational parameters of the present study.

Analytical and Operational Parameters

Seme of the important questions relating to the analytical and operational lim its of the present study were^ :

1 . What type of causal relationship existsbetween psycho­ social modernism at the individual and other organizational levels, such as family, village and state?

2. What type of time-order relationship exists between psycho- 2 social modernism and behavioral modernism at the individual level?

3. What is the conceptual distinction between psycho-social modernism of individuals and their attitudes toward programs for planned social change?

TSee: McClelland: 1961, Feshkin and Cohen: 1967, Gusfield: 1967, Bendix: 1967, Kahl: 1968, Lerner: 1958, Stephenson: 1968, In k e le s : 1969, Schnaiberg: 1970.

^For conceptual distinction between psycho-social modernism and behavioral modernism at the individual level, see: Chapter II.

63 I*. Should one use an ideal-type or empirical conception of psycho-social modernism?

Should one treat psycho-social modernism as a context-

specific or as a universal phenomenon?

6 . How much breadth of the modernization processes should be

considered in the study?

A brief review of the above questions is presented in the following sections.

Causal Relationship between Psycho-Social Modernism at the Individual ^and Oth'e? Organizational~LeveTs~

One of the important questions regarding the theoretical treatment of psycho-social modernism at the individual level is whether it should be considered as a causal factor or as an effect of modernism at other organizational levels, such as the family, the village and the state. In other words, is psycho-social modernism of individuals a prerequisite for the modernism of their organizational and institutional structures? Or, does it follow as a consequence, once the deliberate efforts are made to modernize the organizational and institutional structures? Some social scientists have argued strongly that psycho-social modernism of individuals is a precondition for all other related aspects of modernism at different organiza­ tional levels (McClelland: 1?6l, Peshkin and Cohen: 1?67). Therefore, they suggest that organizational and institutional modernism follows as a consequence if adequate conditions are there for the psycho­ social modernism of individuals. Some other social scientists

(particularly economists and political scientists), on the other 65

hand, have argued that organizational and institutional modernism

is of prime importance in order to bring about psycho-social mod­

ernism at the individual level (Wellisz: 1966, Lambert: 1966,

Gerschenkron: 1

once proper opportunities and incentives are deliberately provided

in the organizational and institutional structures, psycho-social

and behavioral modernism of individuals w ill follow as a consequence.

Both of the above two positions have some validity. However, the phenomenon of modernism appears to be very complex since dif­

ferent aspects of modernism at different organizational levels are

interrelated, interdependent and mutually interacting (Beals: 195U>

1970, Cohen: ^95h^ Majumdar: 1962, Weiner: 1966, Ishwaran: 1970).

Such a situation makes it possible to argue for psycho-social mod­

ernism at the individual level either as a cause or an effect of modernism at various organizational levels. But, either way the specification of such causal priorities is arbitrary and for analyt­ ical purposes only. Therefore, whether psycho-social modernism at the individual level is treated as an independent or as a dependent variable depends on the purpose of the study, its perspective and the unit of analysis (Kahl: 1968).

The focus of the present study was on psycho-social modernism at the individual level and one of the objectives was to identify the factors which were associated with the occurrence of th is phenomenon.

Consistent with the focus of the study, psycho-social modernism of the respondents was treated as a dependent variable and other factors which were posited to be associated with modernism were 66

treated as independent variables. In essence, it is posited that

family, village and state level variables would be significant in

the explanation of individual modernism.

Psycho-Social Modernismand Behavioral Modernism at the Individual Level

Psycho-social modernism and behavioral modernism at the

individual level are argued to be analytical abstractions of the

same phenomenon, but at different analytical levels (See: Chapter II).

Empirically, these two aspects of modernism are interrelated and

mutually interacting. Modem attitudes of individuals, for example,

w ill influence the modernization of their behavioral patterns and

vice versa. Depending upon the focus of the study and its purpose,

therefore, either of these two aspects of modernism can be treated as

a dependent variable. The specification of the time-order priorities

between psycho-social modernism and behavioral modernism at the

individual level is, therefore, arbitrary and it is for analytical purposes only.

Pqycho-Social Modernism and Attitudes toward Programs for Planned Social Change

Pgycho-social traditionalism and modernism refer to two potentially different attitudinal states of individuals in relation

to the total socio-cultural context of Indian villages (See; Chap­ ter II). In the case of traditionalism, the major orientation is to preserve the existing socio-cultural order and to resist the changes

occurring in it (Rohden: 1935)* The traditionals, therefore,

generally tend to have negative attitudes toward the occurring 67

changes in the socio-cultural order. Moderns, on the other hand,

take the existing socio-cultural order as manipulable in the case of

exigencies of the present and the future (Kallen: 1935). Therefore,

their attitudes toward change in the socio-cultural order are

generally favorable.

The programs for planned social change in the rural parts of

India are one component of the total socio-cultural context of

Indian villages. The programs for planned social change are designed

to bring about sane important changes in the traditional socio­

cultural order of Indian villages. In view of the above discussion,

therefore, it can be expected that traditional and modem individuals

would respond differently to these programs due to their different

orientations to the changes taking place in the existing socio­

cultural order. In general, the traditionals would have relatively negative attitudes toward programs for planned social change. The modems would have relatively favorable attitudes toward such programs.

Thus, it appears that attitudes toward programs for planned

social change is a special case of the broader phenomenon of psycho­ social traditionalism and modernism. In the present study-, therefore, attitudes of the respondents toward programs for planned social change have been treated as one component of their overall psycho-social traditionalism and modernism.

Psycho-social traditionalism and modernism, however, is a multidimensional and m ultilineal phenomenon (See: Chapter II).

Therefore, different components of psycho-social traditionalism and modernism can vary in different directions and at different rates. 68

Accordingly, it was likely that the measure of overall psycho­

social modernism of the respondents inay not have reflected properly their attitudes toward programs for planned social change. In the present study, therefore, psycho-social modernism and attitudes toward programs for planned social change have been measured sep­ arately with two Likert-type scales, ltie psycho-social modernism scale measures overall attitudinal modernism of the respondents.

The other scale measures their attitudes toward programs for planned social change.

Ideal-type and Empirical Conceptions of Psycho-Social Modernism

The strengths and the weaknesses of ideal-type and empirical conceptions of psycho-social modernism have been discussed in

Chapter II. It was mentioned there that the ideal-type conceptions are not very suitable for the study modernism due to several problems involved in their articulation and in their use (See:

Chapter II). Besides, ideal-type conceptions assume several uni­ versal characteristics and relationships of societies. Since such characteristics and relationships have not been demonstrated by research, they may not even exist (Simpson: 196$). Thirdly, each dimension of an ideal-type conception subsumes many different variables and therefore, gives a simplified view of the phenomenon.

Lewis (1951 )* therefore, suggests that instead of using the ideal- types, the separate variables ought to be the focus of study*

Due to the above referred weaknesses of ideal-type concep­ tions, researchers prefer to use empirical conceptions of the social phenomena (See: Lerner: 1958, ESnery and Oeser: 1958). The empirical

concept ions use insights of the existing ideal-types. However, they

also use other theoretical and empirical insights from the empirical

literature and the empirical situations. Thus, it appears that the

empirical criteria approach is relatively more promising than the

ideal-type approach. In the present stud^, therefore, psycho-social traditionalism and modernism have been defined in terms of empirically

identifiable indicators and have been treated as empirical products

of the modernization processes in Indian villages.

Breadth of the Modernization Processes ~ in Indian Villages

Indian villages have had a long history of economic self- sufficiency, political autonomy and considerable socio-cultural isolation from the urban centers and the state. Due to these traditional characteristics, Indian villages had been relatively closed communities for a long time and the pace of change in them was very slow (See: Chapter III). Since the British rule of India, however, the economic and political autonomy of Indian villages has been decreasing. At the same time, their socio-cultural involve­ ment in the urban centers as well as in the state and national socio­ cultural systems has been increasing steadily. With the establish­ ment of these wider interaction patterns, rapid changes have been taking place in the socio-cultural organization of Indian villages and in the life-styles of the villagers (See: Chapter III). It, therefore, appears that the current psycho-social modernism in

Indian villages is a product of a variety of forces working on them 70 since the British rule of India. In their breadth, these modernizing forces range frcm the local to the national levels, as suggested by

Ishwaran (1?70).

In spite of the wide variety and range of the modernizing forces for Indian villages, the primary determinant of an individual's psycho-social modernism is his own direct or indirect experience with the change producing forces. The direct experiences occur through his own behavioral and participative patterns in relation to the wider socio-cultural and communicative systems (urban centers, civic/political organizations, mass-media systems, etc.). The indirect experiences cane from his socio-cultural surroundings with which he interacts frequently. In the case of an Indian village, some of the most important components of an individual's socio­ cultural surroundings are his family, caste grcup and other inhabi­ tants of the village.

Thus, it appears that irrespective of the wide range of the modernizing forces, the most important factors for an Indian vil­ lager's psycho-social modernism are his own behavioral and parti­ cipative characteristics. Next, in the order of importance, come the characteristics of his family, caste group and other inhabitants of the village. The present study, therefore, considers the modern­ izing factors at these levels only.3

^It is, however, recognized that the modernizing forces range much beyond the village level and depending upon one's per­ spective, can be the focus of study* 71

Context-Specificity and Universality of Psycho-Social Modernism

Depending upon the purpose of study, psycho-social modernism

can be treated as a universal or as a context-specific phenomenon

(See: Chapter II).

One of the strong points of the universal approach is that it

gives same fixed reference points in the analysis of modernism and

makes possible cross-cultural and intersocietal comparisons (Lerner:

1958, Inkeles: 1969, Schnaiberg: 1970). However, the universal con­

ceptions of modernism are possible at a highly abstract analytical level only. Therefore, the findings from the universal approach may be too abstract and general to depict the meaning and content of psycho-social modernism in the specific contexts of societies

(Stephenson: 1?68, 1 969, Weinberg: 1968). The context-specific approach, on the other hand, gives due consideration to the possi­ bilities of manifold variations in societies. The findings from this approach, therefore, depict the meaning and content of psycho­ social modernism more appropriately in the specific contexts of s o c i e t i e s .

The present study, therefore, treats psycho-social modernism as a context-specific phenomenon in relation to the rural Indian situation. However, the search for factors for psycho-social mod­ ernism in Indian villages has not been limited to the rural Indian situation only. On the other hund, the study has also used the theoretical and empirical insights of other studies in different socio-cultural situations. The Theoretical Framework

Numerous case studies of Indian villages reveal that one of

the important factors for the relatively traditional states of Indian

villages was their considerable socio-cultural isolation from the

urban centers (Marriot: 1952, Srinivas: 1951). As the socio­

cultural isolation of Indian villages from the urban centers dim­

inished gradually, rapid changes started occurring in their socio­

cultural organization and in the life-styles of the villagers

(Harriot: 1952, Lewis: 1958, Ishwaran: 1970). It appears that

proximity of the villages to the influences of urban centers is an

important factor for the states of psycho-social modernism in them

(See: Itenvenuti: 1962)^.

Proximity of a village to the influences of urban centers can

be operationalized in terns of several factors. Two of such impor­

tant factors are:

1. physical distance of the village from the urban c e n te r s ,

2. communicative facilities available to the village (such as, road systems and transportation facili­ ties) for interacting with the urban centers.

In this study, communicative facilities available to the vil­

lage for interacting with the urban centers are being referred by

^ Itenvenuti (1962) mentions in the case of farmers in a Netherlands rural community that increased exposure to the influences of nearby urban centers was one of the major factors for the growing modernism of his respondents. The increased exposure to the urban influences occurred through the development of new communication channels between the rural ccnmunity and the urban centers. 73 the term communicative proximity. To refer to physical distance

of the village from the urban centers, the term being used is

physical proximity.

Consistent with the above mentioned distinction between physical proximity and communicative proximity, it can be argued that what is important for the psycho-social modernise of a village is its degree of communicative proximity to the urban centers and not its physical distance from the urban centers as such. Physical proximity of a village to the urban centers, however, will facilitate its communicative proximity to the urban centers. But, in the absence of

road links, transportation facilities and other communication systems^ physical proximity may not lead to conmunicative proximity. A rela­ tively remote village, on the other hand, can be communicatively very close to the urban cen ters if adequate road system s and transportation facilities arc a v a ila b leto it. It appears, therefore, that communi­ cative proximity of a village to the urban centers is of greater relevance for the study of psycho-social modern!an than physical proximity of the village to the urban centers.

Individuals differ with regard to their behavioral and parti­ cipative patterns. Given a particular degree of communicative proximity of a village to the influences of urban centers, therefore, its inhabitants will still differ with regard to their communicative proximity to the urban modernizing influences* Hence, there will be seme significant differences in the psycho-social modernism of indi­ viduals within the same village situation (See: Benvenuti: 1962).

In general terns, however, communicative proximity of a village to 7U the urban centers gives rise to the possibility that the inhabitants w ill experience the impacts of the urban modernizing forces more fre­ quently and intensely. Relative communicative isolation of a village, on the other hand, diminishes such possibilities. It is, therefore, hypothesized that in overall terms, individuals in a village with greater communicative proximity to the nearby urban centers w ill reveal greater psycho-social modernism than individuals in a village with relatively lesser communicative proximity to the nearby urban c e n te r s .

Attitudes toward programs for planned social change appear to be one component of the broader phenomenon of psycho-social tradi­ tionalism and modernism.'’ It can, therefore, be expected that v il­ lages with different degrees of communicative proximity to the nearby urban centers w ill also differin terms of a t tit u d e s of the inhabi­ tants toward programs for planned social change. Psycho-social traditionalism appears to be negatively associated with favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change. In the case of psycho-social modernism, such an association appears to be in the positive direction.'* Consistent with the discussion in the preceding paragraph, therefore, it is hypothesized that in overall tenns, attitudes toward programs for planned social change w ill be more

5flefer to the earlier discussion in this chapter regarding the relationship between psycho-social modernism and attitudes toward programs for planned social change. favorable in a village with greater communicative proximity to the

urban centers than in a village with relatively lesser communicative

proximity to the urban centers.

The communicative proximity of a village to the urban centers

not only makes possible frequent interaction of the villagers with the

urban modernizing forces, but it also leads to greater modernizing

factors within the village situation itself. The individuals who

experience the impacts of urban modernizing influences (through visits

or other communication channels), experience a change in their a tti-

tudinal and behavioral patterns. This eventually results in their

increased modernism which is often reflected in teims of their

changed behavior, attitudes and living-styles. The increased

modernism of some of the villagers in turn becomes a force for further

modernism in th e v illa g e thrcugh the psychic mechanisms of imitation

and suggestion. At the family level, for example., the increased mod­

ernism of a family member w ill influence the attitudinal and behavioral

patterns of other family members and w ill result in their increased

modernism. The in c re a se d modernism o f some fa m ilie s in th e v illa g e in

turn w ill influence the attitudinal and behavioral patterns at the

caste group and village levels. Eventually, this will result in

increased modernism of the village as a whole. Thus, communicative proximity of a village to the urban centers appears to initiate a

chain-reaction of modernizing influences within the village situation

itself. The process goes on and on and over time will result in

greater modernizing factors at the individual, family, caste group and village levels. It is, therefore, hypothesized that modernizing factors w ill be present to a greater degree in a village which is

communicatively close to the urban centers than in a village which is communicatively more remote fran the urban centers.

With regard to other factors for psycho-social modernism in

Indian villages, some of the guidelines can be drawn from the studies of Lerner (1958), Inkeles (1 96$) and Schnaiberg (1970).

Lerner (1958) mentions that the process of modernization in the West started with the physical mobility of individuals to the urban centers in terns of rural-urban migration. The physical mobility so experienced gave the individuals an intimate idea of change through direct experience. Gradually, new institutions emerged which were appropriate to this process. Effective participation in the new institutional structure required of individuals to develop new skills, aptitudes and values appropriate to the new institutional structure.

In order to participate in the new institutional -structure, it was also necessary that the individuals be literate, media-participant and politically active. Hie whole of this process, according to

Lerner, led to the development of a new psychic capacity of indivi­ duals, namely the capacity to empathize P The capacity to empathize got further multiplied through media and political participations of individuals.

^Lerner (1958) defines psycho-social modernism in terms of the capacity of individuals to empathize. Empathy is defined by him as the psychic mechanism which enables an individual to put himself in another person's situation and to identify with a role, time, or place, different from his own, through introjection or projection. 77

In the case of Kiddle East countries, Lerner (1956) fcund that modernization in these countries was occurring through a sim ilar process as for the Western countries. The major modernizing factors

(physical mobility to urban areas, literacy, media participation and political participation) were also the same. Lerner, therefore, remarks that "the Western model of modernization exhibits certain canponents and sequences whose reference is global,"

In view of the above cited findings of Lerner (1958), it appears that some of the important factors which are positively asso­ ciated with the psycho-social modernism of individuals are: urban contacts (through migration or visits), literacy, mass-media partici­ pation and political participation.

Inkeles (1969) suggests that formal education of individuals is the most important factor which is positively associated with their psycho-social modernism. However, according to Inkeles, living in urban environment, mass-media exposure, civic/political participa­ tion and occupational experience in urban organizations also contribute positively to psycho-social modernism at the individual level.

Schnaiberg (1970) mentions that urbanism and socio-economic achievement of individuals are the major factors which are positively associated with their psycho-social modernism. Urbanism has been operationalized by him in terms of type of residence (rural or urban).

Socio-economic achievement has been operationalized in terms of income and formal education. 78 The above cited researches as well as others,*^ thus, suggest that some of the important factors ditch are positively associated with the psycho-social modernism of individuals are: urban experience

(throu^i residence or visits), formal education, mass-media partici­ pation, civic/political participation, occupational achievement and income. It can, therefore, be expected that as the presence of these modernizing factors increases, there w ill be a corresponding increase in the psycho-social modernism of individuals.

The degree of presence or absence of the above cited modern­ izing factors in turn depends heavily on the demographic and socio­ economic characteristics of individuals and their families. The dif­ ferences in individuals with respect to age, sex, marital status, family background etc., for example, w ill cause considerable varia­ tions in their attitudinal and behavioral patterns in relation to the modernizing influences. The impacts of the modernizing forces (such as, urban environment, mass-media) on individuals, therefore, would vary according to the differences in their personal and family char­ acteristics (Armer and Youtz: 1971). It is, therefore, interesting to study the type of association between the characteristics of indi­ viduals and their psycho-social modernism and the amount of variation explained by such characteristics.

In view of the discussions of the rural Indian context in

Chapter III, some of the demographic characteristics of individuals

?See: Frazier: 1955a» 1955>,, Turner: 1955, Benvenuti: 1962, Moors: 1963, Hanson: 1 96ht Doob: 19o7, Dawson: 1967, Stephenson: 1968, Kahl: 1968, Aimer and Youtz: 1971, Portes: 1973* which appear to be associated with their psycho-social modernism are: caste, age, sex and marital status.

Under the Indian conditions, caste of an individual is an important factor which exercises considerable influence on his socio­ economic opportunities, behavioral and participative patterns, living style and psycho-cultural orientations. Caste of an individual is determined by the fact of his birth in a particular caste group. Prom birth, the individual is assigned a social status in the camnunity according to the social rank of the caste group in which he was born.

He is expected to follow an occupation which is generally followed by his caste group. He is required to marry within his own caste group, lives in close proximity to his caste members and is expected to share their living style. His caste group members are the only people with whom he interacts freely on an equal and informal basis. While inter­ acting with other caste groups, he has to give due consideration to their social rank and behave in a restrictive way. The caste status of an individual also affects his participation in the civic and poli­ tical activities of the village. ttie higher the caste of an individual, the more acceptable he is for participation in village activities. Due to all of these factors, each caste group in an Indian village is a distinct social group in terms of its socio-cultural organisation, behavioral and participative patterns and psycho-cultural orientations.

It, therefore, appears that impacts of the modernizing forces on indi­ viduals w ill vaxy according to the social ranks of the caste groups to which they belong. 60

ITie operation of the caste system in Indian villages is such that it allocates greater economic and socio-cultural opportunities to the high caste groups and puts lesser constraints on their socio­

cultural behavior and participation. In contrast, the economic and

socio-cultural opportunities of the low caste groups are limited and the system expects them to confonn to the traditional noma more strictly. Thus, while interacting with the modernizing forces, the high caste groups are relatively more free to change their attitudinal and behavioral patterns than the low caste groups. It is, therefore, hypothesized that higher the caste status of an individual, the greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism.

Age of an individual is another factor which appears to be associated with his psycho-social modernism. It is commonly known that the younger people are generally flexible in their attitudes and behavior and they are relatively more receptive to new ideas. As a person grows older, his attitudinal and behavioral patterns become less flexible and he becomes relatively less receptive to new ideas.

Numerous studies on adoption behavior substantiate th is fact amply

(See: Rogers: 1^62). It appears, therefore, that the impact of the modernizing influences w ill be greater on the younger population than on the older population. Consistent with this observation, it is hypothesized that lower the age of an individual, the greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism.

Sex and m arital status are the other demographic character­ istics which appear to be associated with the psycho-social modernism of individuals. In the case of present study, however, all of the respondents were household-heads and almost a ll of them were males

and married persons. Due to lack of enough variance, therefore, sex

and marital status variables have not been included in the theoretical

framework of this study.

The socio-economic characteristics of individuals which

appear to be associated with their psycho-social modernism are:

land-ownership, formal education, occupational status and income.

In the context of a rural Indian community, land is the most

valuable and prestigious commodity one can own. Almost a ll the resi­

dents of the community derive their incomes from land, either directly

(as in the case of farmers) or indirectly (as in the case of village

shopkeepers, artisans and agricultural laborers). The ownership of

land, thus, is a symbol of high social status in the community and it

exerts considerable influence on the living styles of individuals and

their behavioral and psycho-cultural orientations. Besides, the owner­

ship of land lends an individual greater chances of interaction with

the urban centers in terms of obtaining the agricultural inputs,

selling agricultural produce and getting help or advice from the urban agricultural agencies. The land-owners, thus, will interact with the urban modernizing influences relatively more frequently than those who do not own land. The impacts of the modernizing forces on individuals, therefore, appear to vary according to their land-ownership status.

The more the land one owns, the greater w ill be his necessity to visit the urban agricultural agencies and the greater w ill be the impacts of urban modernizing influences on him. It is, therefore, hypothesized, 62 that higher the land-ownership status of an individual, the greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism.

Formal education, occupational achievement and income are ccinmonly cited in literature to be positively associated with the psycho-social modernism of individuals (See: Inkeles: 1?69,

Schnaiberg: 1970, Armer and Youtz: 1971). Formal education not only gives a broader view of the social processes and problems to indivi­ duals, but it also fosters many modem values and beliefs. Some of these modern values and beliefs are: readiness for new experience, openness to innovation and change, increased orientation to the pre­ sent and the future, relative independence from the traditional authority systems, more faith in science and technology and belief in man's ability to control his fate and environment (Inkeles: 1966,

1 Mouiu: 1 l^b'j). Formal education, thus, has con­ siderable influence on an individual's attitudes, behavior and participative patterns. Within the community, achievement of high formal education gives an individual high social status and makes him more acceptable for participative and leadership activities. High occupational status and Income complement further the above mentioned influences of formal education on an individual's living style, behavioral and participative patterns, attitudes and values and acceptance for leadership activities (See: Schnaiberg: 1970).

It is, therefore, hypothesized that higher the forr. 1 education, 63 Q occupational status and income of individuals, the greater w ill be their psycho-social modernism.

The respondents in this study are heads of the households.

Therefore, characteristics of the respondents (such as, caste, age, land-ownership, formal education and occupational status) w ill influence the characteristics of their families. However, the rural

Indian family is a closely-knit unit and different members of the family interact with each other freely and frequently (Dube: 1955*

Lewis: 1956)* Therefore, attitudes, behavior and participative patterns of the household-head w ill be influenced to some degree by * * the characteristics of his family, such as levels of formal education and civic/political participation of the family members. The family inccme and level of living of the family w ill also influence the attitudii.al :.i lol^.iviv--.*1 patterns of the houoohold-head to sane extent. Within the community, such fa.idly characteristics of the household-head as high family income, education, level of living and civic/political participation w ill enhance his social status and prestige and w ill increase his chances for civic/political partici­ pation and leadership activities. Thus, the impacts of the above mentioned family characteristics on the household-head1 s psycho­ social modernism appear to be substantial. It is, therefore,

O In a rural Indian family, the Incomes of different family members are generally pooled together. Therefore, in the rural Indian context, family income would be a more relevant variable for the psycho-social modernism of an individual than his own inccme alone. In the theoretical framework of this stutty, therefore, income of the respondent has not been included as a variable. 81 hypothesized that higher the family income, education, level of living and civic/political participation, the greater will be the psycho-social modernism of the respondent.

The behavioral characteristics of individuals which appear to be associated with their p3ycho-social modernisms are: extra- community contacts, mass--media participation, civic/political parti­ cipation and village leadership status.

In the context of a rural community, extra-community contacts aro an important factor for the psycho-social modernism of indivi­ duals* Such contacts bring the individuals in closer proximity to the modernizing influences of other rural communities. But, more important than this, the extra-community contacts result in a greater exposure of individuals to the urban modernizing influences in terms of their visits to towns and cities. More frequent visits to urban places should result in modification of a person's attitudinal and behavioral patterns (See: Lerner: 1958, Benvenuti: 19&2, Inkeles:

1969> Schnaiberg: 1970).

Mass-media participation comprises an indirect link between individuals in a rural community and the larger scale social system.

It exposes the individuals to a wider range of social processes and problems as well as the attitudinal and value patterns of the mass society. An awareness and knowledge of such social processes and values generally has considerable impact on the attitudinal and behavioral patterns of individuals. The more an individual partici­ pates with the mass-media, the more aware he w ill be of the prooesses 65 and values of the mass society and the more his attitudes and behav­

ioral patterns will be influenced by them (See: Lerner: 1958,

In k e le s : 1969).

The impacts of civic/political participation and village leadership status on the attitudinal and behavioral patterns of indi­ viduals are also considerable. Civic/political participation and village leadership activities give an individual a greater opportunity to visit the urban agencies and to interact with the urban people.

The members of the gram panchayat (village council), for example, not only manage the village affiars, but also serve as links between the villagers and several government agencies, such as the police depart­ ment, the courts, the agriculture department and the rural development agencies. They have a greater opportunity to visit the urban centers and interact with agency personnel and urban people than other vil­ lagers. The impact of urban modernizing influences, therefore, appears to vary according to the civic/political participation and village leadership activities of individuals. Within the village, civic/political participation and village leadership lend an individ­ ual a greater social status and this w ill also have sane impact on his attitudinal and behavioral patterns. For example, it is commonly found that the individuals who actively engage in civic/political activities, also have a greater tendency for mass-media participation and to remain uptodate with the current issues and problems

(Inkeles: 1969)* It, therefore, appears that impact of the modernising forces w ill be greater on individuals who actively engage in the civic/ political and village leadership activities. 86

In view or the above discussion, it is hypothesized that more the extra-community contacts, mass-media participation, civic/politioal participation and village leadership status of an individual, the greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism.

Lastly, the attitudes toward programs for planned social change appear to be one component of the broader phenomenon of psycho­ social traditionalism and modernism. Psycho-social modernism appears to be positively associated with favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change. In the case of psycho-social tradition- Q alism, such an association appears to be a negative one.7 It is, therefore, hypothesized that the greater the psycho-social modernism of an individual, the more favorable his attitudes w ill be toward programs for planned social change.

The Hypotheses

In view of the discussions in the preceding section, the hypotheses of the study are as follows.

A) 1. Greater the communicative proximity of a village to the urban centers, the greater w ill be the psycho-social modernism of its r e s id e n ts .

2, Greater the communicative proximity of a village to the urban centers, the greater w ill be the presence of the modernizing factors in the village.

^Rofer to the earlier discussion in this chapter regarding the relationship between psycho-social modernism and attitudes toward programs for planned social change. 67 3. Greater the communicative proximity of a village to the

urban centers, the more favorable attitudes its residents will have toward programs for planned social change.

B) 1. Higher the caste status of the respondent, the greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism.

2. Lower the age of the respondent, the greater will be his psycho-social modernism.

3. Higher the land-ownership status of the respondent, the

greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism.

U. Higher the formal education of the respondent, the greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism.

$. Higher the occupational status of the respondent, the greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism.

6. Higher the incor.ie of the respondent's family, the greater w ill be the psycho-social modernism of the respondent.

7* Higher the formal education of the respondent's family, the greater w ill be the psycho-social modernism of the respondent.

8. Greater the civic/political participation of the respond­ ent's family, the greater w ill be the psycho-social modernism of the respondent *

9. Hi^ier the level of living of the respondent's family, the greater w ill be the psycho-social modernism of the respondent.

10. Greater the extra-community contacts of the respondent, the greater w ill be his psycho-social mode m i an.

11. Greater the mass-media participation of the respondent, the greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism. 12, Greater the civic/political participation of the respond­

ent, the greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism,

13. Higher the village leadership status of the respondent, the

greater w ill be his psycho-social modernism.

C) 1. Greater the psycho-social modernism of the respondent, the more favorable his attitudes w ill be toward programs for planned

social change. CHAPTER V

THE METHODOLOGY

Selection of the Villages

The present study has been conducted in two villages called

Khaira Bet and Hiagpura in the Punjab State of India.

Numerous villages in Punjab as well as those elsewhere in

India are in the process of rapid social change. The model of social change in them, however, is one of coexistence of traditionalism and modernism since the nature of the social change tends to be evolu­ tionary and adoptive rather than radically transformative (See:

Chapter III). It is, therefore, argued that any selected village in

Punjab would exhibit both traditionalism and modernism' and this would have made possible isolation of respective factors for the traditional and modem states. However, one of the hypotheses to be tested in the present study was that psycho-social modernism in a village is a function of the communicative proximity of the village (in terms of road links and transportation facilities) to the modernising influences of nearby towns and cities and not of the physical distance of the village from the urban modernising influences as such (See: Benvenuti:

^The degrees of traditionalism and modernism, however, w ill differ from one village to another since different villages in Punjab would be in different transitional stages.

09 90

1962). To test this hypothesis, it was necessary to select at least two villages with different degrees of communicative proximity to the nearby towns and cities and being located at equal distance from those urban centers. To ensure that the differences in the psycho-social modernism of the two villages were primarily due to their different degrees of communicative proximity to the urban modernizing influences, it was also necessary that the selected villages be sim ilar in terms of other important exogeneous factors relating to their psycho-social modernism states.

Four of the exogeneous factors to which psycho-social modernism o of a village appeared to be sensitive were : 1. the cultural content of the area in which the village was located, 2. the level of urbani­ zation of the area, 3* the socio-economic development of the area, k* the communicative proximity of the village to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities in that area. With communi­ cative proximity of the two villages to the urban modernizing in­ fluences permitted to vary, it was necessaiy that the villages be sim ilar on the other three factors. These conditions could be met by selecting the two villages from ary block (county) in Punjab. A block is the next higher administrative and development unit to a village.

The block is, therefore, small enough in area to ensure sim ilarity of cultural content, level of urbanization and level of socio-economic development of the area.

p Based on the discussions of Lerner (1958), Gusfield (1967), Stephenson ( 1968), Benvenuti (1962), Portes (1973)* 91

Besides the above mentioned external factors to the village

situations, it was also necessary for the puipose of making comparisons

that the two villages be similar in terms of structural factors. In

accordance with the general pattern of the Punjab villages, it was

decided that the selected villages would be agri-based, multicaste in

structure and predominantly inhabited by sikh populations. To ensure

further the comparability of the two villages, it was decided that they would be of medium size of 100 to 125 households.

Using the above mentioned selection criteria, data on villages

in different blocks (counties) of the Ludhiana district of Punjab were

collected from the Census Handbook of Ludhiana D istrict (1961). The

information on the road systems, the transportation facilities and the physical distances of the villages to nearby towns and cities was gath­

ered frcm the hap cf Ludhiana District On the basis of tliese

data, only seven pairs of villages in two counties met approximately

all of the criteria of selection. Of these pairs, the one pair of vil­

lages which demonstrated the maximum variance on communicative proximity to other villages, towns and cities in the area (in terms of physical access, road links and transportation facilities), but located at approximately the same distance from the urban influences was selected.

Description of the Selected Villages^

The two selected villages Khaira Bet and flhagpura are in

Mangat block (county) of the Ludhiana district. According to the

3 The researcher had spent five months in residence in each of the two villages. The anthropological data cited in this section is from the field notes of the researcher. 9 2 information provided by old people in these villages and in the sur­ rounding area, both of these villages appear to have been founded approximately one hundred and sixty years ago during the rule of

Maharaja Ranjit Singh in Punjab (1799-1839)

Khaira Bet, according to the old villagers, was founded by

Ehag Singh Khaira, a soldier in the army of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.

Biag Singh originally hailed from Khadur Sahib in the Amritsar dis­ trict of Punjab. The village, therefore, is named after his surname

Khaira. Since the village is situated in a bet area close to the southern bank of the Satluj river, it is known as Khaira Bet. The site of this village might have been subject to minor shifts from time to time due to the overflow of the Satluj river. However, the oldest living resident of the village has noted that during the last ninety years, the village has remained on its present site.

Ehagpura, according to the old villagers, was founded by

Ehag Singh, Bara Singh and his son-in-law Dharam Singh, a ll soldiers in the army of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Hiag Sin^i and Bara Singh originally hailed from Mage Di Mari in Kasur tehsil^ of the Lahore district. Eharam Singh originally hailed from Kairon village in the

Amritsar district. The village appears to have been named after Ehag

Singh who may have been the leader of the founders of the village.

For some time, this village was also referred to as Nawapind, meaning a new village.

^Ludhiana was conquered by Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1606 (Ehcyclcpodia Britannica, Vol. 18, p. 1162).

^Tehsil is an administrative unit, larger than a block (county), but smaller than a district. Khaira Tiet and Hiagpura are agri-based villages and they are predominantly inhabited by Sikh populations. At the time of the study, there were 123 households in Khaira Bet which represented 11 caste

groups. In Hiagpura, there were 116 households which represented 10 caste groups.^ Thus, the two villages were ccmparable in terms of their agri-base, predominant Sikh populations, number of households and number of caste groups in them. Location of the villages in the same block (county) ensured their comparability in terms of cultural content, level of urbanization and level of socio-economic development 7 of the area in rfiich they were located. Sharing a similar history relative to their foundation appeared to enhance the probability that the two villages were comparable in tem s of their cultural contexts.

One of the major differences in Khaira Bet and Hiagpura vil­ lages was in terms of their different degrees of communicative prox­ imity to the modernizing influences of other villages, towns and cities in the area. Khaira Bet in this respect was a relatively more remote village than Ehagpura. The Budha Nala (a small river) passes rela­ tively close to Hiagpura to the north and there is no other physical barrier in close proximity to the village. Hiagpura people, there­ fore, possess easy physical access to a cluster of villages in the immediate area. Khaira Bet, on the other hand, is bounded by the

Satluj river on the north. The village is bounded on the south and

^Caste-wise distributions of the households in the two villages are presented in Appendix A.

?See: Selection of the villages in this chapter* west by the Eudha Nala. Due to these physical barriers, Khaira Bet people possess easy physical access to a few villages which are lo c a te d between th e S a tlu j r iv e r and th e Eudha Nala.

In terms of accessibility to nearby towns and cities, Hiagpura also had better road systems and better transportation facilities than

Khaira Bst. In case of Khaira Bet, the only road link to nearby towns and cities is through Nurpur Bet-Ladhowal metalled road (asphalt road) which was constructed in I960 (5 miles). Prom Khaira Bet to

Nurpur Bet, there is a kachha road (dirt road) 2 miles long. To visit a town or city, Khaira Bat people have to traverse the first two miles either on foot or on a bicycle. The next five miles from Nurpur Bet to Ladhowal can be traversed either on a bicycle or on a horse-driven tonga. The nearest bus stop and railway station to Khaira Bet are seven miles away at Ladhowal. Hiagpura, on the other hand, is located only half a mile from Sahnewal-Macliiwara metalled road (asphalt road) and this approach road to the village is metalled. The nearest bus stop to Hiagpura is at a distance of half a mile where the village approach road meets the Sahnewal-Machiwara road. Another bus stop is located about two miles from the village at Kohara. From this bus stop, Hiagpura residents have rapid bus service to all nearby towns and cities. Hie nearest railway station to the village is at Sahnewal at a distance of 5 miles. However, covering this distance of 5 miles is relatively easy due to availability of motor scooters or bus ser­ vice at a short distance frcm the village.

Due to better road links and better transportation facilities available to Hiagpura, the Hiagpura residents are able to visit frequently more towns and cities than the Khaira Bet people. The

only city which is frequently visited by Khaira Bet people is Ludhiana.

Next, in terms of frequency of visits comes Phillaur, a town approxi­

mately 10 miles from the village. Ehagpura inhabitants not only

visited Ludhiana more frequently than Khaira Bet people, but they also

more frequently visited many other towns and cities, such as Chandigarh,

Jullundur, Samrala, Machiwara, Sahnewal, Khanna and Doraha. Thus, if

psycho-social modernism in a village is a function of the modernizing

influences of nearby towns and cities, Hiagpura people were communi­

catively more close to such influences than the residents of Khaira Bet.

The major source of urban modernizing influences to the two

villages was the nearest city Ludhiana. Khaira Bet is located toward the west and north of Ludhiana at a distance of 12 miles. Bhagpura is

located toward the east and south at approximately the same distance.

Ludhiana is an industrial city. Besides being the district headquarter D of the two villages, it is also their tehsil headquarter and a seat

of the district courts. Office of the block (county) development

officer is also located there. For the two villages, it is also their main marketing center for the agricultural produce, shopping center for the necessities of life, the educational center for hi^ier education, the center for the industrial and urban employment and the center for the entertainment needs (movies and others). Due to these factors,

a °Tehsil is an administrative unit, larger than a block (county), but smaller than a district. 96

Ludhiana was visited relatively more frequently by the people frail

the two villages than any other town or city in the area.

Unit of Study and Data Collection

The household-head is s till the most important member of a

rural family in spite of the changes which are occurring in the rural

eocio-cultural organization of Punjab. At home, he is the custodian

of the family finances and takes the responsibility of meeting many

different needs of the family members. All of the important family

decisions are either made by him or require hi3 approval. At the farm

level, all faming operations are undertaken under his supervision

and all new investments need his consent. In terms of the social

interaction of the family within the village or with outsiders, it is he who represents the family and acts as its spokesman. Due to all of these factors, every household-head is an inportant member of the village social organization. Thus, it appears that the attitudes which matter most for the success of rural programs for planned social change are those of the household-heads. In the present study, therefore, household-head has been taken as the respondent and the unit of analy­ sis. Since there were only 239 household-heads in the two villages

(123 in Khaira Get and 116 in Ehagpura), drawing of a sample was con­ sidered less desirable than interviewing the total number of household- heads. The present study, therefore, encompasses all of the 239 household-heads in the two villages. Data have been collected with the help of an interview schedule containing questions and scales on different aspects of the study. Operationalization of the Variables

The variables which have been included in the theoretical

model of the present study were: caste, age, socio-economic status,

behavioral modernism, psycho-social modernism, attitudes toward pro­

grams for planned social change of the respondents and the socio­

economic status of the respondents' families (See: Chapter IV).

Caste of the Respondent

Due to the legislative measures taken by the British and Indian

governments since 1850 to remove caste disabilities in India, there are

no legal restrictions at present on the economic and socio-cultural

opportunities of individuals on the basis of caste (See: Chapter III).

The established customary order of the village and social pressure

9 from the villagers^ to maintain that social order, however, still make

caste an important factor for the allocation of economic and socio­

cultural opportunities to different caste groups in the villages

(See: Chapter IV). Therefore, caste in the present study has been

defined as a social phenomenon which influences the allocation of

different economic and socio-cultural opportunities to different caste

groups according to their caste status in the village caste hierarchy.

Names of different caste groups in the two villages were noted

during a preliminary survey of the villages. The survey had revealed

^Since the traditional economic and socio-cultural order of the village upheld the socio-economic dominance of high castes over medium and low castes, the strongest social pressure to maintain the tradi­ tional order canes from the hi^i caste people. that there were 10 caste groups in Khaira Bet and 8 caste groups in

Biagpura. In Khaira Bet, the caste groups were: Brahmins, Jata,

Aroras, Kujjahals, Labanas, Lohars, Sansis, Rai Sikhs, Harijans and

Majbi Sikhs* The caste groups in fliagpura were: Jats, Sunars, Nais,

Cheers, Tarkhans, Harijans, Majbi Sikhs and B iais.^ Later, while conducting the study, it was decided to have a further probe into the caste structures of the two villages. This probe appeared to be necessary to ensure that for social interaction purpose, people in the two villages recognized only those caste groups which had been revealed by the preliminary survey to be in existence. To conduct this probe, a 25 percent random sample of the household-heads was drawn separately for each village. The respondents in these two sample sets were asked to list different caste groups in their respective villages which were recognized by the villagers a s distinct groups for social interaction p u rp o se .

The probe revealed that for social interaction puipose, the people in the two villages recognized more caste groups than had been shown to be in existence by the preliminary survey. In Khaira Bet,

90.3 percent of the respondents in the sample mentioned Aroras as two caste groups, namely Arora Sikhs and Arora Khatria, a distinction

^B iais are temporarily or permanently migrated people from the states adjoining to the Punjab state (most often from Uttar Pradesh, but sometimes from Rajasthan and Bihar also) who work as agricultural laborers in the Punjab villages. Originally, they belong to several caste groups. But, the villagers in Punjab recognize them as Hiais. Since these people do not originally belong to the village and they also have a different language, customs and living habits, for social interaction purpose they are generally treated as one caste group irrespective of their own castes. 99 1 1 based on the religions followed by the two groups. In Biagpura,

86.2 percent of the respondents in the sample mentioned Ehais as two

caste groups, namely Ehais (Brahmins) and Ehais (Non-Brahmins). This

distinction was based on the fact whether the families belonged to the

highest caste (Brahmin) or did not belong to it. In Ehagpura, all of

the respondents in the sample also mentioned the Granthi (Sikh priest)

family in the village as a separate caste group in itself for the pur­

pose of social interaction. Since these distinctions were important to

the villagers for their social interaction, the present study has con­

sidered them as a part of the caste structures of the villages. In

Khaira Bet, therefore, the present study recognized the existence of

11 caste groups and in Ehagpura, the existence of 10 caste groups, as

shown in Appendix A.

Caste hierarchies of the two villages were determined separately through a ranking procedure. For these rankings, each household-head

in the two villages was given names of different caste groups in his village on separate cards and was asked to rank them according to the

social status of each caste group in the village, as perceived ty him.^

For the ranking purpose, the number of ranks were kept the same as the number of caste groups in the village (11 in case of Khaira Bet and 10 in case of Biagpura). However, if a respondent felt that two or more caste groups in the village had the same social status, he could place

^ ^ Arora Sikhs followed Sikh religion and Arora Khatrls followed Hindu religion. 12 In the case of illiterate respondents, help in reading the cards was provided by the researcher. 100

them in one rank. Since every household-head in the two villages was participating in this ranking effort, it was felt that the tendency

to assign a higher rank to one's own caste or to lower the rank of

* another caste would be counterbalanced by a similar tendency of other

respondents from other caste groups in the village.

From the above rarkings of different caste groups in the two

villages, average weighted rank score for each caste group was cal­

culated in the following manner. Each rank was assigned a weight in multiples of 10 in the reverse order to the rank orders. For example, in Khaira Bet, there were 11 caste groups and therefore, there were

11 ranks for the ranking purpose. To the lowest rank (11th), a weight of 10 was assigned. To the next higher rank (10th), a wei^it of 20 was assigned. In the same way, to the highest rank (1st), a weight of

110 was assigned. Similarly, in Hiagpura, th e re were 10 caste groups and therefore, there were 10 ranks for the ranking purpose. To the lowest rank (10th), a weight of 10 was assigned. To the next higher rank (9th), a weigit of 20 was assigned. In the same way, to the highest rank (1st), a weight of 100 was assigned. The assumption in assigning weights in this manner was that in rank order terms, there was an equal distance between one rank and its next higher or lower rank. Therefore, the ranks could be assigned weights in multiples of any number, provided their rank orders were maintained in their original sequence.

After assigning weights to the ranks, frequencies of each caste group under different ranks were tabulated and the total frequencies under different ranks were multiplied by the respective weights of the 101

ranks. These weighted scores under different ranks were added for

each caste group and their averages were calculated by dividing the total weighted score of each caste group by the total number of the

respondents who participated in the respective zo-nking. For the sake

of sim plicity, the average weighted caste rank scores w ill henceforth

be called caste rank scores only. A respondent's caste rank score will

be the same as the score for his caste group. The results of the caste

rankings have been presented in Appendix B. The possible range of

caste rank scores in case of Khaira Bet is 10 to 110 and in case of

Hiagpura, it is 10 to 100.

Age o f th e Respondent

Age of the respondent was taken as the number of years he has lived since his birth.

Socio-economic Status of the Respondent

Socio-economic status of the respondent was studied in terms of three variables: his land-ownership, formal education and occupa­ tional status.

Land-ownership of the respondent was operationalized in terns of the number of acres of agricultural land owned by the respondent.

Formal education of the respondent was taken as the number of years spent by him in a school, college or university for the purpose of acquiring formal education.

Occupational status of the respondent was operationalized in terms of the social prestige score of his occupation. 102

The procedure which was followed to calculate the social

prestige scores of different occupations in the two villages was the

same as for calculating the caste rank scores. The names of different

occupations in the two villages were noted from the interview schedules

and these were given to each respondent on separate cards. Each

respondent was asked to rank the respective occupations in his village

according to their social prestige in the village.

In each village, the total number of occupations to be ranked

was too large to assign an individual rank to each occupation.^

Therefore, to maintain consistency and convenience in rankingfthe total

number of ranks was established at 10 for each village. The respond­

ents, thus, could assign one rank to two or more occupations in case

they felt that those occupations had similar social prestige in the

v illa g e .

Frcm the above rankings of different occupations in the two

villages, the average weighted rank score for each occupation was cal­

culated in the following manner. Each rank was assigned a weight in multiples of 10 in the reverse order to the rank orders. For example, to the lowest rank (10th), a weight of 10 was assigned. To the next higher rank (?th), a weight of 20 was assigned. In the same way, to the highest rank (1st), a weight of 100 was assigned. The assumption in assigning weights in this manner was that in rank order tenns, there was an equal distance between one rank and its next higher or

^^There were 38 occupations in Khaira Bet and & in Hiagpura. 103

lower rank. Therefore, the ranks could be assigned weights in multi­

ples of any number, provided their rank orders were maintained in

their original sequence.

After assigning weights to the ranks, frequencies of each

occupation under different ranks in the rankings were tabulated and

the total frequencies under the different ranks were multiplied by

the respective weights of the ranks. These weighted scores under

different ranks were added for each occupation and their averages were

calculated by dividing the total weighted score of each occupation by the total number of the respondents who participated in the respective

ranking. For the sake of convenience, the weighted occupation rank

scores w ill henceforth be called occupation rank scores only. Hie results of the occupational rankings have been presented in Appendix C.

The possible range of occupation rank scoresin the case of each v i l ­ lage is 10 to 100.

Socio-economic Status of the Respondent1 s Family^

Socio-economic status of the respondent's family was studied in terns of four variables: family income, family education, level of living of the family and family's civic/political participation.

Family income was operationalized in terms of the total monthly income in rupees^ of all the family members (including the respondent) from all the different sources.

^^The concept of family, as used here, includes only those family members who normally lived in the village with the household-head.

^7 .5 rupees are approximately equivalent to one United States d o lla r. ^ok

Each working member of the family was asked to give the best possible estim ate^ of his last year's income from all the different sources either on a monthly basis (if the major portion of the income was received every month) or on a six month basis (if the major portion of the income was received every six months^). In case of those family members who were working in a joint venture of the family

(farming or family business) and did not have an individual income, they were asked to mention only that part of their income which was derived from sources other than the family venture. The estimate of income from the joint venture of the fanily was taken from the household-head. The sum of the incomes of different family members was the annual income of the respondent's family which was divided by

1 2 to determine monthly family income.

Family education was operationalized as the sum total of for­ mal education of those members of the family who were old enough to participate in family and farm decision making activities. The assump­ tion was that psycho-social modernism of the respondent will be influenced by the formal education of those family members who were old enough to influence the decision making processes relating to the family and the farm.

l^lhe respondents did not keep any written record of their incomes. Therefore, the respondents were asked to give the best possible estimates of their incomes.

^ ^Farmers received the major portion of their incomes only twice a year when they sold their farm produce. 10$

In the Punjab villages the children usually start sharing family and farm labor at a relatively young age of 10 years or so.

It was, therefore, assumed that from this age onward they would begin to influence to some degree the behavior, attitudes and decision making of the head of the household. Calculation of family education scores, therefore, employed only the formal education of those family members (excluding the head of household^) who were 10 y e a rs o f age and older.

The second assumption for calculating the family education scores was that influence of a family member on the household-head 1 s attitudes and behavior w ill increase progressively with an increase in his formal education. Consistent with this assumption, one family member with a 10th grade education would have more influence upon the household-head's attitudes and behavior than two family members with five years of formal education each. To calculate family education scores, therefore, the number of years spent by each family member for receiving formal education were weighted as follows.

Years Weight 19 I-5 1 6-10 1 .$ II-15 2 1 5 and above 2.5

^The formal education of the respondent (household-head) has been treated separately as an independent variable. Therefore, his formal education was excluded while calculating the family education sc o re .

1^The weights were arbitrary. 106

If a family member had spent 10 years receiving his formal

education up to the 10th grade, the weight for his first five years

of education was 1 and the weight for his subsequent five years of

education was 1.5. His weighted education score, therefore, was:

5 x 1 + 5 x i .5 = 1 2 .5 .

For each family, the weighted education scores of different

family members were added and their average was calculated by dividing

the total weighted education score of the family by the total number

of family members who were considered in the computation of the family

education score. For the sake of convenience, this average weighted

family education score w ill henceforth be called family education score.

Level of living of the family was studied in tezms of different

possessions of the family which indicated its level of modern living.

The fa.tily possessions which were considered were: bicycle, full tea

s e t (15 pieces), cups and plates only, sofa, chair, table, radio/

transistor, sewing machine, electric fan, wall clock/table clock,

wrist watch, hand water pump, terelyn clothes, saries, separate living

roan, separate cattle shed. Each respondent in the two villages was

asked to indicate which items were in the possession of his family.

The total number of items checked by the respondent was used as the family's level of living score.

Civic/political participation of the family was measured in tezms of the relative importance of the civic/political organisations in which different members of the family participated. Other conpo- nents of the variable were the level of participation in the organi­ zations and the number and type of offices held within those 107

organizations. Each member of the family was asked to indicate:

1. The names uf the civic/political organizations in which he parti­

cipated. 2. The levels of those organizations (village, block

(county), district, state, or national level). 3* His membership

role in each of those organizations (ordinary member, office holder,

or head of the organization), b. His level of participation in each

of those organizations (very frequent, frequent, often, rare, or ver*y

rare). In order to give proper weights to the differences in the

levels of organizations, levels of the offices held and the levels of

participation in the organizations, the following weighting system

was adopted.

Level of Organization Weight Level of Office Vfeight

Village level 1 Ordinary member 1 Block (county) level 2 Office holder 2 District level 3 Head of the State level b organization National level 5

Level of Participation Weight

Very ra re 1 Rare 2 O ften 3 Frequent b Very frequent $ To compute civic/political participation score of a family

member, the weight for the level of each organization mentioned by

him was multiplied bry the respective weight for his level of office

in it and this product was multiplied by the weight for his level of participation in that organization. The sum of these weighted scores

in the case of all organizations mentioned by him was divided by the total number of organizations in which the family member participated. 108

The resultant score was his average weighted civic/political parti­ cipation score. The sum of the average weighted civic/political participation scores of different family members^ was the average weighted civic/political participation score of the family. Por the sake of convenience, the average weighted civic/political participation score of the family will henceforth be called civic/political parti­ cipation score of the family.

Behavioral Modernism of the Respondent

Behavioral modernism of the respondent was studied in terms of four variables: his extra-community contacts, mass-media participa­ tion, civic/political participation and village leadership status.

Of these variables, operationalization of civic/political participation has already been mentioned above*

Extra-community contacts of the respondent were studied in terns of the distances of the places (villages, towns, cities) usually visited and the frequency of visits to each of those places. Each respondent was asked to mention the names of the places which he had visited during the last six months and also how many times he had visited each of those places* Distance (in miles) travelled for each visit outside the village of residence was multiplied by the corre­ sponding frequency of visits. These weighted scores for all the visited places were summed for each respondent and an average was

^®The civic/political participation of the respondent (household- head) was treated separately as an independent variable. Therefore, his civic/political participation has not been considered while computing the civic/political participation score of his family. 109

calculated by dividing the total weighted score by the total frequency

of the respondent's visits. The resultant score reveals the average

distance travelled by the respondent for visits, and it was taken as

his extra-community contacts score.

Mass-media participation of the respondent was studied in

terms of his extensiveness and intensiveness of participation in three mass-media systems: newspapers, radio networks and movie theatres.

Each respondent was asked to mention the names of the newspapers which he usually read and also how frequently he read each of them (daily, twice a week, once a week, once a fortnight, or once a month). Simi­

larly, he was asked to mention the names of radio stations to which he usually listened and how frequently he listened to each of them. In terns of movie theatres, he was asked to mention the names of the

theatres which he usually visited for watching movies and how fre­

quently he visited each of them. The weights for the frequencies of participation in case of each of the three mass-media systems were as follows.

Frequency of Participation Weifjit

Once a month 1 Once a f o r tn ig h t 2 Once a week 3 Twice a week U D aily 5

Mass-media participation score of the respondent was the sum of the weights for his frequencies of participation in the total number of items in the three mass-media systems. 110

Village leadership status of the respondent was studied in terms of his reputation in the village for leading village activities.

Each respondent was asked to mention the names of the persons in his village who usually provide leadership for village functions. Each respondent could mention as many names as desired and if he wanted to mention himself, he could do so. loiter, each respondent was asked to distribute the names mentioned into four ranks according to the degrees of leadership provided by the mentioned persons. The four ranks were assigned weights in the reverse order. Rank 1 was assigned a weight of It* rank 2 was assigned a weight of 3* rank 3 was assigned a weight of 2 and rank U was assigned a weight of 1. The number of times a person was mentioned under each rank was tabulated and these frequencies were multiplied by the corresponding weights of the ranks.

The weighted leadership scores under different ranks were summed f o r each person and the average was calculated by dividing the total weighted leadership score by the total number of respondents in the village. The resultant score was an average weighted village leader­ ship score of the respondent. But, henceforth, it w ill be referred to as the village leadership score.

Measuring Psycho-Social Modernism

Psycho-social modernism of the respondent was measured in terms of his attitudinal responses to the newly developing psycho-social situations in the Punjab villages. Examples of such situations are: weakening of the caste disabilities, development of mixed-caste neighborhoods, lesser authority of family elders as well as of caste and village elders, more favorable attitudes toward females in the 111

family, greater participation of females in the decision-making process of the family, greater freedom for girls to receive fomal

education or for taking a job outside the village, etc..

The major orientation of traditionals is to preserve the

existing socio-cultural order and to resist the changes occurring

within it. Modems, on the other hand, take the existing socio­

cultural order as being subject to manipulation in the event of exi­

gencies of the present or the future. They, therefore, tend to accept

and adjust with the emerging psycho-social situations (See: Chapter

II). It is, therefore, argued that traditionalism and modernism could

be studied in terns of differential responses of the respondents to

the newly developing psycho-social situations. However, traditionalism

and modernism are multidimensional concepts and an individual may be

relatively traditional in one aspect of life and relatively modem in

another. To study overall traditionalism and modernism, therefore,

it was necessary that attitudinal responses of the respondents be

taken on a comprehensive set of items dealing with different aspects

of the socio-cultural order.

To measure psycho-social modernism of the respondents, a

Likert-type scale was developed (See: Murphy and Likert: 1937,

Rundquist and Sletto: 1936). Statements on newly developing psycho­

social situations in Indian villages were collected from the existing

literature and from the people who were fam iliar with the rural Indian

conditions (See: Stephenson: 1968, 1969, Inkeles: 1969a)* To make the set of statements comprehensive, some statements which appeared relevant to the rural Indian conditions were taken from the existing 112

modernism scales (of Lerner: 1958, Hobb: 1?60, Benvenuti: 1961,

Smith and Inkeles: 1966, Steplienson: 1 ^66). The statements, thus

collected, were 35 in number and pertained to the following attitudinal

areas: caste orientations, achievement orientations, authority of

elders, freedom for girls, family roles by sex, attitudes toward city

people, general attitudes toward females. The statements were edited

for their relevance and clarity according to the guidelines in

Edwards21 (1957, p. 13).

The validity and relevance of the 35 possible scale items to

the concept of psycho-social modernism was enhanced through the use

of 20 judges: 1* university professors (Punjab Agricultural Univer­

s i t y ) , h block (county) development officers, it progressive farmers,

2 village school teachers, 2 patwaris (village revenue officers),

2 village sarpanches (chairmen of the village councils), 2 presidents

of the village cooperative societies (See: Stephenson: 1966, 1969).

All of these judges had first-hand knowledge of the rural conditions

in Punjab and they were also aware of what traditionalism and modernism

meant in the context of rural Punjab. The 35 possible scale items were

presented to each of the 20 judges on separate cards and they were

asked to sort them with two considerations in mind: 1 . The state­ ment should be suitable and clear enough to bring forth either a

traditional or a modem response from the respondent, 2. The state­ ment should not be such that it leads all the respondents to give a

sim ilar response (that is, the statement should be powerful enough

^Based on Wang: 1932, Thurstons and Chave: 1929, Likert: 1932, Bird: 19U0, Edwards and K ilpatrick: 19U8. 113 to discriminate moderns from truditionals). On the basis of the sorting by the judges, the ten statements, on which there was maximum agreement regarding their suitability and discriminative power, were selected for further consideration. This battery of ten scale items contained at least one item pertaining to each of the seven attitudinal areas which were represented by the original 39 possible scale items.

The tentative psycho-social modernism scale, thus derived, is pre­ sented in table 1 .

Before testing the reliability of the tentative psycho-social modernism scale, one obvious thing which could be done was to drop some of the scale items which appeared to tap the same attitudinal area.

In table 1, for example, scale items 1 or 5, 2 or 3, li or 8 could be dropped. But, considering that attitudinal areas may themselves be multidimensional, all of the 10 scale item s in the tentative psycho­ social modernism scale were retained for further analysis.

R eliability of the tentative psycho-social modernism scale was determined through the internal consistency item analysis using

Cleaver's (1968) program .^

The presence of 5 favorable and 5 unfavorable items in the tentative scale was Intentional to provide a means of avoiding a possible response set from the respondents (See: Edwards: 1957).

Each respondent was asked to respond to each item using the following

22 For further details of different statistics computed by Cleaver's (1968) program, see: Napier (1971, p. 38-39). TABU 1

TUB TSffATIVE PSYOIO-SDCIAI. MQEHUII9C SOLE

Item Attitudinal KoderoiM Answer Categories Ho. Seal* I tan Area Response*1 Used and Their

1 .* Before cozmtdtaant, dau^rters should be consulted SA A 0 D SD about their choice for a aarriage-partner. freedom for girls * (1 ) (2) (3 ) (It) (5 )

2 .* High caste people should not dine with low carte people. oaste orientations - SA A U D SD (5 ) (1*) (3 ) (2 ) (1)

3-* Villagers should elect a Harljan as Sarpanch, if he has SA A 0 D SD all the desired qualities. caste orientations ♦ 0 ) (2) (3 ) (It) (5 )

1*.* Women ate inferior to nan on waking decisions about the attitudes toward SA A U D SD family problems. fm oalee (5 ) (Ui (3) (2) O'

s.* Parents should allow their educated daughters to take SA A n D SD up a job in the city. freedom for girls + (1 ) (2 ) (3) (It) (S)

6.* He (God) who gives life, gives to eat also; wan achievement SA A 0 o SD should not worry. orientations (5 ) (It) (3) (2) (1 )

7.* Ken and wemen should plan an equal role in the family roles by SA A U D SD family undertakings. sex * (1 ) (2 ) (3 ) (U (S)

e.* Daunts re are a burden to the parents. attitudes toward SA A U D SD fem ales (5 ) (It) (3) (2) (1)

9 / If children consider that the orders of the family SA A U D SD elders are wrong, they should not accept them. authority of elders + (1) (2 ) (3 ) (It) (5)

10.“ Women dress shamelessly in cities. attitudes toward SA A U D SD city people (5) (U) (3) (2) 0 )

b* Is positive end - is negative reap ones °i) SA • Strongly Agree, A « Agree, U ■ Uncertain, D - Disagree, SD - Strongly Disagree 11) Arbitrary weights have been assigned to the answer categories as suggested by Murphy and Lilt art (1937), Aindqulst and Sletto (1 9 3 6 ) . lli) The lower the score of the respondent on the seals, the higher was his psycho-social ModentiM. 115

response categories: strongly agree, agree, uncertain, disagree,

strongly disagree. The scale was adnLnistered to the 239 respondents

in the selected villages.

The answer categories were assigned arbitrary weights, as

suggested by Murphy and Likert (1937) and Rundquist and Sletto (1936).

The items to which a positive response from the respondent indicated modernism, the strongly agree answer category was assigned a weight of

1, the agree answer category was assigned a weight of 2, the uncertain

category was assigned a weight of 3, the disagree answer category was

assigned a weight of k and the strongly disagree answer category was assigned a wei^it of $, The scale items to which a negative response from the respondent indicated modernism, the weights to the answer

categories were assigned in the reverse order, as shown in table 1.

Thus, the lower a respondent scored on the tentative psycho-social modernism scale, the higher was his modernism.

The weights for the responses to each item on the tentative psycho-social modernism scale were punched on cards and the data for th e 239 respondents was subjected to item analysis. The results of the item analysis revealed that the tentative psycho-social modernism scale with 10 items had a split-half correlation coefficient of .9535 and a corrected split-half correlation coefficient of .9762. All individual scale items in the tentative scale had a reliability coefficient of .815 or higher (See: Appendix D). 116

Since the ten item tentative scale met all of the qualifica­

tions of an excellent Likert-type s c a l e , i t was accepted as the

final measure of psycho-social modernism. The item values on the

final scale were summed in the case of each respondent and these

scores were used as the measures of the psycho-social modernism of

the respondents.

Measuring A ttitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change

Attitudes of the respondents toward programs for planned

social change were also measured with a Likert-type scale. The steps

followed to develop this scale were the same as for the above mentioned

psycho-social modernism scale. Statements on the objectives and the

functioning of various planned programs for rural development in India

were collected from the existing literature sources (development

literature, newspapers, magazines) and from the people who were

directly involved in the developmental programs (community development

officials, health services officials, school teachers, revenue

officials, etc.). Thirty statements were developed in this manner.

These statements pertained to the following programs for planned

social change: community development program, gram panchajats

(village councils), health services program, family planning program,

village schools, village cooperative societies, artificial insemination

^Theoretical underpinnings and judges were used as validity measures for the scale items. Item analysis provided the reliability measure. Equal number of favorable and unfavorable items and state­ ment of the scale items in a random fashion assured that the scale was not subject to a response set pattern (See: Goode and Hatt: 1952, Edwards: 1957)- 117

program, village voluntary organizations. These statements were

edited for their relevance and clarity as suggested in Edwards

(1957, p. 13). The 30 possible scale items were given on separate cards to

20 judges'^ who were quite fam iliar with the various rural programs

for planned social change and with the rural conditions in Punjab.

The judges were asked to sort the possible scale items for their

clarity, suitability and discriminative power with similar instruc­

tions as in the case of psycho-social modernism scale. On the basis

of the sorting by the judges, the ten items, on which there was maxi­

mum agreement regarding their suitability and discriminative power,

were selected for further consideration. The tentative attitudinal

scale, thus derived, is presented in table 2.

Reliability of the tentative attitudinal scale for programs

for planned social change was determined by item analysis using

Cleaver’s (1968) program. The necessary steps taken to do this

analysis were the same as in the case of psycho-social modernism

s c a l e . ^

The results of the item analysis revealed that the original

ten item attitudinal scale for programs for planned social change had

a split-half correlation coefficient of .8389 and a corrected

2^In this case, different judges were used. But, their compo­ sition was the same as in the case of psycho-social modernism scale.

^^Such as, restating the scale items in a random fashion, pro­ viding each item with $ conventional answer categories, assigning of weights to the answer categories, administering the tentative scale to the respondents and calculating the reliability statistics for each item in the scale. TABLE 2

THE TENTATIVE AT t TTDDIN aL SCALE TOR PROGRAMS FOR PUNNED SOCIAL OUNCE

Item Attitudinal Mode m ie n Answer Categories Ho. S c a le Item Area Response Used and Their W eights0

1 . Cosmuilty development program is of no help to the cao v u n ity SA A u D SD canmon man in th e Tillages. development - (5 ) (1*) (3) (2 ) 0 )

2.4 Present gram panchayats are much better than the gram SA A U D SD o ld o nes. p an ch ay ats 4 (1) (2) (3) (10 (5 )

3 * In case of pregnancy, it is better to take the advice of some old woman from the village rather h e a lth SA A U D SD than of a young nurse. s e rv ic e s m (5) (14) (3) (2) 0 )

1*.“ Every married couple In the village should have fam ily SA A 0 D SD only two children. p lan n in g ♦ 0 ) (2) (3) (10 (5)

5 . Goverment has provided enough facilities for v illa g e SA A I D SD the education of poor children In the Tillages. sc h o o ls ♦ 0 ) (2) (3) GO (S)

6 . The village school has created feelings of high and low among the children of high and low v illa g e SA A u D SD __ caste groups. sch o o ls (5)

7.* Village cooperatives have been organised to v illa g e SA A u D SD benefit equally all the villagers. cooperatives + (1 ) (2 ) (3) <10 (5 )

8 . fanily planning program is against the laws fam ily SA A u D SD of n a tu r e . p lan n in g - (5) (U) (3) (2) (1)

9 ‘ There la r.o ham in getting the animals a r t i f i c i a l SA A U D SD artificially inseminated. insemination 4 0 ) (2 ) (3) (la) (5)

IQ.4 G ovem nent h as some h idden m otives in o rg a n is in g v o lu n ta ry SA A U D SD young farmer clubs In the villages. organisations * (5) GO (3) (2) 0 )

^ is positive response and - ia negative response °i) S* - Strongly Agree, A - Agree, U • Uncertain, D • WsAgree, SD • Strongly Disagree 11) Arbitrary weights hare been assigned to the answer oategorles as suggested ty Murphy and Llkert (1937), Sundquist and Slat to (1936). 111) The lower tlie score of the respondent on the sotla, the eoie favorable ware hie attitudes toward planned aooial change program*. Ox 119 spllt-half correlation coefficient of .912U. Four of the ten items in the tentative scale had reliability coefficients of below .$0 (See:

Appendix E). Therefore, those four items were dropped from the scale

(See: Goode and Hatt: 1952, p. 276) and the remaining items were again subjected to item analysis. The reformulated six item scale had a split-haIf correlation coefficient of . 925U and a corrected split- half correlation coefficient of .9613. None of the scale items in this case had a reliability coefficient of below .808 (See: Appendix

F). Therefore, this scale, as shown in table 2, was accepted as the final scale. The item values on the final scale were summed in the case of each respondent and these scores were the measures of the attitudes of the respondents toward programs for planned social change. CHAPTER VI

PRELIMINARY OBSE.tVATIONS

In view of the earlier discussions, it may be mentioned that the present study was conducted in Khaira Bet and Uiagpura villages in the Punjab State of India. Physically, both of these villages are situated at similar distances frcm the nearby towns and cities. But, conraunicatively, Riagnara is relatively closer to the urban modernizing influences due to better roads and transportation facilities. In teiros of other possible exogeneous factors relating to their modernism, the two villages are similar and comparable (See: Chapter V). Thus, if psycho-social modernism and attitudes toward programs for planned social change in the Punjab villages are a function of their communi­ cative proximity to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities, the two villages should differ significantly in terms of psycho-social modernism and attitudes toward programs for planned social change as well as the factors associated with these phenomena.

The present chapter, therefore, has been outlined to serve two objectives: 1. To introduce the two village situations to the reader in terms of the characteristics of the respondents and of their families in relation to the theoretical underpinnings of the present study* 2. To show whether or not psycho-social modernism, attitudes toward programs for planned social change and the possible factors

120 121 associated with these phenomena differ significantly in the two villages. The relevance of the theoretically derived factors for the occurrence of psycho-social modernism and attitudes toward pro­ grams for planned social change will be discussed in the forthcoming c h a p te rs.

To provide some knowledge regarding the respondents in the two villages, some of their demographic characteristics have been presented in table 1.

Table 1 shows the distributions of the respondents in the two villages with respect to their age, sex, marital status and caste s t a t u s .

With regard to the age distributions of the respondents in the two villages, table 1 shows that there were very few differences between the two distributions. In Khaira Bet, 27.6 percent of the respondents were in the age category of 20 to 3k y e a rs , 36.6 p e rc en t of them were in the age category of 35 to k 9 y e a rs , 21.1 percent of them were in the age category of 50 to 6k y e a rs , 9.8 percent of them were in the age category of 65 to 79 years and the rest k.9 percent of them were in the age category of 80 years and above. In case of

Biagpura, the corresponding percentages of the respondents in various age categories respectively were 22. k , 31* 0, 2 8 .5 , 12.9 and 5 * 2.

The percentages presented in table 1 tend to show, however, that in Khaira Bet there were slightly more respondents in the age categories of 20 to 3k and 35 t o k 9 years than in Hiagpura ( 5.2 and

5.6 percent respectively). In Uiagpura, on the other hand, there were slightly more respondents in the age categories of 50 to 6k and 65 to 122

79 years than in Khaira Bet (7.U and 3*1 percent respectively).

Although these differences are not spectacular, yet they appear to be meaningful and therefore, need to be discussed further.

TABLE 1

DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS IN THE TWO VILLAGES

Khaira Bet N=123 Hiagpura N=116

No. of No. of Characte ris t i c s Cases % Cases %

1. Age (years) 20-3U 3U 27.6 26 22.U 35-U9 U5 36.6 36 31.0 50-6U 26 21.1 33 28.5 65-79 12 9.8 15 12.9 60 and above 6 U.9 6 5*2 2. Sex Male 122 99*2 11U 96.3 Female 1 0.8 2 1.7 3. Marital Status Married 117 95*1 112 96.6 Unmarried 6 U.9 U 3.U U. Caste Status Very Low 62 50.U 27 23.3 (Scores3 11-30) Low 5 U*1 U 3.U (Scores3 31 -50) Medium 26 21 .1 5 U.3 (Scores3 51-70) High 18 1U.6 5 U.3 (Scores 71-90) Very High 1 2 9*8 75 6U.7 (Scoresa 91 and above)

£ See: Chapter V. 123

as indicated earlier, Khaira Bet was a relatively more

remote village than Ehagpura in terms of its degree of proxi­

mity to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities.

According to the literature"', therefore, it could be expected that

joint family system would be more prevalent in Khaira Bet than in

Uiagpura. Since ages of the household-heads are generally higher

in case of joint family system than in case of nuclear family

system, it was expected that relatively fewer respondents in

Khaira Bet would be in the lower age categories than in Hiagpura.

Similarly, it was expected that relatively fewer respondents in

Biagpura would be in the upper age categories than in Khaira Bet.

But, in spite of the small differences, the data tends to show that the trend of the age distributions in the two villages was

not in the expected direction.

The unexpected trend of the age distributions becomes under­

standable if one takes into account the percentages of the households in the two villages which were engaged in agricultural occupations.

In Khaira Bet, 35.0 percent of the households were engaged in fanning activities as against Ml. 8 percent in Bhagpura. Since Indian agricul­ ture is family-labor intensive and size of the landholdings are invar­ iably too small to be divided further without making the farming uneco­ nomical, there is a greater tendency among the agricultural families to live jointly than in case of nonagricultural families. Since the ages of

^See: Desai: 1956, Kapadia: 1959* 1966, Saksena: 1961, Kandelbaum: 1970. 126 the household-heads are generally higher in case of joint families, the above mentioned trend of the age distributions of the respondents in the two villages becomes understandable. Thus, it may be noted that communicative proximity of the villages to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities may not explain completely the type of family system (See: Table 2) and the age distributions of the household-heads in them. Some of the explanation of this phenomenon may also lie in the economic dimensions of the villages.

With regard to the sex and marital status distributions of the respondents, table 1 shows that there was little difference in the two villages. Both, in Khaira Bet and in Ehagpura, almost all the respond­ ents (who were the household-heads) were males (99.2 and 98.3 percent respectively) and married persons (9?.1 and 96.6 percent respectively).

With respect to the caste status distributions of the respond­ ents in the two villages, table 1 shows that Khaira Bet was predominantly' inhabited by the low caste people. Ehagpura, on the other hand, was predominantly inhabited by higher caste people. As shown in the table,

50.6 percent of the respondents in Khaira Bet were in very low caste status category, 6.1 percent of them were in low caste status category,

21.1 percent of them were in medium caste status category, 16«6 percent of them were in high caste status category and 9*8 percent were in very high caste status category. Ere corresponding percentages of the respondents in Ehagpura in case of various caste status categories respectively were 23. 3, 3*6, 6*3* 6.3 and 66.7.

Demographic characteristics of the respondents* families in the two villages are presented in table 2. 125

TABLE 2

DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS' FAMILIES IN THE TWO VILLAGES

K haira Bet N=123 Ehagpura N=116

No. o f No. of Characteristics Cuse3 % Cases %

1 . Type o f Family Nuclear 90 73.2 60 51.7 J o in t 33 26.8 56 1*8.3

Size of Family 1-3 25 2 0 .3 20 17.2 I*-6 U3 35.0 1*8 1*1.1* 7-9 U2 3U.2 25 2 1 .6 10-12 10 8.1 13 11.2 13 and above 3 2.1* 10 6 .6

Table 2 shawa the distributions of the respondents in the two

villages with respect to the type and size of their families.

With regard to the type of the respondents' families, table 2 shows that there were relatively more nuclear families in Khaira Bet than in Ehagpura {73.2 and 51*7 percent respectively). The percentages of joint families in the two villages respectively were 26.8 and 1*8.3*

With respect to the size of the respondents' families, table 2 shows that there were relatively more families in Khaira Bet in th e size category of 1 to 3 members than in Ehagpura (20.3 and 17.2 per­ cent respectively). In case of other size categories, the families in the two villages did not show a regular trend. In Khaira Bet, there were fewer families in the size category of I* to 6 members than in

Ehagpura (35-0 and 1*1 .1* percent respectively). But, in the next 126 category of 7 to 9 members, Khaira Bet had more families than Biagpura

(3l*.2 and 21.6 percent respectively). In case of the last two cate­ gories of 10 to 12 and 13 and above members, there were fewer families in Khaira Bet than in Uiagpura (8.1 and 2.1* percent, 11 .2 and 8.6 per­ cent respectively).

In view of the relative more remoteness of Khaira Bet from the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities, theoretically it was expected that it will contain fewer nuclear families and more joint families. Similarly, with respect to the size of the families, it was expected that there would be fewer families in Khaira Bet in the size category of 1 to 3 members and relatively more of than would be in the size categories of 10 to 12 and 13 and above members. In case of

Ehagpura, the opposite trend was expected. The data, however, tends to show th a t the t:*e:id in case of type and sizeo f th e respondents' families in the two v i l l a g e s was not in the expected direction. This tends to support the observation that type and size of families in the villages may not be as much a function of their degree of proximity to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities as they are of other economic and social factors in the villages.

Socio-economic characteristics of the respondents in the two villages are presented in table 3.

Table 3 shews the distributions of the respondents in the two villages with respect to their land-ownership, formal education, type of occupation and occupational status.

With respect to the land-ownership distributions of the respondents, table 3 shows that $h.$ percent of the respondents in 127

TABLE 3

SOCIO-EOONOHIC CHAilACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS IN THE TWO VIIIAGES

K haira Bet N-123 Biagpura N=116

No. o f No. o f Cha ra ct e r i s t i c s Cases % Cases %

1. Land-Ownership (a c re s ) 0 67 58-5 1+2 36.2 0 .1 - 5 .9 21 17.1 18 15.5 6 .0 -1 0 .9 16 13.0 25 2 1 .5 1 1 .0 -2 0 .9 10 6.1 17 11+.7 2 1 .0 -3 0 .9 8 3.2 8 6 .9 31 .0 and above 5 8.1 6 5.2

2. Fonnal Education (y e a rs) 0 96 76.0 36 31.0 1-5 20 16.3 1+6 39.7 6-1 w 6 8 .9 30 25.9 11 and above 1 0 .8 1+ 3.8

3* Type of Occupation No Occupation 10 8.1 11 9 .5 Fanning 83 35.0 52 1+1+.8 Nonfarming Village Occupations 62 50.8 31+ 29.3 Urban Occupations 6 6 .5 19 16 .8

8. Occupational Status No Occupation 10 6.1 11 9 .5 Very low ( S coresa 11- 30) 1 0.6 2 1 .7 Low (Scores 31 -50) 1+0 32.5 22 19.0 Medium (Scores3 51 -70) 22 17.9 21 18.1 High (Scores 71-90) 7 5.7 5 8 .3 Very High (Scores3 91 and above) 1+3 35.0 55 8 7 .8

aSee: Chapter V. 128

Khaira Bet. did not own ary land and 17*1 percent of then owned land

in the range of 0.1 to 5*9 acres only. The percentages of such

respondents in Ehagpura respectively were 36.2 and 1 5*5* In case of

other land-ownership categories, 13-0 percent of the respondents in

Khaira Bet owned land in the range of 6.0 to 10.? acres, 6.1 percent

of them owned land in the range of 11.0 to 20.9 acres, 3*2 percent

of them owned land in the range of 21.0 and 30.9 acres and the rest

U.1 percent of them owned land in the range of 31.0 acres and above.

The corresponding percentages of the respondents in Hiagpura in case

of these land-ownership categories respectively were 21.5, 1U*7, 6.9

and 5*7. It is, thus, clear fran table 3 that in Hiagpura, not only

were there fewer respondents who did not own apy land, but also the

landholdings size in general was larger in this village than in

Khaira Bet.

With regard to the formal education distributions of the

respondents, table 3 shows that not only were there relatively more

respondents in Hiagpura who had some formal education, but also the

level of formal education of the respondents in this village was in

general higher than in Khaira Bet. Partly, this higher formal educa­

tion of the respondents in Hiagpura could be due to the relative proximity of the village to the modernizing influences of nearby

towns and cities. But, partly this could also be a function of the

economic and social factors in the village, such as landholdings,

incomes and caste structure. As shown in table 3j 78*0 percent of the respondents in Khaira Bet had no formal education as compared to

31*0 percent of thorn in Hiagpura. In case of other formal education 12 9

categories, 16.3 percent of the respondents in Khaira Bet had formal

education of 1 to 5 years, h*9 percent of them had formal education of

6 to 10 years and 0.8 percent of them had formal education of 11 years

and above. The corresponding percentages of the respondents in

Hiagpura in case of these formal education categories respectively

were 39-7* 25.9 and 3,b.

With respect to the types of occupations of the respondents,

table 3 shows that in Khaira Bet there were relatively fewer respond­

ents in the farming occupation than in Hiagpura (35-0 and Iji*.8 percent

respectively). But, in case of nonfarming village occupations, the percentage of the respondents in Khaira Bet was relatively hi^ier than

in Hiagpura (50.li and 29.3 percent respectively). In case of urban

occupations, there were relatively fewer respondents in Khaira Bet than in Hiagpura (6.5 and 16.U percent respectively). The lower per­

centage of the respondents in Hiagpura in nonfanning village occupa­ tions and their higher percentage in urban occupations tend to suggest the greater urban orientations in this village than in Khaira Bet.

This appears to be logical in view of the relatively" greater communi­ cative proximity of Hiagpura to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities.

With regard to the occupational status of the respondents, table 3 shows that there were only a few respondents in the two vil­ lages whose occupational status could be classified as very low or just high. The occupational status of most of the respondents in the two villages was in low, medium and very high categories. In case of

Khaira Bet, 32.5 percent Of the respondents had low occupational 130

status, 17.9 percent of them had medium occupational status and 35*0

percent of them had very high occupational status. The corresponding

percentages of the respondents in Ehagpura in these occupational

status categories were 19.0, 18.1 and 87 *8. It is, thus, clear that

relatively fewer respondents in Hiagpura were in low and medium occu­

pational status categories and a majority of them had very high

occupational status. In case of Khaira Bet, relatively fewer respond­

ents were in medium occupational status category. But, the percent­

ages of the respondents in low and very high occupational status

categories were almost the same. In view of the occupational struc­

tures of the two villages, these observations regarding the occupa­

tional status of the respondents appear to be as expected.

Socio-economic characteristics of the respondents' families in

the two villages are presented in table 8.

Table 8 shows the distributions of the respondents' families

in the two villages with respect to their monthly income, education

score, level of living, type of house, farm possessions and civic/ political participation score.

With respect to the monthly income distributions of the

respondents' fam ilies, table 8 shows that U3.9 percent of the respond­ ents' families in Khaira Bet had their monthly income in the range of

101 to 300 rupees and 35*0 percent of them had th eir monthly income in the range of 301 to 500 rupees, the percentages of such families in

Hiagpura respectively were 28.1 and 19*8. In case of other monthly income categories, 6.5 percent of the respondents' families in Khaira

Bet had their monthly income range of 501 to 700 rupees, 2.8 percent TAIO 6

SoCIo-bopwmo ai-.KAcrjciisrics <’>' tc ! HH3-u\DBrr3' r A M H l t S IN THIS TWO V I L L ^ t S

Kh.ilra Rst______N-lg j ______H inuura M-116

No. o f No, o f Oiaract eristics Cose* % Oases *

1. Monthly Family Income (rupee*-1) 0 2 1 .6 0 0.0 loi -300 56 63.9 2b 26.1 301 -500 63 35.0 23 19.0 501-Too 6 o .5 9 7.8 701-900 3 2.6 12 10.3 901-1100 b 6.9 6 5.2 1101 and above 7 5.7 30 32.8

2 . Education Score of the Family (excluding H.H.) 0 76 61.6 18 15.5 1 .0 -5 -9 35 26.5 30 25.9 6 .0 -1 0 .9 11 0.9 52 66.8 11.0 and above 1 0.8 16 13.8

3. level of Living Score of the Family c (family possessions) 0 12 9.8 0 0 .0 1-3 68 39.0 6 3.6 li-6 29 23.6 12 10.6 7-9 26 19.5 35 30.2 10-12 7 5-7 28 26.1 13 and above 3 2 .6 37 31.9 ti. Type of House Kachha*1 120 97,6 9 7.8 Packka* 3 2.6 107 92.2

5. Family's Fare Fosse* el on* Score f (ijg) roved (N*Si ) (M-6 8 ) techno loor) 0 8 1 5.7 0 0 .0 1-2 36 76.5 10 16-7 3-6 3 5 .9 16 26.5 5-6 0 o .a 15 22.0 7 and above 2 3.9 25 36.8 (not applicable*) (72) (56.5) (66) (61. 6 )

6 . Family1* CLvlo/Politioal Participation Score11 (excluding K.H.) 0 -6 103 63.7 15 12.9 7-13 18 16.7 37 31.9 11*—20 2 1.6 50 63.1 21-27 0 0.0 6 6 .9 28 and above 0 0.0 6 5-2

*7.5 rupee* *r* approximately one American dollar. bThe*e am am mg* weighted family education scorns which repre- sant average level of formal education In the family in terms of year* of formal education (Scot Chapter V). eL*vel of living score of the family represents Its degree of modern living In tern* of several family possessions Indicators (5eet Chapter V). The lower the score, the lower was the level of modern living of the family. 4* kachha house is constructed with sun-dried clay bricks end th e n p la s te re d w ith mud. *1 packka house is constructed with kiln-dried clay brick* and cement. *fars possessions scores represent level of improved technology adopted by the farming f imillas in terms of several improved technology items. The lower the score, the lower was the adoption of improved technology. (Not uppllc ibla coses represent the nor.farming fim llis*. ^Theee ;ire avenge weii^ited civic/political participation scores o f th e fam ily meret-nrs Ir term* o f th e nunfior of c iv ic /p o litic .il org inlt itioi.s in which the; pirticlp.ted, the levels of the org inintiona, the level* of the offices held by the family members In the orgar.1 a ■<. 1 orin and tholr level* nf [u rtlc lp .tl .d In them (Seei Chijrter V). Hie lower tin score, the lower w>» the civic/politic.) p-irtlclfntloi. of tl* family. of them had their monthly income in the range of 701 to 900 ru p e e s, h*9 percent of them had their monthly income in the range of 901 to

1100 rupees and 5.7 percent of them had their monthly income in the

range of 1101 rupees and above. The corresponding percentages of the

respondents 1 families in Thagpura in case of these monthly income

categories respectively were 7.8, 10.3, 5*2 and 32.8. These percent­ ages show that most of the respondents’ families in Khaira Bet had their monthly income in the range of 101 to 500 rupees (78.9 percent).

In case of Hiagpura, although a significant percentage of the respond­ ents’ fam ilies had their monthly income in the range of 101 to $00 rupees (h 3*9 percent), yet there were also many families which had their monthly income in the range of 1101 rupees and above ( 32.8 percent). Khaira Bet, thus, was a relatively poorer village than

Hiagpura as could be expected from the land distribution patterns and the occupational structures of the two villages. To some extent, however, the relative poverty of Khaira Bet was also a function of the lower level of adoption of agricultural technology in the village

(See: Fanti possessions of the respondents’ families in the two villages in table 1*).

With regard to the education scores of the respondents' fam­ ilies, table h shows that 61 .8 percent of the respondents’ families in Khaira Bet had zero education score as compared to 15*5 percent of them in Hiagpura. The percentages of the respondents' families were similar in case of 1.0 to 5.9 education score category ( 26,5 p e rc e n t in case of Khaira Bet and 25.9 percent in case of Hiagpura). However, in case of 6.0 to 10.9 and 11.0 and above education score categories, 133

the percentages of the respondents' families were much lower in

Khaira Bet than in Hiagpura. In case of 6.0 to 10.9 education score

category* in Khiara Bet there were 8.9 percent of the respondents'

fam ilies. In Hiagpura, the percentage of such families was iiij. 8 .

Similarly, there were 0.8 percent of tho respondents' families in

Khaira Bet in the education score category of 11 .0 and above as

compared to 13*8 percent of them in Hiagpura. The education scores of the respondents' families in general, thus, were much higher in

Hiagpura than in Khaira Bet. This could be partly due to the rela­ tively higher family incomes and higher educational levels of the household-heads in Hiagpura. But, partly this could also be due to

greater proximity of Hiagpura to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities.

With respect to the level of living of the respondents' fam­

ilies, table U shows that most of the respondents' families in Hiagpura had better level of living than those in Khaira Bet. In case of

Khaira Bet, 9-6 percent of the respondents' families had zero level of living score, 39*0 percent of them had their level of living scores in the range of 1 to 3 and 23.6 percent of them had their level of living scores in the range of U to 6. The percentages of such families in Hiagpura respectively were 0.0, 3*U and 10.1*. In case of other level of living score categories, 19*5 percent of the respondents' families in Khaira Bet had their level of living scores in the range of

7 t o 9, 5-7 percent of them had their level of living scores in the range o f 10 t o 12 and the rest 2. 1 * percent of them had their level of living scores in the range of 13 and above. The corresponding 13U

percentages of such families in Hiagpura in case of these level of

living score categories respectively were 30. 2, 2U.1 and 31.?.

What is revealed in case of level of living of the respond­

ents' families in terms of their family possessions, is also revealed

in terns of the type of house in which the families lived. In Khaira 2 b e t, 97.6 percent of the respondents' families were living in kachha 2 houses and 2.U percent of them were living in packka houses. In

Bhagpura, 7.8 percent of the respondents' families were living in

kachha 7 houses and 92.2 percent of them were living in packka 2 houses.

These differences in the level of living of the respondents'

families in the two villages (in terms of their family possessions

and type of house) could be due to the differences in income and edu­

cation distributions of the families. But, partly this could also be

due to differences in modernising influences received by them from

nearby towns and cities.

With respect to the farm possessions of the farming families, table 1; shows that 1 $.7 percent of the farm-families in Khaira Bet had

zero farm possessions score and 7U.5 percent of them had farm posses­

sions scores of 1 to 2. The percentages of such farm-families in

Hiagpura respectively were 0.0 and 111.7. In case of other farm possessions categories, $.9 percent of the farm-families in Khaira Bst had farm possessions scores of 3 to li, none of them had farm posses­ sions scores of 5 to 6 and 3*9 percent of them had farm possessions scores of 7 and above. In Hiagpura, the corresponding percentages

2 See: Footnotes in table U. of such families respectively were 26.5, 22,0 and 3 6 .6 . Table U, thus, shows that farm-families in Ehagpura were using the available

improved agricultural technology to a greater extent than most of the

farm-families in Khaira Bet. To some extent, differences in the land­ holdings, income levels and educational levels of the fajiilies in the

two villages explain these differences in the use of improved agri­

cultural technology. However, the explanation of the differences in the use of improved agricultural technology w ill not be adequate if different degrees of proximity of the villages to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities is not taken into consideration.

Lastly, with respect to the civic/political participation of the respondents’ fam ilies, table lj shows that 83.7 percent of the

respondents' families in Khaira Bet had their civic/political partici­ pation scores in the range of 0 to 6, 1^.7 percent of them had their civic/political participation scores in the range of 7 to 13 and th e rest 1.6 percent of them had their civic/political participation scores in the range of 1U to 20. The percentages of the respondents' families in Ehagpura in case of these civic/political participation score categories respectively were 12.9, 31*9 and U3-1 • However, 6.9 percent of the respondents' families in Hiagpura had their civic/ political participation scores in the range of 21 to 27 and 5.2 per­ cent of them had their civic/political participation scores in the range of 28 and above. None of the respondents' families in Khaira Bet had their civic/political participation scores in these ranges. Table

U, thus, shows that the level of civ1 c/political participation of most of the respondents' families in Ehagpura was considerably higher than 136

of those in Khaira Bet. Since civic/political participation is one

of the important indicators of modernism (Lemer: 1958* Inkeles:

1969)» the greater civic/political participation of the respondents'

families in Bhagpura may be due to greater modernizing influences

which the village receives due to its relative communicative proximity

to nearby towns and cities and the greater number of respondents in it

with urban occupations. But, partly this greater civic/political

participation may also be due to relatively complex socio-economic

structure of the village in terms of the number of economic and social

organizations present in it.

In view of the above discussions, it is clear that if behavioral

and psycho-social modernism of the respondents is a function of their

above mentioned characteristics, the two villages should differ sig­

nificantly in terms of behavioral and psycho-social modernism.

The data regarding the behavioral modernism of the respondents

in the two villages (in terms of extra-community contacts, mass-media participation, civic/political participation and village leadership

status) is presented in table

With respect to the extra-community contacts scores, table 5

shows that extra-community contacts scores of the respondents in

Ehagpura were in general considerably higher than of the respondents in

Khaira Bet. In Khaira Bet, 26.8 percent of the respondents had their

extra-community contacts scores in the range of 1.0 to 10.9* 55*3 per­

cent of them had their extra-community contacts scores in the range of

11.0 to 20.9 and 16.3 percent of them had their extra-community con­ tacts scores in the range of 21.0 to 30.9* The percentages of the TABLE 5 137

BEHAVIORAL NoDSiWISM OF THE RESPONDENTS IN THE Tn'u VILLAGES

Khaira Ibt N-123 Biagpura IM16

No. o f No. of Behavioral Modernism Cases % Cases %

1 . Ext ra - Community Contacts Scorea 1 .0 - 10.9 33 26.8 12 10.3 11.0 - 20.9 68 55.3 20 17.2 21.0 - 30.9 20 16.3 26 22.1* 31 .0 - 1*0.9 2 1 .6 1*9 1*2.3 1*1*0 and above 0 0 .0 9 7.8

2. Mass-Media participation Scorea 1 - 15 56 1*5.5 11* 12.1 16-30 1*5 36.6 19 16.1* 31 - 1*5 22 17.9 25 2 1.5 1*6 - 60 0 0 .0 1*1 35.3 61 and above 0 0 .0 17 11*.7

3 . Civic/Political Participation Scorea 1 - 6 98 79.7 15 12.9 7 - 1 3 20 16.3 36 31 .0 1U - 20 3 2.1* 1*8 1*1 .1* 21 - 27 1 0.6 11* 12.1 26 and above 1 0.8 3 2 .6

1*. Village Leadership (N-13) (N«1*0) Status Sconea 1 - 10 7 53.8 11* 35.0 11-20 I* 30.8 11* 35.0 2 1 -3 0 1 7.7 8 2 0 .0 31 and above 1 7.7 1* 10.0 (Non-leaders) (110) (89.1*) (76) (6 5 .5 )

aSee: Operationalization of these variables in Chapter V. Lower the score3f the lower were extra-community contacts, mass-media participation, civic/political participation and village leader­ ship status o f the respondents. 138

respondents in Hiagpura in case of these extra-community contacts

score categories respectively were 10.3j 17.2 and 22.1*. In case of

other extra-community contacts score categories, 1.6 percent of the

respondents in Khaira Bet had their extra-community contacts scores

in the range of 31 -0 to Ij0.9 and none of them had his extra-community

contacts scon? in the range of L»1 .0 and above. The corresponding percentages of the respondents in Hiagpura in case of these extra- canmunity contacts score categories respectively were U2.3 and 7.8.

Thus, in terms of number of places visited out of the village, the 3 distances involved and the frequencies of visits, the respondents in

Hiagpura were relatively more involved in the wider socio-cultural world than the respondents in Khaira Bet.

What is true of the extra-community contacts of the respondents in the two villages, is also true of their mass-media and civic/political participations. With regard to mass-media participation of the respond­ ents, table 5 shows that U5*5 percent of the respondents in Khaira Bet had their mass-media participation scores in the range of 1 to 1 5j 36.6 percent of them had their mass-media participation scores in the range of 16 to 30 and the rest 17.9 percent of them had their mass-media participation scores in the range of 31 to U5. The percentages of the respondents in Hiagpura in case of these mass-media participation score categories respectively were 12.1, 1 6.U and 21.5. None of the respondents in Khaira Bet had his mass-media participation score in the

3 JSee: Operationalization of extra-community contacts in C hapter V. 139

ranges of 1*6 to 60 and 6l and above. In case of Ehagpura, however,

3£*3 percent of the respondents had their mass-media participation

scores in the range of 1*6 to 60 and Il*.7 percent of them had their mass-media participation scores in the range of 61 and above.

With respect to the civic/political participation of the

respondents, table 5 shows that civic/political scores of the respond­ ents in Hiagpura were in general considerably higher than of those in

Khaira Bet. In Khaira Bet, 79• 7 percent of the respondents had their

civic/political participation scores in the range of 0 to 6, 16.3 percent of them had their civic/political participation scores in the

range of 7 to 13 and 2.I* percent of them had their civic/political participation scores in the range of 11* to 20. The percentages of the

respondents in Ehagpura in case of these civic/political participation score categories respectively were 12.9, 31.0 and 1*1.1*. In case of o th e r civic/political participation score categories, only 0.8 percent of the respondents in Khaira Bet had their civic/political participation scores in the range of 21 to 27 and 0.8 percent of them had their civic/political participation scores in the range of 28 and above.

The corresponding percentages of the respondents in Hiagpura in case of these civic/political participation score categories respectively were

1 2.1 and 2.6.

Table 5, thus, shows that direct (in terms of extra-community contacts) and indirect (in terms of m -media and civic/political participations) involvement of the respondents in Hiagpura in the socio­ cultural life out of the village was considerably greater than of the respondents in Khaira Bet. m o

Consistent with the civic/political participation of the

respondents, table 5 shows same important differences in the leader­

ship patterns of the two villages. In Khaira Bet, 13 respondents were

acknowledged as leaders for various activities at the village level as

compared to ljO of them in Hiagpura. Further, with regard to the degree

of leadership^ provided to the village activities, 7 of the 13 le a d e rs

in Khaira Bet had their leadership status scores in the range of 1 to

10, 1* of them had their leadership status scores in the range of 11 to

20, 1 of them had his leadership status score in the range of 21 to 30 and 1 of them had his leadership status score in the range of 31 and above. The corresponding numbers of the leaders in Ehagpura in case of these leadership status score categories respectively were 1U, 1 , 8,

and U. Thus, not only were there considerably more village leaders in

Hiagpura, but also a considerably greater proportion of them were pro­ viding higher level of leadership to the village activities than in case of Khaira Bet. It is, therefore, clear that leadership structure at the village level in Hiagpura was of a relatively more diffused nature than of Khaira Bet.

The data regarding the psycho-social modernism of the respond­ ents in the two villages is presented in table 6.

Table 6 shows that psycho-social modernism of U3*9 percent of the respondents in Khaira Bet was in very low category, psycho-social modernism of 37.Ij percent of them was in low category and psycho-social

^Lower the score, lower was the degree of leadership provided to activities at the village level. i hi

TABLE 6

PSYCHO-SOCIAL MODERNISM OF THE RESPONDENTS IN THE TWO VILLAGES

♦ ______Khaira Bet N-123 Hiagpura 11=11 6

Psycho-S ocial No. of No. of Modernism Cases % Cages %

Very Low (Scores1* 1*3 and above) 51* 1* 3-9 13 11.2 Low (Score3s 35-12) 1*6 37.1* 20 17.2

Medium (Scores3 27-3U) 16 13.0 19 1 6 . 1* High (Scoresa 19-26) 7 5.7 36 31.0

Very High (Scores3 11-18) o o.o 28 21*. 2

a5ee: Chapter V. modernism of 13.0 percent of them wag in medium category. In Hiagpura, percentages of the respondents in case of these psycho-social modernism categories respectively were 11.2, 17.2 and 16.1*. In case of other psycho-social modernism categories, $.7 percent of the respondents in

Khaira Bet had their psycho-social modernism in high category and the psycho-social modernism of none of them was in the very high category.

In case of Hiagpura, however, 31.0 percent of the respondents had their psycho-social modernism in hi^i category and the psycho-social modernism of the rest 21*.2 percent of them was in very high category. Table 6, thus, shows that there were considerable differences in the psycho-social 1U2 modernism of the respondents in the two villages. In Khaira Bet* most of the respondents had their psycho-social modernism in low and very low categories (81.3 percent). In case of Hiagpura, a majority of the respondents had their psycho-social modernism in hi$i and very high categories (55*2 percent). Partly, these differences in the psycho­ social modernism of the respondents in the two villages could be due to the differences in the villages with respect to their economic and so­ cial structures (landholdings, income, caste structure and educational levels). But, partly, these differences could also be due to different degrees of urban modernizing influences received by the two villages.

The infon^ation relating to the attitudes of the respondents in the two villages toward programs for planned social change is presented in table 7.

As in the case of psycho-social modernism, table 7 shows that there were considerable differences in the attitudes of the respond­ ents in the two villages in relation to programs for planned social change. In Khaira Bet, £ 0 .li percent of the respondents had very- unfavorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change and

30.9 percent of them had unfavorable attitudes toward the programs.

The percentages of the respondents in Hiagpura in case of these attitudinal categories respectively were 12.0 and 13.8. In case of other attitudinal categories, 16.3 percent of the respondents in

Khaira Bet had neutral attitudes toward programs for planned social change, 2.1* percent of them had favorable attitudes toward such programs and none of them had very favorable attitudes toward these programs. The corresponding percentages of the respondents 1U3

in Hiagpura in case of these attitudinal categories respectively were 16.h, 37.1 and 20.7.

TAHLE 7

ATTITUDES OF THE RESPONDENTS IN THE TWO VILLAGES TOWARD PROGRAMS FOR PLANNED SOCIAL CHANGE

Khaira Bet N=123 Ehagpura N=1l6

A ttitudes Toward Programs No. o f No. o f for Planned Social Change Cases % Cases %

Very Unfavorable (Scoresa 26 and above) 62 So.U 11* 1 2 .0

Unfavorable (Scoresa 21-25) 38 30.9 16 13.8

N e u tra l (Scoresa 16-20) 20 1 6 .3 19 16.1*

F avorable (Scoresa 11-15) 3 2.I* 13 37.1

Very Favorable (Scoresa 6-10) 0 0 .0 21* 20.7

aSee: Chapter V.

The data in tables 5, 6 and 7, thus, reveals that differences in the behavioral modernism and psycho-social modernism of the respond­ ents in the two villages as well as in their attitudes toward programs for planned social change were in the same direction. In case of all of these three variables, scores of the respondents in Khaira Bet were con­ siderably lower than of those in Hiagpura. This clearly suggests that

Khaira Bet was a relatively more traditional village than Hiagpura. 1UU

This is exactly what was expected in view of the different degrees of communicative proximity of the two villages to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities.

The basic information regarding the respondents and their families which has been discussed earlier, is presented in table 6 in a relatively more concise way.

The data in table tends to be consistent with the earlier observations regarding the differences in the two villages with respect to the characteristics of the respondents as well as their psycho­ social modemism and attitudes toward programs for planned social change. The table shows that in case of the two villages, mean values for all the selected variables were in the predicted direction, except in ca3e of age of the respondents.^ However, as mentioned earlier, this unexpected trend in case of age of the respondents bectxnes under­ standable if one takes into account the comparative figures for agri­ cultural and nonagricultural families in the two villages.

With respect to the statistical significance of the differences in the two villages, table 8 shows that t values for the differences between the means were significant at .001 level in case of psycho­ social modernism of the respondents, their attitudes toward programs

?In this table, only those variables have been considered which were included in the theoretical framework of the study in Chapter IV.

^In view of relatively greater isolation of the village, it was expected that mean age of the respondents in Khaira Bet would be rela­ tively higher than in case of Ehagpura. The table, however, shows that mean age of the respondents in Khaira Bet was liU.33 years as compared to 1*7-67 years in itiagpura. t value for the difference, however, was not significant at .05 level. U5

TABLE 6

3LMKARY STATISTICS OK THE CHuHACTEIUSTICS OF THE HESF’HNDEEJTS AND THEIH FAMILIES IN THE TWO VILLAGES

Khaira itet 1M?3 ftiairura N = 1l6 ■ ' ■ S t W . '. 1 — ” ■ S ■ L t . Significance Qiara cte ri s t i c s Mean D or. Mean Dev. t c Level o f t

1 . Age o f R Itlt.33 1 5 .5 6 It?.67 16.3U 1.6196 .20

2 . Caste Status Score of R 69.37 28.12 75.36 33.29 6.5001 .001

3 . Land-Ownership Status of R 5.8 9 13-5 6 8 .90 12.28 1 .7979 .10

6 . Formal Education Score o f R 1 .22 2 .5 0 lt.lt? 3.72 7.8911 .001

5 . Occupational Status Score o f R 6 2 .9 5 32.92 69.15 33.78 1 .6367 .20

6 . Monthly Family inccne of R 667.03 532.66 10lt6.9lt 1068.53 5.1ili26 .001

7. Education Score of R1s fhsily (excluding R) 1 .9 7 3 .0 6 6 .65 lt.lt? 9.1t7l*0 .001

8 . Level of Living of R 'S Fam ily 6 .6 8 3 .3 6 10.U1 3 .8 3 12.7228 .001

9. Civic/Political parti­ cipation Score of R’s Family (excluding R) 2 .7 7 3 .6 9 13.95 6 .0 7 13.6327 .001

10. Extra-Cominity Contacts Score o f R l i t . 32 6 .6 2 27.55 11.62 10.7266 .001

11. Mase-Msdia Participa­ tion Score of R 18.81 1 0 .7 2 111 .01 20.02 10.5995 .001

1 2 . Civic/Political Parti­ cipation Score of R 5-72 lt*51i 15.03 10.73 6.6556 .XI

13- Village Leadership Status S co re o f R 1 .5 3 5 .3 3 5-72 9 .3 9 6.2156 .001 lit. P sy c h o -S o c ia l Mode m i re o f i f 39.98 5 .68 27.W 11 .lit 10.7670 .001 i s . A ttitudes of R Toward programs** for plannad Social Qiange 2L .19 3 .62 15.90 6 .5 0 11.9326 .001

*Higiar the score, the lover was the psycho-social mode m l em, ^Higher the score, the lesser favorable attitudes were toward program* for planned social change. cFor the statistical purpose of calculating t values, the respondents in the two villages were treated as samples. Ili6

for planned social change as well as most the factors which were

possibly associated with these phenomena. The only t values for the

differences between the means which were not significant at .0$ level

were in the case of age, land -ownership status and occupational status

of the respondents.

Table 8, thus, reveals that not only the two villages Khaira

Bet and Hiagpura differed significantly in the predicted direction in

terms of psycho-social modernism of the respondents and their attitudes

toward programs for planned social change. But, these differences were

also significant statistically at .001 level. Communicative proximity

of the villages to the modernizing influences of nearby towns and

cities, therefore, appears to be a relevant factor for psycho-social

modernism of the respondents and their attitudes toward programs for

planned social change. However, for an adequate explanation of the

differences in the two villages with respect to psycho-social mod­

ernism and attitudes toward programs for planned social change, it may also be necessary to consider the socio-economic dimensions of the

villages, such as caste structures, land distribution patterns and

income structures.

With respect to the modernization processes in the two villages, the data tend to suggest that the modernizing influences of nearby towns and cities work through both direct and indirect channels. The modernizing influences are direct when villagers visit nearby towns and cities for purchasing household and agricultural goods, to sell the produce, to watch movies, to perform the duties of their urban occupations, etc. It seomc likely that the modernizing impacts 11+7 received from towns and cities lead to other modernizing factors in the villages, such as higher formal education, greater adoption of improved technology, greater aspirations for better level of living and greater civic/political participation. These factors in turn may lead to further changes in the socio-cultural life of the villages as is suggested by the data. Thus, it seems that communicative proximity of a village to nearby towns and cities tends to initiate a chain- process of modernizing influences and therefore, appears to play an important role for the states of psycho-social modernism. The data, however, also tends to suggest that besides modernizing influences of towns and cities, the internal socio-economic structure of the villages may also be important for the states of psycho-social mod­ ernism in them. CHAPTER VII

OORREUTES AND PREDICTORS OF PSYCHO-SOCIAL MODERNISM

The data presented in the previous chapter suggest that the degrees of communicative proximity of the villages to the urban centers was an important factor for the states of psycho-social mod­ ernism and the attitudes toward programs for planned social change.

The greater the communicative proximity of the village to the urban centers, the greater was the psycho-social modernism in it and the more favorable were the attitudes toward programs for planned social change. In a general way, therefore, the degree of communicative proximity of a village to the urban centers can be taken as a pre­ dictor of the states of psycho-social modernism and attitudes toward programs for planned social change.

The objective of this chapter is to present and discuss the findings relating to: 1. the other correlates and predictors of psycho-social modernism and 2. the relative importance of these correlates and predictors for explaining the phenomenon of psycho­ social modernism.

Correlates of Psycho-social Modernism

To find the correlates of psycho-social modernism in the two villages, correlation analysis was employed. The data from the two villages were analyzed separately. The results of this correlation analysis are presented in tables 1 and 2. 1 Ii6 TABLE 1 CORRELATION MATRIX4 o r THE SELECTS) INDEPENDENT VARIABLES WITH P5ICHO-SOC1AL MODERNISM AND ATTITUDES TOWARD PROGRAMS 10R FUNNED SOCIAL CHANGE (KHAIRA BET) *1 *2 *3 *5 *6 *7 *e *9 *10 *11 *12 1 3 I t Psyche -Social Modernism of R ^1

R’s A ttitudes toward Programs for Planned Social Qiange0 *2 .91,***

Caste Status of R I3 -.01 .02

Age c f R *li .75*** .72*** -.o U land-ownership Status o f ? l $ -.21** -.21** .1,1*** - .0 9

Formal Education of E ^6 __££*** -.53*** .13* - . 27** .1,1***

"ecupational Stilus of H x7 -.21;** -.21* .id*** -.31 .37*** . 28**

Family Income of R *6 -.20* -.19* .1^*** -.0 5 . 9 t r * .1,5*** ■37***

Education of tt's Family *9 .07 .07 .22* .08 .13 -03 . 36*** .16

Civic/Political Participation of it's family 10 -.1(0*** -.37*** .30*** -.1 9 * .52*** .U,*** .1,7*** .53*** . 56***

Level of living of R’ a Family *11 -.33*** - . 32*** . 61*** - . 1 U .68*** . 51*** . 63*** . 69*** .L7*** .66***

Sctra-Conxunity Contacts o f R *12 -.97*** -.90*** .03 -.77*** .26** . 60*** .31,*** .25** -.01 -U,*** .W***

Mass-media Participation o f R X1 3 -.99*** -.93*** -.01 -.77*** .21,** .57*** .27** .20* - .0 5 .1*1*** .31,*** .96***

Civic/Folitleal participation o f H *1L -.2 7 * * -.23* .22* -.11, .37*** .1(2*** .30*** .1*6*** .20* .51*** .35*** .30***

Tillage Leadership Status o f R *15 - .0 5 -.0 5 .22* .06 .L2*** .1,5*** . 18* .Si*** .22* .31,*** .U,*** .10 .0 6 .78***

aTne correlations were computed from data collected frtn all the household-he ads in each * ? value significant at .05 lew l village. Therefore, the correlations were all significant. For statistical purpose, however, **? value significant at .01 level the data aero treated as a sample for the determination of F testa of the r’s. " 1p value significant at .001 level hAtt it tides toward programs for planned social change have been treated as a component AH others not significant of the broader phenomenon of psycho-social traditional!mu and H dem ist. TAELS 2 CORRELATION HAT HIT* OF THE SELECTED INDEPENDENT VARIABLES WITH PSICHO-SOCUL MODERNISM AND ATTITUDES TOWAflD PSOOBAHS FOR PLANNED SOCIAL CHANCE (BiAGPUKA} —t 3 u “O i 0 7 1 £ 13 Pavcho-Social I'cdemisn of a *1

R'a --.ttltudes t ovurd Fro^ijis for Flanned Social Change0 2 .97***

C»*te Status of R *3 -.0 7 - .1 0

Age .. f S *6 .72*** .72*** .19* lard- junership Status j o f 3 ® -.0 9 -.11* .50*** .16

Fomal Sl.o.itiir of H *6 - .7 * * * -.75*** .39*** -.33*** .33***

Cecupatlor.ol Status of a *7 -.h i* * * . 56*** -.28** .39*** . 60***

Fanil/ Ir.cJne of R *8 -.U -.1 5 .67*** .19* .93*** .30** -39***

Edutitior. of R'a F.nily *9 -.1 9 * -.2 < f .31*** .31*** .65*** ,37*** .25^* .56***

Civic/Political Participation j -.66*** .62*** . 51*** of R'a Fwilv 10 -.66*** .31*** -.19* .36*** . 37*** . 60***

Level of Living of R'a j -.61**** .52*** .66*** .61*** . 72*** FA nily 11 -.63*** -.11 .59*** • ? r * .69***

Ertra-CanmunUy Contacts j ? „•*** -.96*** -.9 0 .13 - . 61*** .16 . 76*** .36*** . 19* .30** .75*** ,70*** o f R ^ Masa-nedu Participation T .06 .76*“ .36*** .21* .68*** . 98*** o f a 13 -.99*** -.97*** -.7Cf*** .11 .13 .66*** Cl vie/Political Participation j -.So*** .2CT .36*** .62*** .56*** o f a 10 -.56*** -.1 7 .29** .56*** .25** .32*** .69*** .55*** Tillage Leadership Status z .66*** . 63*** .62*** o f a 15 -.26** -.29** .36*** .15 .57*** .5 r * .2

\ J t O 151 According to the theoretical expectations (See: Chapter IV), it was hypothesized that age of the respondent would correlate nega­ tively with psycho-social modernism. All other selected variables were expected to correlate positively with the psycho-social modernism of the respondents.

In view of the adopted scoring system, the lower the score of a respondent on the psycho-social modernism scale, the greater was his psycho-social modernism. Therefore, the negative correlations with the dependent variable X1 in tables 1 and 2 should be intorpretted as positive correlations.

Tables 1 and 2 reveal that in case of the two village situa­ tions, the selected independent variables were correlated in the expected manner with the dependent variable psycho-social modernism

(X1). In case of both the villages, the signs of all of the correla­ tion coefficients were in the predicted direction, except for the exception of education of the respondents1 families (x9) in Khaira Bet

(The size of the correlation coefficient in this case, however, was very small (.07) ). It should also be noted that the findings for both the villages were remarkably similar in terms of the magnitudes of the corresponding correlation coefficients. In case of Khaira Bet, for example, the correlations of age, caste status, extra-community con­ tacts and mass-media participation of the respondents (XU, x3, ^12, X 13) with the dependent variable (X1) were respectively .75, -.01, -.97 and

-. 99• The corresponding correlations in case of Hiagpura were .72,

-.07, -.98 and -.99. 152

Tables 1 and 2 also show that in case of both the villages,

mass-media participation and extra-community contacts of the respond­

e n ts (^13 and ^12) were the two variables which were most highly cor­

related with the dependent variable (^1). In case of Khaira Bet, the

correlations of these variables with the dependent variable were

respectively -.99 and -.97. The corresponding correlations in case of

Hiagpura were -.99 and - . 98.

Age and formal education of the respondents (*1; and ^6) were

the next variables which were highly correlated with dependent variable

(^1) in both the villages. In case of Khaira Bet, the correlations of these variables with the dependent variable were respectively .75 and

-.58. Similar correlations in case of Ehagpura were .72 and -.75

respectively.

In the above order of the magnitudes of the correlation coefficients, civic/political participation and level of living of the respondents' families and civic/political participation of the respondents (^10, ^11 and ^11* respectively) were the next variables which were highly correlated with the dependent variable (^1) in both the villages. In case of Khaira Bet, the correlations of these vari­ ables with the dependent variable were respectively -.ho, -.33 and

-.27. The corresponding correlations in case of Hiagpura were -.66,

-.63 and -.$6. All of these correlation coefficients were signifi­ c an t a t .01 t o .001 le v e ls *

The only other variable which was significantly correlated with the dependent variable (*1) in both the villages was the occupa­ tional status of the respondents (*7). In case of Khaira Bet, the 1 S3 correlation of this variable with the dependent variable was -.21*.

This correlation coefficient was significant at .01 level. Hie cor­ relation in case of Hiagpura was -.36 which was significant at .001 l e v e l.

Land-ownership status and family income of the respondents

(x5, *8) correlated significantly with the dependent variable (X1) in case of Khaira Bet. The correlations of these variables with the dependent variable were respectively -.2U and -.20 which were signi­ ficant at .01 and .05 levels. In case of Hiagpura, however, the cor­ relations of land-ownership status and family income of the respond­ ents with dependent variable (X1) were very low (-.09 and -.11 respectively) and they were not significant statistically.

Education of the respondents' families and village leadership status of the respondents (^9, ^ 15 )» on the other hand, correlated significantly with the dependent variable (X1) in case of Hiagpura. But, in case of Khaira Bet, these variables did not correlate signifi­ cantly with the dependent variable. In case of Hiagpura, the corre­ lations of these variables with the dependent variable were respec­ tively -.19 and -.28. These correlation coefficients were signifi­ cant at .05 and .01 levels respectively. The corresponding correlation coefficients in case of Khaira Bet were .0? and -.05 which were not significant.

Caste status of the respondents (x3) did not correlate signi­ ficantly with the dependent variable (X1) in either of the two vil­ lages. In case of Khaira Bet, the correlation of x3 with X1 was -.01. 15U

A similar correlation in case of Hiagpura was -.07. Both of these correlation coefficients were not significant statistically.

The data in tables 1 and 2, thus, tend to support the hypoth­ eses of this study since the correlation coefficients of all the selected variables were in the predicted direction in case of both the villages. As hypothesized, only age of the respondents (*h) was negatively correlated with the dependent variable. In case of all other variables, the correlation coefficients were positive in both the villages. The relative magnitudes of the correlation coeffi­ cients suggest that the important correlates of psycho-social mod­ ernism in the two villages were: mass-media participation, extra- cormunity contacts, age, fom al education and civic/political parti­ cipation of the respondents (*13, *12, *U, Xj^ respectively) and level of living and civic/political participation of the respondents’ families (*11, *10 respectively).

Predictora of Psycho-social Modern!an

To find the predictors of pgycho-soclal modernism in the two villages and to determine their relative importance for predicting the dependent variable (*1), regression analysis was employed. In this case also, the data from the two villages were analyzed separately.

In case of first regressions for the two villages (Model 1), all the selected independent variables were regressed against the dependent variable psycho-social modernism (*1). The significant steps of this regression analysis for the two villages are shown in table 3* TABLE 3

STSVISE RBQ3ESSI0IS FDR PSIffiO-SOCIAL MODERN ISM IN THE TWO VILLAGE (MODEL 1*)

IQ ialra Bet 11-123 S tep No. The Variable V a riab le P -R atio C onstant R egression P a r t i a l t Gets A d ju sted E n tered Code Coefficient Correlation v alu e Coefficient

1 . Masa-media P artici­ *13 11201* .610*“ 50.226 105.852*** -.995 .969 pation of R - . a s - 9 9 5

2 . Occupational Status .990 o f R *7 12. MO" 1 19-951 .006 .306 3.523*** .033

3 . bate Status of R 13 7.530“ 50.127 -.0 0 6 -.a U i 2.71*/** -.0 2 7 •991

1*. Civic/political .030 2.1i70** .023 Participation of R 6 . 11*1* 50.096 .223 • 991

s . Age o f 3 h 6.931“ 50.993 - . 01U -.2 3 7 2.633*** -.035 .991

6 . Land-ownership Status *5 2.316 50.811* -.006 -.11(0 1.522 -.0 1 5 .991 o f R

Hiagpura N-l16

1. Maas-media Partici­ pation of R *13 27301*.51o“ * 50.267 -.5 5 6 -.9 9 8 165.21*1*** -.998 .996

2 . Age o f R 29.720*“ 1*8.261 -.0 2 8 .1*56 5.1*52*** .01*1 .997

3 . Land-ownership Status 3.886 1*8, 1*31 .010 .183 1.972* .011 .997 o f R H

4In case of this moitol, all of the independent variables won included ZF value significant at .05 level In the regressions. WF value significant at .01 level value significant at .001 level t value significant at .05 level **t value significant at .01 level t value significant at .001 level ill others not significant in v_n ^$6

Table 3 shows that in case of both the villages, mass-media

participation of the respondents (* 13) was the first variable to enter

in the regressions. In case of Khaira Bet, the P-ratio for this var­

iable was 1120^.61 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta

coefficient of the variable was -*995 and the variable explained 98.9

percent of the variance in the dependent variable. In case of Hiagpura,

the F-ratio for this variable was 2730li.5>1 which was significant at

,001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was -.998 and the

variable explained 99.6 percent of the variance in the dependent

v a r ia b le .

The next variables which entered the regression for Khaira Bet

(Step no. 2 through 5) were: occupational status, caste status,

civic/political participation and age of the respondents (*7, *3j *1U*

*li respectively). The F-ratios for all these variables were signifi­

cant statistically. However, in the presence of mass-media partici­ pation variable (*13) in the regression, the Beta coefficients of these variables were very low and the variables added only .2 percent to the variance explained in the dependent variable.

The next variable to enter in the regression for Khaira Bet was land-ownership status of the respondents (*5). The F-ratio for this variable was 2.316 which was not significant. Therefore, the best form of the predictive model 1 for Khaira Bet included only the following variables: mass-media participation, occupational status, caste status, civic/political participation and age of the respondents.

This model explained 99*1 percent of the variance in the dependent v a r iiW c . 157

In case of Hiagpura, the second variable to enter in the

regression was age of the respondents The F-ratio for this

variable was 29.72 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta

coefficient of the variable was . 0I4I and the variable added only .1

percent to the variance explained in the dependent variable. The next

variable to enter in this regression was land-ownership status of the

respondents (^5)* The F-ratio for this variable was 3.888 which was

not significant. Therefore, the best form of the predictive model 1

for Ehagpura included the following variables: mass-media partici­

pation and age of the respondents. In this case, the model 1 explained

99.7 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

The results of the above regression analysis reveal that in

case of both the villages, mass-media participation of the respondents

was a very powerful predictor of their psycho-social modernism. In

case of Khaira Bet, this variable explained 98.9 percent of the var­

iance in the dependent variable. In case of Hiagpura, the variance explained by the variable was 99*6 percent. It, therefore, appears that given the knowledge of the mass-media participation variable

alone, the psycho-social modernism of the respondents in the two v il­ lages could be predicted with almost perfect accuracy. However, the

results of the regression analysis also suggest that in the presence of the mass-media participation variable in the regressions, it was relatively difficult to determine the importance of other selected variables for predicting the dependent variable. This was clear in view of the fact that several other selected variables (such as, cxtra-comnunity cont acts a:,d f,)r:;.Tl education of the respondents) were 158 also highly correlated with the dependent variable. However, they did not enter the regressions since practically all of the variance was explained by the mass-media participation variable alone.

In case of Model 2, therefore, the mass-media participation variable (^13) was excluded from the regression analysis in order to evaluate the predictive power of the other independent variables.

The significant steps of this regression analysis for the two villages are shown in table 1*.

Table U shows that in the absence of the mass-media partici­ pation variable, the first variable to enter in the regressions for the two villages was extra-community contacts of the respondents (x12).

In case of Khaira Bet, the F-ratio for this variable was 1692.1*1 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was -.970 and the variable explained 93-9 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. In case of Hiagpura, the F-ratio for this variable was 21*97.21* which was significant at .001 level. Hie Beta coefficient of the variable was -.978 and the variable explained 95.6 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

The next two variables which entered the regression for Khaira

Bet were: occupational status and civic/political participation of the respondents (x7> *1l* respectively). The respective F-ratios for these variables were 19*51 and 5*73 which were significant at .001 and

.05 levels. The Beta coefficients of the variables were .097 and .053 respectively. The addition of these variables in the regression added

1.0 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable. TABLE li

STB’UXSS HBGHESICIE IDR FSY CKO-SOCIAL MODERNISM IN THE TWO VILLAGES (MODEL 2*)

K haira Bat N-123

S tep No. The Variable V a riab le ? - R atio C o n sta rt R eg ressio n P a r t i a l t Beta A djysted E ntered Code Coefficient Correlation v alu e Coefficient &

1 . Ejrt ra-com nunit y Contacts of R *12 1692.1*10“ “ 52.295 -.8 6 0 -.970 1*3.502*** -.970 .939

2 . Occupational Statue o f R *7 19.510® “ 51.619 .017 .371 6 . 1*16*** .097 .967

3 . Civic/political parti­ .069 . 211* .053 .969 cipation of R *11* 5.730* 51.536 2.393**

It. Land-ownership Statue 2 . 1*00 51. 1*16 -.0 1 5 -.161 .950 o f R *5 1.569 -.0 3 5

Hiagpura N-116

1 . Extra-ccrmunity Xl2 53.316 -.978 69-972*** -.9 7 8 .956 Contacts of R 2697.260*** -.9 3 8

2 . Age o f R x6 133.500*** 63.830 .133 .736 11.556*** .195 .980

3 . Civic/political Parti­ .056 .s e o cipation of R's Paaily *10 5.650* 65.066 .077 .223 2 . 618**

6 . Pbiroal Education of R *6 3.830 1*6.208 -.1 2 5 -.163 1.957* -.0 6 2 .961

“in case of this nodal, a ll of the Independent variables, except x f Talue significant at .05 level the variable *13 (Kaes-media participation of the respondent), were n F value significant at .01 level lnclwled In the regressions. XMXT value elgn if leant at .001 level *t value significant at .05 level **t value significant at .01 level t value elgniflcant at .001 level AH other* not significant 160

The fourth variable to enter in the regression for Khaira Bet

was land-ownership status of the respondents (*5)• The F-ratio for

this variable was 2.1*0 which was not significant. Therefore, the best

form of the predictive model 2 for Khaira Bet included only the fol­

lowing variables: extra-community contacts, occupational status and

civic/political participation of the respondents. This predictive

model explained 9k*9 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

In case of Hiagpura, the second variable which entered the

regression was age of the respondents (XU). The F-ratio for this

variable was 133*50 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta

coefficient of the variable was .195 and the variable added 2.1* percent

to the explained variance in the dependent variable. The third var­

iable to enter in the regression was civic/political participation of

the respondents' families (^10). The F-ratio for this variable was

5.85 which was significant at .00 level. However, the Beta coefficient

of the variable was .056 and the variable did not add significantly to

the explained variance in the dependent variable.

The next variable which entered the regression for Hiagpura was

formal education of the respondents (-*6). The F-ratio for this var­

iable was 3*83 which was not significant. Thus, the best foim of the

predictive model 2 for Bhagpura included the following variables:

extra-community contacts and age of the respondents and civic/political participation of the respondents1 families. In this case, the model explained 98.0 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

The results of the above regression analysis reveal that next to the mass-media participation variable, the extra-community contacts 161 of the respondents were a very powerful predictor of the psycho- social modernism in both the villages. In case of Khaira Bet, the extra­ community contacts variable explained 93*9 percent of the variance in the dependent v a r ia b le . In case of Ehagpura, the variance explained by the variable was percent. Therefore, given the knowledge of this variable alone too, the psycho-social modernism of the respond­ ents in the two villages could be predicted with extreme accuracy.

However, the results of this regression analysis also suggest that in the presence of extra-community contacts variable in the regressions, it was difficult to evaluate the relative importance of other selected variables for predicting the dependent variable. The reason for this observation was that in this case also practically all of the variance was explained by "the extra-community contacts variable alone.

In case of Model 3, therefore, the mass-media participation and extra-community contacts variables were excluded from the regression analysis in order to evaluate the predictive power of the remaining independent variables* The steps of this regression analysis for the two villages are shown in tables 5 and 6.

Table 5 shows that in the absence of the mass-media participa­ tion and extra-community contacts variables, the first variable to enter in the regression for Khaira Bet was age of the respondents (*U).

The F-ratio for this variable was 15U.17 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was .71*9 and the variable explained 55*7 percent of the variance in the dependent variable*

The second variable which entered the regression was formal education of the respondents (*6). The F-ratio for this variable was 65.55 TABLE 5

STBVI5K REGRESSION FDR PSraiO-SOCIAL MODERNISM IN KKAIRA BET (MODEL 3*)

Khaira Bat N-123

S tep No. The Variable V a riab le F -R atio C onstant R eg ressio n p a r t i a l t Beta A djusted E n tered Code Coefficient Correlation v alu e Coefficient

1 . Age o f ft 151.170® “ 27.1*1*9 .283 .71*9 1 2 . 1*1 &** .71*9 .557

i . Forn&l Education o f a h 65.550” “ 30. 1*1*8 -.961 -.591* 8.097*** -.1*09 .711

3- Village Leadership Status of R *15 6.070* 30. 81*1* . 11*8 .220 2.1*63** .135 .723

It. Clvie/polltleal Participation of R 12.300® “ 33-287 - 3 l t9 . -.3 0 7 3.506*** -.2 6 9 .71*7

S- Civic/political Parti­ *10 6.260* cipation of fl.' s Family 33.709 -.2 0 5 -.2 2 5 2.501** -.1 2 9 .757

6 . Occupational Statue o f R *7 11. 270** 31.800 .030 .298 3.357*** .170 .777

7 . Education of R's Fam ily h 3-620 32.127 .206 .175 1.901** .107 .782

B. Caste Status of R *3 3.060 31.782 .017 .162 1 .750* .082 .766

9 . level of Living of S 'a FA nily 111 7-150** 3 1 . 01*2 -.1*00 -.21*1* 2.671**** -.2 2 7 .797

10 . Family Inccr.t of K *8 0.990 31.078 .001 .091* 0.99U .061* .797

1 1 . land-ownership Status o f R *5 0.860 30.963 -.059 -.0 8 8 0.928 j -.1 3 6 .796

*In o»»e of this modal, all of tho independent variables, except XF value significant at .05 level the variables *13 and *12 (Kaes-*edla participation and Extra- n P value significant at .01 level Community contacts of the respondent), sere included in the ™ F value significant at .001 level regression. *t value significant at .05 level t value significant at .01 level ***t value Significant at .001 level All others not Significant TABLE 6

STEPWISE REGRESSION FOR PSICHC-SOCIAL MODBOflSM IN HIAGPURA (MODEL 3*)

Ehagpura N-116

S tep No. The Variable V a riab le F -B etio Conetant Regression P a r t i a l t B eta A d ju sted E n tered Code Coefficient Correlation v alu e Coefficient

1 . Formal Education *6 166. 660*** -2.21*3 -.7 6 6 12.01^*** -.7 6 8 .555 o f a 37.505

2 . Age o f R K 150.1100*** 17.61*6 .363 .756 12.266*** .532 .807

Civic/political Parti­ J. 65.1*60*** 21.266 -.6 6 6 -.607 6.091*** -.3 3 8 .868 cipation of R' ■ Tastily h o

6 . C ivic/polit ica1 Participation of R i i b 15.91 O'*** 21.989 -.1 6 0 -.3 5 6 3.969*** -.1 5 6 .692

Land-ownership Status 5 . 3.06C T * .102 o f R H 9.21*0** 22.963 .092 .276 .899

6 . Level of Living of R 's Fam ily *11 33.300*** 26.969 -.913 -.6 8 6 5.770*** -.3 1 6 .922

7 . Caste Status of R *3 8.090** 26.691 .031 .266 2.86^** .092 .927

8. Occupational Status 2.310 .016 .165 1.520 .055 .928 o f R h 25.533

Village Leadership 9 . .080 1.606 . 06? Status of R h s 2.570 26.517 .156 .929

10. Education of R'a -.1 2 8 Family h 1.760 25.706 -.1 2 7 1.319 -.051 -929

1 1 . Family Income of R 0.010 25.751 .001 .009 j .096 .008 .928 4In case of this model, all of the independent variables, except *F value significant at .05 le v e l the variables *13 and *12 (Hass-media participation and Ertra- value significant at .01 le v e l ccrsatrlt/ contacts of the respondent), were included in the r a F value significant at .001 le v e l regression. *t value significant at .0 5 le v e l **t value significant at .01 le v e l ***t value significant at .001 le v e l All others not significant 16U which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was -.itO? and the variable added percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable. Thus, the total variance explained by these two variaules (^U, ^6) was 71.1 percent. The next variables which entered the regression (Step no. 3 through 6) were: village leadership status, civic/political participation and occupational status of the respondents and civic/political participation of the respondents' families (*15, ^11*, ^7 and ^10 respectively). The F-ratios of all these variables were significant statistically. The addition of these variables in the regression added only 6.6 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable.

The seventh variable to enter in the regression for Khaira Bet was education of the respondents' families (% ). The F-ratio for this variable was 3*62 which was not significant. Therefore, the best form of the predictive model 3 for Khaira Bet included the following var­ iables: age, formal education, village leadership status, civic/ political participation and occupational status of the respondents and civic/political participation of the respondents' families. This model explained 77.7 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

The only other significant predictor in case of Khaira Bet was level of living of the respondents' families (^11). The F-ratio for this variable was 7.15 which was significant at .01 level.

In case of Hiagpura, table 6 shows that the first variable which entered the regression was formal education of the respondents V (6). The F-ratio for this variable was lUi*U6 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was -.7^6 and the 165 variable explained 55 *? percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The second variable to enter in the regression was age of the respondents (^h). The F-ratio for this variable was 150■ hO which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was . 53 ^ and the variable added 25.2 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable. Thus, in this case, the total variance explained trjr these two variables (^Ii, ^ 6) was 80.7 percent. The third variable which entered the regression was civic/political partici­ pation of the respondents 1 families (^10). The F-ratio for this var­ ia b le was 65.^6 which was significant at .001 level. Hie Beta coef­ ficient of the variable was -.336* The addition of this variable in the regression added 8.1 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable. Thus, the total variance explained by the var­ ia b le s ^6 and ^10 was 66.8 p e rc e n t.

The variables which entered the regression next (Step no. I 4 through 7) were: civic/political participation, land-ownership status and caste status of the respondents and level of living of the respond­ e n t s 1 families (^1 Uj ^5* ^3# ^11 respectively). The F-ratios of all these variables were significant statistically. Howsver, the addition of these variables in the regression added only 3*9 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable.

The eighth variable to enter in the regression was occupa­ tional status of the respondents (*7). The F-ratio for this variable was 2.31 which was not significant. Thus, the best form of the pre­ dictive model 3 for Hiagpura included the following variables: foraal education, age, civic/political participation, land-ownership 166

status and caste status of the respondents and civic/political parti­

cipation and level of living of the respondents' families. In this

case, the model explained 92.7 percent of the variance in the dependent

v a r ia b le .

The last three variables which entered the regression were:

village leadership status of the respondents and education and income

of the respondents' families (^l5> ^9, ^8 respectively)* The F-ratios

for these variables were 2.£7, 1.7U and 0.01 respectively. All of

these F-ratios were not significant.

The results of the above regression analysis reveal that in the

absence of the mass-media participation and extra-community contacts

variables, ago and formal education of the respondents were good

predictors of psycho-social modernism in both the villages. In case

of Khaira Bet, these two variables explained 71.1 percent of the

variance in the dependent variable. In case of Ehagpura, the variance

explained by the variables was 80.7 percent. The other significant

predictors which were common to the two villages were: civic/political

participation of the respondents and civic/political participation and

level of living of the respondents' families. All of these variables

predicted the dependent variable psycho-social modernism in the

expected direction J Age of the respondents predicted the dependent

^The negative signs of the Beta coefficients in tables 3* $ and 6 should be intezpretted as positive signs since lower the score of a respondent on the psycho-social modernism scale, the greater was his psycho-social modernism. 167

variable in the negative direction. All other variables predicted 2 the dependent variable in the positive direction.

Summary of the Findings

The data presented in this chapter tend to support the

hypotheses of this study since the correlation coefficients of all the

selected variables were in the predicted direction in both the villages.

As hypothesized, only age of the respondents was negatively correlated with the dependent variable psycho-social modernism. All of the other

selected variables were positively correlated with the dependent var­

iable in both the villages. The relative magnitudes of the correla­ tion coefficients suggest that the important correlates of psycho­

social modernism in the two villages were; mass-media participation, extra-community contacts, age, formal education and civic/p o litical participation of the respondents and civic/political participation and

level of living of the respondents' families. . .

On the basis of the regression analysis of the data, three predictive models have been identified for predicting psycho-social modernism in each of the two villages. The model 1 for Khaira Bet e x p la in e d 99*1 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

The model 1 for Hiagpura explained 99.7 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The major component of model 1 in case of both the villages was the variable mass-media participation. In

p The signs of the Beta coefficients of the variables in tables 3 and U reveal that the mass-media participation and extra- community contacts variables also predicted the dependent variable in the positive direction. 168

Khaira Bet, this variable explained 98.9 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. In Hiagpura, the variance explained by the variable was 99.6 percent.

The model 2 for Khaira Bet explained 9h-9 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The model 2 for Hiagpura explained

98.0 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The major component of model 2 in case of both the villages was the extra- community contacts variable. In Khaira Bet, this variable explained

93*9 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. In Hiagpura, the variance explained by the variable was 95*6 percent.

The model 3 for Khaira Bet explained 77.7 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The model 3 for Hiagpura explained

92.7 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The most important components of model 3 in case of both the villages were the variables age and formal education of the respondents. In Khaira Bet, these two variables explained 71.1 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. In Hiagpura, the variance explained by the variables was 80.7 percent.

Thus, it appears that the most important predictors of psycho­ social modernism in the two villages were: mass-media participation, extra-community contacts, age and formal education of the respondents.

The other significant predictors which were common to the two villages were: civic/political participation of the respondents and civic/ political participation and level of living of the respondents1 families. All of these variables predicted the dependent variable psycho-social modernism in the expected direction. Age of the respondents predicted the dependent variable in the negative direction.

All other variables predicted the dependent variable in the positive d ir e c tio n . CHAPTER VIII

CORRELATES AND PREDICTORS OF ATTITUDES TOWARD PROGRAMS FOR PLANNED SOCIAL CHANGE

In view of the findings in Chapter VI, the greater the com­

municative proximity of the village to the urban centers, the more

favorable were the attitudes toward programs for planned social change.

In a general way, therefore, the degree of communicative proximity of

a village to the urban centers can be taken as a predictor of the

attitudes toward programs for planned social change.

The objective of this chapter is to present and discuss the findings relating to* 1. the other correlates and predictors of

attitudes toward programs for planned social change and 2. the relative

importance of these correlates and predictors for explaining the phenomenon of attitudes toward programs for planned social change.

Correlates of Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change

To find the correlates of attitudes toward programs for planned social change in the two villages, correlation analysis was employed. The data from the two villages were analyzed separately.

The results of the correlation analysis are presented in tables 1 and 2.^

^For more details of the correlation analysis, see: Tables 1 and 2 in Qiapter VII.

170 TABLE 1

THE CDSHELATIOrfi* 0? THE SELECTED VARIABLE WITH ATTITUDES TOWARD PROGRAMS FOR FUNKED SOCIAL CHANGE (KHAIRA BET)

The V a ria b le Correlation The V a riab le Correlation V a ria b le s Codas Coefficient* V a ria b le s Codes Coefficient**5

Psycho-social *1 .9U*** G lvic/politi cal *10 -3 7 * * * Kodemlaa of R Participation of R 's Fam ily

Caste Status of & *3 .02 Level of Living 111 -.32*** of R's Family

Age o f R h .72***

Land-Owner ship -.2L** Extra-community I l2 -.90*** Status of R X5 Contacts of R

Formal Education of R *6 -.SB*** Mass-media P arti­ X13 -.93*** cipation of S

Occupational Status -.2 1 * Civic/political o f R *7 *11. -At Participation of R

Family Incase of R IB -.1 7 *

Education of R'S .07 Village Leadership r».-illy h X1S -.0 5 Status of R

aTne correlations ware computed from (fata collected from a ll the household-heada in each Tillage. Therefore, the correlations were all significant. For statistical purpose, however, the data were treated as a .a

-1 TABLE 2

THE CORRELATIONS* OF THE SEIECTED VARIABLES WITH ATTITUDES TOWARD PROGRAMS FOR PLANNS) SOCIAL CHANGE (BHAGPURA)

The V a ria b le Correlation The V a riab le Correlation V a ria b le s Codes Coefficient* V a ria b le s Codes Coefficient*”

Psycho-social *1 .97*** dvie/po lit ioal *10 -.61**** Kodemiam of R Participation of R 's Fam ily

Caste Statue of R *3 - .1 0 Level of Living *1! -.61**** of R's Family Age o f R *1. .72***

Land-Ownership -.96*** Status of R * s -.11* Ext ra-c amninity *12 Contacts of R Formal Education *6 Hass-media P arti­ o f R -.75*** xi 3 -.97*** cipation of R

Occupational Status o f R x 7 -.1*1*** Civi c/polit ical -.56*** Participation of R

Family Income of R *6 -.1 5

Education of R 'S -.2 0 * Village leadership -.29** Fam ily *9 *15 S ta tu s o f R

^The correlations were computed from data collected frora a ll the household-heads in each villajp . There­ fore, the correlations were all significant. For statistical purpose, however, the data were treated as a sample for the determination of F testa of r e. ^According to the adopted scoring system, lower the score of a respondent on the attitudes toward programs for planned social charge scale, the more favorable wen his attitudes toward programs for planned social change. Similarly, lower the score of a respondent on the psycho-social modern!®* scale, the greater was his psycho-social modernism. Therefore, in the above table, the negative correlations of the selected variables with the dependent variable (favorable attitudes toward programs for plamed social change) should be interpretted as positive correlations, except in case of the psycho-social modernism variable ( X1 ). *F value significant at .05 level _**P value significant at .01 level f value significant at .001 level All others not significant. ^ h J 173

According to the theoretical expectations (See: Chapter IV),

it was hypothesized that age of the respondent would correlate nega­

tively with the dependent variable favorable attitudes toward pro­

grams for planned social change. All other selected variables were

expected to correlate positively with the dependent variable.

The data in tables 1 and 2 reveal that in both the villages,

the selected independent variables were correlated in the expected

manner with the dependent variable. Age of the respondents (^U) was p negatively^ correlated with favorable attitudes toward programs for

planned social change. All other selected variables were positively^

correlated with the dependent variable. The only exceptions to this

were in case of the variables caste status of the respondents (^3)

and education of the respondents’ families (^9) in Khaira Bet. The

size of the correlation coefficients in this case, however, was .02

and .07 only.

Tables 1 and 2 also show that in case of the two villages, the

pattern of association of the selected independent variables with the

dependent variable was remarkably sim ilar. In case of both the vil­

lages, psycho-social modernism, mass-media participation and extra-

ccmmunity contacts of the respondents (X1, ^13, *12 respectively) were

the three variables which were most highly correlated with the

dependent variable. In case of Khaira Bet, the correlations of these

The negative correlations in tables 1 and 2 should be interpretted as positive correlations and vice versa, except in case of the psycho-social modernism variable (^1). See: Footnotes in tables 1 and 2 in this chapter. 17U

variables with the dependent variable were respectively .9b, -.93 and

-.90. The corresponding correlations in case of Hiagpura were .97,

-.97 and -. 96.

Age and formal education of the respondents and ^6) were

the next variables which were highly correlated with the dependent

variable in both the villages. In case of Khaira Bet, the correla­

tions of these variables with the dependent variable were respectively

.72 and -.$8. Similar correlations in case of Hiagpura were .72 and

-.75 respectively. All of these correlation coefficients were signi­

ficant at .001 level.

In the above order of the magnitudes of the correlation

coefficients, civic/political participation and level of living of the

respondents' families (^10, ^11) were the next variables which were

highly correlated x;ith the dependent variable in bath the villages.

In case of Khaira Fet, the correlations of these variablesw ith th e

dependent variable were respectively -.37 and -. 32. The corresponding

correlations in case of Hiagpura were -.61* and These correla­

tions suggest that civic/political participation and level of living

of the respondents' families were relatively more important correlates

of the dependent variable in Bhagpura than in Khaira Bet.

Hie only other variables which were significantly correlated with the dependent variable in both the villages were: civic/political participation and occupational status of the respondents *7).

In case of Khaira Bet, the correlations of these variables with the dependent variable were respectively -.2 3 and -.21. Both of these correlations were significant at .05 level. In case of Hiagpura, ■ 175

the correlations of the variables with the dependent variable were

-.56 and -.1*1 . These correlations were significant at .001 level.

In this case also, the relative magnitudes of the correlation coef­

ficients suggest that civic/political participation and occupational

status of the respondents were relatively more important correlates of the dependent variable in Hiagpura.

Village leadership status of the respondents (^1 5) and education

of the respondents' families (*9) correlated significantly with the

dependent variable in Hiagpura. The correlations of these variables with the dependent variable were respectively -.29 and -.20 which were significant at .01 and .05 levels. In case of Khaira Bet, the cor­ relations of these variables with the dependent variable were respec­ tively -.05 and .0? which were not significant.

Land-ownership status and family income of the respondents

(XS, *8) correlated significantly with the dependent variable in

Khaira Bet. The respective correlations were -.21* and -.19 which were significant at .01 and .05 levels. The corresponding correlations in case of Hiagpura were -.11* and -.15 which were not significant. Y Caste status of the respondents (3 ) did not correlate signi­ ficantly with the dependent variable in either of the two villages.

In case of Khaira Bet, the correlation of this variable with the dependent variable was .02. The corresponding correlation in case of

Hiagpura was -.10. Both of these correlations were not significant.

The data in tables 1 and 2, thus, tend to support the hypoth­ eses of this study since the correlation coefficients of all the selected variables wore in the predicted diivction in case of both the 176 villages. The relative magnitudes of the correlation coefficients, however, suggest that the important correlates of the dependent var­ iable (favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change) in the two villages were: psycho-social modernism, mass-media parti­ cipation, extra-community contacts, age, formal education and civic/ political participation of the respondents (*13, *12, *U, *6, *1h respectively) and civic/political participation and level of living of the respondents' families (*10, *11 respectively).-*

Predictors of Attitudes Toward Programs for Planned Social Change

To find the predictors of favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change in the two villages and to determine their relative importance for predicting the dependent variable, regression analysis was employed. In this case also, d the a ta from the two v i l ­ lages were analyzed separately.

In case of first regressions for the two villages (Model 1), all the selected independent variables were regressed against the dependent variable favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change. The significant steps of this regression analysis for the two villages are shown in table 3.

Table 3 shows that in case of both the villages, psycho-social mode m i an of the respondents (*1) was the first variable to enter in

^It should be noted that the selected independent variables had correlated with the dependent variable psycho-social modernism almost exactly in the same manner as with the dependent variable favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change. The important correlates in that case were also the same (See: Chapter VII). STEPWISE REOBESIOHS FOR ATTITUDES TOWARD PROGRAMS FOR PLANNED SOCIAL CHANGE IN THE TWO TILLAGES (MODEL 1*)

UialrA Bet N-123

Step The Variable V a ria b le f-ratio Constant Regression P a r t i a l t Beta A djusted ho. E ntered Code Coefficient Correlation v alu e Coefficient

1 . Psycho-social tfoderniSM of S *1 966.560*** -0 .3 2 8 .613 .91*3 31.090*** .91)3 .688

2. Ext ra -comwunit y Contacts of R *12 l*.52o* -9 .0 0 8 .150 .191 2.127* -259 .091

3 . formal Education o r ft *6 2.770 -9 .2 5 7 -.091* -.151 1.663* -.062 .893

Hiagpura »-li6

i . Psycho-social Modernism of R *1 2233.320*** 0.267 .569 .975 1*7.258*** .975 .951

2. Occupational Status of R h 9.870** 1 -51(5 -.0 1 3 -.2 6 3 3.11*2*** -.0 6 ? .955

3 . land-Owra rehip Status of R 2.830 1.1*81, -.0 1 9 -.1 5 7 1.690* -.0 3 6 .955

“In u w of tbi* model, all of the independent xp value significant at .05 level variable* wen included in the regressions- « f value significant at .01 level zrxF value significant at .001 level *t value significant at .05 level **t value significant at .01 level ***t value significant at .001 level All otter* not significant 178

the regressions. In case of Khaira Bet, the F-ratio for this variable

was 966.58 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient

of the variable was . 9^3 arri the variable explained 88.8 percent of

the variance in the dependent variable. In case of Hiagpura, the

F-ratio for this variable was 2233*32. The Beta coefficient of the

variable was .975 and the variable explained 95*1 percent of the

variance in the dependent variable.

The next variable which entered the regression for Khaira Bet

was extra-community contacts of the respondents (^12). The F-ratio

for this variable was U.52 which was significant at .05 level. The

Beta coefficient of the variable was .259 and the variable added only

.3 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable.

The third variable which entered the regression for Khaira Bet was formal education of the respondents (^6). The F-ratio for this

variable was 2.77 which was not significant. Therefore, the best

form of the predictive model 1 for Khaira Bet included the variables psycho-social modernism and extra-community contacts of the respond­ ents. This model explained 89.1 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

In case of Hiagpura, the second variable to enter in the regression was occupational status of the respondents (^7). The

F-ratio for this variable was 9*87 which was significant at .01 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was -.067 and the var­ iable added only .li percent to the explained variance in the depend­ ent variable. 179

The third variable which entered the regression for Hiagpura y was land-ownership status of the respondents ( $). The F-ratio for this variable was 2.03 which was not significant. Therefore, the best form of the predictive model 1 for Hiagpura included the variables psycho-social modernism and occupational status of the respondents.

In this case, the model 1 explained 95*5 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

The results of the above regression analysis reveal that in case of both the villages, psycho-social modernism of the respondents was a very powerful predictor of the dependent variable. In case of

Khaira Bet, this variable explained 86.8 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. In case of Hiagpura, the variance explained by the variable was 95.1 percent. It, therefore, appears that given tlie knowledge of the psycho-social modernism variable alone, attitudes o f th e respondents in the two v illa g e s could be predicted with a remarkable accuracy. This finding is consistent with the theoretical expectation that attitudes of the respondents toward programs for planned social change could be treated as a component of the broader phenomenon of their psycho-social modernism (See: Chapter IV).

However, the results of the regression analysis also suggest that in the presence of the psycho-social modernism variable in the regressions, it was relatively difficult to determine the importance of other selected variables for predicting the dependent variable. The reason for this observation was that several other selected variables (such as, mass-media participation and age of the respondents) were also hi-lily correlated with tliO Lk.yei.Jent variable. However, they did not enter the regressions since practically all of the variance was explained by the psycho-social modernism variable alone.

In case of Model 2, therefore, the psycho-social modernism y variable ( 1) was excluded from the regression analysis in order to evaluate the predictive power of other selected variables. The sig­ nificant steps of thi 3 regression analysis for the two villages are shown in table I4.

T able h shows that in the absence of the psycho-social mod­ ernism variable, the first variable to enter in the regressions for the two villages was mass-media participation of the respondents

(x13). In case of Khaira Bet, the F-ratio for this variable was

610.3U which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was -.933 and the variable explained 86.9 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. In case of Hiagpura, the

F-ratio for the variable was 2000.1 h. The Deta coefficient of the variable was -.973 and the variable explained 9U.6 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

Hie second variable which entered the regression for Khaira

Bet was extra-canmunity contacts of the respondents (*12). The

F-ratio for this variable was 3*01 which was not significant. There­ fore, the best foim of the predictive model 2 for Khaira Bet included the variable mass-media participation of the respondents only. The model explained 86.9 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

In case of Hiagpura, the next three variables (Step no. 2 throu gh U) which entered the regression were: occupational status, TABLE 8

STEPWISE REGRESSIONS FOB ATTITUDES TOMA HD PROGRAMS FOR PLANNED SOCIAL CHAN3E Di THE TMC TILLAGES (MODEL 2*}

Khaira fct H-123 Step The Variable V a riab le F-ratio Constant Regression P a r t i a l t Ret a A djusted To . E rie red Code Coefficient Correlation v alu e Coeffi cier.t

1. Mass-media P arti­ cipation of R *13 a io .jw * * * 30.882 -.333 -.933 26.867*** -.9 3 3 .869

2. Extra-comnunlty Contacts of R *12 3.010 29-951* .150 .156 1.738* .260 .671

Hiagpura S-116

U. Mass-media p arti­ cipation of R *13 2000.1b0X3Ot 26.8U* -.316 -.9 7 3 88.723*** -.9 7 3 .986

2 . Occupational Status of R *7 t.bSd** 29-808 -.0 1 3 - . 26? 2.981*** -.0 6 7 .989

3 . ige o f 3 % 6.860* 27.21*7 .030 .280 2.620*** .076 .952

It. Foirai Education o f a h 8.990* 26.081 -.137 -.207 2.238* -.0 7 8 .953

5 . Education of R’s Family S 2.350 25.1 El* -.061* -.1 8 5 1-532 -.0 8 8 .958

aIn case of this wodel, all of the independent variables, exoept XE value significant at .05 level the variable *1 (Psycho-social KOdernias of the respondent), were **7 value sigrificant at .01 level included in the regressions. TOty value significant at .001 level *t value significant at .05 level **t value significant at .01 level ***t value significant at .001 level All others not significant. 182

The F-ratios for all these variables were significant statistically.

However, the addition of these variables in the regression added only

.7 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable.

The fifth variable to enter in the regression for Hiagpura was education of the respondents' families (^9). The F-ratio for this variable was 2.35 which was not significant. Thus, the best form of the predictive model 2 for Hiagpura included the following variables: mass-media participation, occupational status, agp and formal education of the respondents. In this case, the model 2 explained 95-3 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

The results of the above regression analysis reveal that next to the psycho-social modernism variable, mass-media participation of the respondents was a very powerful predictor of the dependent var­ iable in both the villages. In case of Khaira Bet, this variable e x p la in e d 06.9 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. In case of Hiagpura, the variance explained by the variable was 9U.6 percent. Therefore, given the knowledge of the mass-media participa­ tion variable alone too, attitudes of the respondents toward programs for planned social change could be predicted with a remarkable accuracy. However, the results of this regression analysis also suggested that in the presence of the mass-media participation variable in the regressions, it was difficult to evaluate the rela­ tive importance of other selected variables for predicting the dependent variable. This was clear in view of the fact that in this case also practically all of the variance was explained by the mass- ucdia parti cipatii. n variable ^lonc. 183

In case of Model 3, therefore, the psycho-social modernism and mass-media participation variables were excluded fran the regres­ sion analysis in order to evaluate the predictive power of the remaining independent variables. The significant steps of this regression analysis for the two villages are shown in table 5 -

Table 5 shows that in the absence of the psycho-social mod­ ernism and mass-media participation variables, the first variable to enter in the regressions for the two villages was extra-community

y contacts of the respondents ( 12). In case of Khaira Bet, the

F-ratio for this variable was 506,23 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was -.898 and the var­ iable explained 80.5 percent of the variance in the dependent var­ iable. In case of Siagpura, the F-ratio for this variable was

1202.60. The Beta coefficient of the /..triable was -.956 and the variable explained 91 -3 percent of the variance in the dependent v a r ia b le .

The second variable to enter in the regression for Khaira Bet was occupational status of the respondents (^7). The F-ratio for this variable was 6.67 which was significant at .05 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was .107 and the variable added .9 p e r ­ cent to the explained variance in the dependent variable.

The next variable which entered the regression for Khaira Bet was civic/political participation of the respondents The

?-ratio for this variable was 2.81 which was not significant.

Therefore, the best form of the predictive model 3 for Khaira Bet TABLE 5

STEPWISE REGRESSIONS FDR ATTITUDES TOWARD PECO RAMS FOR PLANNED SOCIAL OUNQE IN THE TWO TILLAGES (MODEL 3*)

Khaira bt H-123

S tep The Variable V ariab le F-ritio Constant R eg ressio n P a r t i a l t Beta A djusted >io. E ntered Gods Coefficient Correlation v alu e Coefficient

1 . Extra-community Cot.tacts of R h i 506.230” “ 31.613 -.519 -.856 22.500*** -.896 .805

2. Occupational Status of R h 6.670* 31.130 .012 .229 2.562** .107 .61 h

3. Civic/political Participation of R *il* 2.610 31.059 .060 .152 1.660* .071 .617

H iagpura N"116

1. Ext ra-community

*12 1 e Contacts of R 1202,BOO**1 30.618 -.531* 'O $ 3l*.68l*** -.9 5 6 .913

2. Age o f R h 59.710*** 21*. 391* .087 .588 7.730*** .219 .91*2

3 . Fbrmal Education o f R *6 10.930** 23.130 -.2 0 6 -.2 9 6 3.307*** -.1 1 6 •91*7

ii. level of Living of R's Fa.nlly *11 3.1t50 22.661i -.122 -.171* 1.657* -.072 .91*8 all of the independent variables, except x f value significant at .05 level the variable* *1 and *13 (Psycho-social ■oderriea and Mass-media **? value significant at .0) level participation of the respondeat), vers included in the regressions. value significant at .001 level *t value significant at .05 level **t value significant at .01 level t value significant at .001 level All others not significant

1-0 0 185 included the variables extra-community contacts and occupational status of the respondents. This model explained 81 ,U percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

In case of Bhagpura, the second variable which entered the Y regression was age of the respondents ( h). The F-ratio for this variable was 59*71 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was .219 and the variable added 2.9 per­ cent to the explained variance in the dependent variable. The third variable to enter in the regression was formal education of the respondents (6). The F-ratio for this variable was 10.93 which was significant at .01 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was

-.118 and the variable added only .5 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable.

The next variable which entered the regression for Hiagpura was level of living of the respondents' families (^11). The F-ratio for this variable was 3*^5 which was not significant. Thus, the best form of the predictive model 3 for Hiagpura included the var­ iables extra-community contacts, age and formal education of the respondents. In this case, the model 3 explained 9U.7 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

The results of the above regression analysis reveal that next to the psycho-social modernism and mass-media participation variables, the variable extra-community contacts of the respondents was a power­ ful predictor of the dependent variable in both the villages. In case of Khaira Bet, this variable explained 80.5 percent of the variance in the dependant variable. In case of ihiymira, the variance explained by 166 the variable was 91 .3 percent. Therefore, it was apparent that in the presence of the extra-community contacts variable in the regressions, it was relatively difficult to evaluate the importance of other selected variables for predicting the dependent variable.

In case of Model U, therefore, the psycho-social modernism, mass-media participation and extra-community contacts variables were excluded from the regression analysis to permit the evaluation of other selected variables as predictors. The steps of this regression analysis for the two villages are shown in tables 6 and 7.

Table 6 shows that in the absence of the psycho-social mod­ ernism, mass-media participation and extra-community contacts variables, the first variable to enter in the regression for Khaira Bet was age of the respondents ( U) * The F-ratio for this variable was 126.75 which was significant at .001 le v e l. The Beta coefficient of th e v a ria b le was .716 and the variable explained 51.2p e rc e n t o f th e var­ iance in the dependent variable. The second variable which entered the regression was fonnal education of the respondents (*6). The

F-ratio for this variable was 58.73 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was -.1|1U and the var­ iable added 15*7 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable. Thus, the total variance explained by these two variables

(^1* and *6) was 66.9 percent. The next variables which entered the regression (Step no. 3 through 6) were: village leadership status, occupational status and civic/political participation of the respond­ ents and civic/political participation of the respondents' families

(*15 j *7j X1’i, *10 respectively). The F-ratios for all of these TABU 6

STEPWISE REORESSION FOR ATTITUDES TOWARD PHOGHHS FOR PLANNED SOCIAL OUNCE IN KHAIRA RET (MODEL i*‘ )

Khaira fet N-123

S tep The V a ria b le F a ria b le F-ratio Constant Regression P a r t i a l t Beta A djusted No. E n tered Code Coefficient Correlation v alu e Coefficient

1 . Age o f R XL u b . tso *** 16.370 .176 .718 11.317**" .716 .512

2. Formal Education o f R h 5 8 ,730*** 18.31(6 *.633 -.5 7 3 7.666*** -.M l* .669

3 . Village Leadership Status of R hs 5.700* 18.613 .100 .211, 2, 387*** .1L0 .682 L. Civic/political Parti­ cipation of R‘s Family *10 6.850* 19.033 -.131 -.1 9 9 2.202* -.1 2 6 .692

5 . Occupational Status of R h 6 . 030** 17.61(6 .019 .252 2.833*** .162 .709

6. Civlc/politieal Parti­ cipation of R 5 .OLD* 18.513 -.1 5 6 . -.20L 2.21(5* -.1 8 6 .719

7 . Caste Status of R b 3.560 18.237 .01 li . 1 7U 1 .693* .101 .725

a. Level of Living of R’s Family * ii 7.500** 17.631 -.297 -.219 2.739*** -.2 6 0 .7U)

9 . Education of R's F cr.ily *9 3.110 17.790 .136 .164a 1.763* .109 .7U(

10. Family Incase of R *6 0.900 17.805 .001 .089 0.967 .066 .7U(

1 1 . Land-Owne rship S ta tu s o f R x5 0.630 17.737 -.0lt2 -.0 6 6 O.911 -.11(9 .714i 4 In case cf this model, all of the independent variables, except XP value significant at .05 level the variables 1 , 3, *12 (Psycho-social aodsmlsi, Hass-nedis **F value significant at .01 level participation and Extra-cannunity contacts of the respondent), m F value significant at .001 level ware included in the regression. *t value significant at .05 level **t value significant at .01 level t value significant at .001 level All others not significant TABLE V

STEPWISE REGRESSION FOR ATT IT ODES TOWARD PROGRAMS FOR PLANNED SOCIAL CHANGE IN BHAGPURA (MODEL lia )

9tagpura M»116

S tep The Variable V a ria b le F * ra tio C onstant R egression P a r t ia l t Beta A djusted No. E n tered Code Coefficient Correlation v alu e .Coefficient

1 . rojnal Education o f R *6 169.690®“ 2 1 .78a - 1.316 -.7 5 3 12.227*** -.7 5 3 .566

2 . Age o f A X6 156.960®“ 10.327 .211 .763 12 . 523*** .532 .616

3. Civic/political Partl- clpaticn of R's Faeily *10 1(6 . 360®“ 12.093 -.2 6 0 -.5 6 9 6.956*** -.2 9 9 .870

6 . Level of living of R’s Family *11 15.370®“ 13.1(26 -.3 7 6 -.3 6 9 3.921*** ..221 .885

S. Civic/political Participation of R *1U 10.300“ 13.602 -.0 7 5 -.2 9 3 3.205)*** -.1 2 6 .893

6 . la nd-Ovme r sh ip Status of R *5 10.270“ 16.81(6 .065 .296 3.205*** .122 .902

7 . Caste Status of a *3 li.76031 H i. 593 .016 .205 2.161* .080 .905

6 . Village Leadership Status of H *15 2.890 15.365 .056 .162 1.700* .061 .907

5 . Education of R's F anily *9 2.1*50 16.82? -.0 9 7 -.1 5 0 1,566 -.0 6 7 .906

10, Occupatlor.al Status o f R *7 0,060 1 6 .7 1 1 .002 .026 0.266 .010 .907

11. Family Incase of A 16 0.010 1 16.767 .001 .009 0.092 .009 .906 *In case of this eodel, all of the Independent variables, XF value significant at .05 level except the variable# *1, ^13,^12 (Psycho-social eodemiaa, **F value significant at .01 level M ass-a tdie participation and Extra-caaiunity contacts of the xxxp value significant at .001 level respondent!, were included in the regression. *t value significant at .05 level **t value significant at .01 level ""“t value significant at .001 level a h others not significant variables were significant statistically. However* the addition of these variables in the regression added only 5*0 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable.

The seventh variable which entered the regression for Khaira

Bet was caste status of the respondents (X3). The F-ratio for this variable was 3.56 which was not significant. Hence, the best form of the predictive model 1* for Khaira Bet included the following variables age, foimal education, village leadership status, occupational status and civic/political participation of the respondents and civic/ political participation of the respondents' families. This model e x p la in e d 71.9 percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

The only other significant predictor in case of Khaira Bet was level of living of the respondents' families (X11). The F-ratio for this variable was 7.50 which was significant at .01 le v e l.

In case of Ehagpura, table 7 shows that the first variable which entered the regression was formal education of the respondents

(* 6). The F-ratio for this variable was ll*9*U9 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was -.753 and the variable explained 56 . 1* percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The second variable to enter in the regression was age of the respondents ( U). The F-ratio for this variable was 156.91* which was significant at .001 level. The Beta coefficient of the variable was .532 and the variable added 25.2 percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable. Thus, in this case, the total variance explained by these two variables (XU and * 6) was 01 .6 percent. The third variable which entered the regression was civic/political 190

participation of the respondents' families (x10). The F-ratio for

this variable was 1*8.36 which was significant at .001 level. The Beta

coefficient of the variable was -.299. The addition of this variable

in the regi’ession added 5 *U percent to the explained variance in the

dependent variable.

The variables which entered the regression next (Step no. 1*

th ro u g h 7) were: level of living of the respondents' families and

civic/political participation, land-ownership status and caste status

of the respondents (^11, x1h, X5, X3 respectively). The F-ratios

for all these variables were significant statistically. However,

the addition of these variables in the regression added only 3.5

percent to the explained variance in the dependent variable.

The eighth variable to enter in the regression was village

leadership status of the respondents ( 13). The F-ratio for this

variable was 2.89 which was not significant. Thus, the best fonn of

the predictive model 1* for Bhagpura included the following variables:

formal education, age, civic/political participation, land-ownership

status and caste status of the respondents and level of living and

civic/political participation of the respondents' families. In this

case, the model 1* explained 90.5 percent of the variance in the

dependent variable •

The last three variables which entered the regression were:

occupational status of the respondents and education and income of the respondents' families (^7, x9, ^6 respectively). The F-ratios

for these variables were respectively 2.1*5, 0.06 and 0.01. All of those F-ratius were not signific.int. 191

The results of the above regression analysis reveal that in the

absence of the psycho-social modernism, mass-media participation and

extra-community contacts variables, age and formal education of the

respondents were good predictors of the attitudes toward programs for

planned social change in both the villages. In case of Khaira Bet,

these two variables explained 66.9 percent of the variance in the * dependent variable. In case of Ehagpura, the variance explained by the

variables was 81 .6 percent. The other significant predictors which

were common to the two villages were: civic/political participation

of the respondents and civic/political participation and level of

living of the respondents 1 f a ^ d lie s .^1 All of these variables predicted

the dependent variable in the expected manner. Age of the respondents

predicted the dependent variable (favorable attitudes toward programs

f o r planned social change)in th e negative direction. All other

selected variables predicted the dependent variable in the positive

d ire c tio n .

It should be noted that the important predictors of psycho­ social modernism in the two villages were the same as in case of the dependent variable favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change. The order of the relative importance of the predictors and the direction of their prediction in that case were also the same (See: Chapter VII).

-*The signs of the Beta coefficients in tables 3, b and $ re v e a l that the psycho-social modernism, mass-media participation and extra- coranunity contacts variables also predicted the dependent variable in the positive direction (The negative signs of the Beta coefficients in tables 3, h, 6 'ind 7 should be inteipretted as positive signs and vice versa, except in case of the psycho-social modernism variable. See: Footnotes in tables 1 and 2 in this chapter). 192

Sumnary of the Findings

The data presented in this chapter tend to support the hypoth­

eses of this study since the correlation coefficients of all the

selected variables were in the predicted direction in both the vil­

lages. As hypothesized, only age of the respondents was negatively

correlated with the dependent variable favorable attitudes toward

programs for planned social change. All of the other selected var­

iables were positively correlated with the dependent variable in both

the villages. The relative magnitudes of the correlation coefficients

suggest that the important correlates of the dependent variable in

the two villages were: psycho-social modernism, mass-media partici­

pation, extra-community contacts, age, formal education and civic/

political participation of the respondents and civic/political parti­

cipation and level of living of the respondents' families.

On the basis of the regression analysis of the data, four

predictive models have been identified for predicting favorable a tti­

tudes toward programs for planned social change in each of the two

villages. The model 1 for Khaira Bet explained 89.1 p e rc e n t o f th e

variance in the dependent variable. The model 1 for Uiagpura explained

9$.5 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The major

component of model 1 in case of both the villages was the variable psycho-social modernism of the respondents. In Khaira Bet, this

variable explained 88.8 percent of the variance in the dependent var­

iable. In Ehagpura, the variance explained by the variable was 95*1 p e r c e n t. 193

The model 2 for Khaira Bet explained 86.9 percent of the var­ iance in the dependent variable. The model 2 for Ehagpura explained

95.3 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The major component of model 2 in case of both the villages was the variable mass-media participation of the respondents. In Khaira Bet, this variable explained 86.9 percent of the variance in the dependent var­ iable. In Bhagpura, the variance explained by the variable was 9U*6 pe r c e n t.

The model 3 for Khaira Bet explained 61 .i* percent of the var­ iance in the dependent variable. The model 3 for Uiagpura explained

9li.7 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The major component of model 3 in case of both the villages was the variable extra-community contacts of the respondents. In Khaira Bet, this variable explained 60.5 percent of the variance in the dependent var­ iable. In Uiagpura, the variance explained by the variable was 91 *3 p e rc e n t.

The model 6 for Khaira Bet explained 71.9 percent of the var­ iance in the dependent variable. The model h for Ehagpura explained

90.5 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. The major components of model It in case of both the villages were the variables age and formal education of the respondents. In Khaira Bet, these two variables explained 66.9 percent of the variance in the dependent variable. In Ehagpura, the variance explained by the variables was

81 .6 percent.

Thus, it appears that the most important predictors of the ilcpciid.riA, V ii'i^ lc in tbc t'.-o v illa g e s wen.:: i ay ch o -cacial modctr-i an, mass-media participation, age and formal education of the respond­

ents. The other significant predictors which were cunmon to the two villages were: civic/political participation of the respondents and

civic/political participation and level of living of the respond­

ents’ families. All of these variables predicted the dependent var­ iable favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change in the expected direction. Age of the respondents predicted the

dependent variable in the negative direction. All other variables predicted the dependent variable in the positive direction.

The above findings with respect to the correlates and predic­ tors of favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change were similar to those in the case of psycho-social modernism (See:

Chapter VII). CHAPTER IX

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

Even during this era of enomous techno-economic accomplish­

ments, millions of people in the underdeveloped countries are suf­

fering from poverty, malnutrition and poor living conditions. The

situation has caused considerable concern among social scientists,

planners and administrators throughout the world. Numerous scientists

are attempting to assess the conditions of the underdeveloped countries

in order to determine means of ameliorating the sufferings of the

inhabitants of underdeveloped societies. With the same objective in

view, the underdeveloped countries also have launched several pro­

grams to rectify the situation.

The literature on the subject of planned change cites several

problems in the successful implementation of programs for planned

social change in the underdeveloped countries. One of the crucial problems which is often cited is the general apathy (even resistance)

of the people toward such programs. The apathy or resistance of the people is generally explained in the literature in terms of the traditional orientations (traditionalism). Modern orientations

(modernism) of the people, on the other hand, are generally described to aid in the acceptance of the programs. 196

Social scientists, however, differ with regard to the impli­

cations of traditionalism and modernism for planned developmental efforts. They also differ in terms of the factors which are associated with the phenomenon of traditionalism and modernism and the attitudes toward programs for planned social change (See: Gusfield: 1 967,

Weintraub: 1969, 1972, Fortes: 1973).

The present study, therefore, was designed to analyse the phenomenon of traditionalism and modernism using the rural Indian context. The two main objectives of the study were: 1. to identify the factors which were associated with the occurrence of the phenomenon of traditionalism and modernism and 2. to study the implications of traditionalism and modernism for attitudes toward programs* for planned social change.

The focus of the study was on the psycho-social aspects of modernism at the individual level. The head of the household was the respondent and the unit of analysis.

The study was conducted in two villages in the Punjab State of

India. One of the villages (Ehagpura) was conn uni cat ively closer to the urban centers. The other village (Khaira Bet) was relatively more remote from the urban centers. In regard to other socio-economic factors associated with modernism, the two villages were similar and comparable.

The data for this study were collected by administering a research schedule to the head of households in each village. Data related to caste and occupational rankings were derived separately 197

through the ranking procedures. The study consisted of 116 respond­

ents in Ehagpura and 123 respondents in Khaira Bet.

The correlation and regression analysis techniques were

employed to analyze the data and the data from the two villages were

analysed separately. Some data were also analyzed using cross-

tabular analysis technique.

Psycho-social traditionalism and modernism were defined as two

different attitudinal states of individuals in relation to the psycho­

social context of Indian villages. It was, however, recognized:

1 . That traditionalism and modernism can be defined in many different ways (Pye: 1966). Therefore, the definitions of tradition­ alism and modernism in this study referred only to the socio-cultural transformations in societies since the Industrial devolution.

2. That it is relatively more appropriate to treat tradition­ alism and modernism as a context-specific phenomenon and to define them in terms of empirically identifiable indicators. The definitions of traditionalism and modernism, therefore, were in the context- specific and empirical terms.

3. That at a highly abstract analytical level, it is possible to treat traditionalism and modernism as a unidimensional and uni­ lineal phenomenon. However, in this study, traditionalism and mod­ ernism concepts were treated as multidimensional and m ultilineal in n a tu r e .

lj. That it is less desirable to consider traditionalism and modernism concepts a3 paired opposites or that growing modernism necessarily displaces traditionalism. The definitions of traditional­ ism and modernism, therefore, did not carry either of the two conno­ t a t i o n s .

That empirically traditionalism and modernism occur to g e th e r. The re fern? nee s to tra d itio n a lis m and modernism in t h i s study, therefore, referred to "overall traditionalism" and "overall modernism" respectively.

6. That both traditionalism and modernism have some positive functional utility for societies (Gusfield: 1967). Therefore, the present study did not attach any value connotation to the concepts regarding their desirability or undesirability in societies.

The attitudes toward programs for planned social change were treated as a component of the broader phenomenon of psycho-social traditionalism ^nd modernism, i sycho-social traditionalism and mod­ ernism, however, is a .aultidimer.si mini and m ultilineal phenomenon

(See: Chapter II). Therefore, different cceiponents of this pheno­ menon could vary in different directions and at different rates.

Accordingly, it was possible that the measure of overall psycho-social modernism may not have reflected properly the attitudes toward pro­ grams for planned social change. In this study, therefore, psycho­ social modernism and attitudes toward programs for planned social change were measured separately with two likert-type scales

(See: Chapter V).

According to the theoretical expectations, the communicative proximity of a village to the urban centers appeared to be associated 199 toward programs for planned social change. It was, therefore, hypothesized that in overall terras, the village with greater communi­ cative proximity to the urban centers w ill exhibit relatively greater psycho-social modernism and more favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change. It was also expected that modernizing factors will be present to a greater degree in the village which was communicatively closer to the urban centers.

The other variables which appeared to be associated with the phenomenon of psycho-social modernism and the attitudes toward pro­ grams for planned social change were: caste status, age, land- ownership status, formal education, occupational status, extra- comnunity contacts, mass-media participation, civic/political parti­ cipation and village leadership status of the respondents and income, education, civic/political participation and level of living of the respondents' families. Of all these variables, only age of the respondents was expected to associate negatively with the psycho-social modernism and the favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change. All other variables were expected to associate posi­ tively with the two dependent variables. The psycho-social modernism and the favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change were expected to associate positively with each other.

Caste, in this stucfy, was defined as a social phenomenon which influenced the allocation of different economic and socio-cultural opportunities to different caste groups according to their status in the village caste hierarchy. Caste hierarchies of the two villages

WlU d if i::' r.u d sopu. .. y through ratling procedure. 1,0 -af oho respondent was operationalized as the number of years he had lived

since his birth. Land-ownership status of the respondent was opera­

tionalized in terms of the number of acres of agricultural land owned

by the respondent. Formal education of the respondent was taken as

the number of years spent by him in a school, college or university

for the purpose of acquiring formal education. Occupational statup

of the respondent was operationalized in terms of the social prestige

of his occupation. The social prestige scores of different occupa­

tions were determined through a ranking procedure. .

The concept of family, as used in this study> included only

those family members who normally lived in the village with the

household-head. The family income was operationalized in terms of the

total monthly income of a ll the family members (including the household-

head) from all the different sources. Family education was operation­

alized as the sum total of the formal education of those members of the

family who were old enough to participate in family and farm decision­ making acitivites (10 years of age and older). The final family edu­

cation score consisted of the average weighted formal education of the family members (excluding the household-head). Level of living of the family was studied in terms of different possessions of the family which indicated its level of modem living. Civic/political partici­ pation of the family was measured in terms of the relative importance of the civic/political organizations in which different members of the family (excluding the household-head) participated. Other components of the variable were: the level of participation in the organizations 2 0 1

The civic/political participation of the respondent was oper­

ationalised in the same way as the civic/political participation of

the respondent' s funnily. Extra-community contacts of the respondent

were studied in terms of the distances of the places (villages, towns,

cities) usually visited and the frequency of visits to each of those

places. Muss-media participation of the respondent was studied in

terms of his extensiveness and intensiveness of participation in three

mass-media systems: newspapers, radio networks, and movie theatres.

Village leadership status of the respondent was studied in terms of

his reputation in the village for leading the village activities.

The analysis of the data revealed that the two villages

differed significantly in the predicted direction in terms of psycho­

social modernism and attitudes toward programs for planned social

change. Significant differences in the predicted direction were also

there in terms of the modernizing factors present in the two villages.

In terms of all these factors, Khaira Bet was a relatively more tradi­ tional village than Bhagpura and the attitudes in Khaira Bet toward programs for planned social change were relatively more unfavorable.

This is exactly what was expected theoretically in view of the dif­ ferent degrees of communicative proximity of the villages to the urban centers.

Consistent with the findings of Benvenuti (1?62) and others, therefore, the degree of communicative proximity of a village to the urban centers appeared to be an important factor for the states of psycho-social modernism and attitudes toward programs for planned social change. In a general way, therefore, the degree of 2 0 2

communicative proximity of a village to the urban centers can be

taken as a predictor of the states of psycho-social modernism and

attitudes toward programs for planned social change. Greater the

communicative proximity of a village to the urban centers, the greater

the psycho-social moderniian and the more favorable attitudes toward

programs for planned social change can be expected. However, the

data also suggested that for an adequate explanation of the differ­

ences in villages with respect to the states of psycho-social modernism

and attitudes toward programs for planned social change, it is also

necessary to consider the economic and social dimensions of the

v i ll a g e s .

With respect to other variables, the data tended to support

the hypotheses of this study since the correlations of all the

selected variables with the dependent variables psycho-social mod-

ernisrn and favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social

change were in the predicted direction. As hypothesized, only age of

the respondents was negatively correlated with the two dependent var­

iables. All other selected variables were positively correlated with the dependent variables in both the villages. The relative magnitudes

of the correlation coefficients, however, suggested that the important

correlates of psycho-social modernism as well as of attitudes toward programs for planned social change were: mass-media participation, extra-community contacts, age, foxmal education and civic/political participation of the respondents and civic/political participation and level of living of the respondents' families. These findings 203 were consistent with the findings of Lerner (19$8), Rogers (1962),

Inkeles (1969), Armer and Youtz (1971) and others.

The two dependent variables, psycho-social modernism and favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change, cor­ related very significantly with each other in the positive direction

(The correlations in the respective villages were .9h and .97).

This finding was consistent with the theoretical expectation of this study that the attitudes toward programs for planned social change could be treated as a component of the broader phenomenon of psycho­ social traditionalism and modernism.

The most important predictors of psycho-social modernism as well as of attitudes toward programs for planned social change were the variables mass-media participation and extra-community contacts of the respondents. Given the knowledge of either of these variables alone, the dependent variables could be predicted with extreme accuracy. As theoretically expected, psycho-social modernism of the respondents was another excellent predictor of the attitudes toward programs for planned social change. In this case also, given the knowledge of the psycho-social modernism variable alone, the dependent variable could be predicted with extreme accuracy.

Age and formal education of the respondents were the next very good predictors of psycho-social modernism as well as of a tti­ tudes toward programs for planned social change. The other signi­ ficant predictors of the dependent variables which were common to the two villages were: civic/political participation of the respondents 20h and civic/political participation and level of living of the respondents' families.

All of the above cited variables predicted psycho-social modernism and favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change in the expected direction. Age of the respondents predicted both of the dependent variables in the negative direction. All of the other variables predicted the dependent variables in the posi­ tive direction.

The findings of the study, thus, led to the conclusion that in the rural Indian context, some of the important correlates and predictors of psycho-social modernism and favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change were: the degree of communicative proximity of the village to the urban centers, mass-media participa­ tion, extra-comidunity contacts, age, formal education and civic/ political participation of the villagers and civic/political partici­ pation and level of modem living of the village families. Of all these variables, only the age variable was negatively associated with the occurrence of psycho-social modernism and favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change. All other variables were positively associated with the occurrence of the two dependent var­ i a b l e s .

In view of the very high positive association between psycho­ social modernism and favorable attitudes toward programs for planned social change, the study suggested that psycho-social traditionalism and modernism in Indian villages had considerable implications for

1}r> j'l:;«.c J J

to be helpful for the planned developmental efforts. Psycho-social

traditionalism., on the other hand, appeared to be a hindrance to

such efforts.

To bring about enhanced psycho-social modernism and more

favorable attitudes toward planned developmental efforts, the study

suggested that the following measures could be adopted:

1 . The Indian villages should be brought communicatively

closer to the urban centers by providing to them better road systems

and transportation facilities. This will also encourage the extra-

community contacts of the villagers.

2. The mass-media participation of the villagers should

be encouraged. This could be done in terms of providing more radio

and television sets to the gram panchayats {village councils) and

village schools by the government and by providing more programs of

rural interest in the radio and television networks. Efforts should

also be made to make the newspapers easily available to the villagers.

For this, small newspaper and magazine shops should be opened in the

villages. The need also exists for additional documentary films and

other movies for the villages.

3. The villagers should be encouraged to acquire formal

education. Although the government is opening schools in almost

eveiy village, there is a need for better schools and educational

facilities in the villages. A need also exists for general educa­ tional programs for the villagers and a more subsidized educational

system for the children of the poor sections of the villages. 206

In summary, the basic conclusion of the study was that direct and indirect exposures to extra-community situations (in tenns of extra-community contacts and mass-nedia participation) were very sig­ nificant in the explanation of positive attitudes toward programs for planned social change. The planners, the development agencies and the extension agencies, therefore, should discover the greatest sup­ port for their prgorams among those villagers who have had consider­ able exposure to external ideas and behavioral patterns. Programs designed to expand the radius of social contacts for local villagers should result in increased acceptance of programs for planned social change. In this regard, improved roads and transportation systems to nearby centers of commerce would serve to expand social contacts which should also increase modernistic orientations and facilitate acceptance of planned change, programs designed to increase mass- media participation of the villagers vrculd also result in increased modernistic orientations and more rapid acceptance of programs for planned change.

It should, however, be noted that the success of the programs for planned change hinges upon the positive attitudes of individuals toward the programs as well as upon the nature of the programs. In general, modern individuals w ill exhibit positive attitudes toward the programs which should result in their in itial acceptance of the programs. However, the success of the programs for planned change hinges upon the continued interest and participation of the villagers in the programs. Fiirther, the modern individuals reveal ai. 'overall' tendency to accept the programs for planned change. They, however, 207 may not accept every planned change program. Therefore, for the success of the programs for planned change, there is a need that the programs be designed in a realistic way considering the needs and problems of the rural communities.

Lastly, findings of the stud;' suggested that caste and land­ owners hip status of the respondents were not important predictors of psycho-social modernism and attitudes toward programs for planned change. However, it should be kept in view that caste and land- ownership status are two very important components of the socio­ economic organization of Indian villages. Therefore, in terms of planning of the programs for planned change and th eir implementation, caste and land-ownership factors cannot be ignored. 203

APPEND II A

CASTEWISE DISTRIBUTION OP THE H0USQ10LD3 IN THE TWO VI LI AGES

Khaira Hot Village Biagpura Village

Casta Number of Households Caste Number of Household a

1 . Brahmin 2 1. Brahmin 0

2 . J a t 10 2. J a t IS

3- Arora Sikh1 10 3. Sunar 2

It. Arora Khatrl* 8 It. Hal 1

5 . N u jja h a l 13 5- C heer 2

6 . Labana 10 6. T arkhan 3

7 . L obar i 7 . ftiaie (Bralimin)* 2

6 . S a n e i 5 6 . Biais (Non-Brahmin)1 3

9. Rai S ikh 3ii 9 . O ra n th i* 1

10. H a rlja n 21 10. H a rlja n 20

11. M ajbi S ikh 1 11. Majbl Sikh 7

TOTAL 123 TOTAL 116

*Seei Operationalisation of the variable* In Chapter V. appen d ix g

CASTE BANK SCORES OF DIFTERPMT CASTE GHnUPS IN THE TWO VILLAOES

K haira Bet Vlllae* Hiagpura Village

C a rte Carte Rink Score* Cart* Cast* Rank Score

1 . Brahmin 106 1 . J a t 96

2 . J a t 100 2. T arkhan 81*

3- A ro ra Sikh 66 3- S u n a r 72

1*. Arora Khatrl 61* It. O ra n th i 67

5 . L ohar 67 5 - O M tr 58

6 . H u JJa h al 61 6 . Hiaia (Brahmin) 52

T. Labana 53 7 . Nai lt9

S. S a n a l 36 6 . Ehal* (Non-Brahmin) 31t

9. ftai Sikh 30 9 . H a rlja n 23

1C. H a rlja n 21 10. H a jb l S ikh 11*

11. Hajbi Sikh lit

*S*«t Op*rat 1 onaliaatlon of th* earlabl** In Chapter V, 2 1 0

APl’ENDII C

OCCUPATION BANK SCOKES OF DIFFEdUIT ocas* ' aw m tub two v illa g es

Khaira Bfet Village Bisoaira VI11 an

Occupation Occupation Hank Scorea Occupation Occupati on Ra

1. F irm er 100 1 . Farm er 100

2 . Medical Doctor 99 2 . Factory Owner 99

3- Ora nth 1 (Sikh priest) 9h 3 . Air India Service 95

h. Veterinary Doctor 92 1*. Own Truck/Taxi Driver 95

5. Village Qiarmer 66 5 . Medical Doctor 92

6. Shopkeeper 85 6. Patrol Pimp Owner (gas station) 91 7 . Veld (Indian medicine expert) 81* 7. Veterinary Doctor 83

e . School Teacher 83 6 . Moneylender 82

9. p a tw a ri (Tillage 9 . T ea ch e r 79 revenue officer} 63 10. Shopkeeper 79 10. Air FOrce Service 81 ii. Air Force Service 76 11. Police Service 60 12. Qranthi (Sikh priest) 77 12. Arey Service 60 13. Arnty S e r v ic e 76 1 3 . Flourgrlnder 73 11*. O v e rse e r 76 11*. Moneylender 72 15- Patwari (village IS. lower loom Factory Worker 71 revenue officer) 71*

16. Factory Worker 71 16. Railway Service 73

17. Haaon 61, 17. Bark Service 73

16. Tenant Farmer 61* 16. Vaid (Indian medicine e x p e r t) 70 1J. OroaM nt awake r 61* 19. M ilkseller/co H ector 62 20. Black w ith/Carpenter 61* 20. 0 rnamentsmoke r 62 21. Tonga Driver 61 21. Blackamith/Ca rperrter 61 22. Cowisalon Agent (cattle s e l l i n g ) 60 22. Clerical Service 61

23. T a i l o r S3 23. E lectricity Lineman 60

2ti. B arb er 52 21*. Police Service 60 211

APPENDIX C c a n t 'd

25. Washerman 51 25. Sanitary Inspector 60

2 6 . Watercareer 51 26. Tenant Firmer 59

2 7 . Wsaver 50 2 7 . Wieat thrasher 59

2 8 . M Ilk se 1 le r/col lect o r 1*9 26. Fbdderseller 58

2 9 . Sheepkeeper 1*7 29. Cottonginner 58

30, Tillage Watch A Ward Han 1*1* 30. Factory Worker 55

3 1 . Agrf. Laborer (Farm) 36 31. Ha eon 55

32. Trained Nurse 33 32. P owe rl cram Factory Worker 55

3 3 . Ropeiaaker 33 33. Bis Driver/Conductor 5b

3b. Potter 31 31*. Watercareer 53

35. Huslcmaker 23 3 5 . Trained Nurse 53

36- Midwife 21 3 6 . Tailor 53

37. Shoemaker 16 37. Barber 52

3 6 . Sweeper 10 38. Cycle repair Kan 5n

39. Tubewe 11/Ve 11 Bore r 1*7

1*0. Washerman 1*6

1*1. Village Watch & Ward Han 1*1*

1*2. Peon 1*1

1*3- Agri. Laborer (Pam) 39

1*1*. Weaver 38

1*5. Midwife 36

1*6. Potter 35

1*7. Musloaaker 35

1*8, tbsketMaker 32

1*9. Agri. Laborer (Hone) 20

50. Pigkeeper 16

51. Sweeper 16

“See i Operational in ti on of tha variables in Oiapter V. APPMEU D

i m AKALTSI3 o r THE TENTATIVE PSYCHO-SOCIAL JACDEMTLSh SCALE

LO HI TOT. LO HI TOT. LO HI TOT. 1TE4 COL. HEAN KMX KEAN STDV STDV STDV HD ND ND SVD C.R. HP SVD SVDR

1 1 1 .9 6 It.13 3.05 .95 .79 1.1*0 2.17 19.19 2 .5 6 .61*6

2 2 2 .1 3 U.15 3.29 1 .01* .63 1 .22 1.72 15.33 1.92 .696

3 3 2.13 li.OO 3.06 .91* .66 1.21* 1.67 17.71* 2.1 9 .651*

I* li 2 .58 3.99 3.29 .99 .SB 1 .08 1 .1*1 13.38 1.73 .815

5 5 3.06 L.69 3.87 1.25 -1*6 1 .2 5 1 .63 13-39 1 .6 6 .667

6 6 2.02 1 .2 9 3 .1 5 .76 .51* 1 .31 2.27 26.71* 2.3S .966

7 7 2.30 3.91 3.12 1 .0 3 .60 1 .1 6 1.61* 15-10 2.01 .616

8 6 2 .6 0 1*.29 3.51* 1 .0 5 .5 5 1.12 1.1*9 13.77 1.61* .909

9 9 2.61 U.62 3.71 1.11 .39 1.38 2.21 20.52 2 .2 9 • 965

* J 10 2 .7 5 L .89 3.62 1 .1 5 .33 1 .3 6 2,11* 19.62 2.26 .939 aspLIT 3003ft CD COUNT N ND *9535 .9762 239 238 APPENDIX E

I T S ANAUSIS OP 10 I T S TENTATIVE ATTITODINAL SOLS POR PaoGfttHS FOR PUNNED SOCIAL CHANGE

LO HI TOT. LO HI TOT. LO HI TOT. ITS COL. KEnX MEAN MEAN STDV STOT STDV ND ND ND SVD C.R. KPSVD SVDH

1 11 3.19 3 .99 3 .7 6 1.22 .99 1.16 .50 3-68 1 .61 .311®

2 12 3.10 6 .65 3.78 1.07 .63 i .11 1 .3 5 11.79 1.66 .81 3

3 13 2.37 6.51 3*66 1.18 .57 i.6i 2.16 ’7.89 2.31 .926

It itt 2 .3 6 6.19 3.28 1.11 .75 1.38 1 .8 3 16.89 2.20 .832

5 i£ 3.16 3.21 3-20 1 .21 1 .0 6 1.1 5 .03 .20 1 .96 .015s

6 16 2 .9 0 3.68 3.29 1.13 .82 1.0 6 .78 6.11 1.66 .676“

7 17 2.7 9 6 .7 6 3.77 1 .09 .5 5 1.31 1.97 17.62 2 .1 3 .925

6 18 2.91 3.69 3.30 1 .26 1.06 1.23 .78 5 .1 9 2.06 •362s

9 19 2.1t5 6.17 3.31 1.03 .71 1.23 1.72 15.02 2.02 .651

10 20 2.6 5 3.80 3.13 1 .12 .66 1 .09 1.3 5 12.12 1 .62 .762

3SFLIT ;10CRR CD OOVNT H KD .8389 .9126 239 238

“itena droppad in case of further lt«a artalyala. AIT EM) II f

item Atuirsis of 6 rrat tentative ArrrruDlNAL scale foe programs for planned social chanqe

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6 20 2-39 3 .66 3 .1 3 1 .05 .U* 1 .09 1.1*7 11*. 08 1.82 .806

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