The Lordship of Goxhill

The Early History of the Village

The events that shaped the village

Maurice Brawn

Churchwardens Their duties and responsibilities In The eighteenth century

Kees van den bos 2 Introduction

Have you ever wondered how Goxhill came to be the village that it is? Why this parish which is one of the largest in England came to exist here? Why the village straggles from Littleworth at the Southern boundary for nearly two miles to North end? Why there are narrow streets and lanes between the houses in the village but roads with wide grass verges running through the surrounding fields? Why does a village that is quite flat and has a highest point, which is no more than fourteen or fifteen metres above mean sea level have hill as part of its name? These and many other questions must have an answer so perhaps we should try to find it.

You have to come to Goxhill you do not arrive on your journey from one city or town to another. Indeed the adjacent villages have managed to arrange matters so that their way from one to the other is not obstructed by our presence as the road intrudes but briefly upon our parish boundaries. The only travellers that can look out upon the village as they pass on their journey are the railway passengers, and the railway arrived long after the village was established. It is not surprising that the first thing that many people say when they come to Goxhill is that they did not know that the village was here and they then go on to express delight at the tree lined roads and its pleasant charm.

Over the years the village has attracted many people who have come to live here. Some have stayed and others have move on. The agricultural opportunities that it offered provided prosperity in return for effort and throughout its history it has been a fairly wealthy village. This attracted professional people who came to the village even before the arrival of the railway. They in turn required services, this encouraged trade and so a thriving community was built up. Now it is unwise to attempt to interpret recent history by listening to the local people and reporting their words as fact. Local allegiance and family relationships distort the facts. Memories, even if inaccurate, are long and in an interrelated community harm can come from an unwise expression of opinion. It will therefore be safer to leave recent history to those whose families were part of it and to confine this work to times before living memory.

There are very few, if any villages that have a recorded history. Some which have been the property of a single family for long periods of time can trace their history in the records of the family that owned them. For most it is occasional records or brief appearances upon the stage of national history that we have to turn to for glimpses of the past. National history can give a valuable insight into the circumstances rather than the specific events that shaped the village. Taken with the geography and other relevant information national history can produce a picture of the way that the village evolved. It is from this point of view that the first few hundred years will be considered. From the beginning of the eighteenth century there is written information available. We have names we know where people lived and the village becomes a place of people rather than just of events.

3 The Beginning.

So, how did it get here? It is usually a good idea to begin at the beginning but for Goxhill it is essential because what we see about us is a direct result of the forces which created it many thousands of years ago. It all starts with the glaciers which once covered much of the land. This was not a continual freeze and the ice melted and returned over periods of thousands of years and during this time it was over a mile deep. In between these cold times there were long intervals of warm or very warm weather with varying mounts of rain. The glaciers wore away the deep layer of chalk that had covered this area leaving the slope to the wolds that we see today. The melting ice at the edge of the chalk slope left behind a humocky band of fine clay mixed with small stones. This is called boulder clay. During the successive warm and cold intervals as sea level rose and fell silt, sands and gravel were deposited in between and over the hillocks. During warmer periods vegetation flourished massive trees grew and rising water levels caused the ground to become waterlogged so that the trees died to be covered with vegetation, which in the wet conditions turned to peat. Some of the trees which died and fell to the ground were enveloped by the peat and preserved in the acidic water. These trees, not all of them Oak are the Bog Oaks that are occasionally discovered buried beneath the fields. The peat was covered with more silt, mud, and sand as sea levels rose and once again fell.

The mass of boulder clay that had been left behind blocked the narrow gap between the Yorkshire Wolds and the Lincolnshire Wolds and the water from the melting ice formed a great lake. This lake extended from the cliff at Ferriby to Doncaster and from Escrik near York to Newark and filled the Ancholme basin. Although the present river valley was filled to a great height, as water drained into the lake that it created it would eventually overflow. There were at least two places where this happened. Near to Newark the present river Trent and the upper drainage basin of the Witham are very close to one another and some water undoubtedly found its way into the Witham basin. The under lying rock there was not worn away as quickly as the Glacial moraine deposited in the Humber Gap (where the bridge now stands). Eventually this mass of material blocking the channel was washed away and the lake which geologists call Lake Humber became shallower, eventually disappearing to leave the river system which we know today.

So the village and its fields are the remains of a vast deposit of clay and alluvial materials deposited by successive glacial advances and retreats and the rise and fall of sea levels. This has developed into fertile land capable of use for both arable and pasture. The geography of the village, lying within a bend in the river, has ensured that as more land was reclaimed and drained the boundaries expanded to enclose one of the largest parishes in the country. Just how fortunate this is we shall see, as we look at the development off the village in later years.

4 The first few hundred years.

A settlement existed here long before the Norman invasion. When Viking boats sailed up the river there were probably spectators trying not to attract too much attention whilst gathering their animals from the grazing land. Although many settlers from Denmark had already arrived and put down roots in the area, it is certain that the fleet of Viking long boats that sailed up the river in 1066 taking Tostig and his friends to the battle at Stamford Bridge would have caused a lot of concern. Little was probably known of the outcome of the battle or of the rush back to the South that King Harrold and his army had to make to meet William the Norman at Hastings where Harrold was defeated and William became King of England. In those few days everything had changed for the people who lived here then. They would now live under Norman rule. When William became King his first task was to establish his control over the whole country and there were two possible situations arising from either the acceptance of Norman rule or resistance. Where his forces were resisted they destroyed everything and in these places nothing was left. When the country was surveyed twenty years later these places were of no value and were written down as Waste. Where the Normans were accepted the land was given to Norman nobles and in some cases the original owners continued to manage the land for their new masters. Not all land was taken and Sokemen and freemen who owned their own homesteads and pieces of land retained them. Sokemen owed allegiance to their lord but did not have to perform work service for him.

The village is mentioned in the Doomsday Book. In Golse Aulis had 1 carucate of land assessed to the geld. There is land for 2 Teams. Rodger the bishop’s man has 2 teams there in demesne and 8 vileins and 8 Sokemen with 1 team and 80 acres of meadow. T.R.E. it was worth 32 shillings now 40 shillings tallage 10 shillings. (Tallage is tax). That Rodger was the bishop’s man means that the bishop or church held land here. “Aulis had” suggests that he had been dispossessed; however the existence of Sokemen is significant. Sokemen were of Scandinavian origin they gave allegiance to a Lord but unlike the Vileins they were free men and had the right to dispose of their land. They did not have to render service, that is work for the lord without payment. Aulis, The Bishops man Rodger and Sokemen tell us that Golse was even then in multiple ownership and the introduction of a Norman owner whilst displacing Aulis had not placed the entire village under one Lord. The rise in value from 32 to 40 shillings also tells us that the area was peaceful and had not been destroyed when the Normans subdued the country. In some places, which had resisted the new regime, the land had been destroyed and was described in the record as waste of no value.

The one carucate of land, which was a tax unit, was equivalent to an area of approximately 240 acres. This with the meadow gave a total area of 320 acres. The area of the parish is at present about 4500 acres so that only a very small part of the village as we know it today existed at that time. Now it is reasonably certain that this early settlement where Aulis, Rodger and the Sokemen lived would have been on the drier ground at the South end rather than the in marsh. There is however another clue to its location. The Saxons used a word “Worthig” or as it became in Old English “Worth.” This was a noun used for a Field or Farm. It had no implication of size. Worth as part of a place name has persisted in many places and is found in many parts of England. Could it possibly be that the name has remained in use over the centuries and is the origin of Littleworth, an important early part of Goxhill?

5 Many places have become established because of the existence of some feature of the landscape, which could be exploited to enable people to earn a living. Very often this situation has been turned to the personal advantage of some individuals who have taken control and ownership of the land and its assets. This has then dominated the development of the area. In more recent times many villages possessing great material advantages were exploited to become the nuclei of industrial towns. Scunthorpe swallowed up several villages as it expanded during the exploitation of the local iron ore. Development in earlier times devolved upon simple things. Locally towns such as Ferriby, Barton, Barrow and Grimsby all had rivers and streams which offered havens to boats where goods could easily be landed. Although the haven at Goxhill was big enough for local ferry trade it was not large enough for sea trade. There was however a good haven on the eastern boundary of the parish. The East Halton skitter has not always been the small stream that it is today. It was once a port and it had a name “Scottermuth”. It supplied vessels to the impressed fleet in the 14th century to carry soldiers and their equipment to the wars with France and it was a seasonal fishing port.

An early land transaction in Goxhill of which we have note is written upon a small piece of parchment in the North East Lincolnshire archives at Grimsby. It is the Notification of a grant of land by Ralph de Gouxil to John son of Gilbert of Littlecoates dated 29 December 1313. Who was Ralph de Gouxil? When the Normans invaded the country their army consisted of a large number of knights and noble men and their followers who came, together with their families, in the hope of gaining wealth and land. In the following years the king rewarded them and gave them awards of land. These people were required to provide service and to help to control the country. One such family had the name De Gouxil. They received land, some of which was in Lincolnshire and some in Yorkshire. In Lincolnshire they held manors at Roxholm Market Stainton Gedney and Goxhill. Giles De Gouxil was the Sheriff of Lincolnshire in 1264 and in 1267 and officiated immediately afterwards in Yorkshire. On Peter De Gouxil’s manor at Market Stainton in 1286 each holder of 1 Bovate of land spent 1 day annually sowing the demesne and 5 days reaping in autumn. At Roxholm part of the customary obligation was to render annually at the feast of St Martin 660 bundles of rushes. These were used to thatch the De Gouxil manor houses. Ralph was the son of Peter De Gouxil.

Coming back to the village itself, the interesting bumps and hollows in the field behind The Hall may or may not be the remains of a Norman Motte. There is not as yet enough information about the Medieval Hall to identify the builder and explain its history but it was probably built after the time of the De Gouxil family. However there would most certainly have been some sort of residence as part of the estate here. This does not mean that Goxhill was the main residence of the family. However as the De Gouxil family were the “nobility” of the village it would seem very probable that Gouxil like many other Norman words was anglicised by the local people and so it was that Goxhill became the name of the village.

Shortly after the time of Ralph de Gouxil’s grant, in the early part of the 14th Century Phillip De Spencer gained control of the Goxhill estate from the De Gouxil family. By the thirteenth century there were several people owning large amounts of land in Goxhill and the use of the marsh area for grazing sheep was already organised. The Convent and Priory of Bridlington had a sheepfold for 300 sheep. Thus the De Gouxil family shared the land of the village with others. Villages that were in multiple

6 ownership are often described as “Open villages” Whilst those which had a single owner were “Closed”. This is of great importance because it has influenced the growth of the village and provided the basis upon which the people who have lived here have built its prosperity.

Because many different people owned the land in Goxhill there is no single record of ownership. In places where there was one Lord of the Manor the manorial records show who paid rent for each piece of land and in many cases detail the use to which it was put. The many relatively smallholdings were not of great importance to the aristocracy. There was not a great financial reason for seeking to accumulate the land into a single estate. There were owners of sufficient status to defend their ownership and so the village retained its open state. Being an open village has been of tremendous importance to the development of the Goxhill and throughout its history this fact has regulated events. In a closed village The Lord of the Manor could do what he wished with the land and the livelihood of the villagers was entirely dependent upon the way that the village was managed. If at a time when there was much money to be made from growing wool the owner decided to change from mixed agriculture to sheep farming then fewer people would be required to work the land. Many villages were completely depopulated and the buildings destroyed so that the destitute workers did not have to be fed.

It is useful to take time to understand the six and a half centuries that elapsed between 1066 and 1700 AD This is a very long time and not a great deal is recorded about Goxhill during these years. It is difficult to free the mind of the conceptions of our present time. The climate varied, so that at times it was both warmer and colder. Through out those years the higher and drier parts of the village would look much as they do now except that there would be no roads or tracks and no hedges dividing up the big fields. There would have been areas of uncultivated ground where furze and bushes grew but very few big trees. The marsh areas would have looked quite different. If we stand on what is now Horsegate Road close by Glebe Farm and face towards the Humber all of the land from our left hand side round to the river bank and on behind our right shoulder would have been marsh land and grass. To the right we would have seen the wide estuary of East Halton skitter with boats on it at high tide. Running through the marsh and grassland were meandering muddy drains, which filled with the tide and emptied back into the river as the tide, ebbed.

We should not imagine that what we see is a scene of wild desolation; that marsh and grass would have been carefully managed and full of animals for that was the source of the wealth of the village. The big area of common pasture and meadow that the village had in addition to its plough lands gave it a tremendous advantage. The animals were however rather different from those that we see today and the purpose of keeping them was also different. Cows were not kept as milk producing animals. Their purpose in life was to produce calves. The male calves were grown on to be the oxen, which provided the motive power for carts and for the plough. They suckled from the cow for most of its lactation and only for a few weeks toward the end of that time was any milk taken. Often cows were also used to pull the plough during the early stages of their pregnancy.

Eight oxen were normally used to make up a plough team they were neutered animals and a small number of cows were kept to provide replacement calves. The bull ran with the cows in the field and was often owned jointly by the commoners who had right of common in the meadow and pasture. Oxen were used to pull ploughs there

7 were several good reasons for this. They were able to work on a diet of rough grass without the addition of oats or other supplement. They were able to pull very heavy weights and so could plough in wet clay soils when horses would have been unable to work. A full team of oxen could work all day and so were favoured by the demesne holders who had large acreage’s to plough. In lighter soils the number of oxen in the team was often reduced sometimes to as few as two. There were horses and they were used for harrowing and for pulling carts. Horses worked much faster than oxen. Oxen could take half a morning to travel from the Neatgangs to the arable field before they could start to work.

So, if milk did not come from cows where did it come from? The answer is from sheep. Sheep were of tremendous importance during medieval times they provided wool and milk. Wool was the principle product and it was exported and made England wealthy. The limestone and chalk of the uplands of the Midlands and South and East together with the coastal marshes carried vast flocks of sheep. The finest wool came from the poorer upland pastures whilst the lush marshes produced longer coarser fleeces. All were in great demand by continental merchants who came to buy wool. All wool, which was exported, was taxed and in addition at frequent intervals the king would demand taxes of wool from those parts of the country where it was produced.

Because of the value of the wool crop it was important to keep and shear as many sheep as possible. Male sheep were not reared for meat and sold as quickly as possible but were castrated and kept for several years producing a wool crop until they lost their teeth. Only then were they fattened and killed for meat. The females produced lambs but not in the quantity that would be expected now. They had no supplementary feeding and rarely produced multiple births. Many of the sheep struggled to get through the winter and were unable to provide a lamb every year. It was however possible to take milk from the sheep and to prolong their lactation where good grass was available. This milk was turned into butter and cheese and was the major raw material for these products.

The importance of the very large area of lush grazing land and hay meadow cannot be overstated. It was the source of great wealth but most importantly it enabled the people who worked the land to introduce the most productive methods of cultivation to their arable land. In the open field system the arable land of the village was divided into fields. These fields were then divided into strips, which were allocated to different people on an annual basis. In order to maintain the fertility of the soil one field was left fallow each year and grew no crop. The animals of the village were turned out onto the fallow to eat weeds and grass, which in those days were plentiful and they left their manure. This enabled a hay crop to be taken whilst the animals were on the fallow. The system usually worked on a two or three field arrangement, that meant that one field of the two, or three was fallow and out of production each year. Thus thirty or fifty percent of the available land of that village produced nothing. The plentiful grass at Goxhill enabled the hay meadows to be closed up for hay whilst the cattle and sheep were on the pasture so that they did not rely upon the fallow for keep. They were therefore able to divide their arable land into four fields and to fallow one of them. The four fields were called The Hallands field, The Mill field, The Chapel field, and the Horse Gate field. In Goxhill each year only one quarter of their land did not produce a crop. There was of course more work to be done and this enabled more people to find employment. It may be that the need for labour was the cause of much of the growth in the village. The need for organisation and control by

8 common consent that this highly productive system required is indicative of the developed state of “Local Government” within the village.

Although the river Humber had from the earliest times played a significant part in the events of the history of England this had not had a big effect upon Goxhill. The marshland between the village and the river and the lack of a harbour or haven had insulated the village from the surge of events. There was however a very significant neighbour and this neighbour was the Abbey of Thornton. Thornton Abbey was built at the side of a small fast flowing river that joined the Humber through a wide estuary. This estuary allowed boats to be brought up from the Humber to land that was well above the spring tide level and provided a site upon which to build the abbey. This was a place that had excellent transport and communication facilities.

The easy access provided for the abbey by the estuary brought many visitors. One of these who would later be of immense importance was King Henry VIII. He came to the abbey from Hull at an early stage of his reign and it may be possible that this was one reason why the dissolution of the abbey was not violent. The fact that this very large and important abbey was in Lincolnshire could well have made things very different for it was in Lincolnshire that there began a rebellion that came to be known as The Pilgrimage of Grace. Although King Henry had declared himself the head of the church and had appointed his own Clergy to accommodate his desire for a divorce these facts alone did not cause a great deal of dissent. The fact that the church had an income some three times as large as that of the crown and that some of that income was to be diverted to the crown was not a great issue to the mass of the people. It was the propagation against devotion to the Virgin Mary and against the belief in Purgatory that was seen as the destruction of the faith by which they lived. This was decreed by Henry and his Vicar General Thomas Cromwell and that roused the common people.

Lincoln diocese was huge and prosperous its income was close on two million pounds. It was a natural starting point for Thomas Cromwell and his commissioners to begin their assessment of the wealth and seizing of the assets. Their progress through the county from south to north was rapacious and thorough. On Sunday, 1 October 1536 the people of Louth heard mass in their parish church of St James. The vicar Master Thomas Kendal was a well-educated man; an orthodox theologian and a man of deeply held religious belief. On this day he had decided that the time had come to speak out. He preached a sermon that was an indictment of the new religion and of Sir Thomas Cromwell and his commissioners. St James church possessed many valuables and the parishioners began to take steps to ensure that these were not taken from the church. When the commissioners arrived in the area they were handled roughly and one Nicholas Melton a shoemaker (who later became known as Captain Cobbler) appointed himself as the leader of the mob.

Oaths were taken “They did swear to be true to Almighty God, to Christ’s Catholic Church, to our Sovereign Lord the King and unto the Commons of this realm”. Soon Church bells were ringing across the county and on Tuesday of that week 3000 men were assembled at Caistor where the commissioners were put to flight and several Gentlemen were captured and forced to take the oath.

9 The assembly of willing and unwilling proceeded to Lincoln. Several murders were committed and beacons were lighted across the north of the county. The Barton Ferry was used to carry the news across the Humber to the Minster at Beverley and to the great Yorkshire monasteries.

The King was highly alarmed by the events in Lincolnshire and an armed force was quickly assembled under Sir Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk and despatched towards Lincoln. The gentry now began to consider their position most carefully some felt that their wealth and wellbeing would best be preserved by loyalty to the commons whilst others believed that allegiance to the King was the safer course. This indecision seriously weakened the support of the common people and they began to disperse. Brandon brought a message from the King that he accepted the surrender and that mercy would prevail but he was secretly instructed to seize men from Caistor Horncastle and Louth and to execute them. Brandon then harshly repressed Lincolnshire dispossessing all that had supported the rebellion and sequestering the wealth of the churches. Although Lincolnshire took little further part The Pilgrimage of Grace, had crossed into Yorkshire where the gentry supported the great monasteries and abbeys and they carried it forward. The suppression and destruction of the monasteries brought great destruction to Yorkshire and the northern part of the country.

Now, what was happening closer to home? The repression and eventual suppression of the monasteries brought desolation to the surrounding area in many parts of the country but at Thornton Abbey Abbot John Moore and 23 of his canons signed the King’s acknowledgement of supremacy. Abbot John Moor did protest at the way that the dissolution effected people’s livings and left many destitute. He was not however brought to trial and was succeeded by William Hobson. The Abbey was not destroyed but was surrendered in 1539 and became a college of the Holy Trinity. This did not last for long and the building was sold to Sir Robert Tyrwitt of Kettleby in 1575. This peaceful outcome was of great importance to the people of Goxhill and the surrounding villages. Many monasteries were destroyed and all moveable valuable materials were taken away to become the property of the crown. This work was done by the king’s troops. Because Henry spared the buildings to become a college and then sold them intact, no troop of soldiers arrived to destroy them and to pillage the surrounding country. The arrival of an army was always bad news for the ordinary people. At that time soldiers were billeted in the houses of the people living round about. Although they were supposed to pay for their board this often did not happen and in a few days they could eat up all of the food in the area leaving the people to starve.

Although the building was pulled down and the stone was “quarried” there are no fine stone buildings in the village. In later times some of the stone was used on the estate at Brocklesby and some in the sluice at Ferriby. Probably much of it was sold whilst there was still water access to the abbey. A stone house was built close to the abbey site but it fell down. Possibly this gives a clue to the absence of buildings made from the stone in Goxhill. A lot of stone was brought to Goxhill and any buildings have stone floors and yards and large blocks in their foundations but there were probably no skilled masons available locally to use the stone to erect buildings.

It was not only the larger landowners who lived away from the village. Even in very early times some people who owned or rented land here lived in the surrounding villages. This was quite common and in many cases marriage between residents in

10 neighbouring places brought ownership of land in several parishes and built up the wealth of some of the larger farming families. Documented examples of this are common in later times. George Uppleby who lived at Barrow on Humber had land and grazing rights in Goxhill and was awarded 97 acres at the enclosure. He also owned old enclosures on the East side of the present Thorn lane at the corner with South End and on the East side of North End opposite to The Close. William Smith of Roxby received 55 acres and a further 7, which he shared with Mary the wife of John Ogle. Williams old enclosed land was at Littleworth on the South side of the road. Thomas Hardy of Goxhill had land as far away as Owmby.

Many of the closed villages were enclosed privately at an early date. The Lord of the Manor made the decision to change the use and the disposition of his land to enable it to become more profitable. This often happened in places where arable farming was not easy and animal husbandry was a far more profitable alternative. Fewer people were needed to look after the animals and thus there were fewer mouths to feed and less accommodation to provide. People were turned out of their homes and had to leave the places where they lived. Very often they found employment in the open villages where their skills could be used in the more varied activities that went on there. Most of the closed villages dwindled to become a cluster of a few houses a church and a large farm. An alternative to this was emparkment. A very large house was built and the land of one or several villages was used to provide the landscaped park in which it stood. Some villages were swept away by this process whilst others were relocated or rebuilt. In later times some estates, as at Brocklesby benefited greatly and comfortable quality accommodation was provided for the estate workers.

There are very few records of the way of life and the agricultural activities of the common people during the Medieval Tudor and Elizabethan times. Records exist of the Manors and Ecclesiastical Estates these tell of the relationship between the common people and the owners of the land. In closed Manors and Estates two situations existed in that some land was leased to the common people but the main share of the land was held “in demesne” by the owners and farmed under their control. The common people worked the land that they held on lease and provided not only the labour to do the work of the demesne farm but also the animals to pull the plough and the plough. Thus if a man held a Virgate of land from the Lord of the Manor he would be required to come with his plough and his oxen to plough the lords fields on a certain number of days. He would also be required to work for a specified time at harvest and again his oxen would be used. The work for the demesne came first and had to be carried out before his own land could be tended.

The plough that was used was made of wood and was very heavy. The earliest plough was a scratch plough simply dragging a protruding piece of wood through the ground this is called an Arde. Iron was then used and a blade cut through the soil whilst a long piece of wood pushed the soil to one side this was the long mould board plough. Two forms of this existed in one a piece of wood behind the iron blade helped to regulate the depth. This was the swing plough. Wheels in various configurations were fitted to others but not to all. Wheel ploughs were expensive and swing ploughs remained in use in places where soil conditions caused the wheels to sink into the wet ground.

The land was divided amongst the people who owned or rented it sometimes the demesne land was in a separate area but often the demesne land lay disbursed amongst that which was leased. It was divided into long narrow strips, which were

11 ploughed separately. The method of ploughing was to work in a circular fashion around the length of the strip turning at the end and usually ploughing in a clockwise rotation (anti clockwise in a fallow year). The work started from the centre of the strip and continued round until the outer edge of the strip was reached. This resulted in the soil being pushed by the mould board towards the centre of the strip and in time built up the ridges and cut out the furrows that we can still see in some fields today. Because the headland was not ploughed, soil thrown onto it as the plough was taken out of the furrow built up to form a ridge at the end of each strip this is called a Head or Butt.

People have speculated fancifully about ridge and furrow or rig and furrow, as it is sometimes known. It had many advantages, a crop on the ridge in wet years and a crop in the furrow in dry ones. It helped drainage on heavy land because the ridge and furrow ran up and down the hills, never across, but as we see at Goxhill although the ridge and furrow conformed to the lay of the land it did little to drain flat fields. The suggestion that the furrows drained into the ditches at the side of the roads fails on two counts. There was always a headland at the end of the ridges and furrows but even more importantly if a furrow appears to run into a ditch it is certain that the ditch was dug cutting through the furrow when the land was enclosed or at a later period. A clear illustration of this can still be seen in Ferry Road Goxhill. In the grass fields to the North of the railway there is ancient ridge and furrow existing in grass fields on both sides of the road. The ridges and furrows match each other. At the time of enclosure when Ferry Road was laid out it cut through the ridges and furrows of the strips, which existed in the Mill field. Some of the soil from the ditches at the sides of the road was thrown up on the field side of the ditch and the quick set hedge was planted upon the low bank that this made. Although this is not a very high bank it cuts off the furrow and stops water draining into the ditch.

The nature of the land dictated the way in which this village developed. The area to the south, South end and Littleworth offered the best position for buildings and arable farming. The tidal estuary of what is now East Halton Skitter was close at hand and provided easy access to the Humber. There was one unusual feature in this part of the village and that was the existence of a large early enclosure of land to the south of the church. (Now the two fields owned by The Corporation of Trinity House of which the millennium field was a part.) This was the largest piece of enclosed land in the village before enclosure and it had existed as such for a very long time. There have been rumours of a manor house somewhere upon it but no evidence of this has been forthcoming. However it does seem probable that this land was in the hands of the DeVere family at the time of the beginning of the building of the parish church. The existence of this enclosed piece of land and the building of the church next to it prevented building on that side of the church and the centre of the village developed on the other sides of it.

At the beginning of the 17th century most of the service owed in respect of land tenure had been changed to a cash payment and much less land was farmed in demesne. People were using the possession of land as a source of income rather than a means of producing farm products for sale. It was at this time that John Sandes purchased land in Goxhill from Thomas and Henry Booth, Henry Hildyard, William Berry & William Smith, John Bishop and Richard Nelthorpe. The land was dispersed about the village but did include the enclosed fields referred to above. John Sandes left his son Robert as his executor but did not mention his estate in his will of 1664.

12 Robert Sandes was married to Ann Farrar and it was he who in his will devised to his wife for life and then to his nephew his estate at Goxhill. Withholding however Hogcoategarth which went to Farrar and Appleyard and the heirs of the survivor for the benefit of the poor of Goxhill.

There is a list of the various parcels of land in the lease and release of Ann to her nephew Robert. 1 messuage and close (1 acre), Little Wood Close (4 Acres), 18 acres arable 6 acres 2 roods meadow 7 acres 1 rood pasture and 6 neat gates in the Lease gangs all formerly of Michael Cavill and called Sargent’s farm; and 41 acres 1 rood arable 21 acres meadow in the marshes and 7 acres 1 rood pasture in the Leas Gangs formerly of Thomas Sargeant and called Thompson or Nelson land and a messuage with a dovehouse and croft and a close (3 acres), 47 acres arable, 16 acres meadow in the Marshes, 7 acres pasture 10 Neatgates in the Lease Gangs called Thorpes farm. This gives some idea of the constitution of the farms of the time. Some acres of arable land, of which the location is not specified because it was in the open fields, then Meadow in the Marsh for hay and Pasture for animals. There were also a number of Neat Gates or Right of common pasture for a set number of animals in the Lease Gangs (Neat Gangs). The nephew Robert Sandes was a sea captain and lived at Rotherhithe He was the Deputy Master of the Corporation of Trinity House In his will he left his lands in Goxhill to his wife Rebecca for life and then to his godson John Elton son of Captain Andrew Elton for life and then to the master Wardens and Assistants of Trinity House for the uses specified. Rebecca predeceased Robert. The land passed to the corporation in 1720.

When the Act of Inclosure was enacted it extinguished an ancient rent which was collected by The Corporation of Trinity House. This was called Sickle Boon Rents and the corporation received 2 acres and 3 rood of land in compensation for this. This Sickle Boon Rent is evidence that the Trinity House or Sandes estate was once part of a manor in which the inhabitants were not free men. They held small pieces of land (probably one or two Virgates) for which they had to do service to the lord. This service involved ploughing and reaping the lord’s grain on a given number of days at a time of the lords choosing and collectively providing the plough and team of oxen. It also involved attendance at the manor court where the local rules and regulations for the day to day activities of the manor were agreed. In addition to the customary days of service the Virgators and their families had to bring their sickles and give, as a boon, extra days at harvest. These were called Boon Sickle days. At some time, long before the time of the Sandes family and probably because all of the land was rented to tenants, labour was no longer needed for the Lords crops. The Boon Sickle days were then changed to a money rent and the Virgators became free tenants paying the Boon Sickle Rent.

The making of bricks began very early in the marsh area in the North of Lincolnshire probably the technology was introduced by the monks of Thornton Abbey. Having built the earlier stages of the abbey and its related buildings with Stone imported from Yorkshire; bricks were introduced into the later construction as can still be seen in the Gatehouse. The dissolution of the monasteries freed the business of brick making from the control of the monks but left it without organisation. Brick making unlike iron and steel production is able to utilise raw coal as the fuel. The easy access by river to the coal of Yorkshire enabled the plentiful local clay to be exploited and brick and tile making later flourished along the Humber bank.

13 Timber Framed buildings were used in Goxhill and there is a photograph of a building now demolished in which the timber can be seen. Timber in Goxhill was not a readily available material it had to be bought elsewhere and transported to the village. Large quantities of good quality timber were required to build a house and although the infill of mud and stud was available cheaply the cost of the timber limited building. Good quality timber framed buildings where the timber frame was raised on a stone rubble foundation on well-drained soil were, if cared for, long lasting. They continued in use and are still to be found in some parts of the country today. Where Oak and Elm were used in the construction the mud and stud infill was sometimes replaced at a later date with brickwork. Less durable timbers decayed and when the building had been taken down and the useful material used little evidence of it remained.

Good building stone did not exist here and the soft local chalk was not suitable for building, bricks therefore became the materials of choice. There does not appear to be any evidence of brick making as an industry in Goxhill before the enclosure of the village. Certainly there is no reference to any land used for the purpose. There were brick buildings and bricks may have been burned in heaps. To do this, slabs of clay were dug from the ground and piled up with fuel, which was fired and kept covered with soil during the burning process. The bricks were then used at that site. They were of variable quality and there were a lot of “Wasters”, these can be found in the village. There are quite a lot of shallow ponds and similar shallow holes in the ground close to some of the older buildings and these may be the pits from which the clay for those buildings was dug. Brick making proper probably got under way at Barton on Humber and Barrow before it started at Goxhill. It was not long after the enclosure of the marshland when people owned the ground that they started to exploit its brick making potential.

At the end of the 17th century Goxhill had grown from a small settlement to a thriving village. No doubt the problems and difficulties that had beset the rest of England had been felt here as well. Pestilence and Plague, the Black Death, Cattle Murrain all of these problems which occurred and reoccurred throughout the medieval period will have been known in the village. In later times when records are available and from early deeds of village property we know that the Crown owned the Lordship of the Manor Paramount. The Hildyard Manor and Sutton Manor were of importance but a dozen or more families either farmed land which they owned or were absentee landlords. They owned an important proportion of the acreage of the village. Amongst the Absentee landlords were Sir Roland Winn, Bart and Charles Pelham Anderson, Duke of Rutland but considered beside their other estates their acreage was not of great significance. An important consequence of multiple ownership was the need for many small farmsteads where small farmers, agents or tenants lived and worked rather than the “Home Farm” of a great estate.

The grassland of the meadow and marsh was very important. It provided the resources for animal husbandry on a very large scale but to exploit this, closes (small fields with hedges or fences) in which animals could be kept near to the farm were essential. With so many people farming their own strips of land and keeping animals on the common grass as each one established a farmstead the village grew. It grew toward the grazing land spreading from the church along a rough roadway to form the North end of the village. There was probably a lot of discussion between the major landowners regarding the establishment of these farmsteads but those same people in fact owned most of them. There were however some smaller homesteads particularly on the East side of North End and in the area bounded by North End, Nan Brigham,

14 and the houses to the West of Ferry road. The expansion of building in that area probably occurred because The Sykes, an area of wet grass land with pools of water in which Totney Hill formed a dry island prevented further spreading northwards. Through out the centuries from the time of the Norman Conquest through the turbulent mediaeval period, the Civil War between Parliament and King the village had slowly grown in size and its people had accumulated modest wealth. Oxen had given way to horses as the motive power for ploughing and hauling although there were still some oxen in the village. There were still large flocks of sheep but they no longer provided milk but had become producers of wool and meat and the cow had taken over as the dairy animal. The role of the manors was changing as the commoners in consultation with larger landowners made more of the local decisions. Men were chosen annually to be Overseers of the Poor, Dyke Reeves, Church Wardens, and there was a well-organised system of local government that did not rely upon the control of a single Lord of the Manor. These changes had developed slowly over long periods of time but now the pace of change was to increase with the coming of the 18th Century.

The start of the Eighteenth Century.

It is very probable that the start of a new century did not make a great deal of difference to the people who lived in the village It is only with hind sight that we can see that it was the beginning of a period of rapid change and development. During the past centuries the village had grown slowly. Agriculture had developed and the area of land under cultivation had increased. The village was controlled efficiently by the stewards or agents of the lords of the three manors together with the freeholders and copyholders who farmed the land. Although in the past it is quite probable that only the scriveners of the manors and the clerics of the church could read and write there were now others who possessed this valuable ability.

In the past people either farmed land and lived in houses which they owned or for which they paid either in money or service. Now service was something, which was bought and sold, and payment was made in money. The Lords of the Manors did not farm very much of their land particularly where this was at a distance from their residences. They leased this land to others who lived upon it and farmed it as owners. They paid an annual ground rent but they erected their houses and buildings upon it, which they owned. The mechanism by which this operated involved the Court of the manor. The Steward or his deputy would come to the village and summon a court of the copyholders of the manor. The copyholders were the witnesses to the proceedings and probably also the character referees. The person who at that time held the lease of the land would contact the steward and surrender to him his lease. The form of words was “Came before the Steward out of Court”. This showed that he was not brought before the court but came to the court with his business. He stated that he had sold his house or buildings to another person and asked that the other person be granted admission to the land, which he had surrendered. The Steward set the rent, which was to be paid and levied a fine. This fine arose from the old custom whereby the Lord exacted a payment called a heriot usually the man’s best animal when a villein died. If land was transferred from one person to another this income was lost so a fine was charged.

This fine which had been imposed upon the outgoing tenant later became a fine upon the incoming tenant. In Goxhill this fine was often remitted by the Court of the Kings Manor Paramount to a charge that the new tenant should Repair and maintain the

15 Jetties and defences of the Humber. The transaction together with all of the information pertaining thereto was written into the rolls and the new owner was given a copy of the enrolled transaction. Thus he became a copyholder and his copy showed his ownership of the buildings and his lease of the land.

In addition to his own house the owner might build several other small houses. These, which he would let to tenants, were called tenements. The tenants might have no attachment to the owner or more likely were his servants or employees. The rent was often included in the wages. There does seem to have been a different arrangement in Goxhill from that in Barrow and Barton in that there, many of the bigger houses had three floors. The family accommodation was on the two lower floors whilst the servants occupied the upper attic rooms. In Goxhill there are only two or three houses, which have three stories. Two room tenements, of which there were many, probably accommodated the whole family of some of the house and farm servants but many farmhouses must have been rather crowded.

There are several sources of information that can provide information about the village at this time. Two of them are very useful because the dates overlap and so they provide information from two different points of view. They are the Act and Award of Inclosure of 1775 and the memorandum book of Thomas Hardy and Joseph his son. One of the original copies of the Act and Award of Inclosure together with the relevant map is kept in the Lincoln Archive. The village possesses a book in which is recorded the award together with sketches of the locations. This is hand written. The Ink is faded and it has been overwritten in parts. It is not easily to read. The book is in the care of the Parish Council. I have made a copy of the act and of the award together with sketch maps showing every one of the awards and its location. This is available on request.

There is a photocopy of a collection of pages from the memorandum book of Thomas and Joseph Hardy in the North East Lincolnshire Archive at Grimsby. This was indexed as the Goxhill village book but this has now been changed to reflect the true origin and content. A photocopy of this record from the archive has been used for this work. Other sources such as deeds and mortgages for village properties will assist but the Act and the memorandum book produce a lot of detail.

Thomas Hardy was a gentleman farmer. He was born in the year 1726 and died in 1793 and he lived in his Homestead in what is now Westfield Road. The family, were established in Goxhill and had been there for more than one hundred years. Thomas owned land in the open field with rights of grazing in the pasture and marsh and of hay in the meadow. The Hardy family in common with many others at that time used very few Christian names. Thomas was the father of Joseph; Joseph was the father of Thomas. They then gave the same name as a second name to one of their other sons. Robert and John were also used This over the years gave rise to a lot of Thomas and Joseph Hardys and can be the source of some confusion. The son of our Thomas, upon whom we rely, was called Joseph. Thomas could read and write, as could several other people in the village. This is not surprising because in the year 1604 an earlier Thomas Hardy is recorded as a Schoolteacher at Goxhill.

It would be helpful if we could begin our consideration of the village in the eighteenth century with some sort of a picture of what it was like but we do not have a contemporary description. There is however a substitute in that the Act of Inclosure does begin with a list of people and a description of the land. Although this was made

16 seventy years into the period of village history that we are considering it gives a fairly good description of the way that things were. We must be prepared to accept that, during those years Christian names will have changed.

An abbreviation of the preamble to the Act of Inclosure.

Within the parish of Goxhill there are open and unenclosed parcels of Meadow Pasture Tethering Ground and Commons with the names East Marsh, West Marsh, Neatgangs, Carr, and New Closes. There are also several parcels of Open Arable Fields called the Mill Field, Chapel Field, Horsegate Field and Hallands Field, containing about Seven thousand Acres. The King is seized of the Manor Paramount of Goxhill and also of the Soil and the Waste and Commons of the Manor. Sir Richard Sutton, Baronet, is Lord of a Manor in Goxhill called Sutton Manor and is seized of the soil and waste of that Manor. He is a proprietor of several Messuages, Cottages, Tofts, Sites of Tofts, and of several Lands and Tenements in the parish; and otherwise interested in the Fields Lands and Grounds. Hannah Hildyard, Spinster, is Lady of a Manor in Goxhill called Hildyard’s Manor and is seized of the soil and waste of that Manor. She is a proprietor of several Messuages Cottages, Tofts, Sites of Tofts and of several lands and Tenements in the parish, and otherwise interested in the Fields Lands and Grounds John Charles Crowle, Esquire, is the Owner of the Rectory Impropriate of Goxhill and is seized of all the Great Tithe growing arising or renewing in the parish. (Except such Tithe of Hay, which is to belong to the Vicar of the Parish Church of Goxhill). The Reverend John Skelton, Clerk, is the Vicar of the Parish Church of Goxhill and is entitled to the Tithe of Hay growing renewing and arising in and upon the old enclosed Lands in Goxhill, and to all the small or vicarial Tithes arising within the parish. Also to the annual sum of Three Pounds, Six Shillings, and Eight Pence, Payable out of the Impropriate Rectory of Goxhill. John Uppleby, Esquire, is Lessee under the Crown for the remainder of a Term of Years of the Courts and other Profits of or belonging to the first mentioned manor and certain Lands and Tenements in the parish. He is in his own right a Proprietor of other Lands and Tenements in the parish and is interested in the Fields Lands and Grounds. Thomas Farr, Gentleman is also a Lessee under the Crown for the remainder of a Term of Years of other Lands and Tenements in Goxhill. Sir Roland Winn, Baronet, Charles Anderson Pelham, William Hildyard, Esquires, The Master and Fellows of Saint Mary, Winchester College in Oxford; The Corporation of Trinity House of Deptford Strand in the County of Kent, John Stagg, Thomas Cavill, Thomas Hardy and others are the proprietors of the Residue of the Messuages, Cottages, Tofts, Sites of Tofts, Fields, Lands, and Grounds in the parish. Together with Sir Richard Sutton, Hannah Hildyard John Skelton and John Uppleby they are respectively entitled to Rights of Common and other rights therein in different Proportions. The several Lands and Grounds of the Proprietors in the East Marsh West Marsh Neatgangs, Carrs and New Closes and in the Open and Common Fields lie intermixed and dispersed in small parcels. All of the Open Grounds are in general so inconveniently situated as in their present state to be capable of little improvement. Although the Division and Enclosure of the Open Lands and Grounds would be a considerable benefit to the interested persons this cannot be accomplished without the Aid and Authority of Parliament. May it therefore please Your MAJESTY.

17 This sets out in strict order of precedence the names of the important largest landowners of the village. It is not however until the last names are reached together with the “others” that the really active people in controlling the day to day management of the village are encountered. It should also be realised that although the people mentioned represent their parents and grandparents who earlier in the century held lands in the village; land did change hands and was sold. John Charles Crowle bought the Impropriate Rectory shortly before enclosure; in fact he bought several Rectories locally and probably was active in initiating the enclosure proceedings for some of the neighbouring villages. The Impropriate Rector’s Great Tithe produced an Award for J C Crowle of 620 acres.

There were of course far more people living in the village than those who are listed in the preamble. Many of them received Awards of land others were tenants of Tofts and small pieces of land belonging to the larger owners. Some were employed as house and farm servants receiving a wage and possibly accommodation. There were also tradesmen such as Carpenters, Blacksmiths, Shopkeepers and others who owned or rented their workplaces but had little connection with the land.

Our information from the memorandum book of Thomas Hardy begins in 1752 when he was 26 years old. 1752 was rather an unusual year in that it was short for it did not have 365 days. England had kept the Julian calendar longer than most of the European countries but in September 1752 it changed to the Gregorian system. The change involved dropping 11 days from the year and this caused a big problem to people who lived close to nature, who thought that they had lost 11 days of harvest and who used the festivals of the church as key dates for their activities. For many years records contained references to Old Feast days. Thomas Hardy notes that The Red Cow was bulled 3 days after Old Candelmas Day 1756.

His Tithe for 1753 was calculate thus: June ye 16 1753 Clipped five score and thirteen old Sheps and forty two Lambs Tythe to pay for old sheps is five score and four Lambs £ s d For five score old Sheep at 2d each 0 16 8 For four Lambs at 3s per lamb 0 12 0 e 1 1 Wheat Land in y Horsgate Field 19 A 2 /2 R 2 13 4 /2 e 1 1 Barley Land in y Chappel Field 24 A 0 /2 R 2 14 3 /4 e 1 1 Beans Land in y Hallands Field 25 A 3 /2 2 11 2 /2 Meadow fifty seven acres at seven pence P Acre 1 13 3 3 11 8 0 /4 Arithmetic obviously presented a problem. He then made a note of the lands that he had in the Open Fields and the meadow. Land in ye Quarter Fields Acres Roods e 1 Land in y Horsgate Field 20 0 /2 e 1 Land in y Chappell Field 24 0 /2 e 1 Land in y Hallands Field 26 2 /2 Land in ye Mill Field 22 2 Medow in all is 60 2 Tethering Ground 21 3 Netegates at ye New Stint 10 3 Not included in total 1 175 2 /2

18 This records the amount of land that that Thomas Hardy farmed. There is a record of land held in each field but no crop is recorded for the Mill Field. We know that one great advantage of the four field system was that only one quarter of the arable land was laid fallow each year and so we can safely conclude that in 1753 the Mill Field was fallow. The four fields were called the Quarter Fields and kept their names throughout this period of time but in 1718 the Mill Field was called the Swallow Mill Quarter. This is also mentioned in a document in the Trinity House archives dated 1648, when the mill is said to belong to Mistress Skinner. At this same time there is a record of the wages of his full time employees £ s d James Luty Wage Pd half year 2 10 0 Paull Border Wage 7 0 0 David Peall Wage 2 12 6 Ezabell Nele Wage 2 15 0 Mary Ruke Wage 10 6 Tho Wardell Wage . 15 0 16 2 0 The following year 1754. David Pealle Wage 3 5 0 Ezabell Neale Wage 3 0 0 Mary Rikell Wage 0 12 0 Wm. Watson Wage 7 0 0 Richard Hudson Wage 1 11 6 Samuel Chapman 2 10 0 17 18 6 Small sums of money were paid to some of these employees from time to time and this was recorded and the final balance paid. There were others who worked on a daily basis, as seasonal work became available. These people also held small pieces of land upon which they kept animals and grew food for themselves. They often bought corn and meat or food for their animals from the farmer for whom they were working. Edward Darnell Bill of Work 1753 s. d. Five days in ye House at four pence per day 1 8 Seven days weeding at four pence per day 2 4 Three days at ye Hay at Six pence per day 1 6 One load of manure 0 10 For two days in ye house 6d 6 4 Four days at six pence per day 2 0 Six days 3 0 Three Days 1 6 Payd of this bill 6 6 Edward Darnell dptor to Tho Hardy 1753 For eleven pounds of pig fat at 3d per pound 2 0 For one strike of Wheat and Rye 3 2 For one strike of Wheat 3 6 8 8 Simon Nelson Dptor For one strike (Bushel) of Wheat and Rye 3 0 For a Shoulder of Mutton 0 6 1 For One Stone 2 pound & half of Beef 2 0 /2 1 5 6 /2 Eleven days work rowin up and ? carting 5 6 0 0

19 During the months of January and February in 1754 he worked a total of 33 days and was paid at the rate of six pence per day. In March he only worked for 9 days at the daily rate but was paid one shilling and two pence per Quarter for threshing Wheat with a flail. A Quarter of wheat weighs 400lbs. He threshed 14 Quarters and 3 bushels a little over two and a half tons for which he was paid sixteen shillings and nine pence halfpenny.

Simon bought three bushels of Barley for seven shillings and two pence halfpenny, and a Mott of Wheat for four shillings and three half pence. (A Mott is two Bushels). He bought two pecks of peas, one shilling and two pence but there was also an item for the payment of Simon Nelson’s Tithe for 3 Rud of peas one shilling and eight pence farthing. The two pecks of peas were the seed with which the 3 Rud of peas were sown. Simon had some land of his own upon which he grew food. Three pence was “Lay’d down” for a Bull, a whole one would cost more than three pence which suggests that Simon had a cow. He worked to earn cash to pay for clothes, two pair of Breeches fourteen shillings and his Land and Window Tax which came to ten pence halfpenny. All of these items were set against his earnings in a final “reconing”.

In October 1754 Thomas Hardy Recond with his laborers for his Mowing and Harvest. Simon Nelson Lb. S d 1 57 Acres and 2 Rud of Grass Mowing 3 18 3 /2 for Sixteen Acres and one Rud of odments 1 1 11 for Two Acres Shearing 3s P Acre 6 0 For 7 Days Forking Ye Wagon 7 0 For four acres of Beans reaping 14 0 For ye Close mowing 3 0 1 Barley Mowing at 8 d P Acre 9 2 /2

Finish Easton One Acre and Two Rud of Wheat shearing at 3s P Acre 4 6 1 Two Acres one Rud of Beans Reaping 7 10 /2

George Cammel Four Acres and two Rud of Wheat Shearing at 3s P Acre 13 6 Four Acres and two Rud of Beans At 3s 6d P Acre 15 9

Anthony Wardell Six Acres of Wheat Shearing At 3s P Acre 18 0 One Acre of Beans Reaping 3 6 Our Selves (Possibly the work of the full time employees) Eight Acres one Rud of Wheat shearing 1 4 9 Eight Acres one Rud of Beans 1 8 0 An undated item of about the same time is interesting it is the work of Edward Darnell who worked 4 days at ye wagon for two shillings and eight pence. Susana Darnell worked at the hay fourteen and a half days over a period of four weeks at a rate of sixpence per day. Simon Nelson’s daughter also worked at this time. She spent five days weeding and was paid one shilling and eight pence.

20 It is also recorded that ten loads of manure were purchased from Tho Brown for ten shillings, and a seven year old horse was bought from Tho Bean for Eight pounds Two shillings and Six pence. It was a busy day on the 19th of June when two mares were covered. Four trees were bought from Jno Hall at the college for fourteen shillings. Two records were made of Hiring land and Letting land. Some names appear on both lists so that land has been hired from and let to the same person. This was probably an arrangement to transfer odd bits of land in the open fields in order to consolidate them into useful blocks. It also appears that arable land may have been hired and enclosed grazing let (T Hardy owned an ancient enclosure at Totney). A milking cow could not easily be kept in the open field so enclosed grazing land would have facilitated the keeping of a cow.

Ground Hiring in ye year 1754 £ s d Jno Jobson 3 Rud upon East Totney 0 3 0 William Richison five Rud 0 5 0 Tho Stephenson five Rud 0 5 0 Jno Richison five Rud 0 5 0

West Totney Tho Bean three Rud 0 3 0 Jno Richison three Rud 0 3 0 Tho Cavill two Rud 0 2 0 Langley Tho Cavill two Rud 0 2 0 Anthony Wardell two Rud 0 2 0 Two Rud of Wm. Newton 0 2 0

Ground Let in ye year 1754 One house and Orchard let to Tho Brown for 2 15 0 Three acres and a half of Meadow 0 17 6 Two Nete Gates at 4s P Gate 0 8 0 4 0 6 One house & Layth & Orchard & One close let to Richard Young for 2 11 0 One house let to George Carnell 1 0 0 3 11 0 Three Rud upon ye Outgates let to Jno Richison 3 0 Two Acre and three Rud in Shawbrigs Let to John Brown A 2 at ?? 0 14 0 Three Rud in ye Mores let to Wm. Richison 3 0 Two half R let to Roger Norfolk 3 0 Two Acres of Ing to Jno Mumby 6 0 Three Quarters of a netegate to Jno 1 6

Just as the calculation of the Tithe for 1753 gave the field, which was laid fallow so the calculation for 1754 also reveals that the Chapel field was fallow that year. The acreage in each field remained the same there was however one other piece of information. In the Mill Field Wheat followed the fallow, in the Hallands field Barley followed the Beans and in the Horsegate field Beans followed the Wheat. This gives

21 the traditional crop rotation of Wheat, Beans, Barley, and Fallow. In 1755 the Hallands field was fallow. This is not however the complete picture because there are records of the sale of Oats and Rye both of which must have been grown on some part of the land within the rotation. Possibly some land in the field set to beans was used in this way.

The ten loads of manure bought of Tho Brown noted above suggest that the people with land in the open fields were retaining the same strips of land. A list of the manure bought in 1755 shows a total of 20 loads. There would be little reason to spend money on enriching the soil if it were to be farmed by others in the following year. The list of pieces of ground hired in 1755 is the same as that for 1754 this again indicates that the same land was retained each year.

The record of corn sold in the year 1753 has the word “Levered” which Thomas Hardy uses in several places in the memorandum. Here it is in full as it is written, pigs included. Corn Leverd in ye year 1753. £ s d Wheat One sack to Jno Sergant 0 15 0 Three Motts to Joseph Cook 1 3 9 Four Quarters and a half to Mr Warner 6 1 6 Twelve Quarters to Mr Warner 16 4 0 Barley Nine Quarters to Mr Sowdon 8 15 6 January 15 Ten Quarters to Mr Thompson 10 0 0 Wheat Ye 21st Five Quarters to Mr Warner 6 12 6 One Sack of Wheat and Rye to Hull 0 12 0 Simon Nelson one sack of Wheat and Rye 0 12 0 February Ye 22nd Wm Smith of Barrow Eight Quarters of Barley at 19 shillings P quarter 7 12 0 1 Simon Nelson 3 bushels of Barley 7 1 /2 Ye 22nd Two Quarters and a half of Wheat to Mr Warner at £1- 5s Quarter 3 2 6 March Ye 7th Five Quarters and a Half of Beans to Wm Smith at £1 P Quarter 5 10 0 Four pigs to Wm Sergant 4 4 0 Carried 14 Quarters into Ye Chambers April Ye 12th Eleven Quarters of Barley to Mr Sowdon at 18s 3d P Quarter 10 0 9 Ye 12th Six pigs to Jno Garthwaite at 18s 5 8 0 May Y e 7th Twelve Quarters of Barley to Mr Sowdon at 16s 6dP Quarter 9 18 0 July Ye 13th Seven Quarters & Four Bushels of Wheat Leverd to Robt Cavill 9 1 6 106 6 1

The record of sales of corn for 1756 is similar to that above some names are the same and others appear. One person making a small purchase of Wheat was William Foy. He bought ten sheep but there is also a note, Bought of Wm Foy Fifteen and a half stone of beef at 2s 7d per stone. This price does not agree with another item, probably from 1755, which was for the sale of beef.

22 People that want to pay for their beef. S d. m 1 W Newton 2 stone 5 pounds at 1s 2d per stone 2 9 /2 Jno Cavin 6 Jno Wilmore 4 Jno Smith 1s 3lbs 1 3 Finish Easton 1 8 Edwd Carnell 3 stone 3 6 Ann Tenby 3s 7lbs 4 0 Tho Hall 7 lbs 7 Simon Nelson 7 lbs 7

No explanation can be seen for the difference in price but the prices above appear to be too low. The value of Corn Sold is listed as follows: - £ s. d. £ s d 1756 68 8 0 (£1-5-0) 1764 71 0 0 (£2-3-0) 1757 100 17 0 (£2-14-0) 1765 102 16 0 (£1-13-6) 1758 92 16 0 (£1-2-0) 1766 123 17 0 (£2-12-0) 1759 76 9 0 (£1-4-0) 1767 127 15 0 (£2-2-0) 1760 78 1 0 (£1-4-0) 1768 122 16 0 (£1-12-0) 1761 93 15 0 (£1-3-6) 1769 99 18 0 (No data) 1762 62 15 0 (£1-14-0) 1770 108 9 0 (£1-12-6) 1763 94 4 0 (£1-13-0) 1771 95 17 0 (£2-8-0) 1772 181 9 0 (£2-8-6)

A representative price per Quarter (400 Lbs.) received for Wheat is given in brackets for each year. The daily wage for a man rose from six pence per day to eight pence per day during this time.

The corn sales in the year 1762 must have aroused considerable concern in the mind of Thomas Hardy. There is a record of Manure purchased in 1762. Simon Nelson 7 loads George Carnell 5 loads Richard Young 19 loads William Chapman 10 loads William Arnold 7 loads John Cacheson 1 load William Bedom’s Son 33 loads William Bedom 9 loads A total of 91 loads of manure All of which was paid for at the rate of one shilling per load except for the 33 loads provided by William Bedoms son which is recorded at one pound six shillings and nine pence in total. In the following year 33 loads were purchased from the same people at the same price.

At this time the names of Richard Young Thomas Watson and George Carnell appear as the gathers of the harvest being paid for reaping, and shearing, they were also employed at daily rates. John Brown was a blacksmith. He felled two trees for 2s. and he mended the harrow with a new butt for 6d. In 1757 the name of John Hardy appears he worked for a total of 13 days at 8d per day. But there is no record of his relationship to Thomas.

There was plenty of work and as the years passed there was an increase in the hourly rate of pay but what happened to people who were unable to work, the elderly, widows and people who were sick or injured? Each village had to provide for the poor

23 but this was done with some reluctance. Two people were chosen to be the overseers of the poor and they administered funds collected from an assessment upon the occupiers of land. The village only provided for those people who were born there and so had right of residence. Strangers could come into the village to work but they had to have a certificate from their own village acknowledging their right to live there. If such people became unable to support themselves they were sent back to their own village. In many places this resulted in great hardship because the sick and the dying were taken by horse and cart to their own village.

There is a record of such a certificate. If it were necessary to keep a copy of a document that copy had to be made by hand and Thomas Hardy made a copy of a certificate in his memorandum book. Lincolnshire To ye Church Wardens Lindsey Overseers of ye Poor To witt / of ye Parish of Goxhill in ye County Aforesaid I John Osgerby Sole Churchwarden and Sole Over Seer of ye poor of ye Parish of North Kelsey in ye parts and County Aforesaid Do hereby Own and Acknowledge Godard Stamp In his Wife and Family to be Inhabitants legaly Settled in our Said parish Of North Kelsey______In Witness whereof I have Hereunto Set my Hand and Seal the Nineth day of September in ye year of our Lord One thousand Seven hundred and Fifty Seven Witness John Osgerby Church Warden James Jackson and Godard Stamp Sen Overseer

Lincolnshire We Whose Names are Lindsey To Witt Hereunto Set and Subscribed two of Majestys of ye panel for Ye parts and County Aforesaid Do Allow of this Certificate and hereby Certify that Godard Stamp Sen One of ye Subscribing Witenesess to ye Above Written Certificate Made Oath before Us that he did see Ye Said Churchwarden and Overseer Of ye poor and of ye Parish of North Kelsey Sign and Seal the Same and that the Names of ye said James Jackson and Godard Stamp Sen Are Severally and Respectively of their own Hand Writing Subscribed as Witnesses to ye said Certificate Dated ye Ninth Day of September in ye Year of Our Lord One thousand Seven hundred And Fifty Seven Se Atkinson Jno Uppelby

In 1762 there is a record of a loan of money and the sale of a pair of “Britches” to Richard Stamp but it is five years later in 1767 that the name of Stamp appears again in the Hardy records but now the Christian Name is Gothard. Throughout the summer he bought Wheat and Rye on credit and was paid £3 7s 10d for harvest. His rate of pay for day work was 10d, That was 2d more than the other people were paid at that

24 time. In 1769 and 1772 Gothard Stamp was renting a cottage from Thomas Hardy for one pound per year. The name does not appear again and in 1773 a cottage, probably the same one, was rented to Joseph Brown for £1 1s 0d

Although the certificate was needed and mobility of labour was thereby restricted it appears that there was probably an insufficient number of workers in Goxhill. Unlike the “Closed” villages owned by a single Lord of the manor it was possible for people to come to the village and to find work. Several people worked on the farm the most regular names were of those people who rented houses from Thomas Hardy. William Bedom rented a house for £2 15s 0d together with three acres and a half of meadow and one Neatgate for £1 5s 0d. Richard Young rented a house and Spring Garth (the name belonged to the enclosed piece of ground not the building) for £2 5s 0d. He also rented five acres of pasture ground for £1 2s 0d. Both of these people were keeping their own animals as well as working on the farm.

The village affairs were regulated by several pairs of people. There were the Overseers of the Poor the Dyke Reeves, The Highways, The Constables and most important of all the Churchwardens. All of these were chosen by the Vestry Meeting but the duties of the Churchwardens involved the liaison between the Established Church and the village. This was the way by which not only the Bishop but through him the King and Parliament maintained control at the local level. The members of the Vestry Meeting and the chosen officials were villagers They were not the absentee landlords but their tenants. They with the owners of houses or land in the village and were the people who carried out the day to day work of the village. The Churchwardens had to ensure that proper records were kept that the church was maintained and that the vicar performed his duties and was provided with the necessary means to do so.

It might be expected that only the wealthier residents would be members of the Vestry Meeting or would serve as Churchwardens but this was not the case. Names appear on the lists of members and churchwardens that also appear in Thomas Hardy’s notes as the people who reaped the corn and cut the hay. William Bedom, Anthony Wardell Thomas Watson and several others are to be found in the lists and the notes. The surprising fact is that very few of these people were unable to write most of them could sign their names. Not being able to sign was not a bar to membership of the vestry meeting and so some made their mark.

We have noted that in 1604 a man called Thomas Hardy was a schoolteacher in Goxhill. We also know that here was a school in the village in the eighteenth century. We have little information about this but the Churchwardens paid for the maintenance of the building. We know that bricks were purchased during the early years of the century but there are only records of small quantities such as might be used for alterations or building a chimney. In 1755 Thomas Hardy and Francis Faulding were the Churchwardens and they record the purchase of Lime and bunches of Laths and Reeds also of Simon (a form of cement) so that rendering and the maintenance of interior church walls and possibly other clay and stud buildings was taking place. The Church Terrier of 1718 describes the Vicarage House as containing three low rooms and three chambers. The walls were of wood and clay and the roof was thatched with straw. There was also a stable or out house containing three bays of building, the walls were wood and clay the roof thatched with straw. In 1771 Thomas paid one shilling to John Robert for Daubing the House end. This would be applying a thick coat of Lime wash to the outside of the end wall of his house. The house (in what is

25 now Westfield road) would face South and so the clay and stud end wall, which took the weather from the west would need regular maintenance.

It is rather tempting to confer upon Thomas Hardy in the eighteenth century the financial status of later members of the family. The gift of the windows in the Primitive Methodist Church and the importance of the family in village affairs are remembered in the village and must be recognised, but it would be wrong to interpolate this back to the Hardys of 1750. The situation at that time did not make life easy for farmers whether gentlemen or labourers. There were many problems and none were conducive to the making of money. The Hardys did not own massive estates and although they would have had a comfortable existence their home would have been modest.

In 1745 Charles Edward Stuart the young pretender had come south as far as Derby and as always when armies marched through the land this caused great problems to the people. Fortunately although much of Lindsey was Tory there was no movement to support him and Whig gentlemen raised a fund for the defence of the county. Tories valued the stability of the establishment and although there was a Whig Member of Parliament in 1724 by 1748 there were many Tories who were active as Magistrates and in similar offices within the county. The winter of 1739-40 was very cold and the staple food of barley bread was in short supply. Between 1720 and 1745 prices for corn and wool were very low. Buyers were hard to find and wool, which had been sought for and bought by merchants who travelled around the farms, had to be taken to market. Disease, Sheep rot and cattle plague, a disease of horned cattle was very bad through out 1746-47. Markets were closed and movement was restricted. In normal times during the first half of the century the annual death rate was 35 people per 1000 on the wolds and 50 per thousand in the marsh and fen. One third of all children died before the age of 5 and a third of all marriages were ended by death within 15 years. Many small farmers were unable to continue and at the end of the first half of the century the number of tenant farmers had fallen by one third in many parts of Lindsey.

Thomas Hardy did not rely upon farming as his only source of income. He was also involved with others in trading between Barton and Hull. This provided a useful market for his produce. He also lent money at interest to several people. However when the expense of enclosure came along he found himself short of money and borrowed from Joseph Wressel seventy three pounds ten shillings and later a further fifty pounds to pay interest at the rate of four pounds per hundred per year.

On December 8 1761 Thomas bought Barley for Mr Dickin £ s d Mr Collins 9 Quarters at 13 shillings per Quarter 5 17 0 Wm Gilliott 7 Quarters Ditto 4 11 0 Tho Cavill 11 Quarters Ditto 7 9 0 My own 9 Quarters Ditto 5 17 0 Henry Bean 3 Quarters Ditto 1 19 0 Richard Green 8 Quarters 5 4 0 Robert Young 12 Quarters 7 16 0 59 Quarters 38 7 0 For Buying it . 14 9 39 1 9

26 Received December 6 1761 from Mr Dickin £ s d In Cash 20 0 0 Two London Bills 20 0 0 40 0 0 Dec 8 th Received in Barley 59 Quarters and Salary 39 1 9 Balance due to Mr Dickin 00 18 3

There is a note of the sale of Wheat Barley Oats Beans and Rye for each year. The quantity and price and the name of the buyer is recorded. The list usually covers the larger sales and then dwindles in content as the quantities diminish. The sale of animals is recorded as Swine Beasts (Bese) Horses in lists for each type. There are also lists of animals bought and it is clear that buying and selling stock at the fairs at Caistor Barton Hull and other villages was very important. Some animals were bought and sold in the village. Because the sale of Corn was listed for each year it tends to dominate the attention when the record is read, the husbandry of the grazing land was very lucrative and grew in value as the years passed. The breeding and sale of horses became increasingly important as they were the only means of traction and were in great demand both in the country and in the towns. This was particularly so after enclosure. The sale of sheep was a regular occurrence and receives only a brief note. Each year there is a note of the number of sheep and lambs their sex and age (Shearlings etc). There is a note of the date that the Tup was introduced and from time to time records of the sale of wool but until this information is collected together it does not give sufficient emphasis to the importance of grass land in Goxhill. (See sheep grazing in the marshes at Goxhill)

An Account of all of Sir Robert Winn’s meadow in Goxhill Marsh in the year 1755 gives some idea of the importance that the meadow had for village people Rob Danat 6 Acres £1 11s. 6d. Francis Redley ? 0 10 0 George Arnold 9 2 4 6 Math Cross 5 0 17 6 Sam Chapman 20 3 15 0 Roger Norfolk 10 1 2 6 Jno Eadhams 10 2 12 6 Thos Stephenson 4 ½ 1 2 6 Wm Wardell 11 1 13 9 John Green 11 1 13 9 Robt England 4 ½ 1 0 0 John Sherewood 2 0 10 6 John Brown 5 1 3 6 Thos Watson 13 3 5 0 John Mumby 5 1 3 6 Jno Gylliot 4 1 0 0 Thos Tenby 13 1 12 0 Thos Air 5 0 15 0 Bartell Rowberry ? 1 0 0 George Smith 4 ½ 1 2 6 John Chapman Jane Close 2 10 0 Wd Marriss 12 1 4 0 170 ½ 105 6 0

27 There were several other people who had meadow and pasture, which they rented in small lots to others.

In October 11th day 1762 Lent to Mr Davy upon the Waterside at Barton and upon the estate at Stockwith One Hundred and Sixty Pounds at four pounds per hundred by ye year which comes to Six pounds eight shilling a year £6 8s 0d May 11th day 1763 Received of Mr Davy Three pound Four shillings for half year interest for One Hundred and Sixty pounds Lent upon the Waterside House at Barton Due part at Lady Day last and part at May Day last One thousand Seven hundred and Sixty three. £3 4s 0d Some idea of the way in which the more wealthy people of the village provided finance can be seen from a memorandum of 20th of April 1778.

Money owing to John Sargeant at his Death. £ s d Phillip Porter five pounds 5 0 0 John Kenington twenty pounds 20 0 0 Enoch Quarton Ten Pounds 10 0 0 Thos Wresell ten pounds ten shillings 10 10 0 Francis Faulding one hundred and fifty pounds 150 0 0 Edw Towl 2 years rent 34 0 0 George Fulstow ½ year rent 4 0 0 Richard Raby 1 year rent (This for a farm at Owmby) 31 0 0 Stephen Pope fifteen shillings . 15 0 265 5 0 John Sargeant appears several times in the memoranda and some interesting information is given but his relationship is not explained. Over the years from 1753 to 1769 he received one load of hay and usually some wheat and barley every year. Thomas kept an account during these 16 years, John Sargeant debtor to me for hay and corn due to me £36 1s 5d. This does not appear to have been paid and at that point the account ceases. There is a note of an exchange of land at Owmby between John Sargeant and Mr Barnett dated April 11th 1770. They exchanged mixed parcels of small lands in the two open fields of the village of about nine and a half acres. On July 27th 1775 Thomas records “A terer of all ye Farm and belonging to H at Owmby” There was One house with barn and stables and land adjoining it one and a half acres, four other closes to a total of 33 ½ acres. Two Gates of pasture and a right of common on Caistor Moor and 26 acres of field land which with 6 acres of Wold land made a total of 65 Acres and 3 roods. There was a note of 1771, Land Tax paid out of the farm at Owmby at four shillings per pound. There was an adjacent undated note, A farm let to Richard Raby at Owmby for 31 Pounds per year. Richard Raby had his year’s rent of £31 outstanding in the list above in 1778.

The Enclosure of the Village.

For hundreds of years the village plough land had been divided into four large fields. These were called the Quarter Fields and the people who grew crops in these fields did not own the land. Instead they had a right to a share of it. They had a certain amount of land in each of the Quarter Fields and on that land they all grew the same crop in rotation. So that in each field during a period of three years they grew wheat followed by beans followed by barley and then for one year the land was left fallow and it was rested.

28 In addition to the plough land there was also a very large area of meadow and pasture and this was extremely important because it enabled large numbers of animals to be kept. As with the plough land the meadow and pasture were held in common and used on a shared basis. Each person could cut hay from a certain area of meadow and graze a set number of animals on the pasture. One area of grazing land was called the Neatgangs; it got its name form the old word Neat meaning cattle. The right to graze in the Neatgangs was stinted that is quantity assigned, from time to time the number of animals to be allowed was agreed. Each of the people with a right to turn out their animals onto the Neatgangs had a number of Neatgates. The total number of animals was divided by the number of Neatgates so that there were a number of animals per Neatgate. The fallow quarter field was also used as a tethering ground for animals, which reduced the weeds and increased the fertility.

There were of course strict rules governing the times at which various things were done. When the meadow was mown, when animals could be put into the meadow, when they had to be removed and similarly for the ploughing and husbandry of the arable land. This method of farming was not efficient. Good weather at harvest did not mean that an early start could be made on soil preparation. That had to wait for the prescribed time. There was no room for experimentation and with the spread of knowledge and of new ideas this system of village life held back all forms of development.

All across the country people were seeking to change the system. In villages and manors where there were only one or two landowners they simply divided up the land between themselves and fenced it in as separate fields, which they worked as they wished. This was not however possible in places such as Goxhill where there were many people who had land in the quarter fields and rights of meadow and pasture. Here a majority must be in favour of enclosing the land and an Act of Parliament had to be obtained in order to impose the wish of the majority upon everyone.

The use of the word enclosure described the process of erecting fences or planting hedges around the separate plots of land. Their spelling was different they used the letter I, Inclosure. Each Act of Parliament has a title and for Goxhill this was; An Act for Dividing and Inclosing several Lands in the Parish of Goxhill, in the County of Lincoln. The fact that we talk of the Act of Inclosure is rather important because it has emphasised the fencing in of the land and the aspect of excluding people. The division of the land was division amongst those people who had right of use of the land. That was those people who had by right grazed their animals mown their hay and planted their crops in the common fields. People who had no right of common received nothing when the land was divided. Nothing was taken from them by the Act and the frequently expressed belief that inclosure took away the land from the common people is, in the case of Parliamentary Inclosure, quite wrong. At Goxhill the division and awarding of the land was meticulous down to the last rod pole or perch. The ownership of some small pieces of land and the cottages that had been built upon them was legitimised by the act.

Although there was much hope of improvement as a result of enclosure there were many problems caused by the expense involved. Many people sold their land because they could not find the money to pay for the cost of fencing it and for the charges of the commissioners.

29 Parliamentary enclosure followed a set pattern. First a group of people who owned land in the open fields and pastures met and talked about the idea of enclosure. This was usually a small group who owned the biggest share. They, or one of them, then talked to the people with the smaller pieces of land. They persuaded the majority of them of the wisdom of assembling the little bits of land that each person had into one or two larger pieces, putting a fence round them and granting them to their owners in perpetuity. When it was felt that opinion was in favour of the project a number of people, usually three, with experience of previous enclosures were found. They arranged for the preparation of a bill to be presented to parliament. This bill was in standard form and unless there were exceptional circumstances received little attention from the members beyond ensuring that it was passed.

The important thing about the bill was that it was very detailed. There were many specific local details such as the direction that the land was to be divided with value, quantity and quality as the primary considerations. The main part was intended to ensure that everything was done to ensure that the people involved were competent, knew what they had to do and had the power to do it.

The act named the three commissioners. They were John Ward of Minscript in the County of York, William Gilliat of Wold Newton and George Holgate of Melton. It appointed them as commissioners and set out their duties. It also enacted that Edward Johnson, Gentleman of the town of Kingston upon Hull in the county of the same town should survey and measure and reduce the survey and admeasurement into writing. This was to express the number of acres roods and perches belonging to each proprietor in the various fields and pastures. The written admeasurement was to be laid before the commissioners.

Before anything could happen there had to be an oath taken and this was to be administered by one of the commissioners at their first meeting. “I A. B. do swear, That I will faithfully impartially and honestly according to the best of my Skill and Judgement execute the Powers reposed in me and hear and determine all such Matters and Things as shall be brought before me as a Commissioner (or Surveyor) by virtue of an Act for dividing and Inclosing several Lands and Grounds in the Parish of Goxhill in the County of Lincoln without Favour or Affection, Prejudice or Malice to any Person or Persons”. “So help me GOD.” The oath taken by the commissioners was to be enrolled with the final award. The commissioners had to give notice of their meetings before hand and this was to be done after divine service and by fixing a notice to the most public door of the church and also in one or more public newspapers circulating in the neighbourhood. The instructions ran to twenty-four pages of printing. Due allowance must be made for the legal verbosity and meticulous inclusion of the day.

The recovery of the cost of enclosure was also included in the act and all persons receiving land were required to pay a proportion of the cost. This was very large because roads had to be made drains had to be dug and bridges and tunnels for drains beneath roads constructed. In addition each person to whom land was awarded had to make a fence or hedge along one or more sides of the land. Which side or sides this was to be was laid down in the award.

30 Thomas Hardy recorded the following details. The plot in the Salt Marsh is sixty-nine roods, Posts 172 Rails 344 Posts Rails Roods The plot in the field is 242 roods Posts 605 Rails 1210 172 344 242 Cross fencing is 43 roods 605 1210 69 777 1554 311 1773 Rails bought of Wm Alcock at 4 ½ d. per rail Fencing the East Marsh 86 at 1s3d per rood Cross fencing in the Marsh 28-2 at 1s per rood £5 7s 6d 1 8 6 6 15 0 January 11 1774 To pay to ye Commissioners £108 0s 2d.

The problem of financing the enclosing of the land was not simply one of money. Whilst the larger landowners had greater resources these were usually committed to other things. Thomas Hardy bought and sold horses and cattle and also sold sheep pigs wool and corn and he had money on loan at interest to other people. His annual turn over is impossible to calculate from his notes but it was several times greater than the payment due in January 1774. However in order to meet the cost in the short term he borrowed money. He also loaned small sums locally.

The Act made provision for this problem by allowing tenants for years and tenants for lives to borrow a sum not exceeding forty shillings per acre against the security of the land allotted to them. It also recognised the common practise at that time of paying interest only on a loan or mortgage. No repayment of the principle sum was made so that the lease of the land became the property of the person providing the loan upon the death of the occupier unless the principle sum were then repaid. The heirs of the deceased often obtained a mortgage from a third party to repay the original loan.

A local problem that the Act had to address was the Goxhill Acre, this was smaller than the Statute Acre so that few if any of the Owners of Lands would be awarded as many Statute Acres as they had previously held. This problem was increased by the requirement to provide land for the roads and for the digging of materials to make them up. In calculating the number of posts and rails needed the word Rood is written as a linear measurement. It is a rod and is 5 ½ yards this is a measurement of the same length as the rod used to drive a team of oxen. The numbers suggest that he would place 5-inch posts at 6-foot spacing. The other rood or rud as it is sometimes written is square measure. It is 40 rods, poles, or perches and is a quarter of an acre.

The Act required that the land must be divided not simply by Quantity but that the Quality and Value of the land should also be considered. It also required that the owners of Tofts should have their respective plots close to their homes, if they so requested. Direct access had to be provided to each plot from a road so that no one had to cross over another person’s land. All of this seems quite reasonable but there were 121 people to whom land had to be allotted and another 18 who already occupied Tofts with small-enclosed areas. In order to satisfy the requirement of Quality and Value, 260 separate awards had to be made to the 121 people. 14 public roads each to be 60 feet wide, 16 private roads, some 30 feet wide others 40 feet wide and 18 foot roads (foot paths) were made. This involved a large amount of land and ground had to be set aside for the digging of gravel sand and stones for making up the public and private roads. The results of this can be seen, the modern roads, narrow asphalt strips with the wide grass verges, still divide the farmland around the village.

31 All of this arose from the nature of the land and the use to which it was put. The higher better-drained areas around the southern part of the village were divided up into the Quarter fields, this was the plough land. The land between the village and the Humber River was meadow, pasture and marsh. It was this that was the most lucrative farmland. It was here that the sheep and cattle grazed and the hay for winter fodder was grown. Animal husbandry required far less labour and equipment than arable farming. People could work for wages on the larger arable farms whilst keeping a few animals of their own. They would buy beans and grain for their animals and for themselves from their employer and sell back the manure of all kinds for use on his fields. It was important for all that they receive land which was suitable for their needs and it was for this reason that there were many small awards amongst the larger ones in the pasture and marsh. Dividing the land according to Quantity and Quality and providing access too it was not a simple matter.

The Act did nothing to effect any existing enclosed land or buildings so that within the village itself nothing was changed. The streets of the village were not altered in any way and the existing boundaries of property continued to mark the street boundaries as they had before. The award in allotting land adjacent to the village- street refers to them all as The Town Street of Goxhill. An example of this can be seen in Ferry Road where a short length of the narrow town-street connects the sixty- foot wide awarded parts of the road. At this point there are existing properties on both sides of the road, which were already there at the time. Where these sixty-foot wide roads joined onto the existing narrow village roads can still be seen. Brewster lane is the narrow piece at the village end of Chapel Field Road. Ruard Lane joins Ruard Road to the village. A short Soff Lane joined College Road to the village until the name of College Road was changed to Soff Lane. Both ends of Howe Lane join the wide awarded roads.

There were many narrow openings between the existing enclosures through which access to the Quarter fields was available. After entering the field through one of these the grass headland was used to get to the individual strip of ground. After the fields were divided up these openings were no longer needed and the narrow strips of land were awarded to the owners of the neighbouring enclosures. In some places there were several existing or awarded enclosures beside these narrow ways and so they were needed and were not closed. The lanes of Goxhill are examples of this. They were originally openings into the Mill field between the enclosures bordering North End. More enclosures happened with time and the position of Ferry road was determined by connecting their ends. Manor lane did not reach the new Ferry road so the existing short lane was extended. A private road was awarded which was to be thirty feet wide, and to be called the West Road.

Although the roads were dignified by the name Town Street they were not very pleasant places to walk. They had no proper foundations and were made up with gravel sand and stones. Carts cut deep ruts in the surface and these filled with water Animals were driven along them frequently adding their own distinctive contribution to the mud which was often very deep. In order to avoid walking through this dirt people used the headlands of the Quarter Fields and walked at the back of the cottages and farms which lined the streets. When the fields were enclosed the Act recognised this and Foot Roads were awarded. These were footpaths, which gave people the right to walk along the edge of the awarded plots of land.

32 Example. Also one other foot road leading from the West end of the Blacksmith Shop Road afsd Southward along the East side of the said town of Goxhill into and over lands herein severally allotted to the said Edward Westoby John Dent Jane Ashby and Elizth Wilmore respectively to an Antient bridge called the Vicar Bridge Standing in the South West corner of an Antient Inclosure of the said William Lawrence to the Town Street of Goxhill Afsd. Another major work was the provision of drains. These were not sewers but were large ditches, which were dug to drain the land. Some were Public Drains but most of them were Private Drains. The Public Drains were to be maintained by the Surveyors of the Roads or the Dyke Reeves. The Private drains were to be maintained by the people though whose land they passed. They were to be “well and sufficiently scoured out and cleansed by the respective proprietors of Lands and Grounds through which the same shall run”. Also “in nowise to hinder the water from passing and draining through the same within twenty days next after notice to him her or them for that purpose given by the Surveyors of the Roads or the Dyke Reeves”.

People who owned or used the land.

A comparison between the ownership and use of the meadow and grazing land before enclosure and the land awarded in the Act is possible. In 1759 Thomas Hardy and Thomas Cavill were the Dyke Reeves and a new bank together with repairs to the existing Humber Bank required a payment to be collected from each of the people with meadow in the East and West marshes the New Closes at 1s. 2d. per Acre and Neatgates in the Neatgangs at 1s. 2d. per Acre. Their record is detailed and (subject to spelling and writing) quite clear, Paid By Owner Meadow Gates £ s d A---r A---r John Smith jnr Hildyard 20---0 0--- ½ 1 4 ½ John Smith son Own 17---0 5---0 1 5 8 John Smith Burman 37---0 6---0 2 10 2 George Green of Barrow 1---0 0---0 0 1 2 John Border Deptford Strand (Trinity) 33---0 6---0 2 5 6 John Border Bennet 7---2 1--- ½ 0 10 6 Richard Kenington Own 3---2 0--- ½ 0 4 8 Mr Markham Gilliott 28---2 1---3 1 15 3 ½ George Hall Gilliott 2---0 1---0 0 3 6 W Gilliott Own 1---1 0---3 0 2 4 John Eaby Markham 40---3 5---0 2 13 4 ½ John Smith Nelson 11---0 2---0 0 15 2 John Smith Own 3---3 1---2 0 6 1 John Smith Rbt CavillOwn 4---1 0---0 0 4 11 ½ Sir Roland Wind 102-1 0---0 5 19 3 ½ John Barkhouse Own 13---2 3---0 0 19 3 ½ Thos Tenby Markham 7---0 0--- ½ 0 8 9 Thos Tenby Own 0---0 1---0 0 1 2 Wm Harrison Own 32---2 5---2 2 4 4 Thos Parker Hildyard 35---2 3---0 2 5 6 Thos Parker Own 1---2 1---0 0 2 11 John Plummer Mores 32---2 7---3 2 6 11 ½ John Plummer Own 5---2 0---0 0 6 1 ½

33 Edward Jackson Harrison 23—2 5---0 1 12 8 Bartell Rowberry Hudson 4---0 0---0 0 4 8 Bartell Rowberry Own 0---3 1---2 0 2 7 Mr Farr Tenant of the King 168-0 0---0 9 16 0 Wm Markham Hildyard 33---0 4---0 2 3 2 Edward Arnold Arnold 2---1 1---2 0 4 4 ½ Thos Bean Parsongd 17---2 3---0 1 3 11 Richard Green Deptford (Trinity) 46---2 11---1 3 7 4 Thos Plummer Own 3---3 0---1 0 4 8 Thos Brown Jackson 10---2 1—0 0 13 5 Wd Parker Hildyard 8---3 0---0 0 10 2 ½ Wd Parker Own 2---0 0---0 0 2 4 Robt England Norison 26---3 4---0 1 16 0 Edwd Eaby Markham 21---2 1---2 1 6 10 Wm Richison Hildyard 10---2 2---0 0 14 7 John Trout Coulson 0---3 0---2 0 1 5 ½ John Trout Hunter 1---0 2---2 0 4 1 Mr Pemperton 30 acre Dale 30---0 0---0 1 15 0 W Stephenson 3---0 1---0 0 4 8 Henry Bean Hildyard 20---0 4---0 1 8 0 Henry Bean Hildyard 34---1 5---2 2 6 4 ½ Thomas Stephenson Markham 18---3 3---2 1 5 8

Mr Pemperton Parsonage 21---0 0---0 1 4 6 61 9 3 ½

Thos Stephenson Own 1---0 ½0---0 0 1 8 ¾ Thos Stephenson Hildyard 7---3 1---0 0 10 2 ½ Rich Green Own 24---2 4---0 1 13 3 Mr Markham oxdales 40---0 0---0 2 6 8 Mr Ostler New Closes 22a 10acres of old meadow 5 acres of 37---0 1---0 2 4 4 John Johnson George Cavill Daubers 4---3 0---0 ½ 0 6 1 ½ George Cavill Own 0---2 0---0 0 0 7 W Nelson Own 8---1 0---2 0 10 2 ½ W Nelson Wjors? 16---3 2---0 1 1 10½ W Nelson Smith 5---2 0---0 0 6 5 W Newton Faulding 35---1 4---2 2 6 4 ½ W Farrow Faulding 18---3 4---0 1 6 6 Thos Cavill Parson Lorn 17---0 2---0 1 2 2 Thos Cavill Parson 5---0 4---0 0 10 6 John Elowhite ? 4---3 0---0 0 5 6 John Elowhite ? 6---0 0---0 0 7 0 John Elowhite Johnson 3---0 0---0 ½ 0 4 1 Roger Norfolk Own 8---3 1---3 0 12 6 ½ John Wiles Nelthorpe 26---2 4---0 1 15 7 John Richison Markham 16---0 2---0 ½ 1 1 7 John Richison ? 4---1½ 0---0 0 5 1 ½ W Mumby Hildyard 32---2 7---0 2 6 1 Wm Richison Own 19---2 0---0 1 2 9 Richard Sheresmith Own 3---0 0---0 0 3 6

34 Mr Hildyard Farm 47---3 12---0 3 9 8 ½ Henry Smith 12---3 3---0 ½ 0 18 11 ½ Charles Marshall for Both 6---0 0---0 0 7 0 Thos Stephenson ? 2---2 0---0 0 2 11 ½ Mr Pelham Ruthan 34---0 0---0 1 19 8 Mr Uppolby Fairburn 15---0 0---0 1 1 0 Mr Crowle of Wootton 18---2 0---0 1 1 7 Robt Bishop Own 4---0 0---0 0 4 8 John Marris Woodman Sir Rowland 6---3 0---0 0 7 10 ½ John Faulding Sir Rowland 4---3 0---0 0 9 6 ½ John Barker Ry Dale Mr Pelham 12---0 0---0 0 14 0 Thos Drewary of Hulsby 1---2 0---0 0 1 9 Jno Birkitt John Slott 9—0 0---0 0 10 6 Jo Barker Own 9---0 0---0 0 10 6 Wm Ranall Markham 6---0 0---0 0 7 0 Edward Green of Barrow David Lyon 3---2 0---0 0 4 1 Wm Coverdale 1—0 0---0 0 1 2 Thos Wels Smith 17---2 1---0 1 1 7 37 5 0

Frank Bedom Towls 9---3 1---0 ½ 0 13 1 ½ Sir Robert Sutton 249-3 32—0 ½ 16 11 9 ½ Thos Fulstow Hildyard 44---0 3---0 2 14 10 Wd Marris own Sheresmith 4---1 2---0 ½ 0 7 10 ½ Wm Wardell Rhodes 0---0 1---0 0 1 2 Wd Hall Own 0---0 1---2 0 1 9 Tho Robinson Newton 0---0 0---2 0 0 7 John Brigs Own 6---2 0---2 0 8 2 Wm Bedom Hildyard 18---0 3---0 1 4 6 Mr Uppolby Parsonage 16---2 3---2 1 3 4 John Chapman ? 2---3 0---0 0 2 3 ½ John Brown Markham 2---0 0---0 0 2 4 W Wilon Melten 9---0 0---0 0 10 6 David Brown Oxford Scholars 6---0 0---0 0 7 0 Tho Marris of Wooton 6---0 0---0 0 7 0 James Fusey 2---3 0---0 0 3 2 ½ Robt Nickeson Own 0---0 0---0 ½ 0 0 7 ½ Elizabeth Hudelston 3---0 0---0 0 3 6 Mathew Wind Egolston 2---1 0---0 0 2 7 ½ Robt Hardy of Barrow 1-1 ½ 0---0 0 1 7 Wm Watson Thos Wyre Own 3---1 0---0 0 3 9 ½ Robt Sleight 0-1 ½ 0---0 0 0 5 ¼ Wd Fulstow Own 2---2 0---0 0 2 11 Jno Trout Melton Medow 8---0 0---0 0 9 4 Robt England Harrison 6---0 1---2 0 8 9 Rich Trout Thos Wyre Own 11---0 2---0 0 15 2 Rich Trout Lawrence 4---2 1---0 0 6 5 Thos Barton Gooseman 0-1 ½ 0---0 0 0 5 ¼ Thos Cavill Own 32—0 2---0 ½ 2 0 3 Mr Lawrence Tho Cavill 24---0 3---0 ½ 1 12 1 Drewary Hutchinson Hildyard 0---0 2---0 0 2 4 Tho Phimon Daubekin 4---1 0---0 0 4 11 ½

35 Thos Hardy Own 60—1 10—0 ¼ 4 2 3 Mr Hyldyard od Medow 10---3 0---0 0 12 6 ¾ Mark Goodman Sior bour ? 4---0 0---0 0 4 8 George Claton 0---0 0---3 0 0 10 ½ Robt Wilkin of Barrow 1---0 0---0 0 1 2 Thos Brown of Kerington 1---0 0---0 0 1 2 W Pots Trinity 4---0 James Luty Trinity 2---2 Medow in all 2011 73-2 36 15 3 ½ 37 5 0 61 9 3 ¼ Received for medow at one shilling and two pence per acre 135 9 7 And Nete gates at 1s. 2d. Nete gates A r 105 3 61 3 73 2 241 0

In the following year a further assessment was required. June 10 day 1760 Tethering Ground collected by Thos Cavill and Thos Hardy for 1759 at six pence per Acre as followeth for repairing the Humber Bank. In Langley ye Inside Dyke and Totney. A R s. d. Thos Cavill junior 3 2) 2 7 ½ Penyton Cavill 1 3) Bartol Rowberry 3 2 1 9 Thos Wyre Own 2 1) W Nelson Norrison 6 0) 4 1 ½ John Smith for Briggs 8 1 4 1 ½ John Smith Own 3 2 1 9 John Border Farm 3 3 1 10 ½ John Wiles Farm 7 0 3 6 W Gillott Kenington 4 2) And Hals 2 2) 3 6 Thos Tenby Markham 1 2 0 9 Mr Hyldyard for 14 2 7 3 Henry Smith 0 2 0 3 John Smith Milner 1 0 0 6 Thos Fulstow Farm 10 1 5 1 ½ Rich Green Junior 11 1 5 7 ½ W Mumby 2 3 1 4 ½ David Brown 0 3 0 4 ½ William Richison Hildyard 6 0 3 0 Wm Farrow Faulding 1 2 0 9 Frank Bedom Towls 4 2 2 3 Thos Wels 1 0 0 6 John Trout Coulson 1 2 0 9 Sir Rolland Wind 5 2 2 9 John Gilliott 2 2 1 3 Wm Harrison 2 0 1 0 Wm Newton Faulding 14 0 7 0 Jno Richison Markham 9 2 4 9

36 John Eaby Markham 12 0 6 0 Thos Brown Jackson 1 3 0 10 ½ Wm Markham 2 3 1 4 ½ Phillip Plummer 3 1 1 7 ½ Thos Bean Crowle 2 0 1 0 John Brigs Own 3 3 1 10 ½ Edw Jackson 5 1 2 7 ½ Thos Robinson 0 3 0 4 ½ John Richison 1 1 ½ 0 8 ¼ Henry Bean 1 0 0 6 Thos Stephenson Markham 1 1 0 7 ½ Rich Trout Lawrence 6 0 3 0 John Johnson Hildyard 0 1 0 1 ½ John Green 2 0 1 0 Wm Richison 1 0 0 6 Thos Plummer Own 1 0 0 6 Thos Hardy Own 13 1 6 7 ½ Thos Cavill Own 14 0 7 0 Thos Cavill Lawrence 3 0 1 6 John Backhouse 1 0 0 6 Duke Green 0 1 0 1 ½ £5 6 9 ¾

The involvement of so many people in the village with the meadow and pasture land can be seen from this list. It is important to remember that this is only a record of the marshes and meadow. Small private areas of grazing in the village, which were already enclosed are not involved in the payment and are not listed. The Quarter fields are also not involved and people with arable land who did not have rights of common in the meadow and marsh do not appear. The fact that so many names appear several times either as tenants or owners shows the complicated network of agreements that existed.

It was quite easy to understand that people who “owned” land in the common fields would receive an award of similar size under the act but what of those people who were copyholders or leaseholders? The Act was quite specific. Let it therefore be enacted that all such of the said Owners as are Copyhold or Leasehold tenants of any Manor or Manors within the said Parish shall continue and be Copyhold Tenants thereof for land of equal value for which they now stand admitted, or are entitled unto, or as near the same as can be adjudged and determined by the said commissioners. Such land shall be held under the same Rents, Fines and Services as are now due and payable for their present Copyhold and Leasehold lands. The said commissioners shall by their Award determine describe and abut such a particular Part of the Lands to be divided by them and allotted by them as aforesaid to each of the respective owners as are from henceforth to be and remain Copyhold and Leasehold. (Equal value quantity and quality etc.) The persons to whom such land shall be allotted shall within the Space of Three Calendar Months after the execution of the said Award be admitted tenants to the same Lands without paying any fine to the Lord or Lords of the said Manor or Manors or his or their Steward or Stewards for the same. But after such First Admission the said lands shall be at all times held under and subject to such Uses, Tenures, Fines and other payments as the present Copyhold Lands…. All other parts of the said Lands and Grounds directed to be enclosed as aforesaid (except what shall be so ascertained by

37 the said Commissioners to be Copyhold or Leasehold as herein after mentioned) shall be from henceforth deemed taken and enjoyed as Freehold Land subject nevertheless to such free Rents and Services as are now payable or be performed out of or in respect of the said respective lands for which they so shall or may have been exchanged.

A list of the people who received awards under the Act of Inclosure.

The figures following the names show the total amount of land allotted to that person in Acres - Roods – Perches. Most of the larger areas are made up of several smaller awards. In this list the names of those people who appear in the previous lists as owners of rights of common in the meadow and pasture are underlined. The Inclosure came twenty-five years after the assessment for the Humber Bank so that some people will have died and ownership will have changed, Christian names have been ignored and surnames only have been recognised. Some people owned rights in the Quarter Fields but had no grazing rights. The Crown 224 – 0 - 36 Thos Faulding 102 – 0 - 37 Sir R Sutton 298 – 1 - 1 Thos Stephenson 9 – 2 - 9 Miss Hannah Hildyard 146 – 3 – 13 Rich Walker 4 – 2 - 36 Samuel Arnold & Richard Shepherd 13 – 1 - 24 Masters & Fellows of Winchester College 9 – 0 - 36 Anne Richardson & Catherine Marris 7 – 3 - 21 Ann Richardson & Geo Marris 6 – 1 - 31 Thos Parker 7 – 3 - 34 Charles & William Marris 13 – 2 - 03 Robert England 2 – 0 - 0 The Corporation of Trinity House of Deptford Strand 260 – 0 - 35 William Fussey 40 – 1 – 2 Thos Hardy 131 – 3 – 3 J C Crowle 737 –2 – 5 William Hildyard 365 – 1 - 2 Thos Plummer 16 – 1 - 15 W Markham 333 – 0 - 27 John Stagg 172 – 2 - 4 Smith & Ogle 7 – 0 - 23 Wm Lawrence 102 – 2 - 33 CA Pelham Esq 42 – 0 - 3 John Bennet 103 – 1 – 09 Anne Richardson 0 – 0 - 07 Elizabeth Marris 37 – 1 - 20 Wm Swallow 3 – 1 - 22 Benjamin Berridge 13-2-0 John Wilson 3 – 1 - 29 Wm Keeling 50 – 0 - 0 Rbt Wilkins 8 – 0 – 3 John Martin 12 – 3 - 21 John Eddoms 10 – 2 - 05 R Nelson 15 – 2 - 20 The Vicar 113 – 2 – 2 Thos Cavill 129 – 1 – 23 Robert Cavill 22 – 0 - 23 George Cavill 03 – 3 - 37 Wm Smith 55 – 2 - 6 John Smith 13 – 2 - 7 Robert Obbison 2 – 3 - 26 Wm Allcock 7 – 0 – 32 John Scarborough 26 – 1 - 25 John Harrison 17 – 3 - 19 Thos Harrison 25 – 1 - 15 Widow Harrison 12 –0- 29 Rich Coulson 9 – 1 - 16 Rev Palmer 8 – 3 – 38Young 0 – 2 – 7 Drewry 0 – 3 - 14 Rob Clayton 6 – 1 - 21 Luke Robinson (Heirs) 1 – 3 - 36 John Richardson 6 – 0 - 18 J Westoby 10 – 2 - 38 Mary Widow of Geo Lyell 20 – 2 - 14 John Mills 1 – 3 - 20 John Chapman 14 – 3 – 26 J Rowberry 16 – 3 - 20 Sam Woodall 28 – 1 - 5 Wm Burwell 24 – 3 - 21 Rob Perry 28 – 2 - 33 Wm Canty 4 – 0 - 06 Geo Ransom 4 – 1 - 23 Jane Ashley 3 – 2 - 16Elizabeth Wilmore 3 – 3 - 6

38 John Dent 3 – 3 – 1 Eliabeth Teanby 4 – 3 - 0 Edward Westoby 4 – 1 - 33 Abraham Ashley 4 – 0 - 08 Wm Chapman 4 – 0 - 09 Joseph Chapman 4 – 0-10 John Whitehead 4 – 0 - 6 Roger Norfolk 20 – 2 - 06 Thos Burman 94 – 3 – 2 Sir Rowland Winn 71 – 1 – 18 Vicar of Thornton 2 – 2 - 7 Thos Marris 48 – 0 - 33 T Fulstow 17 – 0 - 30 Isabell Fulstow 3 – 0 - 38 R Border 24 – 3 – 21 J Nelson 60 – 0 - 5 T Wyer 66 – 1 - 16 R Green 15 – 3 – 06 Sam Woodhall 1 J Gilliat 13 – 2 - 21 G Mills 17 – 0 - 39 C Trower 8 – 0 - 39 G Parker 2 – 2 - 36 Wm Stephenson 8 – 0 - 2 J Plummer 13 – 1 - 24 Rob Sleight 7 – 2 – 18 Charles Marris 5 – 1 - 07 R Newton 3 – 3 - 05 J Luty 8 – 0 - 27 Wm Sergeant 27 – 1 - 21 Thos Bell 10 – 3 - 08 Jane Johnson 3 – 8 – 33 Benj Berridge 13 – 2 - 00 John Sherwood 4 – 0 - 8 Wm Hardy 2 – 3 - 13 Orby Winter (Heirs) 4 – 0 - 7 Robert Gooseman 8 – 2 - 37 Chas Marshall 22 – 0 - 33 Geo Arnold 13 – 2 - 10 Thos Watson Jnr 6 – 1 – 8 Thos Watson Sen 3 – 2 - 3 J Button 3 – 3 - 20 Francis Beedham 14 – 1 – 30 Christian Day 6 – 1 - 15 Alexander Hubbert 1 – 1 - 03 Thos Rhodes 24 – 2 – 22 Geo Uppleby Esq 102 – 0 - 25 Richard Shearsmith 6 – 3 - 2 Henry Mumby 0 – 0 - 20 Raby (widow) 0 – 2 - 24 John Frow 3 – 0 - 00 Robert Thompson 3 – 0 – 1 Wills (widow) 0 – 0 - 11 William Alcock 7 – 0 – 32 Paul Border 6 – 2 - 23 William Gilliat 4 – 2 – 10 W Keeling & J Martin 66 – 2 – 32 John Garthwaite 2 – 2 – 14 John Jobson 1 – 1 – 7 John Hickenbotham 0 – 2 – 38 Jane Holmes 0 – 0 – 34 John Pickill 0 – 1 – 1 William Arnold 0 – 0 – 25 Ann Smith 0 – 0 – 13 Thomas Stothard 0 – 0 – 26 John Brown 0 – 1 – 28 Allison Arbut 0 – 0 – 25 Thomas Robinson 0 – 1 – 34 Alice Beedham 0 – 0 - 23 Thos Hardy Labourer 0 – 2 – 25 The Poor of Goxhill 2 – 3 – 8

Most of the small awards simply confirm the ownership of the homes and gardens of the people named.

The actual work of enclosing the land awarded and of planting the hedges, making fences and building the roads and drains provided employment for all that were able. The normal work of the farmers had to carry on. The Act made specific provision for this, Every and any part thereof shall be stocked with such Cattle and cropped and sown with such sorts of Corn and Grain …. by the owners or occupiers. All things be kept ordered and continue in such course of husbandry. No Pasture or Meadow was to be ploughed or broken up or converted into tillage.

The records of corn sales by Thomas Hardy show considerable variation between good and bad years and it would be unwise to attribute all of the blame for his rather low figures for 1774 to the problems arising from the enclosure. There were during the eighteenth century many bad years when crops were unsuccessful and during

39 these times diseases of sheep and cattle caused great hardship both nationally and locally. Any deficiency that may have arisen from the disruption caused by the act was soon overcome and the increasing productivity of the farms was quickly evident. Arthur Young in his General View of the Agriculture of the County of Lincolnshire in 1813 wrote the following. By the acts for enclosing Barton, Barrow, and Goxhill, no less than 17,000 acres are rendered productive, to the infinite advantage of the community.

The village after enclosure

It is almost impossible to determine the date at which Joseph Hardy began to keep the memorandum book. It may be possible that both Thomas and Joseph were writing notes at the same time. In 1788 Joseph signed the receipt of the payment of rent from Mrs Farr. In that same year a less welcome note appears November 25Th William Sleight to father 8d. per week and on the 7th January until the 8th of March of the following year Miles Roberts was paid 8d per week For Father. It seems probable that Thomas needed daily assistance and this was provided by the shepherds who had watched his sheep. The payments, which were mainly made to William, continued. William Sleight’s family lived in the next house to Thomas Hardy. Thomas died in 1793.

There is from this time a change in the notes. The farm economy was still built around the growing of corn and sheep and the sale of horses and cattle but although these items continued apples, potatoes, butter, and meat joined them on the list of goods sold to local people. Joseph sold his animals to the butcher and bought his meat from him. He also sold meat, or paid for meat and other goods for which he was paid when he “reckoned” with the people who worked for him. Other materials were also bought and sold such as bricks tiles and wood but these with the exception of posts and rails for fencing were probably surplus to his requirements.

Joseph records sums of money that suggest that there were other sources of income besides that from farming. His first record of money deposited with a bank is with the Custom House Bank of Hull in 1789. In 1790 he made a further deposit. In 1791 He Lodged £200 with the North Lincolnshire Bank at Barton. He also lent money to pay interest at the rate of four pounds and five shillings per cent. Smaller sums seemed to attract more interest as the rate increased to five percent. Interest was only charged on formal loans and mortgages. Credit in trade was quite extensive and often when the sums owing to both parties were offset very little cash was involved.

There are records of many large loans and mortgages that were made by Joseph. In October 11th day 1762 Thomas had Lent to Mr Davey upon the Waterside at Barton and upon the estate at Stockwith One Hundred and Sixty Pounds at four pounds per hundred by ye year. In 1799 Joseph made a note that, One third part of 2 houses at Stockwith and land at 2 commons let for £15 3s 6d per year one third of this to me. Thomas Standing £13 4s 0d Rent John Fillingham £1 19s 6d rent. There is a record of the receipt of interest payments from Mr Davey and it was quite usual for the interest only to be paid on a mortgage so that the ownership of the property reverted to the person or persons who had provided the money. It is evident that Thomas was involved with others.

An unusual item occurs in 1789 for which there is no explanation, Joseph made a monthly payment of four shillings to Elizabeth Robinson for which he was

40 reimbursed from time to time by Mr Harness. The last payment recorded was in 1795. In none of these records is there any note of payment to Joseph for his services and there is also no recompense for the money which was outstanding over a long period. No indication is given that Joseph acted as a village appointee in this.

National Taxation.

Two types of tax are recorded in the notes these are Window Tax and Land Tax Window tax was first levied in 1696 and was a tax on all windows in all houses. The Hardys record the payment of Window Tax both for themselves and as part of their reckoning with their workers and tenants. In some houses existing windows were blocked up and the glass removed to avoid payment. The Window Tax was repealed in 1851.

Land Tax was levied upon owners and those who earned income from the land. It began in 1692. Movable property was included until 1833. People could choose to pay a lump sum equivalent to a number of years tax to redeem their obligation rather than paying annually. Redemption was made compulsory in 1949 and the tax was abolished in 1963. In 17 80 Land Tax is recorded at 4s. in the pound one half year £2 9s 6d. The half-year window tax was 5s. 8d. On the 21st. day of October 1799 Joseph paid to Mr Clark £149 3s 5d for the redemption of the Land Tax.

The Tradesmen.

1756 John Brown Bill For Thos Brown mending Horse Standing 2d. John Brown 1 day making Plow 1s 0d. For his son 1 day 1s 0d. For two Yorks Boreing 6d. For ye Holm Making 8d. For ye Wagons Mending and for ???

1757 John Brown Bill Mending Muck cart body 2d Mending Wagon body 3d. Orchard Gate 3d. One Rake Heading 3d. Two Rake Heading 6d. For one day 1s 0d. For a tree felling 3d. For a tub making 11s 6d. For his son one day mending Cratch 1s 0d. 1 day making ye Wagon ? 1s 0d. 2 days mending Holm end 2s 0d. For Scales mending 4d. Received ye contents of this Bill by me Jno Brown. 1762 Iron of both the ploughs weight to Rob Young is 57 pounds 1769 Bought of Mr Robins 7 Oak trees for £3 1770 Bought of Wm Swallow 8 Ash trees for £1 5s 0d 1770 James Smith bills May Day 1770 June 3 paid his bill 9s 8 ¼ d. July 3 pd his bill 7s 9d.

41 August pd his bill 19s 6d. Sept 2 pd his bill 5s 4d. Nov 8 pd his bill 17s 0d. 1772 Blacksmith work let to James Smith for £3 10s 0d a year for four years from May day 1772 1776 October 23 balanced with Robert Young for Land and Blacksmith work and he has received £4 12s 6d. 1777 Reckoned with Rob Young for Blacksmith work and corn that he had got and there is due to me two pounds twelve shillings and five pence half penny. 1784 Michilmas Last 1784 an Agreement made with Thos Brown Blacksmith for to shoe six horses and keep 2 plows in repair & 2 pair of harrows and all things belonging thereto and to find new shares for £1 18s total per year. 1787 Old Michelmas 1787 Agreed with Thomas Brown to shoe 6 horses and to keep 2 plows and 2 harrows in repair and new shares for £2 2s 0d per year. An undated entry probably 1794 records both the sale and purchase of Iron. James Smith Debtor to me for 2 stone of Iron 4s 0d for 18lbs of Iron 1s 6d. Debtor to James Smith for 19 Stone 0lbs of iron £4 8s 8d for 24 Stone 12 lbs. Wt. £5 0s 0d It would appear that scrap iron was sold and worked iron was bought. 1796 January 7 Agreement made with Robert Young to shoe 5 Horses 2 plows 2 pare harrow and Horstrees in repair for £2 6s 0d a year. 1797 January 7 Robt Young for sest ? Work £2 8s 0d.

In 1789 Joseph Hardy records buying meat from David Lyon to whom he sold Sheep. Thomas sold sheep and bought meat from Wm Goy. Although there are earlier notes of the sale of single animals it is only when various sorts of meat are bought from the same person that it is probable that he was a butcher. Andrew Border also bought animals and sold meat his purchases later became larger and he bought in greater numbers. William Goldthorpe also supplied meat and bought animals so that there must have been a need to buy from each of them.

There were probably no real bakers in the village as bread was baked at home. The regular records of the sale of small quantities of Wheat, Wheat and Rye, and Barley to local people suggest that they bought grain and carried it to be milled themselves. Bread was baked in Brick ovens which were heated with Thorn or Furze Kids which were bundles of thorn or furze tied with a split green stick. When two or three kids had burned the ash was swept from the oven and the loaves were put in to bake and the oven was sealed. George Arnold was the copyhold owner of the North and South windmills. The South mill tower stands in Barrow Road and the North Mill was in the Mill Field behind the houses opposite the end of Willow lane. There was another Post Mill in a yard behind the buildings at the corner of Howe Lane and Church Lane. Although there is no note of a Candle Stick maker the sale of fat in fairly large quantities suggests that candles or rush lights were made. John Alvin and Wm Sleight both purchased fat and tallow.

Joseph bought Hops from Samuel Woodhall usually in quantities of 2 to 2 ½ lbs. Hops could be found growing in a hedgerow in Goxhill at the beginning of the twenty first-century and were probably grown locally. Widow Houron was paid 8s 9d for wool spinning. In 1799 Wm Righton was paid £1 1s 0d. towards Building. Later on October19th he was paid £3 4s 6d and £1 0s 0d. A carpenter is mentioned (carpinder) but no money is recorded only time. ½ day 1 day 1day Lad ½ day 9 clock 1 day 3hrs 1 day ½ day at

42 Shelbus ½ day at ? 1 day. Possibly Joseph wanted more regular attendance. There is a note Debtor to me for a plank, three lengths but no other dimensions are given at 2 ½ pence per foot. There is no indication of the nature or location of the building that was being built. In May of the following year Joseph sold 300 bricks to Mr Milnes Cook the price was one shilling per hundred and 1s 1d was charged for delivery. Thomas Watson the elder was a Draper and Thomas Stothard was a Cordwainer (Boot and Shoe Maker)

Sheep grazing in the Marshes at Goxhill.

Only a small number of sheep are to be found in Goxhill now but for many years sheep were an important part of the economy of the village. In the thirteenth century there was a Sheepfold for 300 sheep. It belonged to the Convent and Priory of Bridlington. Sheep were kept on the common land but enclosures were needed in to which the sheep could be penned for shearing and marking etc. These areas were enclosed with walls in other parts of the country where rocks and stones were available but here in the marsh where there are no suitable building materials Hedges Ditches and Hurdles would have been used. The map of the Award of land for the Act of Inclosure in 1775 shows ten existing (Antient) inclosures. These were owned privately and were not part of the common land they were about one or two acres in size. Some of these enclosed places appear on the map as islands surrounded by water. This is because deep ditches or land drains surrounded them. There may also have been buildings for shepherds to live in. Other uses for these enclosures may have involved cattle or horses.

Because the marshes were common land it was not easy to regulate the grazing and husbandry. We know that grass was cut to make hay. Each year there is a record of the area of meadow in the East and West marsh that was mown and of the payment made for the work. Clearly the sheep would need to have been kept out of the area to be cut for hay. There were probably conflicts of interest and disputes. A record of an agreement in 1755 from the notes of Thomas Hardy contains much interesting information. And helps us to assess the number of sheep that there were grazing in the marshes.

Whereas we whose names are hereunto Subscribed being ye principal inhabitants and farmers of Lands and Tenants lying in Goxhill in ye County of Lincoln have Agreed that ye East Marsh & West Marsh Lying in Goxhill Aforesaid Shall not be Stocked with Sheep until ye tenth day of October Next Ensuing that If Any person or persons put any Sheep into Ether of The Said Marshes before ye Said Day or time that ye Common Pinder do impound ye Same Sheep and that In Any Case any Action or Actions Suit or Suits shall be commenced and Procecuted by ye Owners or Owners of Such Sheep Against ye Common Pinder or Any Other person or persons for impounding ye Same Sheep We do Hereby Agree that Wm. Hyldyard of Great Grimsby in ye said County Aforesaid Attorney att Law Shall and do Defend them and Every Of them Agains Such Action or Actions Suit or Suits and we do hereby for our Own Selves our Excutors and Adminisrors and Assignes do promise and Agree to pay him ye Said Wm. Hyldyard his Just fees for Defending and Soliciting such Action or Actions Suit or Suits and All Such Sums of Money as he Shall or May Lay out and Disburse In ye Management of ye said Bussiness the Charges And Expenses Occasioned by such Suit or Suits Acction or Actions to be payd by us in Eaquall proportion & for According to Our Rents of Land and tenements in Goxhill AforeSaid

43 Wittness our hands the Seventh day of August in ye year of Our Lord One thousand Seven hundred and fifty five ______Tho Cavill Jno Sherewood Wm Gylliott Tho Hardy Tho Brown Jno Eaby Rich Green Jno Smith Robt England jnr Ed Eaby Henry Bean Jno Border Ed Arnold Jno Chapman Tho Bean Rich Trout Robt England Snr Jno Laysy Francis Faulding Jno Richardson Ant Wardell Jno Bas Wm Harrison Roger Norfolk Jno Mumby Jno Tr has ? out Jno Smith Wm Markham Jno Wiles Thos Tenby Jno Border Wm Bedom Geor Smith

No reason is given for not stocking the marshes with sheep before the tenth day of October. The fact that this date is just before the time at which the Tup was introduced to the Ewes may have some bearing upon it. Another factor which may have been involved was the adoption of the Gregorian Calendar which had occurred in 1752 and which had removed 11 days from September of that year. This caused considerable confusion and was an excellent excuse for breaking old conventions and customs. Even thirty years later there were still references to “Old Candlemas” as a date and the customary date for stocking the marsh could be interpreted according to the old or new calendar.

It is however quite clear that some very compelling circumstance must have existed to cause the making of this agreement which seems to carry with it the prospect of dissent and has the promise of the expenditure of a large sum of money. 31 people signed and were presumably interested in grazing sheep in the marsh. There must have been others who were the cause of this precaution in case of legal action who were also entitled to use the grazing for their sheep. (More than 120 names are awarded allotments at the Inclosure.) It is reasonable to suggest that at least 40 and probably many more people had some interest in grazing sheep.

From Thomas Hardy’s records we see that in June 1755 he had 146 sheep and lambs. It is probable that Thos Cavill and several others had a similar number and if the rest had no more than 10 or 20 sheep each then the total number of sheep in the Marshes would be two or more thousand.

Sheep. 1753 – 1800 The references to sheep etc. in the note book kept by Thomas and Joseph Hardy Notes. Ewe A female sheep Tup a male sheep Hog a sheep up to one-year-old, which has not been Clipped (He Hog & She Hog) Whether a castrated male sheep Clipped or cliped Clyped is Sheared A Shearling is a sheep that has been sheared only once A Tod of wool weighs 28lbs. To Jist or Gist. Sheep placed on turnips or pasture belonging to another farmer to whom a weekly payment is made for their upkeep.

1753 February 1 Marked Six score and ? Old sheep June 16 Cliped five score and thirteen old sheep 113 And forty two lambs 42

44 155 Tythe to pay for old sheep is five score sheep at 2d 16s 8d And four lambs at 3s 0d 12s 0d 1754 June 27 Cliped five score and seven old sheep 107 And thirty lambs ‘ 30 137 1755 January 12 Marked six score and eight sheep 128 June 28 Cliped five score and eight old sheep 108 And thirty eight lambs 38 146 Sold sixteen ewes and lambs 16 6 Couple to Mr Sanderson @ 8s 3d £2 9s 6d 10 couple to Mr Layth @ 9s 0d £4 10s 0d Killed off lamb 17 33 179 July 9 Sold to Mr Host Nine Tod and 12 Pounds of Wool (264lbs.) 1756 June 28 Cliped four score and nineteen old sheep 99 And thirty seven lambs 37 Tythe to pay for old sheep is 103 and 5 lambs 134 ? Mr Joseph Layth 10 couple ewes and lambs 7s 9d £3 16s 0d Mr George Day 8 Wethers £2 12s 0d August 27 Sold to Wm Smith of Barrow Nine Tod & 1 Stone of wool 266lbs. At 13s 6d. Per Tod 1757 June 4 Cliped two score and twelve old sheep 52 And Twenty four lambs 24 Tythe to pay for old sheep is 46 and two lambs 76 Richard Chapman 3 Wethers £1 13s 0d December 14 Marked 36 old sheep 36 out of ye field and 22 lambs 22 Marked 5 Wethers 5 63 1758 June 22 Cliped fifty four old sheep 54 and 21 lambs 21 75 6 Wethers Jno Foy £3 12s 0d 1759 June 29 Clipped sixty two old sheep 62

And Twenty Nine Lambs 29 90 Sold to Mr Jno Born 5 Tod 22lbs of Wool at 17s 9p Tod £5 2s 8d December 8 Marked Three score and 15 sheep 75 1760 June 29 Clipped 86 old sheep and 35 lambs 86 + 35 121 8 wethers to Jo Sibory £4 8s 0d Sold to Wm Starkey 7 Tod and 27lbs of wool at 14s Tod £5 11s 0d

45 1761 June 26 Clipped four score and fourteen old sheep 94 And 34 lambs 34 128 Sold to Wm Starkey 17 stone of wool £5 2s 0d 1762 June 21 Clipped 79 old sheep 79 And fourteen lambs 14 93 1763 Clipped 73 old sheep 73 And 29 lambs 29 102 21 Sheep sold to Jo Sibory for £5 0s 0d 1764 Clipped 58 old sheep 58 And 25 lambs 25 83 1765 November 19 Marked 114 sheep 114 Wanted more 6 119 ? July Sheep Dyed 06 139 ? July 28 Clipped 94 old sheep 74 And 51 lambs 51 125 1766 June 12 Clipped 132 old sheep 132 And 49 lambs 49 181 30 Sheep sold to Mr Sanderson for £24 15s 0d November 29 Marked 146 sheep 146 Sheep dyed and killed 1 sheep sales 4 1767 June 22 Clipped 186 old sheep 186 And 61 Lambs 61 247 18 Ewes sold at Castor for £4 10s 0d 1768 January 6 Marked 211 sheep 211 His Note Clipped 247 Marked 211 36 June 22 Clipped 202 old sheep 202 And 49 Lambs 49 251 40 Wethers sold to Mr Jo Green at 14s 3d £28 10s 0d 10 Wethers sold at Caister fair at 11s 3d £5 12s 6d 1769 June 22 Clipped 84 sheep 84 And 15 lambs 15

46 99 8 Wethers sold to Mr Steed for £5 8s 0d July 23 Sold to Mr Starkey 9 Tod of wool at 13s 9d per Tod £6 3s 9d 1770 January 10 Marked 72 Sheep 72 June 21 Clipped 91 old sheep 91 And 16 lambs 16 107 32 Wethers sold to Mr Hanfold £24 0s 0d 1771 January 12 Marked 68 Sheep 68 11 Wethers sold to Mr Wilks for £ 6 0s 0d 1772 Clipped 41 sheep 41 And 17 lambs 17 58 16 couple of Ewe Lambs sold to Mr Jno Chapman @ 12s £9 12s 16 Og Lambs @ 9s £7 4s 2 couple of Ewes and lambs to Enoch ? for £2 9s 0d 4 wethers to Mr Hansfold for £2 10s 0d 1773 16 couple of Ewes and Lambs and 15 Og lambs J Chapman£16 16s 0d 13 sheep sold to Mr Hanford for £9 9s 0d

1774 – 1782 No record 1783 ? Wm Farr 5 Tod 1 Stone ½ of Wool @ 14s per Tod £4 0s 6d 10 lambs at 9s a piece £4 10s 0d Wool Spinning 6s 10d

1785 June 23 Mr Wm Farr 8 Tod 27lbs Wool Paid for cloth bleachin 1786 Isabell Watson 3lb of Wool 1s 9d 1787 8 Tod of Wool at 18s 6d per Tod £7 8s 0d 1788 Wm Golthorp 5 Sheep @ £1 2s 0d £5 10s od Saml Woodall a sheep wyed (weighed) 3st 5lb £1 3s 10 ¾ d Suit (Suet) 3lbs 1s 0d Old sheep 28 Ogs17 and 12 lambs 87 Saml Woodall 8 Tod ½ of wool £7 13s 0d 1789 Mr Preston 18 Tod Wool @ 18s per Tod £16 4s 0d Old ewes tupt 30 He hogs 19 Shearlin 2 She hogs 18 70 1790 Wm Golthorp 4 sheep £4 16s 0d Old ews Clipped 30 he hogs19 she hogs 18 1tup 1 shearlin 62 He Lambs 22 she lambs14 44 44 ewes put to Tup

47 Nov 30 20 he hogs at Mr Swallows @ 2 ½ p per neck Later note. 15 weeks and 4 days 20 Oogs 2 ½ a piece is 4s 2d per week 15 weeks £3 2s 6d 1791 Lambs 22 he 27 she John Benton look after sheep April 26 2 June Clipped 21 Fat sheep 41 Ewes 22 he Ogs 4 She Ogs 1 Tup 89 Lambs 53 Ewes Tupt 42 E Hogs 26 S Hogs 26 Shearlings 22 Tup 1 117 Lambs 66 Mr Allcock 32 Tod of Wool @ 19s per Tod £30 8s 0d Mr Goldthorp 20 sheep and a lamb £30 10s 0d John Nelson 10 she Hogs £12 10s 0d 1792 Clipped 22 Wethers 41 Ewes 12 She Hogs 24 He Hogs 1 Tup 100 Lambs 39 Hes 18 shes 57 Mr Halcroft 35 Tod 5lbs of Wool @ £1 1s 0d per Tod £35 18s 6d John Chapman £1 9 s 6d £38 8s 0d 22 Wethers to Thos Barton at £1 10s 0d £32 0s 0d 16 Hogs to Mr Sutton £17 12s 0d 8 Lambs to Mat Foy at 12s 6d £5 0s 0d 20 Hogs to Wm Gray ‘ £14 10s 0d 3 Ewes to Mr Wilkinson £2 14s 0d Wm Goldthorp 15 sheep @14s 1 sheep at 10s £11 0s 0d Andrew Border 19 sheep @ 10s 6d £14 14s 6d Andrew Border 19 Shearlings @ £1 3s each £21 7s 0d Miles Roberts to look after sheep from 19 May @ 4 d per week Paid Miles Roberts 3s 6d

1793 Bought of Mr Bains 20 Ewes at 15s 0d each £15 0s 0d Andrew Border 18 Wethers at £1 10s 0d each £27 10s 0d A cutting box £47 £94 10s 0d Mr Alcroft 16 Tod of Wool at 18 per Tod £14 8s 0d Tup put to Ews New St Luke day (Oct 18) October 23 Miles Roberts to look at Sheep 13 weeks 6d 1794 Clipped 25 Old Sheep Ewes 25 Shearlings and Ewes fat 26 Lambs 34 Mr Alcock Dr to me for 15 ½ Tod of Wool Andrew Border 24 Sheep at £1 4s 0d £28 16s 0d Tup to Ewes 23 Oct Sheep Miles Roberts to Dec 9th 5 weeks Mr Alcock 3 lamb skins and 1 ewe skin 4s 6d

48 1796 12 May Old Ewes 24 Hogs 30 Shearlings 18 Lambs 32 104 Clipped Ewes 23 2 shear 18 sold shearling 20 lambs 32 114 Lambs 12

July 11 !8 Wethers sold to Mr Abby @ £2 5s 0d each £41 5s 0d ? Nov 25 Paid Miles Roberts for ½ year Shepardin £1 0s 0d 1797 Clipped 35 Wethers and ewes sold 4 37 Ewes 44 Hogs 48 lambs Hes 28 Shes 16 Mr Goldthorp 4 Whethers £9 16s 0d Mr Spence 31 Wethers £66 4s 0d Nov24 Paid Miles Roberts for ½ year Shepardin £1 10s 0d Oct 21 Dr to Mr Farr for a Tup 50 Ewes tupin at 1s a piece £2 10s 0d 1798 May 12 Paid Miles Roberts for ½ year Shepardin £1 10s 0d Wm Goldthorp 11 ewes £10 10s 0d 30 Wethers Mr Spence £51 0s 0d Oct 24 Tup Put to Ewes Oct 31 20 Hogs at John Henintons to Jist at 3 ½ d per week Nov 22 Paid miles Roberts for half a year Shepardin £1 10s 0d 1799 Ewes Tupt 60 Shearlings 24 He Hogs 22 She Hogs 42 148 August 23 Paid Miles Roberts for 1 Qr year Shepardin 15s 0d 10 couple of ewes and lamb to Mr Popple £16 0s 0d September Wm Goldthorp 24 Wethers at £2 0s 0d each £48 21 Ewes to Mr Wilkin £14 8s 0d November 28th 20 Hogs to Jist at 5d per week December 19th Back again January 8th To turnips again 1800 August 20 Paid to Miles Roberts 10s 0d towards Shepardin 32 ½ Tod of wool @£1 2s 3d £36 3s 0d

Whilst the number of sheep varied a little from year to year the overall size of the flock was fairly constant. There is however a sudden rise in the quantity of wool sold beginning in the year 1789 which is not supported by an increase in the number of sheep kept. From then on it is probable that Joseph Hardy was selling his own wool together with wool grown by others possibly to obtain a better price for the larger quantity.

In 1672 an act was passed prohibiting the export of wool. A large amount of smuggling took place and in 1785 90 tons of wool were put on to a ship at Goxhill Haven for export to Dunkirk. The act prohibiting export was repealed in 1825. (Vessels arriving to collect wool often brought spirits and tobacco into the country. It is said that New Holland obtained the name because of the large amount of Dutch gin that was smuggled in to the creek there.)

Throughout the 18th century the breeding of sheep improved the quality of wool and meat produced. Prices for wool were however very unstable and fluctuated wildly. In

49 1728 foot rot reduced the number of sheep and the price of wool rose to 30 shillings per tod. In 1782 the price was only 11 shillings per tod and there were 250,000 tod unsold in the country

Arthur Young General view of Agriculture p314 Five Year Averages of Prices per Tod of Long Wool received by a Lincolnshire Grower 1718-1742.Mr Parcival Teale a considerable Grazier of Immingham in Lindsey. YEAR PRICE per TOD 1718 – 22 20s – 7d 1723 – 27 16s – 3d 1728 – 32 18s – 5d 1733 – 37 15s – 4d 1738 – 42 13s – 11d

Five Year Averages of Prices per Tod of Long Wool received by a Lincolnshire Grower 1758 – 62 18s – 5d 1763 – 67 19s – 5d 1768 – 72 14s – 11d 1773 – 77 17s – 5d 1778 – 82 12s – 2d 1783 – 87 15s – 7d 1788 – 92 19s – 6d

Five Year Averages of Prices per Tod of Long Wool received by two Lincolnshire Growers J Calcraft of Ancaster R Healy of Laughton 1799 – 1803 28s – 2d 1804 – 08 28s – 8d 28s – 6d 1809 – 13 30s – 10d 30s – 11d 1814 – 18 46s – 9d 41s – 6d 1819 – 23 34s – 4d 34s – 0d 1824 – 28 35s – 6d 27s – 11d

Rise in wool prices during war period was in the order of 50%

A home for the poor.

Memorandum that Agreement was made in ye year 1778 by ye Inhabitants of ye Parish of Goxhill with Jos Cook and Wllm Allcock of Barton for to Build a new Poor house in ye Said parish at the Cost and Charge of Jos Cook and Wm Allcock and that ye Said parishoners shall pay or Cause to be Paid unto ye Said Jos Cook and Wm Allcock the Sum of Twelve pounds Twelve Shillings a Year Att two Equall payments ye first payment to be Paid at Michelmas 1778 and Continue for 31 Years and after ye End of thirty one Years the Said Jos Cook and Wm Allcock Shall Sign all their Right and titell of Interest of ye Said House unto ye Inhabitants of ye Parish of Goxhill.------And it is Further agreed that ye Said Jos Cook and Wm Allcock shall Maintain and keep ye Said House and Every thing Belonging to it in good Repair During ye said thirty one Years. Except ye Windows and pump. The method of financing the building is recognisable in the twenty first century, as Private Finance It does seem surprising that what is thought of as a recent concept

50 was used so long ago by the people of Goxhill. The Poor House, later to become the Workhouse, was built in what is now called Greengate Lane. Originally this was called Workhouse Lane. It has become a private house and you can still find it there. The Workhouse eventually passed into the control of the Glanford Brigg Union and was sold in 1839 to Mr John Border for £60 which was received by the Guardians of the Poor of the Glanford Brigg Union but not by “The said parishioners,” who originally paid for it.

There is one other remarkable thing about the building of the poor house and that is the location. It was built about 200 yards from what in 1775 was described as the homestead of Thomas Hardy. Imagine the building of a new centre for the homeless so close to the home of one of the wealthy people in Goxhill today. Perhaps the homeless were less assertive then and made better neighbours.

A Volcano in Iceland.

In the year 1783 there was a volcanic eruption in Iceland. The dust and gasses from the eruption spread around the Northern Hemisphere. They formed a dense cloud, which obscured the sun in northern latitudes. Reports of this were received from many countries. This lasted for many months so that 1783 became known as the year without a summer. The effect was disastrous in England and was recorded in Goxhill where crops failed and food was in short supply. Thomas Hardy did not record weather information but he did record crop yields and prices. Tons £ per ton Total £ Tons £ per ton Total £ 1781 1782 Wheat 8 9.12 73 3.86 8.9 34.35 Barley 4.6 3.8 17.5 0 Oats 0 2.43 4.73 11.5 Beans 2.36 5.59 13.2 7.71 5.42 41.85

Total 14.96 103.7 14 87.7

1784 Wheat 3.4 11.8 40.15 4.07 11.6 47.2 Barley 2.8 7.77 21.75 4.6 7.34 33.75 Oats 0 Beans 0.54 8.33 4.5 7.7 7.67 59.05

Total 6.74 85.97 16.37 140

1786 Wheat 13.07 9.67 126.5 8.36 8.9 74.5 Barley 2.2 5.98 13.5 3.2 5.86 18.75 Oats 0 1.25 5.76 7.20 Beans 0.21 7.14 1.50 0.1 7.5 0.75

Total 15.48 141.51 12.91 175.7

The yield was less than a half of that of previous years and prices rose accordingly however heavy crops in following years and continuing high prices produced a suitable outcome for Thomas and the farmers of Goxhill.

51 East Halton Skitter and the “Port” of Thornton Abbey.

The system of streams, which flows out, to the River Humber as East Halton Skitter rises as two small streams at Kirmington and Keelby. The streams join near the village of Ulceby where it becomes Ulceby Skitter. It then flows on past the ruins of Thornton Abbey and is joined by several field drains and becomes The Skitter. Although it collects water from surface drainage much of its flow comes from springs which are fed from aquifers beneath the chalk Wolds.

Older people living locally speak of swimming in Ulceby Skitter and of catching trout by the College Bridge. The water that there is in the stream at present gives no idea of the size and importance of the Skitter in past times. Thornton Abbey was founded in 1139 and building and rebuilding in stone went on until the late 15th century, by then bricks were used as the major material. It is also said that the stone for this work was carried by barges which brought it down the Humber and into the Skitter to he unloaded at the Abbey.

The use of the skitter as a waterway and thus a means of transport by the Abbey is upheld by the record of an interesting event which is recorded in HMSO official guide to the Abbey 1956. In 1348 the Earl of Lancaster petitioned the Pope for a dispensation to be awarded to one Peter Fraunke, a canon of Thornton Abbey. John, a servant of a neighbouring knight had, together with his accomplices seized a boat carrying provisions for the Abbot and Convent within the demesne of the Abbey. Peter Fraunke with some of the monastic servants heard the disturbance and came out to recover the boat. Peter was the knight’s kinsman and so knew John and urged him to give up the boat but John would not. In the struggle to secure the boat Peter wounded John so severely that he later died.

It is uncertain for how long the depth of water in the skitter remained sufficient for it to be used to carry boats between the Humber and the Abbey site. It would he very interesting to know if the stone, which was said to have been taken from the Abbey to be used in the building of Ferriby Sluice, was in fact transported by water. In the Goxhill Award of Inclosure in 1775 there is awarded a foot road (path) which started at the road side in Littleworth and passed over land allotted to Charles and William Marris upon the place called Sandham leading Eastward upon the South side of their allotment to the Carr bank adjoining the land of the Lordship of Halton and then turning Northward along the same bank to the Skitter Ferry House aforesaid. The existence of a Ferry House must suggest that there was or had been a ferry at that place. For a ferry to operate there had to be sufficient water or mud and water to make foot traffic impossible. There also had to be a need to cross that water.

In the Award of Inclosure several roads are ordered to be made. One of these which was to be called the Barrow Road and which was to be sixty feet wide was to run from the Barrow boundary along the South side of Goxhill to the site of the Hildyard Manor house in Goxhill. This road is absolutely straight. If a ruler were placed along this road on the map then the extension of this road in a straight line would continue to the next village East Halton. Why was this continuation not made when East Halton was enclosed in 1801-1804 so making a through route linking the three villages? A second road from Barrow the Kings Road (Now College Road) was awarded which ran further south away from Goxhill. A road from East Halton was joined to this road it crosses the skitter at College Bridge where there is a short causeway at a narrow point between higher ground. A road was awarded from the end

52 of the Barrow road at the Manor house and it joined the Kings Road at the parish boundary. Taking this route on foot or with a loaded farm cart would add about an hour to the journey from Barrow or Goxhill to East Halton.

The skitter must have been a muddy tidal estuary which in 1775 was wide enough to be too costly to bridge and which had a passenger ferry. The land surrounding the estuary was salt marsh and not very productive. By building the sea wall and cutting off the Skitter from the tide the drainage and improvement of the land was made possible.

Names and Addresses.

We know the places where many of the people that have been named here used to live. Many of the houses have gone. Most of those, which remain, have been enlarged or have been extensively, rebuilt over the years but some are little altered and still retain some part of the earlier structure. It was quite usual to retain a small part of an old building and incorporate it into the new construction. The oldest bit of our house is one corner of the kitchen. Rebuilding and enlargement have enabled houses to stand on the same plot of land over centuries. The deeds to many of these properties tell of a succession of owners. It is from this source and from the Inclosure documents that we can find the homes of the people who lived in Goxhill.

Robert Cavill lived where “Highfield” now is in Willow Lane and he also owned a large paddock at the back upon which stand the houses of Meadow Close. His Uncle Thomas lived at Manor Farm. On the corner of Manor Lane and North End Mr John Plummer lived with his wife Elizabeth and their daughter Hannah in the house that he had recently purchased from George Harrison. He had several small cottages (tenements) in which lived George Beedham John Luty John Canty and Hannah Fulstow. On the opposite side of Manor Lane lived Jane Wildmore and her next door neighbour was Jane Holmes. Next to her was Thomas Harrison.

A little further along North End three houses stood where “Jasmine Cottage” and “Kathallen” are now. These were the homes of Thomas Watson the Younger, John Pickhill and John Dent. The father of Thomas Watson, Thomas Watson the Elder lived in the cottage which used to stand where the Church car park is now. He was a draper. John Jobson owned the remaining area between Church Street, King Street, and Howe Lane upon which stood several houses. On the West Side of the Churchyard where the footpath is now lived Robert Gooseman Orby Winter and Francis Beedham.

At the end of Howe Lane where it becomes Horsegate Field Road lived the vicar The Rev. J Skelton. Beyond that on the other side of a small track in an enclosure in the Horse Field lived Mr W Canty. On the opposite side of the road Mr Christopher Day had his home. A small public way separated him from an enclosure owned by Mr Thomas Faulding, which is now the site of the Keigar Homes estate. This place was called Point Nook and is remembered by the present house of that name.

The last house on the left-hand side of the road in Littleworth was the home of Robert England. Returning towards Chapelfield Road there were nine houses where six bungalows now stand but we do not know the names of the people who lived there. On the opposite side lived Widow Wills and Anne Richardson. Further towards Soff Lane lived William Sergeant then Thomas Stephenson and on the corner Richard

53 Walker. Miss Hannah Hildyard Lady of the Manor lived at the hall. On the opposite side of the road lived Benjamin Berridge.

William Markham and J Shearwood lived in Thorn Lane Where the Elms and The Goathouse are now. Mr William Hardy lived on the opposite side of the road. The north end of the village was probably the most heavily populated area. Mr Thomas Fulstow lived in North End at the corner of Willow Lane and was the copyholder of the land from Willow Lane up to where “Linrick” is now. In addition to his own home there were several “Tenements” which were let for rent and also a blacksmiths shop. Thus we have one name but many other residents. John Stagg lived where Iris Cottage and Owl Lodge now stand. Arbut Allison had his home on the corner of North End and Elm Lane and John Nelson lived a little further along the lane.

Further along North End on the north side of Ruards Lane lived Thomas Faulding. On the south side was John Border. A narrow path separated him from Thomas Stothard at the Croft and then William Arnold, Ann Smith, John Brown, George Uppleby; Elizabeth Teanby, a tenant of Mr Markham, William Easton, and Richard Border lived along the street.. I do not know the names of the other residents on that side of the road. At the end of North End was a small lane where Roger Norfolk lived in the house which still bears his name. William Fussey lived next to him.

At the north end of the village on the West Side of Ferry Road from “Springfield” to “The Lilacs” lived Widow Raby, Richard Newton John Luty, George Mills, John Cavill, a tenant of W Markham, Charles Marris, William Stephenson, a tenant of John Nelson, Mr Mills and Thomas Hardy labourer. At the other side of Ferry road by Nan Brigham was Thomas Robinson.

Thomas Hardy gentleman lived at the end of Westfield Road on the left. There was a narrow lane, which joined up with Greengate Lane and was closed up at enclosure and on the other side of that lived Mr R Sleight.

The history of the cottage by the churchyard.

Our account of the cottage by the churchyard begins in the year 1737 when Benjamin Arnold came to John Saunders, the Deputy Steward of King George the Second in his Manor of Goxhill, to surrender the copy hold of his Toft and the appurtenances there to. It is recorded that he came “out of court” which meant that he came of his own free will and was not summoned to appear. At the Court Baron of the Manor of Goxhill, which was held on the next day, Benjamin surrendered the copyhold to the use and behoof of George Roberts and Elizabeth his wife and Sarah Watson. Thus Benjamin Arnold who owned the house would receive money from George Roberts for the building and George Roberts together with his wife and Sarah Watson became tenants of the Lord of the Manor for the land.

The land was held Copyhold, which meant that their tenancy had been enrolled upon the Court Rolls and they held a Copy of the entry. They had to pay the sum of six shillings lawful money at the terms there usual with Suit of Court and all other works Customs and Customary Service. There was also one other duty. “The said George and Elizabeth and Sarah shall from time to time, as often as need shall be, at their own proper cost and charges well and sufficiently Repair Maintain and Support all Jetties Peers and Waterworks within the Moots and Courts of the manor aforesaid to repel

54 the Violence and Invasion of the Waters of Humber”. George, Elizabeth and Sarah were acquitted and discharged from the fine to the Lord of the Manor which was usually payable by a new tenant, “and George made to the Lord Fealty and they were admitted thereof Tenants.”

A note at the bottom of the Copy: “Be it Remembered that this piece of Parchment was first lawfully stamped”. Reminds us that Stamp Duty is not a modern imposition, Stamp duty was charged then at II shillings and III pence.

After a further 23 years in 1760 George Roberts surrendered the tenancy, which became a tenancy between George Roberts, Robert Watson, and Thomas Watson. The rent and the conditions imposed were the same; George, Robert, and Thomas had to withstand the Violence and Invasion of the waters of Humber. In the Award of the Act of Lnclosure 1775 there is no mention of George Roberts or of Robert Watson and we must suppose that they had died. Thomas Watson is referred to as Thomas Watson the Elder and received an allotment of 3 Acres 2 roods 37 perches to be held copyhold of the Manor of Goxhill. This was a piece of land with frontage to Thornton Road. There was also a Thomas Watson the younger He received two awards one of which was next to that of Thomas Watson the elder and the other was in Ruard Lane. Thomas Watson the younger lived in a house on North End where Jasmin Cottage now stands.

The award to a Mr John Jobson states that his land lies next to the Ancient Home of Thomas Watson the elder. We are able to locate Thomas Watsons home next to the churchyard. John Jobson had all of the remainder of the piece of land now bounded by Church Lane, Howe Lane, and King Street.

In 1803 The Will of Thomas Watson, Farmer of Goxhill, was proved in Lincoln on the 5th of December. His eldest son was Thomas the younger. He also had a son called Robert and three daughters called Ann Watson, Elizabeth Watson and Sarah Bacchus. Various bequests were made to Robert and the daughters and the house by the churchyard and the land awarded to Thomas the elder passed to Thomas the younger. We do not have a copy of the enrollment of Thomas the younger into the tenancy. When Thomas Watson the younger died in 1835 he was described in his will as a shopkeeper. His brother Robert had already passed away leaving a widow Dianah. In his will Thomas left the occupancy of a room and a weekly payment of two shillings to Dianah for life.

This was to be derived from the income from the land, which had been awarded to his father together with the house by the churchyard, all of which together with his goods and stock in trade was bequeathed to his Nephews and Nieces.

We have a copy of the admission of the Nephews and Nieces to the tenancy in 1836. They were Francis Watson, Martha the wife of George Clarke, Frances the wife of William Kime, Ann Abbott, Mary Ann Watson, and Elizabeth Small. With so many people being Devisees in fee’ the Copyhold Tenements were put up for sale and Francis Watson, Tailor and Draper of Goxhill, became the purchaser of the Copyhold Messuage and premises immediately adjoining for Seventy Four Pounds. Freed and Discharged from the weekly sum of two shillings and every part there of. The widow Dianah Watson did not however lose her income. On the same day William Dunwell of Goxhill, Yeoman, became the purchaser of the Copyhold Allotment (The piece of land on Thornton Road) for the sum of Two Hundred and

55 Twenty Five pounds and Fifteen shillings. It was also agreed that the said Two Shillings per week should be exclusively charged upon the said Allotment so purchased by him the said William Dunwell, and a very carefully worded declaration and undertaking was drawn up.

In 1856 Francis Watson, the tailor of Goxhill, signed his last Will and Testament. This reveals that there were now three separate houses on the 29 perches of land by the Church yard. The houses were occupied by Francis Watson, John Smith and Mary Thompson. He left his property to his three sisters Martha Clarke, Frances Kline and Ann Abbott. The will stated that for the better dividing of the Real Estate the property must be sold either by Auction or private sale for the most money. The will was witnessed by John Bainton and Thomas Jervis.

On the 11th. of October 1858 Adam Jessop and George Bradley purchased the Manor of Goxhill and its rents from The Crown. They also jointly purchased the Manor of Barrow and the following year George Bradley by payment of £1000 and surrender of his moiety of the Manor of Barrow became the owner of the Manor of Goxhill. In the same year of 1859 Francis Watson purchased from George Bradley for the sum of Twelve pounds and Ten shillings the rent of the Cottage Tenament or Dwelling house. The annual rent was still six shillings as it was in 1737. He was now the freeholder. Fortunately we learn a little more because Francis lived on and in 1875 thought it wise to make a new will. By this time William Tuplin had taken up residence in one of the houses whilst Francis and Mary Thompson occupied the other two. Martha Clarke had died and her share of the property was to go to her daughter Sarah Clarke. The will was witnessed by Thomas Jervis and William Tuplin, Tailor of Goxhill. Our documents tell us no more about the house by the churchyard. Was William working for Francis? Did he purchase the house or the business and carry on as the tailor of Goxhill? We have looked at the history of this little plot for more than 200 years and we are approaching the times of the Great Grand parents of people perhaps still living in Goxhill so perhaps we should leave it to them to decide if they wish us to know more.

56 The Hardy Family in Goxhill

In 1604 Mr Thomas Hardy was a School Master.

The list of inhabitants who took the protestation in 1641 contains the names of Robert Hardy, William Hardy, and William Hardy junior.

The Award of Inclosure in 1775 has the names of three people called Hardy

William Hardy Thomas Hardy Thomas Hardy Gentleman Labourer Lived in Thorn Lane Lived in Ferry Road Where Haddon farm is now Now the Lilacs Award 2A 3r 13p Award 0A 2r 25p His Home Lived in Westfield Road Born1726 Died 1793 Wife Mary Father was Joseph Hardy and Mother Ann who Died 1761

Joseph Hardy Ann Hardy Born 17 January 1753 Born 15 January 1755 Died 3 August 1812 ______|______Thomas Born 1788. John Born 1792. Joseph Born 1792 Mary Mary Born 1801 Ann Born 1794 Martha Born 1811 | Landed Proprietor ______Landed Proprietor Farmer 200 Acres After the death of Thomas As Steward John signed the form Martha married Thomas Cavill for the(Old) Primitive Methodist Born 1811 Farmer 175 Acres Church for the1851 Census No Issue. Thomas Cavill had Mary survived John and lived as an Four children by his first wife annuitant with a servant girl Mary Lucy Sleight. ______| | Joseph was the first of the John Hardy Joseph Hardy list of trustees who signed Born 1853 Born 1847 the deed of purchase for Wife Elizabeth Born 1845 the ground upon which Farmer 248 Acres the Primitive Methodist Chapel is built ______| | | | | | Thomas Joseph Ann Martha Robert John B 1872 B1873 B1875 B 1877 B 1878 B 1880 Our Thomas must not be confused with the famous author and poet Thomas Hardy (1840 – 1928). He was Born at Brockhampton in Dorset and Educated at local schools and Kings College London. His first successful novel Far From the Madding Crowd, was published in 1874. In the later years of his life he stopped writing novels and concentrated his efforts on the writing of poetry.

57 Weights and Measures. Although the concept of weight is very old the wide range of weighing machines and weights required in the everyday life of rural communities made their use expensive and difficult. Most things could be measured by volume and local craftsmen easily accomplished the making of baskets and containers suitable for the purpose. The weight of different materials in a given volume varied but the weight of any given material was fairly constant and definite weights for specific volumes of the main agricultural products came to be accepted. Measure of Capacity used for Liquids and Dry goods generally Imperial Metric The Table 1 gill 142 millilitres 4 gills = 1 pint 1 pint 0.5682 litres 2 pints = 1quart 1 quart 1.136 litres 4 quarts = 1 gallon 1 gallon 4.55 litres 2 gallons = 1 peck 1 peck 9.09 litres 4 pecks = 1 bushel 1 bushel 36.4 litres 8 bushels = 1quarter 1 quarter 291.2 litres One strike is a ½, 1, 2, or 3, bushels In Goxhill a strike was 1 bushel A Met (Mett or Mot) was 2 bushels Some materials sold by volume in Goxhill A bushel of Barley 56 lbs. A bushel of Coal 80 lbs. A bushel of Oats 39 lbs. A bushel of Rye 60 lbs. A bushel of Wheat 60 lbs. A chaldron of Coal 85 lbs. A sack of Coal 224 lbs. A sack of Potatoes 168 lbs. A sack of Flour 280 lbs. A tod of Wool 28 lbs. A sack of Wool 364 lbs. A last of Wool 12 sacks A peck of Flour 14 lbs.

Long Measure. Square Measure 3 barleycorns = 1 inch 4 inches = 1 hand 12 inches = 1 foot 144 square inches = 1 square foot 3 feet = 1 yard 9 square feet = 1 square yard 6 feet = 1 fathom 5 ½ yards = 1 rod pole or perch 30 ¼ square yards = 1 square rod pole or 40 poles = 1 furlong perch 8 furlongs = 1 mile 40 square poles = 1 rood 3 miles = 1 league 4 roods = 1 acre 60 miles = 1 degree 640 Acres = 1 square mile (Longitude, Latitude, Where ?) 1 Hectare (Metric) is equal to 2 acres 1 rood and 35 poles Pounds Shillings and Pence. Coinage 2 farthings = 1 halfpenny Farthing, Halfpenny, Penny, Three penny bit, 2 halfpennies = 1 penny Sixpenny piece, Shilling, Two shillings Florin, 12 pennies = 1 shilling Four shillings Double Florin, Two shillings and 20 shillings = 1 pound sixpence Half Crown, Five Shillings Crown, Guinea twenty one shillings

58 The Last Word.

During the life time of Thomas and Joseph there had been many changes. The industrial revolution with its mass migration to the towns had only marginal effect men had invented mechanical thrashing machines but without power to drive them they were not very successful. The steam engine had been invented and was working in other parts of the country but these were stationary engines, massive machines, which had no means of propulsion, were of no use in agriculture. Better roads and carriages were being built and travel and transport were becoming easier. At this time many of the great houses and estates were being constructed. Capability Brown finished the work on the lake and cascade at Blenheim Palace and the tall Chinese Pagoda was built at Kew in the same year that Goxhill’s Act of Inclosure was past. It is worth considering the fact that all of the landscape work and the construction was carried out by hand by men with spades shovels and wheelbarrows. At the same time the inside of the great houses shows the sophistication which the craftsmen of the time could achieve. Because of the nature of the memoranda of Thomas and Joseph much of what has been written has been about agriculture and the everyday life of the people who lived here. It would be wrong to assume that because the village had no great house that it did not keep contact with new ideas, with fashion and the changing times. There were after all a succession of ladies who bore the title Mrs. Hardy and the beautiful pottery furniture and fabrics of the Georgian period would have been attractive to them. Many other ladies in the village would also have been able to obtain these luxuries and to enjoy them. In the year of 1858 The Honourable Charles Alexander Gore the Commissioner of Her Majesties Woods Forests and Land revenues sold the Manor of Goxhill for the sum of £5050. It was sold to Adam Jessop and George Bradley, Gentlemen of Castleford in the County of York. The value of their purchase lay in the rents and yearly sums of money commonly called rents of assize, chief rents, quit rents, and copyhold or customary rents of the said manor. Adam Jessop and George Bradley also jointly owned the manors of Barton and Barrow. They agreed by payment of £1000 by George Bradley to Adam Jessop and the exchange of their property that Adam Jessop should receive the Lordship of Barrow and George Bradley should receive the lordship of Goxhill and Barton. Almost immediately George Bradley began to sell the freehold of all of the copyhold property to the copyholders. The copyholders received the land together with all hunting hawking and fowling, all buildings rents heriots suits and services and all mines. The Indenture of the sale was to be enrolled on the court rolls of the manor. In the deeds of many properties in Goxhill there are records of the purchase of the freehold. The date is usually 1859. With the sale of the property the Court of the Manor was no longer needed. The Manor Paramount of Goxhill was no more.

59 60 Mr Kees van den Bos.

The following pages were researched and written by Mr Kees van den Bos. Kees had a life long interest in the village and its activities. He was a Trustee of the Methodist Church, and served as a member and chairman of the Parish council. His extensive knowledge of the history of the village of Goxhill was of great value to all that sought help from him. His research in discovering the history of the Parish Church was both detailed and precise. We thank him for his work.

Goxhill Parish Church

61 Foreward

Over thirty accounts of the Goxhill Churchwardens, all of the eighteenth century were left in the Parish Chest of All Saints Church. These have been used as the basis of the following writings to show how the Churchwardens carried out the duties of their office according to the strict rules of that time. The office of Churchwarden was the senior and most important one of all the village offices, forming a link between the regulation of village affairs and the establishment. An establishment controlled as much by the Church of England as by the Government of the day.

The accounts of 1715 and 1716 of Churchwardens Messers Trout and Gilliatt are used to explain the day to day working throughout the year. Normally the churchwardens held office for one year only, but on this occasion these two carried on for a second term probably because of them overseeing the installing of two new together with two old bells. This proved to be a large and expensive undertaking.

All the accounts were studied to find out how and on what the money, raised by a church tax, was spent in maintaining the fabric of the Church and providing the weekly and special services required by the congregation

During the eighteenth century two Vicars both served the village for long periods, John Slack 1715 to 1754, 39 years and John Skelton 1754 to 1792,38 years.

62 The Accounts of William Trout & John GilIiatt, Churchwardens At Goxhill, 1715 and 1716

It was very unusual for the churchwardens to remain in office for two consecutive years. Perhaps the reason for this happening at this time was that the Parish had decided to take down the “great bell “and replace it with two bells, the work started in 1715 and was completed in 1716.

Thc original account is quoted below in italic with an explanation of the entries in Roman type.

The difburfmtts of William Trout & John Gilliatt in Difcharge of their office being Churchwardens for ye year 1715 £ s d paid for the Book of Articles 10

Most of the earlier accounts begin with the purchase of the “Book of Articles” or “paid for Articles for the Visitation”. One of these Books of Articles has survived in the papers of Thornton Curtis Church, printed in London in 1697 its cover describes it as,

Articles to be enquired of answered unto by the Churchwardens and Sworn-men in the Visitation by John Cawley DD Arch-Deacon of Lincoln.

Firstly the incoming churchwardens had to swear on oath That you will execute the Office of Churchwarden and Side-men within your Parish, so far as by Law you are bound So help you God and the Contents of the Holy Gospel.

The Articles, organized in seven sections, enquired into the affairs of the Church, the Clergy and the Parishioners.

1. Concerning Churches, Chapels, with the Ornaments and Furniture thereunto belonging. This section looked into such items as the state of repair of the building. There must be a font of stone, a communion table in the chancel with suitable covers etc. unprofaned by common use. Other questions included, have you a pew to read Divine Service, a pulpit, a large Bible of the last translation, a Prayer Book 1662, and other books required by canon? Have you a register in parchment and a chest with a lock and key in which to keep your accounts and above mentioned furniture? Does your Minister register the certificates about burying in wool only? [Acts of Parliament of 1666 and 1668 provided that no corpse of any person (except any who died of plague) should not be buried in any shift etc. or put in a coffin lined with any other material than wool. Import of foreign cloth was prohibited and export of raw wool was banned. These were measures to protect the trade in home grown wool and cloth made from wool which had been the major reason for England’s prosperity for many years and was now under stiff competition from foreign cloth particularly linen from Ireland.]

One of these Certificates for Burying in Wool exists in the Parish Records and it stated that

63 Anne Hudson of Goxhill makes oath that Joseph Lighton son of Tho. Lighton of Goxhill was not put in. wrapt or wound up or buried in any other material than sheeps wool.25th day of September 1719 Jurat coram me Anno die predict Hen. Hildeyard Anne Hudson (her mark)

[Hen. Hildeyard may have been a Churchwarden or a Lawyer and Anne the woman who prepared the corpse for burial]

2. Concerning the Church yard the Houses, GIebes and Tythes belonging to the Church Is the Church yard properly fenced and not encroached upon? Is the House and outhouses of your Vicar in good repair, not encroached upon and if so by whom? Have you a true and perfect Terrier of all the Glebe lands etc. belonging to your vicarage and Tythes, Pensions etc. (in or out of your Parish) belonging thereunto?

[The churchwardens were required in 1715 to provide a Globe Terrier. A complete Goxhill Terrier of 1718 is to be found in the Lincoln Archives and a copy of this will be added later.]

3. Concerning Ministers Does your Vicar perform his office according to the Laws Ecclesiastical? Does he at Divine Service and Sacrament wear a Surplice and Hood? Does he observe Holy-days and Fasting-days, and the yearly Rogation Perambulation? Does he preach a Sermon in your Church every Sunday and instruct the youth in the Catechism and prepare them for Confirmation by the Bishop? Does he neglect to visit the sick, baptize any without Godparcnts, or admit either parent to be Godparent to their own children? Is he of sober life and conversation or is his carriage disorderly, scandalous or unbeseeming to a Minister? Hath be married in private houses or without banns or licence, or at hours other than between eight and twelve? Does he read the statute against profane swearing and cursing twice yearly, and read the Act for public Thanksgiving the 5th of November?

4. Concerning the Parishioners. The wardens were asked about the morals of the parishioners. Do they behave reverently in church, uncovering their heads, kneeling at prayers and at sacrament, and stand for the Creed and Gospel reading? Do any married women after the delivery from the perils of child-birth refuse to make public Thanksgiving to God? [Churching] Do any refuse to pay their duty for Easter Offerings, or to pay the church rate? Have any legacies left to the church been misspent and by whom? Do any neglect public worship of God, follow bodily labour on the Lord’ s Day, open shops and sell wares? Do any live together without marriage or are married within the degrees prohibited?

5 Concerning Parish Clerks or Sextons. Have you a Parish clerk aged 21 years at least? Is he honest, able to perform his duties of reading, singing and writing, and was he chosen by your Minister and attends him at all the Divine Services? Are his wages duly paid?

64 Does your Sexton diligently do his duty, keeping the church clean, tolling and ringing the bells before Divine Service and when someone dies does he upon notice toll a bell that the neighbours may be warned to recommend the dying person to the grace and favour of God?

6 Concerning Schoolmasters and schools Does any man keep a public or private school which is not allowed by his Ordinary? [His Bishop]

7 Concerning CIuurchwardens and Side-men Are the Churchwardens chosen yearly by the joint content of your Minister and Parishioners, or one of them by your Minister, the other by the parishioners? [Should the Minister not approve, this allows him one warden of his choice] Have the former Churchwardens given up their accounts and any surplus money to the new Churchwardens? You are further to understand, that according to your office, you are to provide against every Communion appointed in your Church, a sufficient quantity of fine white bread, and good wine, according to the number of communicants.

Notes in the margins of the Book indicate the canon, statute or rubric pertaining to that particular item. The book of Articles illustrates vividly how much the Church Authorities expected of the Churchwardens. Taking an extreme view they were the church’ s police, and to some extent the eyes, ears and mouths of the established government. paid to ye Apariter for Sumons to ye vjfitaton & a prayer book 2s 0d

The Apparitor was an ecclesiastical official who carried out the orders of the Bishop and the Archdeacon. It was the Apparitor who summoned the churchwardens to attend the forthcoming Visitation and he also issued them with the Book of Articles. A Visitation was a twice yearly enquiry into the affairs of the Parish at Easter and Michaelmas, held at Caistor for the Yarborough Deanery. Every third year the Bishop of Lincoln would take charge of the visitation, with his Archdeacon taking the other two years. It was at the beginning of the Church year, at Easter, when the new churchwardens would make their oath of office and the old wardens would present their accounts and answer the questions in the book of articles. The prayer book purchased from the apparitor probably for one shilling would not be a copy of the Book of Common Prayer, but rather a small leaflet with one or two prayers for some special reason or occasion. One such prayer book is to be found, again at Thornton Curtis, and dated 1779. Headed by His Majesty ‘s Special Command to be used in all churches and Chapels, it orders Prayers for his Majesty ‘s efforts to restore tranquility among his unhappy. deluded subjects in America and also to pray for those subjects. [This was at the time of the American War of Independence when the American Colonies. burdened with taxes due to the British Crown sought to sever the ties with the Monarchy of King George the third.] On the back of this Thornton Curtis prayer book two more prayers for the Monarchy are advertised. One of Thanksgiving for the Restoration of Charles 11, the other for a day of Thanksgiving for February 6 1685, the day on which his Majesty (James 11) began his happy reign. Prayers were often commanded, chiefly for reasons regarding the Monarchy, for example victory at the battle of Blenheim or the birth and safe delivery of a Royal Baby.

65 paid the vjfitation dues 5s 3d Fees or charges due to the church authorities paid to Mr perfe at ye Bishop vifitation 2s 0s Mr Perse was probably a Minister or Curate deputizing for the outgoing Vicar Kay before Vicar John Slack was instituted in this year 1715, being also a year for the bishop to hold the visitation. Two shillings was the normal charge for one man’ s dinner at a visitation. paid for a horfe for him to ye visitation 1s 0d A horse was the usual means of getting to Caistor, which meant a journey of 1 ½ to 2 hours. This enabled the rider to return to Goxhill in the one day. paid for our Charges at ye time 4s 0d As for Mr Perse, two mens’ dinners which meant that only two wardens attended this visititation (it is possible only one old and one new warden attended) Normally at the Easter Visitation both the old and the new churchwardens attended, the old ones to answer the questions in the Book of Articles, the new to take their oaths. [see below] paid for ye prefentmt Bill returning ls 0d This was the churchwardens’ written answers to the questions in the Book of Articles. paid for ye Terrier of the gleeb land drawing 2s 0d Glebe Terrier, a list of all the land belonging to the vicarage as well as all tithes and other payments due to the Vicar. It also listed and described the vicarage and its outbuildings as well as the moveable furnishings of the church. Some responsible person was paid for preparing the terrier. paid for the terrier returning in at ye vifitation 1s 0d The terrier was given to the church authorities at the visitation paid for 2 gallons of wine at Mid:. Sacramtt 15s 0d One of the duties of the office of churchwardens was to provide wine for every communicant as laid down in the Articles. for our Charges A mistake, these had been charged for above for bread for the Sacrament 1s 0d See above as for wine for a book of Articles 1s 0d See above this may be at Michaelmas paid to the Appariter for a Prayer book ls 0d See Above paid to Robert Sharp for fetching the great bell away 4s 2d The “great” or tenor bell was removed from the tower and taken away. The reason for this will become clear later in the accounts with many more payments for work on the bells.

Paid for Mich. Vifitaton fees 4s 0d

66 Confirming this as the Michaelmas visitation paid to ye Minister 2s 0d for a horfe for him ls 0d for our Charges 4s 0d paid to ye Apariter for Summons to ye Vifitaton 1s 0d paid for 2 gall ½ of wine at Chriftmefs Sacramtt 15s 0d paid for bread at ye time 1s 0d paid when the Straw was carried to the Church at Chnfmefs 6d A common practice was to place reeds, straw or grass (hay) on the floor of the church, which may have been of earth, making it warmer and more comfortable to kneel on.. paid to Jno. Berridge when the old bell wheel was mended 6d Attached to the headstock on which the bell was mounted, this large wooden wheel had the bell rope fastened round it thus enabling the ringer to turn the wheel and ring the bell. paid to a letter of requeft 6d A written request from officers of an other Parish to give aid to the bearer; often to help them to continue their journey.

Expenses on the Strewing dayes 6s 8d Payment for putting the straw on the church floor paid to Tho. Portinton for mowing the grass 2s 0d Straw was available at Christmas. mowing grass seems to suggest summer time and perhaps mowing the churchyard. The church floor was covered twice yearly. paid to the Apariter for a book of Articles 1s 0d This is the third book of articles bought in this account, suggesting that William Trout and John Gilliott are continuing as churchwardens for a second year, namely 1716 paid to ye Apariter for summons at Eafter vifitation 1s 0

Confirming that this, the second Easter Visitation was in 1716, and would be under the Archdeacon and not the Bishop. paid for wine at Eafter Sacramtt 2 gail 3 quarts 16s 6d for our Charges then 2s 0d The churchwardens’ expenses when buying the wine which was done in later accounts at Hull. for bread for the Sacramtt at Eafter ls 6d

67 Slightly more bread and wine was used at Easter than at Christmas. This stresses the importance of Easter in the Church year and perhaps that the new vicar John Slack was now in residence. paid to Samuell Bell for shoveling ye Church ways 2s 0d Payment for keeping clean the paths to the church paid to a letter of requeft ? paid to Tho. Ffairwether for work & Glafs & solder 9s 6d Thomas Fairwether was one of the glasiers used to repair the windows of the church. for Allowance 6d Allowance was a payment made to tradesmen and workmen and was usually spent at one of the village inns, probably here paid to Thomas Fairweather the glasier. paid to Tho. Smith for one day serving the glafier 8d A labourer helping Fairwether paid the vifitaton dues 3s 2d The second Easter visitation fees. paid to the Apariter for the Regefter returning Is Od From 1598 Parishes were required to provide their Bishop with copies of the entries in their Parish Registers in which were recorded all the births, deaths and marriages in the Parish. These copies were known as Bishops’ Transcripts. for the prefentmt Bill 6d paid to the Apariter for 2 Books 2s 0d Possibly prayer books as before or Homilies which were discourses on some moral or religious topic.

Paid for ye Minister 2s 0d for our Charges 4s 0d

Spent with the Apariter 6d Usual visitation expenses spent with Hen. Harrifon when he began to make ye framesFor the bells 6d This is the beginning of work on preparation for hanging two new bells to replace the “great” bell, which was removed earlier in the account. Henry Harrison, a carpenter had moved from Fulletby near Nostell Priory in Yorkshire at the end of the 1 7th century to Barrow on Humber. It has been suggested he worked at Nostell for the Winn Family and was sent to Barrow to be near Thornton Curtis, a village entirely owned by the Winns. He soon became the Parish Clerk of Barrow, but is more well known for being the Father of John and James Harrison. Henry made the frames and hung the bells at Ulceby as well as at Goxhill. His son, John achieved fame as the inventor and maker of the worlds’ first precision timekeeper, known as H 4, which won for him the £20,000 Prize for a means of finding Longitude at sea. His brother James who helped elder brother John whilst both were living at Barrow, became well known in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire for his bell

68 frames and bell hanging. In 1736 he fitted new seating in the church. [See Loft papers] paid to Tho. Smith for drawing to bills for ye year 1715 6d Thomas Smith was mentioned several times, later he completed the register entries for three years. Although he did not receive regular payments he may have been the village clerk. paid to Wm. ward for oile & candles 9d Both oil & candles could have been used in the belfry paid to Wm., ward for liberty through his yard for ye bells 6d These bells were the two new ones replacing the “great” bell paid to Tho. Smith for Straw Carrying to the Church 6d Strewing as before spent when the Straw was Carryed to the Church for allowance 6d spent when the bells were brought to the Church 1s 0d The two new bells have arrived spent on Gunpowder treason 2s 0d This was money spent on ringing the bells on November 5th Every year this was the most costly of all the ringing events in celebration of the discovery of the Catholic plot to blow up the Houses of Parliament on November 5th 1605 and to kill, not only King James 1st who was to open Parliament that day, but all the assembled Members of Parliament, the Judiciary and other important members of the ruling class. This ringing is specially asked for in the Articles. for the Regester writing 3s4d The births, deaths and marriages had to be recorded each year and the churchwardens were required to provide a copy, known as the Bishops’ Transcripts, at the visitation. paid to Robt Talor for waking Sluggifh people etc. 4s 0d Sleeping during the sermon was not allowed.

paid to Sarah Talor for Waffling the Church linin 7s 6d The church linen included the vicars’ surplice as well as the altar cloths. 7s 6d was paid for this service throughout the 18th century. paid to Tho. Harrifon for the new beire 9s 0d The new bier, a four-wheeled platform for carrying a corpse, was made by Thomas Harrison , one of the village carpenters , who was not related to the Barrow family of Henry Harrison. for a new bell cautrey 2d A cotter pin for attaching a bell to its axle, probably for the new bells paid to Tho. fferriby for 3 new bell ropes 8s 0d

69 paid to Tho. Smith for Covering Mr. Hutchinfon grave Is 0d paid for wine at Mich. Sacramtt 1716 15s 0d The two wardens, William Trout and John Gilliatt are continuing in office for a second year, using the same account. for bread 1s 0d paid to the Apariter for Sumons 1s 0d Michaelmas visitation 1716 for the vifitaton dues 3s 8d As above for the prfentmt Bill 6d The Michaelmas presentment bill, the answers to the questions in the book of articles paid to the Minifter 2s 0d for our Charges 4s 0d Both at Michaelmas visitation paid to Tho. ffairweather for work and Solder £1 l0s 6d More window repairs as before by Fairweather the glasier spent when the Strewing was fetcht at midfumer 1716 3s 4d paid to Tho. Smith for mowing it 1s 0d Both the above refer to the covering of the church floor in summer with hay. paid to Tho. Smith for 2 days serving the glafier 1s 4d paid to Eliz. wakelin for 3 days allowance 9d

Both these allowances for the glasier and probably Tho. Smith were paid to Elizabeth Wakelin who probably was an Inn Keeper who provided food and drink. for a Strike of Simmon 1s 6d The 0. E. D. defines simmon as a cement made from a mixture of ground pitch, plaster of Paris or ground brick. A strike is a measure made by passing a straight edged piece of wood over the top of a bushel measure. paid to Eliz wakelin for 3 days allowance for the Glasier 1s 0d for a sack of lime 1s 6d for one peck of haire 2s0d A peck is a dry measure equal to one quarter of a bushel. These three, simmon, lime and hair mixed together make a wall plaster. for fetching of the lime summon and haire 6d

70 paid to Hen. Harrifon when he took the bellframes 1s 0d spent when he took the work 2s 0d paid to Henry Harrifon upon the acctt Of the new Bells And fframes etc. £22 2s 6d paid to Tho, Roads for fetching the new bells 5s 0d spent when we paid Hen. Harrifon 1s 0d The last five entries are all concerned with the two new bells amounting to just under half of £38- 7s- 4 spent in the account. The last 1s 0d was probably spent at an Inn in Barrow when the churchwardens settled Henry Harrison’s bill. paid to will wardle for two dayes work at the Church 1716 3s 0d Another village carpenter. paid to Tho. Smith for two dayes 1s 4d for allowance 1s 0d Both Wardle and Smith were no doubt assisting Harrison. paid to Tho. Smith for Regeftring 3 years in the Regefter Which were omitted 3s 0d Easter visitation 1716, the Apparitor would require copies of these three years and would check that things were correctly done. The three years were the last years of Vicar Kay who may have been absent from the village.

Spent on Gunpowder treason 1716 7s 0d The 7s 0d is considerably more than the 2s 0d of last year 1715. Perhaps this year with the installing of the new bells four bells could be rung in celebration. From now on 7s 0d became the payment each year for the ring on November 5th. paid to Joseph Glentworth and John Chapman £2 9s 5d It is likely that these two were churchwardens last year, 1714, and had a shortfall in their account for which the new churchwardens were chargeable. paid for parchment for ye Regefter 8d According to the book of articles the Register had to be on parchment. paid for greefe and oyle for ye bells 6d Grease and oil. paid for thee pecks of Coals 1s 0d for ye Church Sills mending 3d The churchwardens were responsible for the upkeep of the village stiles. for Collecting our Tax 8s 0d

71 for writing 3s4d These last two items were the only charges allowed the churchwardens for undertaking The office of churchwarden, these remained at 8s 0d and 3s 4d throughout. £38 7s 4d seen and allowed by us

Wm Markham Rich. Green Ed. Sergant Rich. Hodgkin Win. Hall Snr. Robt Nicholfon Tho. Faulding John Johnson Rich. Embrough Go. Roberts Rodger Norfolk John Markham

Unfortunately the accounts for 1716 have been photo-copied without showing the pence column, otherwise they are complete and together with the above account cover the installation of the two new bells and of necessity a complete new bell frame

The Difburfments of William Trout & John Gilliatt Churchwardens in Goxhill for ye year 1716 £ s Imps. Out of pocett as appears by or. Last Accompts 3 10 Out of pocket by our last accounts

For 2 Gallons and a half of wine at Chriftmefs 15s Wine and bread for the Christmas Sacrament

For Bread 1s for ½ lb of Soap for ye Bells Bufhes Soap to lubricate the new bell bushes for oyle for ye Bells lubricating oil for 21b of Candles 1s for a willow head A besom broom head of willow sticks? for a new Regefter 8s See last year & accounts for the three years filling in of the register which had been omitted. for Id of Oile for ye Bells paid to Mr. Samuell Smith Living att York upon ye Acctt of ye New Bells £26 8s Samuel Smith was the York Bell Founder who cast the two new bells. Most likely the bells would be transported by water, by the river Ouse from York and then along the Humber. for 2 Gallons of wine at Eafter Sacramtt 15s

72 for Bread 1s

paid to the Glafier for mending the windows and Leeds and fr Solder £2 3s More window repairs and for lead and solder

Eafter Visitacon dues 3s for ye Regefter Carrying in 1s for ye prfentmt bill for 5 mens’ Expenses l0s These four items are the normal visitation expenses at Caistor. The five men were the Minister (John Slack) and both the two old churchwardens (William Trout and John Gilliatt ) and the two new incoming ones (Thomas Cavill and Thomas Roberts ) who would take their oath of office. paid to Robt Taylor Snr. For whiping Dogs etc. 4s Payment for removing unruly dogs during times of church service for the Regefter writing & parchment 3s as before paid to Tho. Smith for 2 days Serving the Glafier 2s pwd for Oyle for the Bells paid to Sarah Taylor for the Linin wafhing 7s washing the altar cloths and the vicars’ surplice paid to wm. teenby for cleaning the church ways 2s keeping the paths to the church clean paid for Roadhead Stile repairing probably one of the stiles leading to one of the four open fields paid to Mich ffish for a Staple & Cotrells for ye Bells paid for a Bell Gudgeon mending Gudgeon, the axle on which the bell swings paid also for a plate & nails for ye Church Door paid for 3 pecks of Coals for the Claurch ufe Is paid for 3 days A llowance for ye Glafier & a Server 1s and 3 days Allowance for ye Server

73 for wood for fire for the Churchs’ ufe Firewood [and coal] may have been used by the glassier to melt lead

Spemt with the Ringers on New years Day 2s ffor our Tax Collecting 8s ffor writing 3s

£ s Difburfed In all 35 17 Receivd 32 10 11 Remains due fm ye Town 3 6

Examined & allow’d by us Jno. Slack Vic Tho. parker.

Win. Markham John Jacklin

Henry Wyer RobL Hardy

Tho. Fauldlng snr Thos Hardy

Rich. Hodgin

These two years 1715 and 1716 are special because of the purchasing of the two new bells and that the churchwardens William Trout and John Gilliatt remained in office for a second term. Perhaps the very large sum of money involved and the fact that the business spanned two years made it necessary for them to do so.

Expenditure on the new bells paid to Robert Sharp for fetching the great bell away 4s 2d

paid to Jno Berridge when the old bell wheels were mended 6d

Spent with Hen Harrifon when he began to make ye frames for the bells 6d paid to Win, ward for liberty through his yard for ye be//s 6d spent when the bells were brought to the Church 1s 6d

for a new bell Cautrey 2d paid to Tho fferriby for 3 new bell ropes 8s 0d paid to Hen Harrifon when he took the bell frames 1s 0d spent when he took the work 2s 0d paid to Henry Harrifon upon the acctt. qf the new bells and frames etc. £22 2s 6d

74 paid to Tho. Roads for fetching the new bells 5s 0d spent when we paid Hen. Harifon 1s 0d for ½ lb of Soap for ye Bell Bufhes for oyle for ye Bells for 1 d of oyle for ye Bells 1d paid to Mr Samuell Smith Living att York upon ye Acctt. Of ye New Bells £26 8s paid to Mich. .ffish for a Staple & Cotrells for ye Bells £49 14s 3d

In 1954 Vicar J.B. Gale and Churchwardens F. l3ooley and T. T. Farrow were advised that one of the bells was cracked and the bell frames were unsafe, prohibiting the ringing of the bells. In February they issued an appeal in the form of a small pamphlet telling of the history of their four bells and in particular of one inscribed Gloria in Excelsis Deo 1715, quoting from these accounts of 1715 and 1716. They had access to the “collection bill,” for these years which now appears to be lost, and they printed “a partial copy”.

ffor ye yeare 1715 Six whole Taxes Laid by ye Inhabitants of Goxhill, for raising money towards repairing ye Church, and defraying other Charges thereto belonging, and also for paying for the Bells and frames belonging to them:- (viz.) every acre of Land Arrable within the Lordship of Goxhill three pence, and every cow yt a toft man keeps one shilling, and every Messuage two shillings; to be forthwith collected by William Trout and John Gilliatt Church-wardens for ye yeare 1715.

They head page 11 of the pamphlet Gloria in Excelsis Deo The new bell of 1715. It is odd that churchwardens Booley and Farrow only mention one bell when the accounts always refer to the bells. However in a second pamphlet in 1956, an Order of Service for the Dedication of a Peal of Six Bells they list the inscriptions on the bells which includes the two bells of 1715.

No 5 1715 Venite exultemus Domino Recast 1955 4cwts Oqrts 11 lbs 29 ¼ ” dia

No 7 1715 Gloria in excelsis Deo Recast 1955 6 cwts 3qts 22 qrs 33 ½” dia W. Trout, 1. Gillyett. Churchwardens.

Messrs Gillett & Johnson, Bellfounders of Croydon, melted down the existing four bells, added approximately 5 ½ cwts. of bell metal and cast a ring of six bells.

1956 March 16 The New Bells 7 No 3 I955 Gift of Parishioners and many Friends 4cwts 2qrs 2lbs 26 /8” dia

75 No 4 1955 A.M.D.G. and in memory of Maria Sewell 4cwts 2qrs 22lbs 28” dia No 5 I 7 I5 Venite exuItamus Domino Recast 1955 5cwts 0qrs 1lb 29 ¼” dia No 6 1624 Glory to God on high Recast 1955 5cwts 1qr 22lbs 30 ½” dia No 7 1715 Gloria in Excelsis Deo Recast 1955 5cwts 3qr 22lbs 33 ½” dia W Trout I Gilliat Churchwardens No 8 1666 Fear God honor the King Recast 1955 10cwts 0qr 14lbs 38” dia

1956 The Churchwardens Mr F Boolley Mr T T Farrow Vicar Rev J B Gale

76 A GLEBE TERRIER FOR THE PARISH OF GOXHILL 1718

1718 June the 14 Anno Domini 1718 A Terrier of the Vicaridge Glebe Lands with ye Yearly Income belonging to ye Ministcr Clerk and Sexton of ye Parish of Goxhill with an Account of the Furniture belonging to the Church and Chancel.

Imprimi The Vicaridge House containing three low Rooms and three Chambers the Walls are of Wood and Clay the Roof thatcht with Straw, also one Stable or Outhouse containing three Bays of Building the Walls Wood and Clay the Roof thatcht with Straw, the Homestead with the Vicaridge Close containing one Acre and half of Ground butts on the Town Street at East, Mr Hildyard’ s Land at South, the Field at West and North.

Item Arrable Land in Chappel Quarter half an Acre in Prior Croft butting on Mr Long’s Ground at North, Mr Broxholm’s at South, three Roods butting on Chappel Gate at East, Mr Sand’s Ground at West, half an Acre butting on Priest Meer at West, Mr Hildyard’s Land at East, Two half Acres butting on Chappel Gate at South, Mr Long’s Land at the North, One Rood butting on Michael Cavill’s Land at South, Mr Long’s Land at North.

Land in Horse Gate Quarter One Rood at Ruard Steigh, Mr Somerscall’s Land at North, Mr Hildyard’s at South, One Rood butting on Mr Renton’s Land at East, Mr Hutchinson’ s at West. Two Roods in Cocker Meer one of them stinting on Nicholas Brigg’s Land at West, and Horse Gate at East. Two half Acres at Panott Nook South. Thos Rhoad’s Land at North, One Rood butting on Mrs Embrough’s Land at West, Common at East.

Land in Halland’s Quarter Three Roods butting on Thornton Meer at South, Mr Long’s Land at North. One Acre butting on Halland’s Hill at South, Sir Rowland Winn’ s Land at North, One Rood in the Moors the Common at West, Mr Long’s Land at South.

Land in Swallow Mill Quarter Three Roods butting on the Highway Crossing of the Gate, at East, Mr Long’s Land at West. Two half Acres one of the butting on Halland’s Gate at East, Mr Long’s Land at West, the other on Mr Long’s Land at East and Shawbriggs at West. Three Roods butting on Halland’s Gate at West, Mr Long’s Land at East.

Arrable Land in all in the four Fields Nine Acres and Three Roods

Item Tethering Ground in Swallow Mill Quarter, Three Roods butting on Barrow Mere at West, Henry Wyer’ s Land at East. Three Roods butting on Mr Long’s Land at East, common at West--- In all One Acre and Half

Item Ten Marks paid to the Minister every Year. Every’ Communicant two pence, every Cow three pence, every Foal one penny, every Hen two Eggs, every Householder one penny half penny. Custom payable at Easter, every peck of Hempseed sow-n four pence. Every peck of Lineseed sown One Shilling, the payment due when sown. All other Seeds sown to pay Tythe in kind. Tythe Fruits of Orchards and Gardens. Tythe Piggs to be paid at three weeks old. Tythe Geese, Turkeys, Ducks and Chickens to be paid at Michaelmas. Half a Pigg, Goose, Turkey, Duck or Chicken

77 is due ar five, a whole one at six. Tythe Bees, Honey and Wax to be paid as they become due. For every Mill arid every Kiln two shillings at Easter. Tvthe Pigeons to be paid in kind. Tythe Hay of all the Inclosures. Tythe of Topwood and Furrs.

All other Vicaridge Tythes in the Parish of Goxhill are due to the Minister and to be paid in kind, and also the Right of Common and Sheep Gates the same as belongs to a Farm House.

Surplice Fees. every child Christened one penny, every Churching six pence. every Marriage by Licence five shillings, by Banns one Shilling, every one buried in the Church Yard six pence. in Church one shilling, and for every Mortuary’ according to the Act of Parliament, for writing the Register three shillings and four pence.

The Minister pays every Michaelmas two shillings and four pence to the Arch Deacon for Synodals, and to the Bishop three shillings and four pence for Accusations at every one of his Visitations.

The Clerk and Sexton Dues. Every Messuage four pence, every Cottage two pence, every’ Marriage with Licence two shillings and six pence, by Banns four pence, for every’ Passing Bell ringing four pence, every’ Grave in the Church one Shilling, every Grave in the Church Yard for a Coffin one Shilling, without a coffin four pence, for whipping the Dogs out of Church in time of Divine Service four shillings.

Furniture in Church and Chancel. Seats and Closettes. Church Bible, Two Books of Common Prayer and Psalms, A Book of Homilies, A Surplice and a Chest to lay them in with a Cushion and Hangings for the Pulpit.

In the Steeple are four Bells with their furniture and one without. In the Church a Bier with a Hearse Cloth. In the Chancel a Communion Table railed in with a covering of Cloth likewise a Table Cloth and a Napkin. Two large Flagons of Pewter, Two Silver Cups weighing six ounces apiece one of them bought by Robert Webster and Thomas Smith, Churchwardens in the year 1695. the other bought by Nicholas Briggs and Thomas Taylor in the year 1699. One large Silver Salver. The Church is repaired by the Churchwardens at the Charge of the Parish The Chancel by the Parsonage, part the Fences of the Church Yard belongs to the Parsonage. part to the Churchwardens, part to Mr Hildeyard ,Part to Mr Joseph Glentford.

John Slack Vicar of Goxhill John Marris Thomas Hardy

Churchwardens Note

The 1773 Act of Enclosure and the subsequent Enclosure Award of 1775 changed the way the Vicar was remunerated by doing away with payment by Tithe, instead he was awarded 100 acres of land. He also received 13 acres, 3 roods and 5 perches of land in lieu of glebe and rights of common, in both cases the costs of these two, together with the award of some 737 acres awarded to J C Crowle (owner of the great tithes) were borne by all the other people awarded land by the Act.

GoxhiII Churchwardens’ Expenditure in the 18th Century

78 Two Churchwardens were chosen each year at a vestry meeting held in the Parish Church at Easter. These two took an oath of office at the Easter Visitation at Caistor, held by the Bishop every third year otherwise by the Archdeacon, to execute the office of churchwarden so far as by Law you are bound (church or canon law) The office of churchwarden was the most senior of all the village offices dating back to the 13th century, its duties were far reaching covering not only the maintenance of the church but also the conduct of the clergy and all the parishioners. (see Notes on visitation in churchwarden accounts 1715)

The most Important items of expense which are found in every account relate to the celebration of Holy Communion or Sacrament and the expenses incurred at two Visitations, at Easter and Michaelmas.

The Sacrament

This usually took place three times a year. at Easter, Michaelmas and Christmas, whilst on a few occasions Whitsuntide was also included. Mr. John Slack, the Vicar of Goxhill. reported to the Diocese in 1715 Communion three times p. a. however in the accounts for 1728, 31, 32, 33. and 1767 it was celebrated four times. The altar itself was mentioned several times, 1704 paide ffor napkin ffor ye table 1s 6d 1732 Paid for 2 long Bafses for ye Altar 3s 6d Paid for 5 Duzon of bafces a halfe for ye Church ufe 5s 6d paid for bringing them over 6d 1735 Paid for the Alter Baifs 5s 5 d and Paid to the Boat Men for Bringing them over 4d Basses were a form of kneeler used in taking Communion and for Prayer in the nave, and must have been bought in Hull. 1745 2 cloths for Alter Table & Napkin & Makeing £1 1s 0d Payd to Geo. Smith for Cutting ye Alter Table 1s 0d Perhaps the legs of the table had rotted somewhat on the damp stone floor. 1765 paid for washing the Alter twice and for sweeping the Quirc out 1s 0d After window repairs probably in the chancel.

Wine for the Communion was purchased in every account in what may now seem to be a very large quantity. The 13 ½ gallons bought in 1704 cost £4 3s 6d out of a total expenditure for the year of £20 16s 11d, whilst the smallest amount in the last surviving account of 1785 was 5 gallons costing £2. The average amount was 6 gallons per year. Up to 1707 the Churchwardens “is allowed” 1s by the “town” for expenses incurred in buying the wine on each of the three or four Sacraments, this increased to 2s until 1742. when 4s was allowed. From then on one of the final account entries became “allowed by the Town for buying the wine 8s” for all the buying trips. Again the wine was bought in Hull. In 1753 a Tho. Lee of hull is mentioned, in 1757 three different wine sellers were used, Robert Stevenson, Anthony Parkinson and Susana Dodson, and finally in 1773. paid to Mr Hall 7 gallons of Red Port £2 2c paid fur weighen and bying wine 11s 4d

These amounts of wine were necessary when practically all of the villagers over 16 years of age were Communicants. No actual census returns for these years are

79 available, however Diocesan Returns from 1705 to 1723 record 160, 137 and 172 families. Using a low average of 3 adults per family the last figure would give an adult population of 526. An earlier Church census of 1576 returned 450 inhabitants over 16 years of age, all Conformists. (Conformists were those who professed the protestant faith of the Church of England, and were above all not of the Roman Catholic faith.) The Glebe Terrier of 1718, a return to the Bishop of the furniture, lands, tithes and other dues belonging to the Church and vicarage, also confirms the importance of the Sacrament to the Villagers. The two Silver Cups (Chalices) weighing six ounces apiece were bought in 1695 and 1699 by the Churchwardens. These are still in use today. See the complete terrier of 1718

After 1742 further entries add some confusion, Mr Slack the Vicar received payment of 19s for wine and linen washing, in 1751 he received 12s for wine, and again 12s in 1753. In 1754 under a new Vicar Mr Skelton, his curate Mr Mounsey received 1s for Sacrament wine, he was also in 1753 paid Mr Mounsey for a Sarmon on cractmas Day l0s.

Soon this arrangement of paying the Vicar, now Mr Skelton appeared to be the norm. In 1761 he was paid 12s for 8 Sacraments and in 1763 for the whole year Sacraments, 12s. When the amount rose to 19s 6d it included money for surplice and linen washing. Occasionally wine was purchased by the bottle and even plain glass bottles were purchased. Perhaps this was when extra was needed, or did the gallons of wine come in barrels?

1757 Paid for houp for the wine Barroole. 1745 5 Gallons of Wine .5s 9dp. Gallon & Cooperidg £1 9s 2d one Gallon more 8s 2d Although wine purchased was recorded each year, the other element, the Bread, was found in only ten accounts. Up to 1731 the cost of bread was 1s or 1s 6d depending on the amount of wine used, whilst in the few later accounts bread was bought by the dozen, always at 1s per dozen. 1761 paid to Eliz Marris for Bread for the Sacraments and 2 loves for sick peopel that recd Sacrament at there houses 4s 8d

As well as providing a napkin and suitable cloth to cover the table the Churchwardens were to provide a surplice for the Minister. These items were often mentioned as Church linen washing and in 1761 cost 7s 6d. 1745 2 cloths for Alter Table & Napkin & makeing £1 1s 0d 1761 paid for a Napkin for the Communion and making 2s 2d paid for half a yard of Cloth to Meck the Surplufs and thread 1s Id 1763 paid fur the Church Linning Cleaning and Plait 7s 6d paid for Surplus Mending 6d

Visitations

.The Visitations in the Yarborough Deanery took place twice yearly at Easter and Michaelmas at Caistor and were held every third year by the Bishop of Lincoln, the other two years by the Archdeacon of Lincoln. The Churchwardens and Clergy of all the Parishes in the Deanery, some 30 in all, were summoned to attend and to report to

80 the church authorities on the well being or otherwise of the church buildings, the clergy and the parishioners of their Parishes. The church at Caistor and the hostelry facilities there were large enough to accommodate well over a hundred extra visitors on visitation day, and although Caistor lies at the western edge of the deanery it was only two stage coach stops from Lincoln. (A full description of the visitation can be found in the churchwarden account 1715)

Nearly all the accounts begin with the purchase of a book of articles.

1715 Paid for the Book of Articles 1s paid to ye Aparitor for Sumons to ye visitation & a prayer book 2s paid the visitation dues 5s 3d paid to Mr perfe at ye Bishop visitation 2s paid for a horse for him to ye visitation Is paid for our charges at ye time 4s paid for ye presentment Bill returning Is paid for ye Terrier of the gleeb land drawing2s paid for the terrier returning in at ye visitation 1s paid to the Apparitor.for a prayer Book Is paid for Mich. Visitation fees 4s 2d

The Apparitor was the ecclesiastical official who delivered both the summons to attend the Visitation and the Book of Articles to the churchwardens. The Book of Articles was in fact a detailed questionnaire into the state of the Church, the Parishioners and the Clergy, which had to be answered by the churchwardens at the Visitation in a written Presentment Bill. Mr Perse was probably a Curate, who acted for Vicar Kaye who gave up his office this year 1715, before the new Vicar John Slack was installed. He needed a horse for the journey to Caistor, a ride of 16 miles in 1 ½ to 2 hours. “Our charges”, which in some accounts become ‘for our dinners” are always 2s each. The church year began at Easter with the electing and swearing in of the new churchwardens, and ended at the following Easter when the retiring churchwardens delivered their Presentment Bill in answer to the questions in the book of articles regarding the state of affairs in the Parish. In any one year both the new churchwardens and the retiring churchwardens attended the Faster Visitation together with the Vicar, whilst at the Michaelmas Visitation only the churchwardens for the current year were required, with the Vicar to be present.

1717 Mich vifitation fees paid to Mr Jno Slack 2s forr our charges at Dinner 4s Dinner for two men for the prefentment Bill returning at Ea/tor Vifitation 6s paid to Mr Jno Slack 2s for four Churchwardens Charges at the Vifitation 8s 1745 Easter our own Charges new Churchwardens & Mr Slack l0s The old retiring churchwardens and the new

81 The churchwardens would probably have had a meal at the conclusion of the business of the Visitation and then have ridden home to Goxhill.

The Terrier in full was not only a list of lands belonging to the Vicarage but also all tithes and fees due to the Vicar together with a list of the moveable furnishings in the Church. 1715 paid to the Aparitor for the Regefter returning 1s

Births, Deaths and Marriages were to be entered in the Parish Register, and from 1598 incumbents were required to provide the diocesan bishop with copies. known as Bishops’ Transcripts, of these parish registers. This year 1715 was a Bishop Visitation and it appeared that the village had not complied with this regulation, a further entry revealed that the registers had not been completed for the last three years.

1716 paid to Tho Smith for Regeftring 3 Year in the Refter which were omitted 3s

Again this may have been because the retiring Vicar Mr Kaye was unable to fully comply with all his duties.

The entries regarding payment for wine and the Visitations are to be found in every account. However although the earlier ones appear to detail all purchases, in 1735 payments were paid to named individuals, with, in this one instance, their “pertickelers” on the back of the account. It must be pointed out that not only do we not have all the accounts but the ones we do have are not complete in their detail. It follows that to make correct assessments of how much was spent on any particular feature eg. bells, windows or repairs, is not possible. In fact the accounts from 1770 onwards consist, mostly only of bills to individuals, and the Visitation expenses are equally brief 1770-71 paid att Mickhelmus Vifitation & Charges l0s 8d paid att Easter Vifitation & Charges 11s 8d

The business of the Visitation ended with either the “Bishop’s or Archdeacon’s Charge”, an address given to the assembled clergy and parishioners during a Church Service.

Bells and Ringing

The enormous sum of just over £50 which was spent in 1715 and 1716 when the “Great Bell” was recast into two new bells to give the village four bells in good order, was a turning point in bell ringing. The 1718 Terrier says “in the Steeple are four Bells with their furniture and one without”. In 1704 payment for ringing was made three times, spent with ye Ringers on new year day Is 0d paide to the Ringers on Gunpowder treason 5s 0d

After 2s was spent on a book and proclamation for the day of thanksgiving spent with ye ringers att ye same time 2s 6d

This day of thanksgiving must have been a day of National Thanksgiving for John Churchill’s victory at the Battle of Blenheim. after which a grateful Nation made him 1st Duke of Marlborough and built Blenheim Palace.

82 In the 1707 accounts the bells were rung on November 5th, 7s, and on Christmas Day 1s. Unfortunately the next account that we have is not until 1715. and here the first mention of bells reads Paid to Robert Sharp for fetching the great hell away 4s 2d This was the start of an expensive enterprise when churchwardens William Trout and John Gilliatt, in 1715 and 1716, supervised a complete re-hanging of two new bells together with two of the old ones. This was completed before November 5 1716 with the following entry in the accounts for that year. spent on Gunpowder treafon 1716 7s 0d Spent with the Ringers on New years’ Day 2s 0d (see The Accounts of William Trout and John Gilliatt Churchwardens at Goxhill, 1715,1716)

The following year three payments were paid for ringing, the fifth day of November, Christmas and for the only time Lammas Day, August 1st. (Lammas. the opening of the meadows for grazing. It was also customary to consecrate bread made from the first ripe corn of harvest)

In 1728 money was spent on four days May 29, June 11. November 5 and January 1st although no reason was given, these were most likely ringing days. A single entry of 14s 6d for four ringing days was recorded in 1732 but in the next year the following six “Ringing Days” were recorded. New Year’s Day May 29 Oak Apple Day June 11 October 11 Coronation of King George the Second October 30 The King’s Birthday November 5 Gunpowder Treason Five days became the normal number of days on which the ringers were paid, no doubt the bells were rung on many other days, perhaps on Sundays or Saints’ Days. On the death of a parishioner the “passing bell” may have drawn attention to someone’s death. Gunpowder Treason was always the most expensive at 7s 6d, with the others at 2s or 2s 6d. November 5th. was important for remembering that the State Protestant Religion triumphed over the Catholics who were still considered a threat to the Establishment. A small group of Catholics. led by Robert Catesby and Thomas Percy’ planned to blow up King James 1st at the state opening of Parliament on November 5th 1605. One of the conspirators, worried about friends who were Catholic Lords, warned them of the plot, and one of them passed the information to the authorities. A search of the cellars under Parliament revealed Guy Fawkes guarding his barrels of gunpowder. The plotters were quickly rounded up and all were executed on January 31st 1606. Usually the ringing fee was paid to a named person who was probably an Inn Keeper, no doubt of the Royal Oak, it being very near to the Church. In 1704 a Betty Wakelin is mentioned, 1734 it is John Marris followed by Elizabeth Marris in 1742. Elizabeth or Betty Marris was paid for ringing and for tradesmens’ allowances until 1766 when she is recorded as “Wed. Marrifs” (Widow Marris) 1734 Drinke at John Marris takeing the Kings Armes 3s 0d 1742 paid to Eliz Marifs for Ringing days .29 May 11 of June the 11th of october 30 of october 5 of november ,Newar day£1 0s 0d

83 1751 Paid Eliz Marrifs 3 days Lowance Ottby winter & his man Is 6d 1766 Wed. Marrifs which appears by her Bill.

1770 A new name David Lyell appears with no mention of ringers until 1783 March 12th Paid to David Lyel for the Expenses of Ringers £1

The next year came the confirmation that the Ringers were paid in kind.

1784 John Lyel for Ringing Expences of Ale £1

Records of repairs and work on the bells appear constantly, especially for oil, grease and bell ropes, occasional iron work, repairs to bell wheels, even a lock for the bell house door. Bell ropes cost from 1s 8d to 5s 6d sometimes for the great bell, the second or third.

1733 Thomas Ffeareby for a Great Bell Roope 4s ffor One Bell Rope Bought at Barton for the first Bell Is 8d Mathew Cilham for a Third Bell Rope 3s 6d ffor Tincklanck Rope and Hemp for Tufting of the Bell Rope1s 4d ffor Washing of the Bells and Splissing of the Bell Ropes 1734 Barton Roper for one Bell Rope 2s 6d 1751 P to Attb,y Winter for Ptting a Sally Bauk up 6d

Payments for oil and grease for the bells were common to most years, in 1716 probably for the new bells, ½ lb. of soap was bought for the bell bushes. Plain bearings used at this time needed regular greasing.

1757 saw nearly £4 out of a total disbursed of £1 8 19s ld on bell repairs including work done by James Harrison. Paid for Sa/yt Oyll forBeels 2 Quarts 3s 7d ( Salid Oyll Solid oil i.e grease) Paid o Ott. Winter for Mending Litle Beel (bell) an for Nails to Nale the planks over the Loft 1s 3d Paid to Edmund Arland for 4 New Cotrils 4 New feathers and a hook Mending and 5 New Wedges for the Beeles 1s 7d (cotril, cotter pin. Feather, leather hanger for the clapper) Paid to Edmund Arland for both their Labour and A New Staple for the Second bele Crown 2s 6d Paid to Edmund Arland for 3 bell Tungs Mending and 8 New feathers and 3 New Wedges for the beels 3s 5d (bell tung, clapper) Paid to Edmund Arland for 4 New houps for the beel Tung 1s Paid to Edmund Arlund for I Godgin Mending and I Staple Mending for the Whole 1s 6d (Godgen or Gudgen. axle on which the bell swings ) Paid to Ralf Webfter for a new bele Rope 2s 6d Paid to James Harrifon for 3 pair of New belc Brafs Weighd 32 ½ and l4d pr pund £1 17s 11d (Bell brass bearing or casing )

84 Paial to James Harrifon and his Man 4 Days Each at 3s 6d pr day and he Allowed for old Brafs one pound and A penny halfpenny 34 ½ at 7d pr pund Remains Due 9s 10d Paid to George Rob. for a Little Poot (pot) to put oyl into 1d Paid for one New bele Rope 2s 6d Paid to James Harrifon Tuning a bee/e 5s 1766 paid to James Harrison for the Bell Hinging (hanging) £1 8s 0d

(bell wheel large wooden wheel attached to headstock on which the bell rope is attached.)

Stile Mending

This may seem an odd duty for the churchwardens, however if they gave access to the four open fields, which were common to all the villagers, the cost of maintaining them should be common too. The churchwardens had money available from their church rate and were able to fund repairs without delay.

1751 Pd to Mat. Hudlas for 16 halfpeny Spiks for ye Stiles 8d Pd to Wm. Afhby for one Stile mending mending Franfis Faulding Clogs 4s 6d Pd to Wm. Afhby for one Stile mending at ye Church Wood 1s 8d Pd to Wm Afhby one Stile mending by Jno. Hardys 1s 6d Pd to Wm. Afhby for ye Bell Stile mending 2s 6d Pd to Wm. Afhby for one Rail and Stile mending at ye Viker Bridg 4s 0d Pd to Atthy Winter for Rails for ye Church Stile 8d Pd to Wm. Wardle one rail at ye Viker BridgIs 0d Pd to Ed Sargent for one Stoupc (step) at ye Church wood Stile Is 4d Other Stiles mentioned are Abbagarth, North Steal, nanpy steal. Wm. Arland, South End Close, Mr Hildeyard’s Close, Wed. Hardy and Thos Barton Stile: all of which would be places of common knowledge to everyone. The Vicar Bridge is a puzzle, the beck is the only stream in the Parish although some of the dykes are wide enough to need bridging.

85 Lead Work, Roof, Windows and Glasiers.

All the accounts, except the last one of 1785, have some reference to lead and solder, or windows being mended by a glasier, or an account to someone previously named as a glasier. Even today working in lead is expensive and it was in the 18th century in particular when the lead covered roof needed repairing, in which case the quantity of lead used was far greater than in window repairs. In both roof and window repairs it was the glasier who undertook the work. The correct name for such a workman would be “plummer”, one who worked with Lead. 1704 Spent with pologrew when he came to take ye worke 1s paid to Robt pologrew for Lead and Solder and worke menfhipp £6 15 9d spent when wee fetcht ye lead from barton 6d paid to Betty’ wakelin for pologrew and His man alowance while they wrought 1s 6d This was a large amount out of the year’ s spending of some £20 and was probably for roof repairs. Edward Sargent (carpenter) and his lad did work and bought oak wood for the steeple. All was not well with Pologrew, later in the account the wardens saw the Bailiff about the Pologrew debt.

1717 This year churchwardens Thomas Cavil and Thomas Roberts engaged John Chapman (in the account referred to as the Glafier,) to undertake an expensive roof repair. A large oak beam, 31 feet, probably to span the nave, was purchased together with a quantity of deal, to make a base, which would be covered with lead. paid to Edward Serjent for eight day work at the Church 10s 8d for his Son Six dayes 4s paid to Will Wardle or two dayes work at the church 3s paid for 31 foot of Oak wood at 15d pr foott £1 19s 4 ½ d paid for Lleading the wood down to the boat 2s 4d for Boating it 1s for 18 Deals at l6d pr Deale £1 4s 0d for one Wainfcott Board 3s 6d for Lleading to the Boat and Boating 5d for bringing the wood Over 6s paid for landing the sd. wood 1s for Leading it to the Church 6s Charges at Hull when we bought the Wood 2s paid to John Chapman for eighteen Day work at 2s pr day £1 16s for Gervifs Chapman eight dayes at 22 pence pr day 14s 8d for 16 2/4 22/b. of New lead at 22s y stone £12 4s 10d for 62 pound of colder at 12s pr lb £3 2s for fire wood 2s paid to Tho Smith jbr 23 days serving the Gla/ier 15s 4d for four days serving the mafon 2s 8d for helping the Carpenters one day removeing the great wood and Tackling it up 8s Spent when we got help to hail up the wood up to the Low Lead 1s 6d Spent when we bargained with John Chapman for the Lead work 1s Spent when the Lead was Cafting 1s paid to Will Ward or Nailes & Candles and liberty for

86 bringing the wood through his yard 3s Id paid to Cyrily proudley for 300 6d nailes & 2d of 12d 1s 5d paid to Jofeph proudley for 3 pecks of Coales & 3d of nails 1s 3d paid to Tho. Cavil/for 5 dayes firewood wn porter wrought at the Church 2s 6d paid to John Marrifs for one peck of Coals 6d paid to Tho. Roberts for firewood for 18 dayes 9s paid to Tho. Roberts for thre pecks of Coles 1s Spent when we fetcht the wood to the Church 1s for Carrying the Lead back to Brigg wch Porter sent 2s paid for John Chapman 18 days Allowance 4s 6d for Gervifs Chapman 8 days Allowance 2s paid for Tho Smith for 27 days serving ye Glafier and the mafon and one day helping the Carpenter being allowance 7s for leading one load of sand to the Church 1s for fetching John Chapman Lead frame and Lead pan and the rest of his furniture from Thornton and carying them back 4s

Finally John Chapman hath received in part of the price of the new Lead. 15 & ½ stone of Old lead at 9s 4d pr st £7=00=6

The two Churchwardens Thomas Cavil and Thomas Roberts, had spent £40 7s l1d less the allowance of £7 and 6d for the old lead; they collected a rate of £l7 12s 6d which left the Town indebted to the old churchwardens £15 14s l1d, to be collected the following year by the new churchwardens. This is the only time that a mason, here Gerviss Chapman, was mentioned. He was probably the brother of John the glasier, both of Thornton. However in 1751 a Jno Chapman was paid 7s 6d at Easter for the windows by churchwarden Jno Chapman

A very necessary piece of equipment for church repairs was a long ladder and in 1732 the churchwardens had a “Great Stee” made. (One long pole would be cut lengthwise into two to form the two long sides of the ladder. A similar small ladder can be found in East Halton church tower)

Payed for a pool (pole) for a Stee for ye Church 2s payed to Will Ahby or 3 days at Church macking ye Stee and Spelling ye Great Stee and for 4 peafes of wood for Rich Green pew 3s 10d 1733 ffor a Lock for the Laders 4d

In 1763 the nave roof again needed a attention paid to Edward Chapman in Exchinging of Led for Repairing part of the High Rouf and Reparing of Sevirill Winders Wich apears by his Bill £36 6s 10d

87 Again a long oak beam and deals were purchased paid for one oak plank 23 feet at I0d pr fut 19s 2d paid for 23 11 & 12fut Deals at 2s ld pr Deall £2 3s 8d paid for 3 Six fut Deals at 0 9d pr Deall 2s 3d paid for one 9fut Deall at 1s 3d pr Deal 1s 3d paid for 4 9fut Deals at 2s Od pr Deall 8s 0d paid for one 14 ft Deal at 2s 6d pr Deall 2s 6d

Wm. Newton was paid for boat fright 5s 4d” He is mentioned in the accounts of the Overseers of the Poor, living at the Ferry Inn, Goxhill Haven. Two more interesting entries were, paid to the Said Men for 12 Deals Sliting each dealI in to. Four 12s 0d paid for Raifing the Long Pole tow times 2s 0d Further charges included labour at £12 15s, and oddments such as carrying rubbish out sweeping the Church, washing the seats and when the old lead was taken to Barton and “tow Scaill Bords When New Led Was Whead” had to be bought. [Two scale boards for use when weighing the lead The rate of ten pence in the pound raised £58 15s l0d and with other income John Richardson and Thomas Fulstow received £64 4s ld. and disbursed £65 9s 4½d ,being out of pocket £1 3s 3 ½ d, having spent around £50 on the High Roof

It was quite surprising that practically all the accounts had in them money spent on window repairs. In 1764. the year following, and perhaps partly because of the upset of such a huge project a new glasier Christopher Manley repaired “the third part of Church Winders”. paid for 64 foot and a half for a New Window at the Steple at 8d pr fut £2 3s 0d for one foot and tow thirds of ould Glas Leding 5d for five Squars of New Glas 10d for 34 New Squears 5s 8d paid for one Hunderd of ould Led Casting at 3s 6d pr Hunderd 3s 6d paid for 3st. 6p of New Led at one pound pr Hunderd 8s 6d (Hunderd Hundred weight) for 4 pound of Souder at 11d pr pound 3s 8d paid for Reparing the third part of Church Winders £5 0s 0d paid for Carring Rubbish out & Cleaning the pews 6d paid to Citt Hanly for a fastenpening at Letting ye Winders 1s 0d paid to Elizabeth Marrifs for Louanfis (allowances) 3s 3d

A list of Workers in Lead

1704 polygrew: 1707 Willowby Noble 1717 John Chapman 1728 to 1745 Robert Fairweather 1751 to 1757 John Chapman 1761 to 1763 Edward Chapman 1764 to 1784 Christopher Hanley

The Loft

A further addition to the Church was made in 1733 when the churchwardens William Embrough and Joseph Hardy had a loft erected. Today we would describe it as a tiered row of seats or gallery, at the West end of the nave and to be used both for the singers and the band of musicians who accompanied the services. Winterton Church

88 has some of its old instruments on display and Mr G Northen has a Serpent which may have been played in the Goxhill loft.

1733 Spent at John Marrifs with John Oakley about Takeing the Loaft 2s 6d John Hall Earles for takeing the Loaft 1s 0d John Hall for Building of the Loaft £20 0s 0d Joseph Proudley for iron work for the Bells and Loaft 6s 9d Linseed Oile and Varnish for the Loaft 3s 2d Spent with John Hall for Raissing of the Loaft 1s 7d

Further entries 1742 Paid to Edward Sergant ffor mening Loft 6d 1757 Paid to Robt. Dayvy for the Loft Sets mending 3s ?d 1761 paid to Edmund Arland for 2 of 8d nails for the loft 2d

There were two entries when money was spent with the Barton Singers, perhaps they assisted with the singing from the loft.

1745 Spent by Barton Singers 5s 0d 1766 paid by the Orders of Nabors to Barton Singers 10s 6d

The Kings Arms

Although it was never ordered by Act of Parliament that the Coat of Arms of the reigning Monarch should be prominently displayed in the Church, the Monarch being the Head of the Protestant Anglican Church as well as the State, it behoved the churchwardens to show their loyalty to the State as well as proclaiming they were not of the Catholic persuasion.

1734 Drinke at John Morris takeing the Kings Armes 3s 0d The Kings Court of Armes £12 12s 0d The Frames £2 2s 0d The Glory and the frames painting £3 3s 0d Spent at John Marris Setting the Armes up 2s 6d

Like most of the business of village officials at this time, contracts were discussed and agreed at the local hostelry, the Marris family being Inn Keepers noted in the accounts from 1728 to 1766. The Armes in this case was a large oil painting of the Arms of George the Second who had been crowned on October 30th. 1733. The painting was framed, and if hung in the usual place, it would have been suspended high in the chancel arch where it was in full view of all the congregation. After “setting up” the business was concluded at the house of John Marris.

The Glory. This may refer to the Creed, the Lords Prayer. The 10 Commandments or even all three of them.

The Cawfey (Footpath)

89 1732 payed to Joseph Hardy ffor 8 Loads of Stones & 5 Load of Sand of Sand loading for ye Church Caw/èy 13s 0d payed to 26 Labourfs for Gathering Stones for ye Cawfèy 8s 0d payed to will Hutchinfon for one day at Cawfey 8d payed to Thomas Croumpton for 4 day at Cawfey 2s 8d payed to Hou King for Shovling the Church Cawfey l0s 0d payed to Will Wardall for one day at Cawfey Is 8d payed to Mathew Winn for one day at Cawfey 8d

Perhaps this was an instance when churchwardens Thomas Cavil and Ballintine Woodall acted as Overseers of the Poor in finding work for the 26 labourers, maybe during bad weather. Joseph Hardy, one of the wealthier farmers was well paid for having his land cleared of stones compared to the back aching work of the 26 labourers! 8 loads of stone seems a large amount to pave the foot path to the Church, there are two paths to the west and east of the Church, the eastern one is called Church Walk today.

Two further mentions of the Cawsey.

1757 Paid to Tho. Adamfon for 7 Day paving at the Church Cawfey 2s pr Day 14s Od Paid to Tho. Adamfon and his Man 14 Day Allowances 3s 6d 1766 Paid for 7 posts for the Church Cawsey and setting down & sloting11s 0d

The School House

The whereabouts of the early school is not known. A small brick building next to a cottage north west of the Church along the western footpath may have been used as a school. Some education must have existed in the village All of the Vestry members, except two who made their mark, could sign their names on the accounts throughout the century.

John Plummer and George Parker in 1753 paid for repairs to the school house. Paid to John Plummer for one Seck of lime fetchen from barow 1s Od Paid to John Plummer for one 100 of brick fetchen from Tho Cavil 6d Paid to John Plummer lates and nales for ye Scolhouse and underdrawing 6d Paid to John Plummer for Sand fetchen for ye Scolhouse 6d Paid to John adamfon for ye Scol house chimler mendin l0s 6d Paid to .John Adamfon for one Seck of lime for ye Scol house 1s 6d Paid John adamfon and his lad one Day at Scol house 2s 0d Paid to Eliz. maris for John adamfon Louence at ScoI house Is 0d Paid to Tho Cavil for one 100 of brick 2s 0d

1761 Atby winter for 2 Bell Stays & a threshold for ye Schole houfè 3s Gd 1763 paid for 12 Tiles for Scoulhous 8d

90 1766 paid to Chriftfer Handley for Reparing Scoullhouse winders 6s Od

The lime and sand were mixed to make lime mortar and the bricks were either for repairing or making a new chimney (chimler) for the school house. Under drawing may refer to a new ceiling, a threshold was a door step.

Bricks are first mentioned in 1733

Ffor ½ thousand of Bricks and Loading from Barton 8s 3d Paid to George Robertt for digging the Weeds from the Church Walls and bringing in Halfè a Thousand Brick into the Church 1s 2d 1767 paid for fetching one Lode of Brickes and Tiles from Barton and tourn pike 5s 9d

Small amounts of bricks were bought from local men and the bricks were probably made at Barton However, in 1751 the pantiles were bought at Hull. It is possible they were imported from the Low Countries. Pd att Hull for 200 Pan Tils & Lobourings 8s 3d Many accounts have lime, sand and hair being bought, these mixed together make a wall plaster which may then have been white-washed. 1766 paid to Georg Farmery for Whiten the Church 15s 0d

Pews

There are four entries with mention of seating in the Church. Thornton Curtis, the neighbouring parish, has a carved wooden plaque commemorating the erection of stalls in their church in 1532. In the 18th century both parishes shared the same incumbent, if this was so earlier it is possible that Goxhill may have had similar seating.

1707 paid to Edward Sergent for wood & workmanship for mending Stalls in the Church 1s 0d 1732 & for 4 peefes of wood for Rich green pew 1751 Pd to Edm Arnold for nails & one day for ye Seats 1s Id 1761 paid for Carring ye Roubifh out & Wqfhing the Seats 2s 0d

91 The Strewing Days

The accounts of 1704, 1707, 1715-1716 and 1717. all have entries for carrying straw into the Church, the practice dies out sometime between 1717 and 1728. Straw or hay was strewn over the floor of the church making its earthen floor more comfortable and warmer to kneel on.

171 5 -6 paid when the straw was carried to the Church at Christmas 6d Expenses on the Strewing dayes 6s 8d paid to Tho portinton for mowing the Grafs 2s 0d paid to Tho Smith for Straw carrying to the Church 6d spent when the Straw was Carryed to the Church for allowance 6d Spent when the Strewing was fetched at midfunner 1716 1s 4d Paid to Tho Smith for mowing it 1s 0d

Two other items that disappear from the accounts at a similar time to the Strewing days concern keeping people awake and removing dogs during the services.

1704 paide to Robt Talor for wakin people 4s 0d 1715-6 paid to Robt Talor for wakin Sluggifh people 4s 0d

1707 paid to Robt Ta/or for whipping out the dogs 4s 0d 1728 Pd to Jno Joys for ye Dogs 4s 0d

Expenses found throughout the century

The church “ways, streets, rodes. cawsey or rods” were kept clean and from time to time weeds were removed from around the church walls. Shovels were bought for this purpose. 1742 Paid to James Haltoft for Shovling ye Church Cawsey 14s 0d 1753 Paid Mark Cafh for Church Rod Swepin 14s 0d 1745 for digging weds round Church wales 8d

1757 Paid to Mark cafh for Shovelling & opeing Church Dores 14s 0d 1731 Paid for 2 Locks for ye Church Doors 5s 0d

There were other entries for opening the church doors together with locks being purchased, as well as locks for the chest. Some of the parish papers would be kept in the parish chest together with the silver used in the communion service, it was necessary to keep the building safely locked. Three locks were needed for the Parish Chest, so that both the two churchwardens and the vicar had to be present together at any opening of the chest.

1766 paid for three Locks for the Church Chest 2s 6d

The churchwardens were responsible for burials both in the churchyard and the church. They had to pay for the covering of the graves in both places but they also received payment for the burials. (see also under income)

92 1733 Paide to William Wardle for lyeing down George Marifs Grave And his Daughter Grave and their Alowance 2s 10d

And in 1754 the churchwarden Francis Faulding sadly records

Paid for My own Child Grave putin doum 1s 0d

1762 Andrew Benton was paid 1s each for paving down the graves of Wm and Tho Cavil and Ann Hardy, inside the church, both the Cavills and the Hardys were important farming families.

Coal, purchased by the met or peck, featured in every account. Perhaps this indicates that there was some form of heating inside the church, used, if not for services, for the vestry meetings, which often took place as late as December.

1754 Paid for four Mets of Coles for ye Church 8s 0d

The churchwardens were the most senior of all the village officials. Any government or church official communications was always first addressed to the churchwardens and, like the Overseers of the Poor, they gave relief to people in distress.

17 15-6 Paide to a letter of requeft 6d 1728 Given to a poor woman 1s 6d 1732 Given to Six men and two women with letter of Reques ffor ffire 11s 6d (Had they lost all through fire? )

1753 and for the act of parlement 1s 0d 1751 Pd to ye Parritter for a paper Conferning ye Prinfe Is 0d 1762 Paid for a Book for the Beth of a young prince 1s 0d

1757 Paid for Richard Trout Bond 2s Od ((This was usually a bond, which in this case, bound Richard in a sum of money to care if necessary, for a bastard child should the need arise)

Ye Town Book

1745 & for puting our Last Accounts in ye Town Book 1s 8d Do for Jno.Mumby & Jno. Border 1s 8d Do for Robt. Wilson & Tho. Parker 1s 8d Do for Win. Trout & Tho. Molton 1s 8d

It appears that a summary of each year’s accounts was entered in an official Town Book, and for some reason this had not been done for the last three years. If this was done for the other village accounts, such as the ones for the Overseers of the Poor, the Highways , Dke Reeves and Constables, what an interesting document this must have been.

In the early accounts the final entries were usually

93 1707 Charges Spent in Gathering up our Tax 8s 0d ffor Writing 3s 4d

Later this changes to for buying wine 8s & for writing 3s 4d

The Churchwardens received no payment for carrying out their duties.

From 1742 onwards at the year’s end the churchwardens added to the expenses an item called “drawback money”. This was tax money which they had not been able to collect from the ratepayers and had therefore become chargeable to the community. The amounts were small, in 1742 forty people owed 10s l1d. The year 1751 had sixty seven people on the drawback list, the average was around thirty.

The Churchwardens’ Income

From the time of Queen Elizabeth 1st the churchwardens were able to raise a church tax to cover their charges. Before this they raised the money needed to carry out their duties by various means such as fairs held in the churchyard, house to house collections and the sale of church ales. For the days of a fair or perhaps a holiday the churchwardens would brew a special ale which was sold to help defray their expenses. The 18th century churchwardens were able to raise the money needed by raising a tax from all the villagers owning land or being a tenant of land, the assessment varied according to the needs of that particular year. Six of these assessments have survived, for the years 1732, 1733, 1734, 1735, 1747 and one of 176?. The first five simply list the ratepayers by name and their particular holding or holdings and the amount of tax due. The 176? Paper is more interesting as it not only details the holder and the amount of tax due but also the acreage of the arable land, the pasture and the neatgates for which the tax was liable. There were 126 people on the list. (Neatgates were grazing lands, in Goxhill, these were in the marsh along the river bank.) The wording on these five documents may point to the fact that a central government tax was also being levied.

1733 The Receites of William Emhrough and Josrph Hardy being Church Wardens 1733 and theire Taxes was at Twelve pence per pound according to Land Tax

1747 An Afefsment is laid by the Inhabitants of Goxhill Chris Hildyard and Robt. Wilkin the present Church Wardens for the Year 1747 after the Rate of 5 per Land Tax bill

The assessment varied from 2 pence to 12 pence per pound, and on three of them the drawback money was deducted from the total, and not added on to the disbursements as in some of the churchwarden accounts. The only other income recorded in the accounts was for burials in the church, which for adults was always charged at 6s 8d per burial, a child burial was 3s 4d

Received of Francis faulding for his Child Burying in ye Church 3s 4d (Francis was churchwarden this year and in the account had Paid for Mv own Child Grave putind doun 1s 0 d )

94 1761 Recd Qf Thos. Hardy for Ann Hardy Burial in the Church 6s 8d Recd of John Cavil for Wm. Cavil and Tho. Cavil Burel in the Church 13s 4d

Both the accounts and the assessments were presented at a Vestry Meeting held in the church at the end of the church year, that is sometime after Easter, even as late as December. The 1761 accounts of Wm Sergeant and Thos. Stephenson Junor were presented, May ye 26th 1762

Thefe Accounts Att A Meteing are Sene and Examined And Allowd on by Us Whose Name Are Under Written and we find them Due to the Town two pound Seventen Shilling tow pence halfpenny As Witnefs Our hand Tho. Hardy Wm. Gilliott William Harrifon John Richardson George Arnold Tho. Plummer Benjn. Collins Richard Green

In most of the accounts the first signature is often in a larger hand than the others, which may indicate that he was the chairman of the vestry meeting. It is fairly obvious from the lists of churchwardens and those who signed at the vestry meeting that the vestry was not comprised of a random selection of all the villagers but rather a more select group of the wealthier farmers, tradesmen etc. (For the lists of churchwardens, their yearly outlays and vestry members see later)

95 Churchwarden Accounts

Date Churchwardens Disbursments £ s d 1641 Edward Ledgard Steven Marshall [Protestation Return] Robert Webster Thomas Smith 1699 Nicholas Briggs Thomas Taylor [Buyers of the two Chalices] 1704 Hen. Wyer Edward Sargeant 20 16 11 1707 Thos. Faulding Robt. Nicholson 10 1 9 1714 Joseph Glentworth John Chapman 1715 Wm. Troutt John Gilliott 38 7 4 1716 Wm Troutt John Gilliott 34 14 0 1717 Thos. Cavill Thomas Roberts 40 7 11 1728 Joseph Glentworth Robert Smith 16 6 4¾ 1731 Richd. Green George Furley 16 6 9 1732 Thomas Cavill Ballentine Woodall 24 11 11 1733 William Embrough Joseph Hardy 37 7 8 1734 Christopher Hildyard John Gilliott 34 16 8 1735 Win. Richardson Philip Plummer 22 00 10 1742 John Mumby John Border 13 11 4 1743 Robt. Nelson Tho. Parker 1744 Wm. Trout Tho. Molton 1745 Jno. Emperingham Richd. Trout 12 16 3 1747 Chris. Hildyard Robt.Wilkin 1752 Wm. Beedom Jno. Chapman 17 8 7 1753 John Plummer George Parker 14 1 4 1754 Frs. Faulding Jno. Ebblewhite 58 12 10¾ 1755 Frs. Faulding Thos. Hardy 1756 Thos. Plummer Robt. England 1757 Thos. Cavill Jnr. Rodger Norfolk 18 9 1 1760 Rich. Green Thos. Stephenson 1761 Thos. Stephenson Jnr. Wm. Sargeant 21 14 7 ½ 1763 John Richardson Thos. Fulstow 65 9 4½ 1764 John Richardson Samuell Woodall 19 19 7 1766 John Green John Nelson 73 17 8 1767 John Nelson Henry Mumby 25 1 0 1770 Thos. Bean Jon Markham 23 13 5 1772 John CaviIl William Cilliott 20 11 4 ¾ 1773 Robert Fulstow William Gilliott 26 0 10 1776 Thos. Wyer John Chapman 16 16 4 1778 Wm. Palmer Robert Pickering 11 6 6 1779 Robert Pickering Thos. Hereson 10 4 0½ 1781-2 Richard Cavill George Arnold 1783 John Berridge John England 12 11 11 1784 JohnBerridge JohnTorr 11 19 0 1785 JohnBerridge JohnTort 19 11 9

96 Vestry Members 1707-1785 1707 Rich Briggs, Thomas Sergent, Thomas Tallor, William Trout, Henry Wyer, Joseph Glentworth. 1715 Wm. Markham, Rich. Hodgkin, Thos. Faulding, Geo. Roberts, Rich. Green, Wm. Hall Snr. John Johnson, Rodger Norfolk, John Markham, Ed. Sergent, Robt. ?, R Emborough. 1716 Jno. Slack Vic. Wm Markham, Henry Wyer, Thomas Hardy, Rich. Hodghin, Tho Parker, John Jacklin, Robt. Hardy, Tho. Faulding Snr. 1717 Win. Markham, Joseph Glentworth (his mark), Henry Wyer, William Trout, Rogor Norfolk. 1731 John Smith, C Marshll, Tho. Ffaulding, Thos. Cavill, Joseph Hardy, Will. Teanby, Robert CaviIl. 1732 Jno. Slack Vic. Joseph Hardy, William Emborough. 1733 Jno. Slack Vic. Chris Hildyard, John Giiliatt, Willm. Markham, Thos Cavill, Henry Bean, John Hefsellwood. 1734 Jno Slack Vic. Wm. Richardson, Philip Plummer, Richard Green, Thos Wycr, Thomas Parker (his mark) 1735 Jno. Slack Vic. Thos Cavill, Richard Green, John Hefsellwood, Henry Bean. John Johnson (his mark) 1742 Thos Cavill, Wm.Trout, Philip Plumer, William Teanby, Henry Bean, George Smith, Richard Trout, Thos. Melton 1745 Thos. Cavil, Peter Arnold, John Border (his mark), John Smith, William Harifon, Richard Green, John M ? , John Smith, Phil. Plumer. 1752 Tho. Hardy, Tho. Cavill. Robert Millson, John Plumer, William Harrifon. 1753 John Slack Vicar, John Mounsey, Curate, Francis Faulding, Richard Green, Win. Beedom. Thos. Watson. John Ebelwhite. 1754 Thos. Wallbank, Curate, Tho. Hardy, Tho. Bean, John Richardson, Wm. Beedom, Rogor Norfolk, Henry Bean, John Plumer, Tho. Parker (his mark). 1757 Thos. CaviIl Snr. Tho Stephenson, Bartholemew Rowbery, John Plumer, Charles Marfhal, Anthony Wardell, William Harrifon, John Smith jnr (his mark) Robert England. 1761 Tho. Hardy, Wm. Gilliott, William Harrifon, John Richardson, George Arnold, Tho. Plummer, Benjn. Collins, Richard Green 1762 Tho. Hardy, Tho. Cavil, Robt. Brooks, Benjn. Collins, Jno. Smith 1763 Tho. Bean, Robt. Brooks, John Cavill, John Markham. 1766 Wm Sergeant, Thos. Cavill, Robt. Cavill, John Cavil, Tho. Plumer. 1767 Tho Bean, John Markham, Robt. Brooks, Jno. Smith, George Parker. 1770 Jno. Smith, Robt. Cavill, Robert Brooks, Robert Fulstow. John Gilliott, Anthony Wadell, Thos. Cavill 1772 Robert Brooks 1773 Tho. Hardy, Jno. Smith, John Green, John Young, John Eaby, Phillip Chapman. 1776 John Shearwood, Thos. Cavill, Tho. Bean, Robert Pickering, Robt. Brooks. 1778 Thos Wyer, Thos Cavill, Robert Fulstow. John Jobson. 1779 Tho. Wyer, Thos. Cavill, John Green, John Jobson. 1783 Jos. Hardy, Richd. Cavill, Thos. Harrison, Thos. Cavill, Robt. Brooks. 1784 Robt Brooks, Thos. Cavil, Thos. Wyer. 1785 Robt. Brooks. Thos. Cavil, Thos. Wyer.

97