The Role of the Law in Eliminating Child Marriage in the Commonwealth
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Of the People's Liberation Army
Understanding the “People” of the People’s Liberation Army A Study of Marriage, Family, Housing, and Benefits Marcus Clay, Ph.D. Printed in the United States of America by the China Aerospace Studies Institute ISBN-13: 978-1724626929 ISBN-10: 1724626922 To request additional copies, please direct inquiries to Director, China Aerospace Studies Institute, Air University, 55 Lemay Plaza, Montgomery, AL 36112 Cover art is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license. E-mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.airuniversity.af.mil/CASI https://twitter.com/CASI_Research @CASI_Research https://www.facebook.com/CASI.Research.Org https://www.linkedin.com/company/11049011 Disclaimer The views expressed in this academic research paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the U.S. Government or the Department of Defense. In accordance with Air Force Instruction 51-303, Intellectual Property, Patents, Patent Related Matters, Trademarks and Copyrights; this work is the property of the US Government. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights Reproduction and printing is subject to the Copyright Act of 1976 and applicable treaties of the United States. This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This publication is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal, academic, or governmental use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete however, it is requested that reproductions credit the author and China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI). Permission is required from the China Aerospace Studies Institute to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. -
Child Marriage in Ukraine (Overview)
Child Marriage in Ukraine (Overview) My father gave me in marriage. I was not asked if I wanted to [marry] or not. —Roma child spouse, married at 14 The decision to marry should be a freely made, Child marriages informed decision that Early or child marriage is the union, whether official or not, of two persons, at least one of whom is under 18 years of age.1 By virtue is taken without fear, of being children, child spouses are considered to be incapable of giving full consent, meaning that child marriages should be coercion, or undue considered a violation of human rights and the rights of the child. In Ukraine, among the general population, early marriage is closely pressure. It is an adult linked to early sexual debut and unplanned pregnancy. Among the Roma minority, child marriage affecting girls and boys is driven by decision and a decision patriarchal traditions and poverty, among other factors. that should be made, when Child marriage is a gendered phenomenon that affects girls and boys in different ways. Overall, the number of boys in child marriages ready, as an adult. around the world is significantly lower than that of girls. Girl child spouses are also vulnerable to domestic violence and sexual abuse within relationships that are unequal, and if they become pregnant, —Dr. Babatunde often experience complications during pregnancy and childbirth, as their bodies are not ready for childbearing. Upon marrying, both Osotimehin, Executive boys and girls often have to leave education to enter the workforce and/or take up domestic responsibilities at home. -
Recognising Non-Conjugal Relationships in New Zealand
LORRAINE JOHNS RECOGNISING NON-CONJUGAL RELATIONSHIPS IN NEW ZEALAND: SHOULD WE EXTEND THE RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE-LIKE RELATIONSHIPS TO OTHER CARING RELATIONSHIPS? LLM RESEARCH PAPER LAWS 591: THESIS FACULTY OF LAW 2010 Table of Contents Chapter One I Introduction .......................................................................................... 1 II Structure of Thesis ................................................................................ 4 III Setting the Scene .................................................................................. 5 A What Are Non-Conjugal Relationships? ............................................... 6 B The Legal Recognition of Non-Conjugal Relationships: Why is This an Important Issue? ....................................................................... 8 C The Demographics of Non-Conjugal Relationships: How Common Are They? ............................................................................................. 9 D Examples of Non-Conjugal Relationships Already Recognised by New Zealand Law ................................................................................ 12 E Recognising Non-Conjugal Relationships - the Human Rights Dimension ........................................................................................... 17 IV Principles for Recognising Personal Relationships ............................... 18 A Equality ............................................................................................... 19 B Autonomy ........................................................................................... -
Email to Prime Minister John Key and Minister of Women's Affairs Jo Good
Email to Prime Minister John Key and Minister of Women’s Affairs Jo Goodhew 4th July 2013 Marriage (Court Consent to Marriage of Minors Amendment Bill) Right Honorable John Key Prime Minister of New Zealand Dear Prime Minister We write with regard to Dr Jackie Blue's private member Marriage (Court Consent to Marriage of Minors Amendment Bill) which is currently in the ballot and request that this become a National Government sponsored Bill. In the 2012 Periodic Review of New Zealand the concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) makes specific reference to forced marriage as a form of discrimination against women: "37. The Committee is concerned about reports of forced marriages among migrant communities and regrets that there is no legislation to prohibit underage and forced marriages. The Committee is further concerned that the rights of migrant women in terms of family law, particularly forced marriages, polygamy and dowry-related violence have not been sufficiently addressed in law and practice that girls as young as 16 years could marry with parental consent. 38. The Committee recommends that the State party: (a) Revise the legal minimum age of marriage to 18 years without any exceptions for parental consent; and (b) Introduce legal measures to prohibit underage and forced marriages and promote measures to protect women harmed by polygamy and dowry-related violence.(CEDAW/c/NZL/CO/7, 27 July 2012,p.10) Currently in New Zealand the marriageable age is 18 years of age. Marriage is illegal under the age of 16, however 16 and 17 year olds (minors) who wish to marry can do so with parental consent. -
OP 2 Processing Members of the Family Class
OP 2 Processing Members of the Family Class Updates to chapter ........................................................................................................................................ 4 1. What this chapter is about ...................................................................................................................... 6 2. Program objectives ................................................................................................................................. 6 3. The Act and Regulations ........................................................................................................................ 6 3.1. The forms required are shown in the following table. ..................................................................... 7 4. Instruments and delegations .................................................................................................................. 7 4.1. Delegated powers ........................................................................................................................... 7 4.2. Delegates/designated officers ......................................................................................................... 7 5. Departmental policy ................................................................................................................................ 8 5.1. Family class requirements .............................................................................................................. 8 5.2. Who must complete an IMM 0008? ............................................................................................... -
Susan Blackburn and Sharon Bessell
M arriageable Ag e : Political Debates on Early Marriage in Twentieth- C entury Indonesia Susan Blackburn and Sharon Bessell The purpose of this article is to show how the age of marriage, especially for girls, became a political issue in twentieth century Indonesia, and to investigate the changing intensity, focus, and participation in the debate over the issue. Compared with India, the incidence of very early marriage among Indonesian girls appears never to have been exceptionally high, yet among those trying to "modernize" Indonesia the fact that parents married off their daughters at or before the onset of puberty was considered a "social evil." Social reformers differed as to the reasons for their concern and as to what action should be taken and by whom. In particular there were strong disagreements about whether government intervention was either desirable or effective in raising the age of marriage. The age at which it is appropriate for girls to marry has been a contentious matter in many countries in recent centuries. In societies where marriage was considered to be the prerogative of families, the children themselves were rarely consulted and the age of marriage, or at least of betrothal, was likely to be quite young, before children could exert their own will. Although physical readiness for sexual intercourse and child bearing was a consideration, this was a matter to be supervised by adult kin, and the wedding could, if necessary, be timed so that it occurred separately from the consummation of marriage. Apart from families, the only other institutions directly concerned with marriage were likely to be religious ones. -
Chapter Five Spouses, Common-Law Partners and Conjugal Partners
Chapter Five Spouses, Common-Law Partners and Conjugal Partners Introduction The Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (“IRPA”)1 and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Regulations (“IRP Regulations”)2 expanded the family class to include common-law partners and conjugal partners as well as spouses.3 In addition, common-law partners are family members of members of the family class.4 These changes, brought about by the implementation of the IRPA in 2002, are part of a legislative framework which sets out, for the first time, specific rules concerning the sponsorship of common-law partners and conjugal partners of the same or opposite sex as the sponsor.5 Modifications were also brought to the definition of “marriage.”6 The IRP Regulations now require that a foreign marriage be valid under Canadian law. Furthermore, contrary to the former Immigration Regulations, 1978, the IRPA and IRP Regulations do not define “spouse.” The discussion that follows addresses the definitions of “common-law partner,” “conjugal partner,” and “marriage.” It also deals with excluded and bad faith relationships which disqualify 1 S.C. 2001, c. 27, entered into force on June 28, 2002 as amended. 2 SOR/202-227, June 11, 2002 as amended. 3 S. 12(1) of the IRPA and s. 116 and s. 117(1)(a) of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Regulations (“IRP Regulations”). “Common-law partner” is defined at s. 1(1) of the IRP Regulations as: “…in relation to a person, an individual who is cohabiting with the person in a conjugal relationship, having so cohabited for a period of at least one year.” “Conjugal partner” is defined at s. -
Child Marriage Has Negative Effects on Adolescents' Health and Is a Cause
LEGAL MINIMUM AGES AND THE REALIZATION OF ADOLESCENTS’ RIGHTS MINIMUM AGE FOR MARRIAGE • International standards set the minimum age of marriage at 18. ABSOLUTE MINIMUM AGE OF MARRIAGE WITH PARENTAL OR JUDGE CONSENT OR EXCEPTIONAL CIRCUMSTANCES • Child marriage has numerous long-term negative implications on children’s rights, in particular the right to education, the right to express views, the right to be protected from violence, and the right to health, among others. Girls are particularly vulnerable to the practice, with significant impact on their development and gender equality in general. • Rates of child marriage in the Latin America and the Caribbean remain significant and close to global averages. However, they have not decreased in recent years like in other regions. • Child marriage – i.e. marriage when at least one of the intending spouses is under 18 – is generally forbidden under international standards, although recent evolutions provide for the possibility for adolescents over 16 to marry under specific circumstances and on their own consent, through judicial approval. • While providing that adolescents can fully consent to marriage on their own no data available at 18, legislations in the overwhelming majority of countries provide for the possibility for children to get married with parental and/or a judge’s consent. 12 years old 14 years old • Approximately one third of the countries have different minimum ages 15 years old for marriage for boys and girls, thus effectively featuring discriminatory 16 years old This map is stylized and it is not to scale. It does not legislation. reflect a position by UNICEF on the legal status of any 18 years old country or territory or the delimitation of any frontiers. -
The International Private Law Provisions in the Civil Partnership
1 Recognition of Foreign Relationships Under the Civil Partnership Act 2004 Introduction The United Kingdom’s Civil Partnership Act 2004 came into effect on 5th December 2005, having received Royal Assent just over a year previously. It creates an institution for same-sex couples, known as “civil partnership”, parallel to but separate from marriage, and it replicates most of the rules of civil marriage in terms of entry, consequences during subsistence, and termination. Opposite-sex couples have no access to this new institution, just as same-sex couples have no access in the UK to the established institution of marriage. Maintaining the exclusivity of both institutions to the different gender mixes was crucial to the Government’s policy in promoting the legislation, designed to avoid the criticism that the Act represented an attack on the institution of marriage1. The United Kingdom was by no means the first country to introduce civil partnership for same-sex couples: the credit goes to Denmark2, though that country was quickly followed in the 1990s by the other Scandinavian countries and in the early 2000s by an increasing number of western and central European countries.3 In addition, civil partnership has been introduced, by a variety of names (the most common of which are “civil union” and “registered partnership”) in other (politically) western jurisdictions, such as some provinces and states in North America4, and New Zealand.5 1 See Civil Partnership: A Framework for the Legal Recognition of Same-Sex Couples (DTI, 2003) at paras 2.7 – 2.8 and Annex B; Civil Partnership Registration: A Legal Status for Committed Same-Sex Couples in Scotland (Scottish Executive 2003) at paras 5.7 – 5.8. -
Transforming Family Law in Post-Deng China: Marriage, Divorce and Reproduction*
675 Transforming Family Law in Post-Deng China: Marriage, Divorce and Reproduction* Michael Palmer ABSTRACT This article considers the principal changes in family law in the People's Republic of China during the post-Deng period. The developments that have occurred during the period of review have been notable for their pace and their contribution to a growing legal sophistication in China's corpus of family law. They expand on a series of major reforms in family law documented in my earlier China Quarterly article. Overall, it is in the area of divorce that the most dramatic changes have taken place in family law over the past decade. This article examines the continuing evolution of family law in the People's Republic of China &PRC). Since the publication in 1995 of an earlier China Quarterly article on post-Mao Chinese family law,1 the legal framework for family life has been reformed in order, inter alia, to deal with problems encountered with the regulatory system built up in the 1980s and early 1990s, and to respond to changes taking place in Chinese society. Two legislative developments are highly significant. First, the Marriage Law was revised in 2001,2 and greater judicial attention then given to its implementation, especially * I thank participants in the conference on ``Developments in Chinese Law: the Past Ten Years'' for their helpful comments on the draft version of this article. Responsibility for any remaining errors is mine alone. 1 Michael Palmer, ``The re-emergence of family law in post-Mao China: marriage, divorce and reproduction,'' in Stanley Lubman &guest ed.), ``Law in China Under Reform,'' The China Quarterly, No. -
Women and Communist China Under Mao Zedong: Seeds of Gender Equality Michael Wielink
WOMEN AND COMMUNIST CHINA UNDER MAO ZEDONG: SEEDS OF GENDER EQUALITY MICHAEL WIELINK The mid twentieth century was a tumultuous and transformative period in the history of China. Following over two decades of civil and international war, Mao Zedong and the Communist Party seized control and established the People’s Republic of China on October 1, 1949. Mao Zedong’s famed political slogan “Women Hold Up Half The Sky”1 was powerful rhetoric, with the apparent emphasis on gender equality and inferred concepts of equality and sameness. Women did not achieve equality with men, nor did they attain egalitarian self- determination or social autonomy. Mao envisaged “women’s equality” as a dynamic force with an indelible power to help build a Chinese Communist State. An in-depth investigation into the social, cultural, and economic roles of women, both rural and urban, illustrates how women inextricably worked within Mao’s Communist nation-building efforts to slowly erode gender inequalities. While full gender equality never came to fruition, this era allowed women to experience a broad range of experiences, which ultimately contained the seeds of change toward breaking down gender stratification. Viewed through this lens, a window of understanding opens up about gender dynamics in Mao’s China and how the first cracks in gender inequality appeared in China. Perhaps the best starting point is to understand the social status of women in China prior to the Communist Revolution. Chinese women, not unlike women in most cultures, have historically suffered as a result of their comparatively low status. The Confucian philosophy (551-479 B.C.E) of “filial piety” produced a deep rooted and systematic gender inequality for women in China. -
(Cmps) Are Prepared by Researching Publicly Accessible Information Currently Available to the Refugee Documentation Centre Within Time Constraints
September 2013 Refugee Documentation Centre Country Marriage Pack Egypt Disclaimer Country Marriage Packs (CMPs) are prepared by researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Refugee Documentation Centre within time constraints. CMPs contain a selection of representative links to and excerpts from sources under a number of categories for use as Country of Origin Information. Please note that CMPs are not, and do not purport to be, exhaustive with regard to conditions in the countries surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or protection. 1. Types of Marriage Civil Marriage The United States Department of State’s website Travel.State.Gov states: “In Egypt, marriage laws are based on Sharia law. Under Egyptian law, there are three conditions for a valid civil marriage contract. First, the parties must both agree to the marriage and its conditions. Second, the couple must meet the proper age requirements (minimum age for men and women is 18). Finally, the marriage contract must be announced, notarized, and signed by two witnesses. However, there are other types of marriage contracts that are commonly used such as Urfi, Mot’aa and Misyar marriages, not all of which are recognized as valid. In an Urfi marriage, a man and woman sign a contract in front of a judge without any witnesses. This is not considered a legal marriage in Egypt and does not allow for spousal inheritance. The Mot’aa and Misyar marriages are temporary marriages, usually for a few weeks. This type of “marriage” is basically a form of legal prostitution and does not allow for spousal inheritance either.