UNIVERSITY of ILORIN

P R O A B IN IT R AS - DOCT

Religion, Politics and The Economy In Nineteenth Century Ilorin: Some Reflections st inLecture the Series

OF THE 1CENTRE FOR ILORIN STUDIES (CILS) University of Ilorin, Ilorin - Nigeria

Wednesday, 12th December, 2012

BY H. O. DANMOLE Ph.D

UNILORIN PRESS UNIVERSITY of ILORIN

P R O A B IN First in the Lecture Series IT TR AS - DOC of the Centre for Ilorin Studies

Religion, Politics and The Economy Religion, Politics and The Economy In Nineteenth Century Ilorin: in the Nineteenth Century Ilorin: Some Reflections Some Reflections

st 12th December, 2012 in the

OF THE CENTRE FOR ILORIN STUDIES (CILS) University of Ilorin, Ilorin - Nigeria

Printed by Unilorin Press, Ilorin, Nigeria.

Wednesday, 12th December, 2012

BY H. O. DANMOLE Ph.D

ii the 12thof December, 2012. The event attracted both the gown and the town, as people trooped in to witness the memorable occasion from within and outside the University of Ilorin.

The Lecture was entitled RELIGION, POLITICS AND INTRODUCTION ECONOMY IN 19TH CENTURY ILORIN: SOME REFLECTIONS, and was delivered by Professor H. O. Danmole, Lagos State he Centre for Ilorin Studies was established in the University, Ojoo, Lagos. 2010/2011 academic session to preserve manuscripts and publications that are related to the growth and His presentation was followed by the comments of T development of Ilorin Emirate and to immortalize their three invited discussants in persons of: authors. Such documents, in Arabic and other languages, i) Alhaji Lasisi Ayinla Kolawole Jimoh, author of Ilorin: could border on the historical, socio-cultural, political, The Journey So Far economic, spiritual and other dimensions of development. ii) Prof. AbdulRasheed Na'Allah, the Vice-Chancellor of The Centre is equally interested in current events Kwara State University, Malete, and with bearings on the Emirate. iii) Prof. Is-haq Olanrewaju Oloyede, the immediate past From time to time, the Centre shall be organizing public Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ilorin. lectures, conferences, seminars, workshops and other platforms for cross-fertilization of ideas among the various The lecture and the contributions of the three stakeholders. It shall also conduct relevant researches and distinguished discussants are presented in this booklet. have its findings published in bulletins, journals, books and other periodicals. It shall also maintain regular contact with similar Prof. A. G. A. S. Oladosu, centres within and outside Nigeria. All these are in Director, Centre for Ilorin Studies, furtherance of the grand vision and the core mission of University of Ilorin. making the University of Ilorin an international Centre of Excellence and a world-class environment for learning, research, probity and service to humanity. To actualize part of the above mandate, the Centre organized the first in its Public Lecture series, on Wednesday,

2 1 learning southwest of the Niger, but also a beacon of light to Islam and Muslims in Nigeria till the present time. RELIGION, POLITICS AND THE ECONOMY This lecture cannot cover developments in what we IN NINETEENTH CENTURY ILORIN: refer to as the frontier emirate in its finest details. We only SOME REFLECTIONS hope to share with the audience the Emirate's contributions BY: to Islam and Islamic learning, the attempts of her leaders to PROF. H. O. DANMOLE protect the religion from competition with other religions in the nineteenth century and the value that Ilorin Mallams INTRODUCTION added to the development of Islam in Yorubaland, a process he establishment of Ilorin Emirate in the third decade that is still continuing. Furthermore, we shall discuss her of the nineteenth century was one of the most internal political relations coupled with her diplomacy with Timportant episodes in the history of what became other states in a period when Old Oyo successor states like modern Nigeria. Its importance lies in the fact that the Ibadan had emerged as a military power, and later, the Emirate emerged in the northern axis of the Old Oyo upsurge of British imperialism that was gradually marching Kingdom with a welter of diverse peoples in terms of culture northwards from Lagos. In addition, the economy of the and language, although with a substantial Yoruba population who were forged into a polity that became an emirate that contributed to her image beyond the confines 1 of modern Nigeria will briefly engage our attention. Emirate within the ambit of the Sokoto Caliphate. The Emirate was unique in many respects; firstly, it emerged Background to the Emergence of Ilorin Emirate in the where the presence of Islam was the least in terms of the Nineteenth Century advent of Islam to modern Nigeria; secondly, its emergence In this lecture, it is imperative to give a brief as an Emirate did not follow the general pattern that most background of what Ilorin was before the beginning of the areas of the Emirates in the Caliphate followed; thirdly, the nineteenth century. The history of a place is mostly political structure that the founding fathers of the emirate influenced by its natural environment, thus the historical put in place had its unique and enduring pattern and development of Ilorin was significantly a response to the fourthly, the Emirate became not only a centre of Islamic location of the town. The Ilorin environment is what 1 geographers refer to as the transitional zone between the For a general overview of the Sokoto Caliphate, see M. Last (1967) The Sokoto 2 Caliphate, London; R.A. Adeleye, (1971) Power And Diplomacy in Northern open savannah to the north and forest zone to the south. Nigeria. London “S.A. Balogun (1970) Gwandu Emirates in the Nineteenth Century with special reference to Political Relations: 1817-1903” Ph.D. Thesis 2 R.K. Udo (1970), Geographical Regions of Nigeria, London, p. 100, 115. K. University of Ibadan. Several works exist on the jihad in Hausaland in the Buchanan and J.C. Pugh (1955) Land and People in Nigeria, London. p. 18. The nineteenth century. entire emirate lies in the north central geo-political zones of modern Nigeria.

4 3 other towns, had large populations moved into them. The Consequently, Ilorin had considerable opportunity to attract existence of Sobi hill in Ilorin would have encouraged many settlers both from the north and the south of modern people to take abode in Ilorin even before an Emirate was Nigeria. The location of Ilorin also put it in a position to established.7 benefit from trans-Sahara caravan routes that reached Old A wide variety of literature exists on the origin and Oyo before its final fall in 1835/6. Ilorin also gained from its subsequent development of Ilorin before an Emirate was connection through routes to the coast.3 By the nineteenth established in the third decade of the nineteenth century, century, a Christian missionary noted that Ilorin was not only 8 that it is not necessary to distract us here. However, a important within its region but to the whole Central Africa thorough assessment of all of them shows that they are full and beyond.4 What this indicates is that even before religion, of obscurities. Be that as it may, early scholars like Abdullahi and that is, Islam, became a fundamental factor in Ilorin Smith, I. A. Akinjogbin, R.S. Smith, Robin Law, J. A. Atanda history, the town had been a very important centre that and others had through their interpretation of available attracted migrants who were to play crucial roles in her Arabic and other resources, such as Abu Baki's Talif akhbar al-qurun min umara bilad ilurin, Samuel Johnson's History of history. the Yoruba, O. S. Ojo's Short History of Ilorin and many other Associated with the location of Ilorin was, and still is, archival materials have helped to reduce the controversy her vegetation. With sufficient rainfall during the rainy among scholars on the history of Ilorin before the nineteenth season, there was enormous land for agriculture and her century.9 Without doubt, the summation of various supple grass attracted cattlemen and their herds to the town.5 Michael Gleave in his study of settlement in 7 Gleave, Ibid. “Hill Settlements and…” Yorubaland had shown that hills and mountains were areas 8 See the following texts J.A. Burdon (1907), Northern Nigeria, Historical Notes which attracted large populations because of the security on Certain Emirates and Tribes, London, K.V. Elphinstone (1921) Gazetteer' of 6 Ilorin Province , London; H.B. Hermon-Hodge (1929), Gazetteer of Ilorin they offered. The imbroglio in the Old Oyo Kingdom towards Province, London; S.J. Hogben and A.H.M. Kirk-Greene, Emirates of Northern the end of eighteenth century encouraged movement Nigeria, (1966) Oxford, S.O. Ojo, Chief (1957/58) Short History of Ilorin. See also H.O.Danmole and Toyin Falola (1993), 'The Documentation of Ilorin by southwards and Ilorin, like Ogbomoso, Iseyin and many

Samuel Ojo Bada' History in Africa: A Journal of Method, University of 3 Wisconsin, United States of American, pp. 1-13. G.J.O. Ojo (1966), Yoruba Culture, London p. 122 4 9 Abdullahi Smith (1983), “A Little New Light on the Collapse of the Alafinate of W.H. Clarke, Travels and Explorations in Yorubaland 1854-1858, edited by J.A. Yoruba” in G.O. Olusanya (ed.) (1985), Studies in Yoruba History and Culture”. Atanda (1972), Ibadan University Press, 1972, p. 185. 5 Essays in Honour of Professor S.O. Biobaku, Ibadan, p. 42-71,; I.A. Akinjogbin Udo, Geographical Regions…p 102; See also A.L. Mabogunje. The Land and (1966), A Chronology of Yoruba History, 1789-1840” Odu, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 81- Peoples of West Africa” in J.F.A. Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds.) (1976) History of 86; R.S. Smith (1969) Kingdoms of the Yoruba, London; R.C.C. Law (1970) “The West Africa. Longman 2nd edition. 6 Chronology of Yoruba Wars of the Early Nineteenth Century: A Reconstruction” M.B. Gleave (1963), “Hill Settlements and Their Abandonment in Western Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria (JHSN) No. 5, p. 211-222 and J.A. Yorubaland”, Africa Vol. XXXIII, pp. 343-352. Atanda (1971) “The Fall of Old Oyo Empire: A Reconsideration of Its Cause” JHSN Vol. 5, No. 4 pp. 477-490. 6 5 offered in the early years of that century. The developments interpretations of Ilorin history is that the town had been a in the nineteenth century were visible during colonial rule very important centre in northern Yorubaland for many and after with these towns being populous in the south-west centuries before the beginning of the nineteenth century. of the Niger. However, Ilorin was destined to undergo a crucial It can be said with some authority that the most transformation in terms of religion, politics and economy in important personality in the history of Ilorin Emirate was, the nineteenth century. and perhaps still is, al-Salih popularly known in Ilorin as The transformation factor which Ilorin had to Alimi. It is widely believed that al-Salih was born in Sokoto, undergo during that century had its origin in the careers of but this is not plausible as Sokoto was founded in 1809.11 three important personalities that shaped the course of However, he must have been born well before the end of the history of the town. They were Afonja, al-Salih and Solagberu. This is however not to say that other people were eighteenth century in Hausaland and was influenced by the not dramatis personae in the events. The inter-relationship political and intellectual development that characterized the of these three figures influenced the course of history of history of Hausaland from the last quarter of the eighteenth Ilorin in the path towards the establishment of an Emirate. It century. We are made to believe by Abu Ikokoro and was this Emirate that became the bastion from where Islam Hermon-Hodge that al-Salih before settling down in Ilorin made substantial converts in other parts of Yorubaland. All 12 had visited some Yoruba towns. It is not important here to available evidence including Abu Ikokoro Johnson agrees belabour the argument of how al-Salih came to Ilorin, the that Ilorin became a 'large city' and was widely known concern here is that his presence in Ilorin changed the because of Afonja though the accounts in the various fortunes of Muslims in the town. Not only did Muslims from sources differ on how Afonja turned Ilorin into a large the crisis-ridden Old Oyo kingdom flock to Ilorin, his town.10 There is no doubting the fact that Afonja's military friendship with Afonja gave the Muslims within Afonja's fold acumen was great enough to attract populations in search of the spiritual diet that they needed and security that they security to Ilorin. Afonja's feat in Ilorin was not a peculiar hoped for. al-Salih's arrival and stay in Ilorin changed totally phenomenon in Yorubaland during that period. A substantial the course of Ilorin history. The establishment of a Muslim population moved to Ogbomoso because of Toyeje and the large movement of Yoruba population to Ibadan can be 11 Last, Sokoto Caliphate, See also H.O. Danmole (2006) “Emirate of the Yarba: explained in terms of the security which Ibadan military men Ilorin in the Nineteenth Century” in H. Bobboyi & A.M. Yakubu, , The Sokoto Caliphate, History and Legacies, 1804-2004 Arewa House, Ahmadu Bello 10 University, Zaria. An unpublished manuscript credited to Mallam Sulu, 'History of Ahmad b. Abi Bakr, (Popularly known as Abu Ikokoro), Talif akhbar al-qurun Ilorin Typescript Rhodes House, Oxford, U.K., insists that al-Salih was born in min 'umara bilad Ilurin hereafter referred to as Talif, chapter I. S. Johnson (1921) Sokoto. History of the Yorubas, C.M.S., Lagos, reprinted 1960. See also H.O. Danmole 12 Abu Ikokoro, Talif Chapter One; H.B. Hermon-Hodge (1929) Gazetteer of Talif Akhbar al-qurun min 'umara bilad Ilurin, A Critique” History in Africa; A Ilorin Province. Journal of Method, Wisconsin, U.S.A., pp. 57-67.

8 7 was not yet accepted and widespread as further north in state even if it was not initially contemplated was in the Hausaland. Therefore, the most urgent task that preachers offing. The Muslim state was eventually achieved by his son were confronted with was the task of how to spread and Abd al-Salam. increase the influence of the religion. Furthermore, the The change in the course of Ilorin history can also be preachers were making efforts to re-invigorate Islam (tajdid) ascribed to Solagberu, who reportedly came from Kuwo, to and eliminate anti-Islamic practices among Muslims in found the Oke Sunna Muslim community in Ilorin.13 Ilorin.16 This was a fundamental traditional role of the Solagberu's Oke Sunna did not only attract Muslims to Ilorin, “ulama” throughout West Africa.17 Indeed, information from it also provided a good ground for al-Salih's Islamic the Talif indicates that al-Salih directed most of his preaching propagation activities. When the dust over the towards the conversion of non-Muslims rather than those establishment of the Emirate was settled Solagberu's who mixed Islam with unIslamic practices as was practised support was also reportedly important to who became the during the reign of Habe rulers.18 This is strengthened by his first Emir.14 alliance with Solagberu, whose attitude to Islam could be likened to that of Habe rulers rather than Uthman Dan Fodio. RELIGION AND ILORIN SOCIETY Veritably, according to the Talif, the final clash between Religion, and that is Islam, was a very crucial factor in Solagberu and al-Salih's son, Abd al-Salam, was over mixed the transformation of Ilorin in the nineteenth century. This and reformed Islam.19 transformation began even before an emirate was Between 1817 and 1823, Ilorin legitimacy was established because of the presence of Solagberu and al- derived from the title of Are Ona Kakamfo that Afonja Salih in Ilorin on the one hand, and the slave revolt of 1817 derived from the Old Oyo Kingdom and al-Salih's spiritual on the other, if we go by the accounts of Ali Esami.15 One authority. However, after 1823, Ilorin's legitimacy was important thing that often escapes scrutiny was the state of derived from her status as the “Emirate of the Yarba” Islam in Ilorin vis-à-vis Islam in Hausaland at that time, and in (Yoruba) and this legitimate status was confirmed by particular, the problem encountered by Muslim preachers in

16 Ilorin and the rest of Yorubaland. Unlike Hausaland, where Tajdid means Renewal 17 Islam was widespread among the Hausa, Islam though Ivor Wilks (1968), “The Transmission of Learning in the Western Sudan” in J. Goody (ed.) Literacy in Traditional Societies, pp. 161-197 present in Ilorin and other parts of Yorubaland for centuries, 18 Abu Ikokoro, Talif Introduction: One should also see the comments on al-Salih's 13 preaching by P. Morton-Williams (1968), “The Fulani Penetration into Nupe and Johnson, History; Hermon-Hodge, Gazetteer, pp. 56, 69. See also Abd-Allah al- Yoruba in the Nineteenth Century” in I.M. Lewis (ed.) History and Social Iluri, (1951), Al-Islam fi Naijiriyya Anthropology, Tavistock and London, 1-21. 14 19 Talif Chapter 4 Abu Ikokoro, Talif, Chapter 2. 15 P. D. Curtin (ed) (1968), Africa Remembered: Narratives by West Africans from the Era of the Slave Trade, London, p. 62 10 9 While his observation as to the strictness of Ramadan Gwandu in 1829 with the instruction that the Emir should could not be contested, he failed to realize that those not deviate from the goals of spreading Islam.20 All the Emirs converted were generally inclined to Islam because of the of Ilorin in the nineteenth century paid considerable activities of Ilorin Mallams in the emirate. Furthermore, the attention to the uplift of Islam in various ways most rigidity to adhere to the requirements of Ramadan has especially through extending the frontiers of Islam as remained the subject of exhortation by Mallams not only in exemplified by the various expeditions of Emirs Abd al- Ilorin but amongst Muslims in general. Salam, Shitta of Zubeir and Aliyu.21 The effort to improve the state of Islamic practice in The foundation laid by the leadership of the Emirate Ilorin was not limited to Ramadan, the Talif credits Emir for the spread of Islam and Islamic learning prepared the Zubeir as 'the first' to ban idol worship in the Emirate.23 This ground for the prominent positions Ilorin clerics continued evidence suggests that it took some time before the to enjoy in Yorubaland and elsewhere up till this day. Many rejection of non-Islamic practice was firmly established in Ilorin clerics also moved out of the emirate to preach and the Emirate. Nevertheless, one is at pains to determine the found Islamic schools as well as encourage Muslims in search extent of opposition to Islam in Ilorin during that century. of knowledge to come and study the Qur'an and other What can be inferred from the Talif and other travellers' aspects of Islamic studies in Ilorin. accounts was that although Ilorin metamorphosed in Within Ilorin itself, the attention given to Islam was religious, political and social terms, the acceptance of Islam attested to by almost all the Christian missionaries who by the majority of the people would appear to have taken visited Ilorin at different times in the nineteenth century. W. several years to achieve. Indeed, the fact that other non- H. Clarke of the Baptist Mission was perhaps impressed by Islamic festivals and rituals were not reported in Ilorin in what he saw in Ilorin between 1855 and 1858 during the most of the nineteenth century account is an indication that Ramadan. According to him, Ramadan in Ilorin was regularly non-Muslims were perhaps few or did not practise their observed in a very strict manner with a view to gaining religion in public. If the estimated number of mosques in adherents to Islam. Unfortunately, he concluded that those 1893 was put at three thousand, it clearly shows the extent converted did so out of the grand show that marked the end of islamisation in the nineteenth century.24 The citadel of of the month.22

Islam and Islamic learning that Ilorin achieved before the 20 Mohammad B. Risala Ila Amir Yarba'Abd al-Salam. This document is deposited 23 in Arewa House, Kaduna, Ahmadu Bello University. Abu Ikokoro, Talif, Chapter four 21 24 H. O. Danmole, “The Frontier Emirate, A History of Islam in Ilorin” Ph.D General Report of the Lagos Expedition to the Interior in 1893, p. 22. This was Thesis, Centre of West African Studies, University of Birmingham, November, perhaps an exaggeration. However, it is a pointer to the fact that by 1893, the entire 1980. population to the fact that by1893, the entire population of Ilorin was Muslim. This 22 is not to say that some Muslims at that time still held on to traditional customs that Clarke, Travels and Exploration…p.286; H.O. Danmole (1981) , “The Spread of were not necessarily un-Islamic. Islam in Ilorin Emirate in the Nineteenth Century” NATAIS Vol. II No. 2 pp. 1-13 12 11 Yet, an assessment of the level of Islamic learning in imposition of colonial rule was derived from the mid-nineteenth century Ilorin is difficult because of the encouragement to learning not only by the Ilorin ruling elite paucity of written works. However, there is evidence to but also the inspiration from Gwandu, Ilorin's overlord.25 It is believe that those who were engaged in Islamic learning, had now not easy to construct correctly the state of Islamic access to works on every aspect of Islamic scholarship learning in the early years of the Emirate, because we do not through their relationshipwith other parts of the Sokoto have works of Ilorin scholars of that period, although Caliphate. In this regard, the knowledge displayed by the Campbell in 1859 identified a few Islamic schools (Ile 26 successive Emirs of Ilorin in their personal exchanges with Kewu). Notable among them was the one founded by Shaykh Abu Bakri Bubi who reportedly came from Sokoto. He Christian Missionaries who attempted to preach the gospel 27 in Ilorin was phenomenal. Few examples will convey the founded a school in Gambari ward of Ilorin. Apart from Bubi, Shaykh al-Nafawi who reportedly arrived in Ilorin in the flavour of this point. T. J. Bowen met Emir Shitta at two 28 31 1840s also established a Quranic school in the town. These different times. The Emir apart from trying to know the scholars had students who also became prominent in Islamic objective of Bowen in Ilorin was particular about Prophet 32 learning. Some of these students were Shaykh Musa of Musa who in the Bible is called Moses. Yet, the Bible and the 29 33 Okelele, Imam Habibulah Baturi and Shaykh Sulaiman Jeje. Qur'an deal with Moses in different ways. One of the features of those who established Quranic What was perhaps interesting between Emir Shitta schools in Ilorin from different parts of modern day northern and Reverend Bowen was that the Emir requested him to Nigeria such as Bida, Kano, Sokoto and Bornu to mention just come along with the Injil or New Testament.34 However, a few was commitment. The import of this was that it turned during their meeting, Bowen read from the passage on Ilorin into a centre for the transmission of scholarship. It is Annunciation which relates to the birth of Jesus (known in perhaps a good testimony to the flowering of Islamic Islam as Prophet Isa).35 The passage was read because Bowen scholarship in Ilorin when Clarke could not resist reporting his seeing an unnamed Mallam studying some Islamic 31 T. J. Bowen (1857), Adventures and Missionary Labours in the Interior of books.30 Africa, 1849-1856, Charlestown, p. 195. 32 H. O. Danmole (1985), “The Crescent and the Cross in the Frontier Emirate: Ilorin in the Nineteenth Century” Orita: Ibadan Journal of Religious Studies. Vol. 25 XVII No. 1, pp. 22-36. See Note 20 33 26 Moses, Prophet Musa in Islam had a revealed book known as Tawra. The Bible R. Campbell (1861), A Pilgrimage to My Motherland, London, p. 85. mentions that Moses received the Ten Commandments. However, both the Qur'an H. O. Danmole, (1982), “The Growth of Islamic Learning in Ilorin in the Nineteen and the Bible claim that Musa (Moses was the only Prophet to whom God spoke Century” Religions, Volumes 6 & 7 pp. 14-35. 27 without mediation form any angel). In Islamic Theology, Prophet Musa is referred Ibid. 28 to as Kalim Allah – the one to whom God spoke. Ibid. 34 29 Danmole, “The Crescent and the Cross”. Ibid. 35 30 A.Y. Ali, (1978), The Holy Qur'an Text, Translation and Commentary, London, Ibid. Clarke Travels and Exploration, p. 84 Chapter 3 Verse 45. 14 13 sonship of Jesus, the doctrine preached by Jesus and Jesus himself possibly knew that the Quran mentions the virgin Commission to His Disciple.39 The Emir responded with some birth of Jesus, though rejected the claim of his being God.36 questions which led the Bishop to refer to the Bible again. In As cordial as the discussion was, the Emir did not forget his spite of the warm reception accorded Bishop Crowther by duty of protecting Islam by refusing to grant the request of the Emir and his Council, the former's intention to open a Bowen for a mission station in Ilorin. CMS station in Ilorin was not successful. The visits of Bowen were just the beginning of The failure of Bishop Crowther to achieve his pressure to establish a Christian mission station in Ilorin,37 ambition of a mission station in Ilorin did not deter the CMS Emir Shitta also had to contend with Clarke's effort to plant Mission from putting pressure on the Ilorin leadership to Christianity in Ilorin. Perhaps the most interesting of the visit start a mission station in the town. It is necessary to recall was that of Bishop Ajayi Crowther in 1872. The Bishop had that the Reverend S. S. Farrow was mandated by the mission earlier passed through Ilorin on his way to Lagos with to visit Ilorin in 1893, apparently because the colonial Reverend Townsend when their boat broke down on the Governor of Lagos Gilbert Carter, had earlier obtained a Niger.38 The visit of Crowther to Emir Aliyu in 1872 was proclamation from the Emir of Ilorin, Moma.40 The visit of important for many reasons. It marked the apogee of Farrow like the earlier ones was received with cordiality, unsuccessful Christian missionary efforts to Ilorin emirate nevertheless, the request for a Christian teacher to take up during that century. Also, Bishop Crowther was one of the residence in Ilorin was not acceded to by the Emir.41 T h e most highly-placed officials of the Church Missionary Society Emirs of Ilorin in the nineteenth century approached the in Nigeria. More importantly, he was an African of Yoruba demands for the opening of a Christian mission station in descent which possibly paved the way for him to quickly Ilorin with utmost caution while they appeared friendly to make friends in Ilorin. the Christian religious leaders, they through tact rejected Unlike others before him, he did not wait for days their requests. This position was sustained even after the before meeting Emir Aliyu. The religious issues presented by Emirate fell into the hands of the British through the Royal Bishop Crowther to Emir and the audience included the

Niger Company in 1897. Bishop Tugwell of the CMS had 36 Ibid. Ali, The Holy Qur'an Chapter 3, Verses 42, 43, 45, 47 and 48. Muslims

39 accept that Mary gave birth to Jesus in the absence of any physical relationship For details of this encounter see, H.O. Danmole “The Crescent and the Cross”; with a man, this is regarded as one of God's wonderous acts. Actually, according to S.A. Crowther (1872), Niger Mission: Bishop Crowther's Report of Overland Qur'an Chapter 19 verse 35 “It is not befitting to (the majesty of) God that He Journey from Lokoja to Bida on the River Niger, and Thence to Lagos on the Sea should beget a son. Glory be to Him. When He determines a matter, He only says to Coast from November 1871 to February, 1872, London. it 'Be' and it is”. 40 37 C.M.S., “A Visit to Ilorin by Revd. S.S. Farrow” (1895), Niger and Yoruba Clarke, Travels and Exploration, pp. 81-82, 105, 168. See, H.O. Danmole, The Notes, Volume 10. Crescent and the Cross. 41 th 38 Ibid., Public Records Office, (P.R.O.) F.O.83/1239 Carter to Rippon, April 20 Church Missionary Society (CMS) “Niger and Yoruba Notes No. 54 Volume 5, 1893. December 1898, p. 28. 16 15 While at the official level, the ruling elite in Ilorin hoped that with Ilorin under the control of the Royal Niger were busy protecting Islam, Islamic learning continued to Company, it would be easier for the mission to start gain ground in the Emirate. Mallams who had received their evangelical work in Ilorin. He was soon to understand that Islamic education in Ilorin also established schools by the even in the period of adversity, Emir Sulaiman followed the 1880s. Some of these scholars included Shaykh Busari Badr path of his predecessors without showing animosity to al Din (d.1910) and Shaykh Musa of Okelele (d. 1907). Both of Bishop Tugwell.42 45 them studied under al-Takiti al-Nafawi. The Qur'an, Arabic The Emirs' consistent position against the preaching literature and grammar were taught in the schools. of Christianity was not borne out of hatred for the Christians, It should be emphasized that Arabic language and but as Emirs, it was their duty to prevent religious literature were part of what students were exposed to, so competition in the Emirate, a position that was in that the students could be deep in their knowledge of Islamic consonance with the caliphal directive when the Sokoto literature and tradition. Mention must be made that the Caliphate was established.43 In any event, the attitude of the school established by Shaykh Belgore (d.1913) became popular throughout Yorubaland for the study of Fiqh, Tasfir Emirs was a good example of religious tolerance which had and Hadith.46 As many Islamic schools were established, been on the downturn amongst Nigerians today. Apart from there was opportunity for students to have specialist training that, the attitude of the Emirs had a lasting impact on the from one school before moving to another. This is a Ilorin polity. It did postpone the incursion of Christianity into traditional feature of the acquisition of Islamic education. As Ilorin until the hey days of colonial rule in the early years of Ibn Khaldun, the fourteenth century Muslim historian and the twentieth century.44 This gave Islam in Ilorin a dual philosopher, put it: character – religious and cultural, a feature that is jealously A scholar's education is greatly improved by guarded in Ilorin till the present time. travelling in quest of knowledge and meeting 42 the authoritative teachers of his time.47 H. O. Danmole, “The Crescent and the Cross” C.M.S., Bishop Tugwell's visit to Ilorin” Niger and Yoruba Notes Vol. 5,No. 54 December, 1898. 43 A cursory look at the works available to Ilorin scholars in the The directive from the Caliph was contained in a letter Caliph, Muhammed Bello, wrote to Emir Ya'qub of Bauchi . Even al-Marwardi in his Al-Ahkam al 45 Sultaniyya wa'l-wilaya al-dniyya elaborates on the conditions an Emirate must al-Iluri, Al-Islam fi Naijiriyya, p. 56, H.K. Bidmus (1972) “A Literary Appraisal fulfill before gaining recognition form the Caliph. See the translation of al- of Arabic Writings of Yoruba Ulama” Unpublished M.A. Thesis University of Mawardi, Abdul-Hasan Ali b. Muhammad b.Habib, Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya, Ibadan, p. 7. 46 Cairo, n.d. by E Fagnan (1915) titled Les Statuts Gouverrnem-entaux Algiers, pp. H.I. Abdur-Rahim (nd) Himatu-th-thaqafati li Arabiyyati l'islamiyyah 66-70; On the theory of caliphate operated in Sokoto, see Abdullahi Fodio, Diyaal- mintughani th-thaqafati lilmkiliziyati l'masihiyya p. 7 Bidmus; “A Literary Hukkam Appraisal” p.7 47 44 Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, An Introduction to History, Translated from H. O. Danmole (1990), “Religion And Politics in Colonial Northern Nigeria: Arabic by Franz Rosenthal (1967) in three volumes (2nd edition), Vol. 33, London, The Case of Ilorin Emirate”. Journal of Religious History, The University of p. 367. Sydney, Australia, Vol. 16, No. 23,pp. 140-153.

18 17 Qassim. This personality laid a solid foundation for Islamic last quarter of the nineteenth century indicates a high education in Ibadan.52 development of Islamic education in the town.48 The role that Ilorin scholars laid for Islamic learning in These books were studied by Ahmad b. Abu Bakr (b. Yorubaland continued in the twentieth century as Ilorin 1870) under Mallams Ahmad Mahmud, Shaykh Belgore and Mallams were either founders or connected with the Muhammed Abdullahi. Ahmad b. Abi Bakr himself became a establishment of Islamic institutions in many parts of respected scholar and author in the opening years of the Yorubaland. The activities of Shaykh Kamaludin al-Adabi are twentieth century. well known throughout Yorubaland. Before he finally settled Ilorin scholars did not keep their spread of Islam and down to contribute to education of Muslims through his Islamic learning to Ilorin alone, Gbadamosi has shown that founding of Ansar-ul-Islam mission and its school, Shaykh Ilorin scholars moved to many areas of Yorubaland to open Kamalu Din had reportedly undertaken several preaching Islamic schools and thus played vital roles in the growth of tours to Lagos where his students continued to participate in Islam in Yorubaland.49 A certain Mallam Salisu, popularly the teaching and preaching of Islam.53 Another Ilorin scholar known as ko kewu, ko bere was in Ibadan, and Alhaji l'Oke whose twentieth century activities can partly explain the Imale was at Ede.50 As far back as the 1870s, Nalla from Ilorin spread of Islamic and Arabic studies in Yorubaland was had arrived in Lagos and was involved in the schism that took Shaykh Adam Iluri who founded Markaz Ta'lim al-Arabi in place amongst the Muslims there.51 Indeed, Ilorin Mallams 1952 in Agege, Lagos.54 Apart from founding a school, he had settled in towns in many parts of Yorubaland where Ilorin earlier established an Arabic Printing Press.55 Adam Iluri's maintained trading connections such as Lagos, Ibadan, literary works have been very useful in the reconstruction of Iseyin, Abeokuta, Ijebu-Ode and many others. Conversely, certain aspects of Nigerian history. There are many other Muslims in other parts of Yorubaland also flocked to Ilorin for Islamic scholars who influenced Islamic traditions in Islamic education. A typical example was Shaykh Abu Bakr B. Yorubaland. However, both Shaykh Adam Iluri and Shaykh 48 Kamalu Din stood out as harbingers of the traditions that Some of these are, namely, on Tafsir (Exegesis of the Qur'an Tafsir al-Jalalain by Jalal al- Din al-Mahali (d864) and Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti (d.1505); On Hadith, the Sahih by al- grew in nineteenth century Ilorin. Bukhari (810-70) and Salih of Abu Muslim 1821-1875; on grammar and poetry Mukhtasar by Muhammad Ali-al-Sudani, the Kitab al-Nahr and Qawaid al-lugha al-Arabiyya by al- Sinhaji Ajarrumni, while works on law and religion included Kitab al-Muwatta by Malik b. 52 F. H. El-Masri (1967),”Islam in Ibadan” in P.C. Lloyd, A. Mabogunje and B. Awe, Anas b. Malik al-Asbahi (c.712-96) and the Mukhtasar of Khalil b. Ishaq al-Jundi to eds. The City of Ibadan, Cambridge University Press. p. 251. mention just a few. 53 49 Several works exist on Shaykh Kamalu Din al-Adabi that the list is inexhaustible. The See T. G. O. Gbadamosi (1978), The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba, 1841-1908, works range from Long Essays to Masters and Ph.D dissertations. London: Longman. 54 50 Like Shaykh Kamalu Din al-Adabi, works in Arabic and English Languages are many Ibid. pp. 64, 71 and 119. 51 on this personality. See the present writer forthcoming book, 'Between Ilorin and H. O. Danmole (1985), Separatist Tendencies in Lagos Muslim Community: The Lagos: A Study of Islamic Cultural Traditions in Yorubaland. Qur'anic People Example' Islamic Culture Vol. LIX No. 1, pp. 22-36. 55 P.B. Clark (1982), West Africa and Islam, London, pp. 224-228. 20 19 origin and how his line emerged. Furthermore, the Risala POLITICS IN NINETEENTH CENTURY assured the Emir of Ilorin of Gwandu's support as well as ILORIN SOCIETY giving him some words of advice on the nature of human The nature of politics in nineteenth century Ilorin can society. Part of the Risala reads: be explained in terms of the developments that culminated Indeed we do not listen to slanderers; for in the establishment of the Emirate. The political initiatives among people there are both good men and of the first Emir, in the struggle to consolidate his position trouble makers... You also tell us that you will and the objectives of the emirate in her internal and external never defy our command and that you pray relations. The first Emir, Abd al-Salam did not mount the God to prevent you from deviation in this saddle of leadership on a platter of gold. He had various regard. This is the substance of your message. challenges ranging from competition for the office of the Know therefore with certainty, my brother, Emir to his intention to establish pristine Islam, which led to that we accept unreservedly all you have his final clash with Solagberu, and most importantly the spoken in your letter. It is not our business to enemies of the Emirate from the Old Oyo Kingdom that were accept the words of slanderers nor our ready to liquidate the Emirate. As an astute political and custom to act on the opinion of trouble- religious leader, he had designed means to consolidate his makers. On the contrary, we act in authority and therefore took the first step of seeking for accordance with what our Lord has legitimacy from Gwandu, which he received.56 Emir Abd al- commanded in His Book… We strive, if God Salam reportedly wrote a letter to Gwandu which wills, to look into the affairs of all our subjects unfortunately has not been recovered to date. and ameliorate their condition both spiritual However, the reply to his letter is now popularly and temporal. And we care for them with referred to as Risala Ila Amir Yarba Abd al-Salam b al-Salih. sincere advice. To this end, we shall not cease This letter was written by Emir Muhammad b. Abdullahi of in our efforts to maintain communication Gwandu in 1829 and it is available in Arewa House, Kaduna.57 with you by sending to you again and again… Apart from accepting the request of the Emir of Ilorin to be D o y o u a l s o s t r i v e t o m a i n t a i n under the supervision and judgment of Gwandu, Emir communication, sending to us in the same Abdullahi thanked Abd al-Salam for informing him of his way.58

56 See note 20 58 57 Risala, See note 20 Arewa House is a Centre for Documentation and Research, Ahmadu Bello University, Rabah Road, Kaduna.

22 21 Imarat al-jaysh (Baloguns), did over the years become There is no gainsaying in the fact that Emir Abd al- traditional offices. They have continued to be relevant in the Salam's contact with Gwandu was a clever political move. He administration of Ilorin in spite of changing political understood the politics of the time and warmed the emirate conditions. into the fold of the Sokoto Caliphate through Gwandu. When The political structure that Abd al-Salam created had it was time for Emir Ibrahim Khalil (1833 – 60) of Gwandu to the Emir at the head of the administration. He was to be assist Ilorin militarily, he did not waste time in doing so. Ilorin assisted by the Baloguns of the four wards into which Ilorin defeated the combined forces of the Old Oyo kingdom and had been divided.61 The Chief Imam who was to lead prayer the Borgawa in the famous Battle of Ilorin partly through the and the Chief Qadi whose duty was to give legal advice to the military support of Gwandu. This battle marked the final Emir according to the Shar'iah were members of the Emirs' collapse of the Old Oyo kingdom in 1835/36.59 Council...62 There were other chiefs but all of them including The peculiar structure of the Emirate was also a the Baloguns were responsible to the Emir. An examination product of Emir Abd-al-Salam's political initiative.60 The of the functions performed by the Balogun clearly shows creation of Imarat al jaysh and Imama offices gave that they were neck deep in all aspects of political and social considerable stability to the Emirate. In creating these activities of Ilorin. First, they were part of the Council of offices, Emir Abd al-Salam must have thought of the ethnic Electors for the selection of an emir as well as belonging to composition of the core of the emirate - Ilorin. These offices the Emir's Council. Subsequently, the office of the Balogun and some others were the pivot on which the Emirate became hereditary and confined mostly to the family of the administration was carried out throughout the nineteenth four Baloguns who were appointed by Abd al-Salam. The century. Arguably, the Emir might have created these offices Baloguns in Ilorin derived their authority and influence from as rewards to those who supported the struggle for the the administrative, economic, judicial and social functions establishment of the Emirate. Nevertheless, it is not in doubt that they performed in Ilorin. They were ward leaders and that Emir Emir Abd al-Salam was trying to achieve ethnic thus commanded extensive followership in their various balance with a view to consolidating his position as well as wards. They were also military commanders who always making sure that all hands were on deck in the building of a went to war on behalf of the Emirate. viable polity. Indeed, the offices, particularly those of the

61 Ibid. 59 62 Danmole, 'The Frontier Emirate…' p. 55. See also Ta'nis al-ahibba fi dhikr Ibid. p. 76 umara Gwandu mawa al-asfiya. This is a translated work of Dr. Junaid al-Bukhari, a former Wazir of Sokoto. I could not lay my hands on the original Arabic text. I have used here a translation by Professor Abdullahi Smith. 60 Danmole, 'The Frontier Emirate', p. 68

24 23 the Emir vis-à-vis those of the Baloguns in terms of Furthermore, the Baloguns constituted the majority contestation for political power, the most decisive show of in the Emir's Council, where they strove relentlessly to power was that between Emir Moma (1891 – 1895) and his influence decisions reached at the Council.63 Through the Baloguns. This crisis has attracted some attention, but any power equation created by Abd-al-Salam, the Emirs of Ilorin analysis of power politics in Ilorin in the nineteenth century did not enjoy the degree of authority and influence the Emirs is not complete without a brief mention of the power of Kano or the Etsu Nupe exercised in the course of the struggles that cost the Emir his life. The Baloguns did not like nineteenth century. It was difficult for the Emirs of Ilorin to the policies of Emir Moma who, as soon as he ascended the maneuver and appoint a person of their own choice since throne in 1891, believed that he should improve Ilorin they were compelled to accept the candidate presented by a relations with Ibadan and the rest of Yorubaland. The Emir particular Balogun family whose position was to be filled. was also of the opinion that Ilorin should maintain friendly Indeed, by the second half of the nineteenth century, it was relations with the British government in Lagos.67 The not easy for the Emir of Ilorin to relieve any Balogun of his Baloguns were unanimous in their opposition to the Emir's post. Nevertheless, when Emir Aliyu had a quarrel with position on these matters. Rather than the Emir toeing a line Balogun Fulani, Usman Olufadi, he had no choice but to of caution, he was bent on following his line of thought, tolerate him until the death of the Balogun.64 However, Emir forgetting that the onus laid in the hands of the Baloguns to Aliyu was not completely powerless, he did not choose a determine what they felt was good for the Emirate. After a successor from Olufadi's family, rather, he chose a successor face-off with the Baloguns for a week, the Emir reportedly from another branch of Balogun Fulani family.65 What is fairly blew himself off in the palace.68 Since the creation of the certain is that Emir Aliyu appeared to be a strong Emir who office of the Balogun, the struggle for power between the enjoyed the wide support of the people of Ilorin. In spite of Emirs and the Balogun reached a high water mark in 1895. this, the Emir was forced by Balogun Karara into accepting The intervening years between 1895 and 1900 when the Balogun's military campaign against Offa after the Jalumi Sulaiman (1895–1919) was the Emir, and the eventual fall of war of 1878.66 Ilorin to the forces of the Royal Niger Company in 1897, the If the misunderstandings between Emir Aliyu and Baloguns of Ilorin enjoyed powers that had no parallel in the both Balogun Olufadi and later Balogun Gambari Karara annals of the Sokoto Caliphate. were not enough to undermine sufficiently the position of

63 Ibid. 67 64 H. O. Danmole (1992), 'Crises, Warfare and Diplomacy in Nineteenth Century Balogun, 'Gwandu Emirates' p. 259 Ilorin' in R.C.C. Law and Falola (eds.) Warfare And Diplomacy in Pre-Colonial 65 Ibid. Nigeria, Wisconsin University Press, United States of America, pp. 139-149 66 68 H. O. Danmole (1989), The Military in Ilorin Politics: Career of Balogun Ibid. Abubakar Karara' Odu, a Journal of West African Studies, pp. 233-251. 26 25 However, during the Ijaye War (1860-1865) Ilorin fought War was essential to the success of the emirate in the against Ibadan with a view to acquiring more areas of nineteenth century, and in war, politics is also an important Yorubaland.72 The behaviour of Ilorin during the Ekiti Parapo weapon. The use of diplomacy was important to the Emirate War (1878-1886) was also not different. She suspended the as she could meddle in the politics of her neighbours to her overtures of friendship with Ibadan with a view to deriving own advantage. There is abundant evidence to show that advantage from the war.73 Nevertheless, her political and Ilorin dealt with the Nupe by encouraging one faction there diplomatic efforts to extend the frontiers of the Emirate against the other. For example, Ilorin supported Nupe were not successful, because Ijaye was completely refugees in the emirate while at the same time chased destroyed in 1865 and colonial government's intervention Majiya's forces to Raba.69 With this action, the ruling elite in made Ekiti Parapo war inconclusive. the emirate combined diplomacy and warfare to achieve The employment of diplomacy was not a preserve of the desired result. In interfering in Nupe politics for over the ruling elite. Ilorin citizens within and outside the emirate four decades of the nineteenth century, Ilorin pursued her were also involved in attempts to resolve issues affecting the interest in such a manner that Gwandu's interest was also Emirate through political channels. The failure of the accommodated since both Ilorin and Nupe were under the agreement between Emir Aliyu and the National African over-lordship of Gwandu within the political arrangement of Company, later Royal Niger Company collapsed because of the Sokoto Caliphate.70 the interpretation given to the agreement by the National Ilorin like many states employed diplomacy as a African Company that Ilorin was under their control.74 weapon of inter-state relations in an age when might was Consequently, Ilorin's relations with British agents became right. The extent of success which Ilorin had in nineteenth sour to the extent that the controversial visit of the Governor century Yorubaland was a result of her open door policy to of Lagos, Gilbert Carter, in 1893, did not improve the diplomatic avenues if such would provide positive results. In relations.75 Accordingly, the people of Ilorin in Lagos cast in reality, Ilorin was always ready to take sides with Ibadan – her bitterest foe in Yorubaland – when she felt it was necessary and was prepared to abandon the alliance whenever it was 72 Ibid. was thought fit to do so. Few examples will help to illustrate 73 Ibid. See also H.O. Danmole (1998), 'The Ekiti of Ilorin Emirate in the Kiriji/Ekiti this point. At the Batedo War (1844) and Opin War in the Parapo War' in Adeagbo Akinjogbin (ed) (1998), War and Peace in Yorubaland, 1793- 71 1893, Ibadan Heinemann Educational Books, Nigeria. pp. 113-120. 1850s, Ilorin had an alliance with Ibadan against Ijaye. 74 PRO FO 84/1239, Colonial Office to Foreign Office, 5th May 1893; PRO FO 69 84/1940 'The Report of Major Macdonald's Visit to Ilorin 1889 (Confidential Print). A. A. Idrees, 'The Ilorin Factor in Nupe Politics…’ See also Adeleye Power and Diplomacy…, p.141. 70 75 PRO FO (83/1238, Emir Moma to Governor Carter 24th January 1893, Elphinstone, Ibid., Balogun, 'Gwandu Emirates’ 71 Gazetteer p. 18; Hermon-Hodge, Gazetteer p. 72. See also PRO FO 83/1239, Carter to H. O. Danmole & Toyin Falola (1985), 'Ibadan – Ilorin Relations in the Ripon, April 20th 1893, General Report of the Lagos Interior Expedition 1893. Nineteenth Century: A Study in Imperial Struggles in Yorubaland' Trans-African Journal of History, Vol. 14, pp. 21-36. 28 27 her economy, and to a large extent gave her the leverage to their lot to mediate in the evolving crisis with a view to influence events in neighbouring territories. The emirate restoring or at best improving the relations between the had a wide variety of resources, these included revenue from colonial government in Lagos and the Ilorin leadership. taxation, tributes from the Emirate's districts, booty from In this direction, a meeting which involved Lagos incessant Ilorin warfare and revenue accruing to the Emirate Muslims and prominent Ilorin Mallams in Lagos was held. 78 from the extensive network of traders. The revenue The meeting was initiated by the colonial government in generated in Ilorin was determined by a combination of two Lagos which approached the Muslims of Lagos to also help factors, first: regulations according to the shari'a and second, resolve the matter.76 The outcome of the meeting was the Yoruba customary practice; in other words, the norms as sending of peace missions by the Lagos Muslim Community embedded in the traditional culture of the large Yoruba to Ilorin between 1894 and 1896, with a view to bringing an population in the Emirate.79 end to the deadlock between the government of the emirate Murray Last has shown that Muslim law was and the colonial government in Lagos.77 important in the methods of tax collection in the Sokoto Caliphate, but as important as this law was, there were In using Lagos Muslims, the colonial administration believed differences in the revenue generated by each Emirate.80 He that they should be able to persuade their fellow Muslim to also gives the indication that “presents were the form that follow the path of peace. The failure of these missions much of the revenue which Sokoto received from the eventually contributed to the bombardment of Ilorin by the emirate took”.81 As far as Ilorin was concerned, this was how Royal Niger Company in 1897. her southern districts paid tributes to the leadership in Ilorin.82 Muslim law would also appear to be applicable to the NINETEENTH CENTURY ILORIN ECONOMY sharing of booty collected during the military expeditions The Ilorin Emirate was the window through which which Ilorin Baloguns carried out to defend and extend the other emirates of the Sokoto Caliphate transacted business frontiers of the Emirate during the first two decades of the with territories southwest of the Niger in the nineteenth establishment of the Emirate. In the use of Muslim law, century. This position which the Emirate enjoyed boosted however, the Yoruba tradition of sharing such booty must have also been followed. Thus, on the sharing of booty, the 76 Oral Evidence; Imam Ibrahim, Chief Imam of Lagos, December, 1975; Alhaji emirate was very close to the recommendation of Uthman K. O. Ipaye, Lagos, December, 1978. 77 H. O. Danmole, (1986), “The Abortive Peace Missions: Intervention of Lagos 79 H. O. Danmole, 'Frontier Emirate...', pp. 92-95 Muslims in Anglo-Ilorin Boundary Dispute 1894-1896” JHSN Vol. XIII, Nos. 1 & 80 78 Last, Sokoto Caliphate, p.105 pp. 67-82. The effort of Lagos Muslims in trying to resolve the dispute amicably 81 is also discussed in the short biography of the leader of the Lagos Muslim Ibid. 82 delegation to Ilorin, see H.O. Danmole (2011), A Protagonist of Western and National Archives, Kaduna (hereafter referred to as NAK) NAKILORPROF Islamic Education in Colonial Lagos, Shaikh Ode Akinola Animashaun (1853- 6338 Notes on History of Igbonas, Ekitis, Ajase, Otun (Awtun), Obo and Osi. 1918), West African Book Publishers, Lagos. 30 29 earlier, is not against Islamic principles partly explains the dan Fodio in his Bayan wujub al-Hijra Ala 'L-'ibad in which he power enjoyed by the Baloguns when compared with the said that one fifth of a booty should be given to the Muslim Emir in the nineteenth century. In the domain of revenue ruler,83 in this case, the Emir, who would then distribute it as generation, the Baloguns were having the greater share. he deemed fit. This if we follow Johnson's History, falls in line However, it should also be recalled that as leaders in their with the distribution of booty among the Yoruba.84 In reality, wards, they also had enormous financial responsibilities. this was almost the situation in Ilorin. Ilorin Emirate expanded southwards and eastwards The location of Ilorin as mentioned earlier made the by warfare and absorption in the early years of the Emirate. area suitable for agriculture; there was a large farming This meant that all the areas brought within the fold of the population producing all kinds of farm products most emirate became her tribute-paying districts. These tributes especially foodstuff. These farmers also paid their taxes in 85 were paid through Ilorin's representatives in these districts, kind as oral sources suggest. The payment was done during who eventually passed them to the Baloguns in Ilorin. The the harvest seasons. Like farmers, artisans such as nature of the tributes paid depended on the resources of the blacksmiths, weavers and other workers involved in Ilorin tribute-paying town. They were usually made up of kolanuts, indigenous industries such as cloth weaving, pottery making palm oil, cowries, slaves and ropes for house building.87 It and producers of household utensils also paid taxes to the was the duty of the Balogun to pass the necessary emirate mostly in kind, although the use of cowries was 86 percentage of the tributes to the Emir. A portion of the reported later in the century. tribute was spent on the administration of the Emirate while Reference has been made to the fact that Ilorin the Emir disposed what was due to him as he thought fit. In conducted several wars in the nineteenth century. These essence, though the Emir might not be as affluent as some of wars were mostly led by the Baloguns, while the Emir stayed the Baloguns, he was also in a position to control some in the capital. Therefore, the Baloguns were in charge of wealth. distributing the booty and they determined what portion Historians and scholars in related studies who have should go to the Emir. This arrangement which, as noted paid some attention to the Ilorin economy in the pre-colonial 83 era agree that the most important source of revenue for F. H. El-Masri (1978), Edited and Translated, Bayan Wujub al-Hijra Ala'L-Ibad by 'Uthman Ibn Fudi, Khartoum and Oxford Chapter 33-36. 84 Johnson, History, p. 133 85 Oral Evidence, Mallam Saad Ajanaku, Ilorin, October 1977; Alhaji Elelu, Ilorin, March, 1978. 87 86 NAKILORPROF 6338, Notes on History of Igbonas, Ekitis, Ajase, Otun See the following works by R.A. Olaoye (1992),Indigenous Technology in (Awtun),Obo and Osi Nigeria: A Case Study of the Ilorin Handicrafts, Alore: Ilorin Journal of Humanities, pp. 32-48 (1999-1992), Ilorin Textile Industry in the Pre-Colonial Period”, Nigeria Journal of Economic History, No. 2, 1999, pp. 126-135.

32 31 sale in their hundreds.92 These slaves must have been Ilorin Emirate in the nineteenth century was trade.88 The procured during some of the military expeditions of Ilorin in location of the Emirate's capital on a very important trading the nineteenth century.93 The Hausa traders of Ilorin also axis facilitated the promotion of trading relations from which acted as middlemen by providing brokerage and lodging the Emirate derived considerable profit. Travellers' accounts homes to long distance traders.94 Furthermore, the Hausa of are replete with information about the degree of trade that Gambari ward performed mediatory roles for various groups was taking place at the Gambari market.89 Ilorin had trading of traders in Ilorin; the result of these contacts was that Ilorin connections with Ogbomoso, New Oyo, Ikirun, Osogbo, traders became wealthy, and naturally the rulers of the Ibadan, Ijebu-Ode, Abeokuta and Lagos to the South.90 It also Emirate benefited from such wealth. maintained a profitable long distance trade with Kano, Long distance trade did make the Ilorin economy Sokoto and Bornu to the north.91 These trading networks had buoyant for most part of the nineteenth century, internal implications for markets at home. There was growth of trade within the Emirate was also a contributory factor to the markets with specialization in goods wanted by buyers. buoyant economy.95 Each of the wards had markets under The Gambari market was an international market the control of the Baloguns and their agents. These markets because it was frequented by long distance traders. Items of dealt in local exchanges most especially foodstuff and other trade in the market included horses and horse trappings items of local consumption.96 reported brought for sale from North Africa, silk clothing, What was more important, the markets served as Arabian carpets, salt and spears. Slaves were reportedly for major links with the villages around the Emirate's capital where produce were brought for sale. While markets 88 R.J. Gavin, (1977), “The Impact of Colonial Rule on the Ilorin Economy” provided a strong economic base for the Emirate, they also Centrepoint Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 13-52, Ann O'Hear (1983), Economic History of served as a place for the diffusion of culture which was taking Ilorin in the 19th and 20th Century: The Rise and Decline of a Middleman Society 97 Ph.D Thesis, University of Birmingham P.E. Lovejoy (1971), “Inter-regional place in Ilorin throughout the nineteenth century. Monetary Flows in the Pre-colonial Trade of Nigeria”, Journal of African History (JAH); J.B. Eitchet (1976), Nigerian Handicrafted Textiles, University of Ife 92 Campbell, A Pilgrimage ...p.54, J. Milum (1881) “Notes of a Journey from Press, Z.I Alabi (1983) “Indigenous Industries in Ilorin with Special Reference to Lagos up the River Niger to Bida the Capital of Nupe and Ilorin in the Yoruba Pottery, Weaving and Dyeing”, B.A. Long Essay, University of Ilorin. 89 Country 1879-80” Proceedings of Royal Geographical Society Vol. III, New Campbell, A Pilgrimage to...p.87; Clarke, Travels and Exploration, p. 186; Series, pp. 26-37. Crowther, Niger Mission, p.17; A.F. Mockler-Ferryman (1892) Up the Niger: 93 Danmole & Falola, “Ibadan-Ilorin Relations...” Narrative of Major Claude Mcdonald's Mission to the Niger and Benue Rivers, 94 West Africa, London, p. 213. Gavin, The Impact of Colonial Rule pp.13-52.Ibid. Ann O'Hear 'The Economic 90 History of Ilorin... pp. 63-64. Ilorin Mallams were engaged in trading activities the towns they visited during 95 their preaching tours. See H.O. Danmole “The Growth of Islamic Learning...” Ibid 91 96 Ann O'Hear, “The Economic History of Ilorin...” pp. 63-64. Ibid 97 Ibid. 34 33 lifted in 1896,101 the British administration had to use her Indeed, the interest that the colonial government in other agents, the Royal Niger Company, to subjugate the Lagos had on Ilorin, like most part of Nigeria, was economic. emirate in February, 1897. The government believed that if the Emirate was not brought under the control of the British, it would be difficult CONCLUSION for them to have access to the flourishing trade on the River In this lecture, attempt has been made to highlight Niger and also endanger British interests in Yorubaland, a developments in Ilorin in the nineteenth century. The situation that must be prevented by all means. The British lecture has also touched briefly on how the location of the administration in Lagos consulted London as to the next line Ilorin Emirate influenced the course of her history. We have of action.98 It eventually realized that the leadership of the mentioned the personalities involved in turning Ilorin into a Emirate was not going to back down in their dispute over the virile Muslim state in the 1820s. As a Muslim state, the boundary issue with the colonial government in Lagos. leadership did not only promote Islam within the Emirate, it The British administration therefore decided to impose an adopted policies and attitudes that encouraged the economic blockade on the Emirate.99 This action was taken development of Islamic culture. Indeed, the reference to because the colonial government knew that Ilorin traders Ilorin as the 'Makkah' of Yoruba Muslims in the nineteenth had considerable trading relations with Lagos and other century was not an exaggeration. Not only did Muslims from parts of Yorubaland. Yorubaland flock to the Emirate for Islamic learning, many The economic blockade was designed to paralyze the people from Ilorin also left the town to promote Islamic economy of the Emirate and force the Ilorin leadership to learning in Yorubaland with bias for the way Islam was change its attitude towards the colonial government in Lagos. Like most economic blockades in modern times, the practised in the Emirate. In a way, the Muslims of Ilorin were economic blockade did not achieve the desired result. not only spreading Islam, they were actually spreading the Traders found other routes of conducting their trade with evolving peculiar culture of the people of the Emirate in Ilorin, although, many traders sent complaints to the colonial different parts of Yorubaland. The Islamic tradition that had government in Lagos.100 Consequently, the blockade was continued to flourish in many Yoruba towns today was, and 98 still is, being promoted by many Ilorin Mallams, albeit in a H. O. Danmole, (1989-1990), “Integration in A Nigerian Society in the modern way. Nineteenth Century. The Ilorin Example” Africa Revista do centro de Estudos Africanos University of South Paulo, Brazil, South America., 12-13 (1) 25-45. The politics of the Emirate in the nineteenth century 99 PRO CO 147/104. Denton te Chamberlain 4th January, 1896; National Archives, was an intriguing one. This was because the first Emir, Abd al- 1 th Ibadan (NAI),CSO /3 Carter to Secretary of State 9 January, 1896. From the Salam, had to cope with the challenge of state building on correspondence, Denton believed that an expedition was necessary because of what he called “unfriendly attitude of Ilorin”.

101 th 100 1 th PRO CO 147 Denton to Secretary of State, 18 December 1986, NAI CS0 /1 Carter to Chamberlain, 9 January,1896.

36 35 ascension to the mantle of leadership. This challenge was resolved by his political acumen which gave the Emirate an enduring political structure, though, not perfect because of CONTRIBUTION OF the distribution of power between the Emir and his principal ALHAJI L. A. K. JIMOH officers – the Baloguns. The lopsidedness of the power equation might have been a cause of concern for the Emirs, The Author, ILORIN: THE JOURNEY SO FAR however, the ultimate authority and influence still rested in their hands.102 Thus, they were able to command the Baloguns to lead major expeditions that were responsible for the survival and extension of the frontiers of the Emirate. Introductory Remarks The reputation of Ilorin Emirate grew not just in an The lecturer has done a good job and the archival attempt to further the cause of Islam, trading, which formed records/reference materials quoted by him added value to the backbone of the Emirate's economy in the nineteenth the lecture. However, good as archival records and century, also added to the spread of what we refer to as Ilorin reference materials could be, they need to be relied upon culture. The extensive network of Ilorin traders to both the cautiously because of inherent limitations in some of them. north and the south extended the influence of the people of the Emirate from the pre-colonial period to the present. This The limitations could arise from the author's is why it is not uncommon to find Ilorin settlers in major cities subjectivity based on prejudice, socio-cultural bias or of the Federal Republic of Nigeria promoting the traditions of erroneous intellectual perception. Limitations could also the founding fathers of the Emirate. In essence, the history of arise from language problems during oral interviews which Ilorin Emirate illustrates the fact that the past essentially sometimes lead to complete misrepresentation of facts. The defines the present. limitations could even arise from wrong pronunciation, mistakes in the spelling of words or the recycling of fallacies Thank you for your attention. and mistakes in previous reference materials.

102 It is against this background that I will comment on When colonial rule was established over Ilorin, the administration empowered some of the assertions or allusions in the paper as follows: the Emir by putting him on a salary and also extended his power and authority such that the Emir was completely free from the Baloguns. See H.O. Danmole (1984) 'Colonial Reforms In Ilorin Emirate, 1900-1919” Odu, A Journal of West African Studies, New Series, No. 26, pp. 84-107.

38 37 (vi) By 1820 and 1853 the patriarchs of some renown (A) RELIGION IN ILORIN IN 19TH CENTURY Muslim families in Lagos had arrived and firmly established themselves as prominent community (a) Extension of the Frontiers of Islam leaders in the city. They included Abibu Oki, Sanni The assertion that the first three Emirs of Ilorin Adewale, Mohammad Shitta-Bey, Alli Balogun, Alli namely, Abdulsalam, Shitta and Zubair, “extended the Oloko, Augusto, etc. Frontiers of Islam in Yorubaland”, which is akin to an (v) By 1894 Shitta-bey had become so prominent as a orchestrated but fallacious assertion in other works that the muslim and won so much governmental recognition Usman dan Fodio jihadists “vowed to dip the Quran in the and international fame that the opening in that year sea”, need to be reconciled with the facts of history or of the Shitta-bey Mosque bult by him along Martins historical reality in Yorubaland. Street was attended by both the Colonial Governor of For example, authentic records show that as far back Lagos and representative of the Sultan of Turkey who as the 1660's Muslims in Yorubaland sought and received conferred on him the title of “Bey” which enlightenment from an Islamic Scholar named Ibn Massanih thenceforth changed his name to “Mohammad (d. 1667) living in far away Katsina about the correct Islamic Shitta-Bey”. way to determine sun-set. (vi) Records also show that in 1838 Oluyole (1836-1850) as the ruler of Ibadan demolished the first mosque Secondly, records also show that: that was built in that city, probably because he (i) As far back as 1775 (when Shehu Alimi was about suffered from Ilorin-phobia. thirty-five years old) there was a sizeable population of Muslims in Lagos that won both the attention and There was Shaikh Saliu, a Nupe man by descent, who sympathy of Oba Adele I of Lagos, and caused the sojourned in Ilorin before moving to Lagos. He was Chief anti-muslim majority in the city to force the Oba to go Imam of Lagos from 1830 to 1853 when he abdicated and into exile in Badagry in 1780. joined Tsoede (corruptly pronounced and spelt as Oshodi in (ii) In 1851 Oba Kosoko was sent on exile to Epe for Lagos), the head of the Nupe Community in Lagos, who similar reasons and a large population of Muslims led voluntarily went with Oba Kosoko into exile in Epe. by the Chief Imam, Shaikh Saliu, left Lagos with in to However, even with all these developments, Islam in settle in Epe. Yorubaland remained a minority and dormant religion until (iii) By 1820 one Shaikh Alli had arrived from Tripoli the arrival of Islamic clerics and scholars from Ilorin in the through Bornu and Sokoto and established himself as 19th century. a cleric and Islamic Scholar in Lagos;

40 39 first indigenous alufa produced by Isale Eko. Another of his The Ilorin clerics injected vigor, vibrancy, sons was the first Isale Eko iddigene to perform Hajj. Two of respectability and prestige into an otherwise passive muslim his other sons also performed the hajj later. His grand- community through: children and great-grand-children have remained pillars in (i) vigorous out-door preaching and the introduction of Ansar-ud-Deen Society of Nigeria since 1924. waka (i.e. Islamic ditties); into Islamic preaching; (ii) display of scholarship and profundity of knowledge, There were many other prominent convertees. in teaching; However, the fact still remains that Ilorin clerics did (iii) proficiency in Islamic spiritualism and not extend the frontiers of Islam in Yorubaland (in so far as (iv) exemplary comportment as role models. “frontier” implies geographical limit) but injected vigor and vibrancy into it, bolstered its respectability and prestige and The consequences of these attributes was enabled it to acquire dominant relevance in a society that mass conversion into Islam by adherents of Yoruba was hitherto overwhelmingly pagan. traditional religion who, as reported by T.G.O. Gbadamosi in his book: “The Growth of Islam in (b) Territorial Expansionism and Jihad Yorubaland” were welcomed into their newly There is also a need for scholars to distinguish adopted religion, with pomp and ceremony as well as between Ilorin's territorial expansionism and jihadist ditties such as: expeditions in Yorubaland by Islamic clerics from Ilorin. “Aje bi ewe, ko je be mo; Aji je ola Anabi ni yio The territorial expansionism was an official, ma je”(meaning: “No longer will he be called corporate, organized and imperialistic military pursuit. On the proficient Herbalist; Constant beneficiary the other hand, the jihadist expeditions by the Islamic clerics from Islam will become his name”). and scholars were private and individualistic endeavors, based entirely on teaching, persuasive out-door preaching, Prominent among such convertees who abandoned proficiency in Islamic spiritualism and enticing display of paganism for Islam in Lagos, during that period was Okunnu, piety. the Olori Eyo (Masquerade) Alakete Pupa of Lagos during the reign of Oba Oyekan I. Okunnu adopted the muslim name: It was a mere coincidence that the two activities Musa, Musa Okunnu, the patriarch of the famous Okunnu happened simultaneously. They were independent of each family of Lagos, later donated the piece of land at Okiti, Isale other; the only common denominator was that the actors Eko, on which the Oba Mosque (othersiew called Okunnu were Ilorin. Mosw\que) was built. His eldiest son, Abibu, became the

42 41 It would, therefore, be absurd to describe a (c) Islam in Ilorin Before the Arrival of Shehu Alimi community peopled by such eminent Islamic scholars as a The assertion that Islam in Ilorin, including Okesuna, mixed-grill of Islam and paganism. pior to the arrival of Shehu Alimi was a mixed-grill of Islam Thirdly, Shaikh Tahir Solagberu was reputed to be an and paganism does not seem to tally with the facts on the itinerant Islamic cleric who traversed a wide area of western ground. Yorubaland even before the arrival of Shehu alimi in Ilorin. To start with, if a community is known as and named Shehu Alimi is said to have paid a courtesy call on him on Okesuna it implies that activities in the community were arrival in Ilorin before moving into the city centre to lodge based on the Sharia. Therefore, such a community could not withOlufadi, his compatriot Fulani. have been a mixed-grill of Islam and paganism but a wholly It is also said that until Shehu Alimi died there was Islamic Society. mutual understanding and respect between him and Secondly, many of the eminent Islamic scholars and Solagberu. clerics in Ilorin in the 19th Century, re-located from Okesuna to Ilorin immediately before and shortly after Shaikh Tahir (d) Solagberu's Nationality Solagberu, the community's head, was killed in the Ita Osifila There is also the erroneous impression created in war between Ilorin and Okesuna. some of the reference materials produced by authors Few of such eminent scholars were: generally regarded as experts on Ilorin history that - Shaikh Ojibara who was the Ajanasi of Shaikh Sanni, Solagberu was a Yorubaman whereas he was of Kanuri the first Chief Imam of Ilorin during the reign of Oba extraction. This mistaken identity of Solagberu caused some Abdulsalam; authors to even assert erroneously that “Solagberu betrayed - Shaikh Bature who succeeded Ojibara as Ajanasi; Afonja, his kinsman, by aligning with Abdulsalam during the - Shaikh Onagun of Ita Egba; battle in which Afonja was killed. And so, it was nemesis that - Shaikh Saliu Munabau of Oke Okuta who was once caught up with him when he, too, was later killed by the Ajanasi, too and whose mosque, the Munabau Abdulsalami”. Mosque, was once used as the city's Central Jumat Such authors seem to have been misled by the Mosque; Yoruba appellation: Solagberu given to Solagberu by the - Shaikh Matase of Popo Giwa, Shaikh Ile Yorubas who were amazd by the reverence in which he was Aladodo Adangba, and Shaikh Busari Oloyin held by his pupils and followers. of Ita Elepa.

44 43 However, there was paganism in some parts of the (e) Paganism in Ilorin outskirts of the city such as Oloje and Dada and in the The corollary of the “mixed-grill” assertion is that Districts especially, in the Moro Area. It was in those areas before the arrival of Shehu Alimi, Ilorin was primarily a pagan that the first three Emirs of Ilorin, particularly Oba Zubair, society. Again, this is erroneous. waged war against paganism, the remnants of which the Like Lagos which has a core-Lagos and a greater- Mukondoro sect wiped out in the 1960's and early 1970's. Lagos, Ilorin, in the 19th Century, had a core-Ilorin and a greater-Ilorin. (B) POLITICS IN ILORIN IN THE 19TH CENTURY In Lagos, for example, the core-Lagos, in geo-political The ethro-cultural heterogeneity of Ilorin, the terms, is Lagos Island. Whereas, the greater-Lagos diversity of interest in the confederacy and the comprises Lagos Island, Iddo, Otto, Ijora, Iru-land (i.e. entanglement of Ilorin as a frontier emirate between an Victoria Island), Ikoyi and the Eti-Osa settlements such as Islamic north and an essentially pagan Yaorubaland in the Igbokusu, Atiran, Orile Ilasan, etc. south called for dexterity in the management of internal Similarly, the core-Ilorin comprised Afonja's Idi-ape affairs and the handling of external relations. quarters, the Gambari, Fulani and Okemale (aa the area became known later) quarters. (a) Internal Politics There was no paganism in three of the four quarters, The pattern and pace of politics within Ilorin in the namely, Okemale, Gambari and Fulani. It existed only in the 19th Century, after the death of Sheu Alimi, were determined Idi-ape quarters. Even then, it was wiped out, with the by the polarity of imperial ambition between Abdulsalam death of Afonja, after which the core-Ilorin became a wholly who wanted to replace confederacy with unitary governance Islamic community. with himself as the sole authority, Solagberu who was uncomprisingly determined to retain and preserve the Hence the popular eulogy: autonomy of his Okesuna enclave and Bako, the Seriki “Ilu to yi ko le' egun; Ilu to yi ko l'oro; Gambari, who considered himself the “natural” ruler of the Esin le' egun won; Oko l'oro be! Gambari-dominated core-Ilorin after the annihilation of (Meaning: How come that a town as big as this Afonja's Yoruba compatriots and the destruction of has neither cults nor fetish; The horse is their Solagbery's Okesuna. cult; and the spear is their fetish!) The intrigue and counter intrigue to gain the upper hand by each of the rival community leaders led to war between Solagberu, on the one hand and an alliance of

46 45 It adopted a mediatory diplomacy to reconcile the Abdulsalami, Bako and Olufadi, on the other hand. It later rival Fulani princes and rulers to ensure amity with its caused antagonism between Abdulsalam and Bako, leading northern neighbors in Nuper-land. Hence, it initiated a to the sending of emissaries and counter emissaries by each number of reconciliatory meetings for them and of them to Gwandu for recognition and support. It participated in similar meetings organized by Gwandu. culminated in Gwandu's recognition and support. It However, the Emirate's dealings with its southern culminated in Gwandu's recognition of Abdulsalam, as the neighbours – the Yorubas – was a different ball-game. Ilorin Amir-ul Yariba in 1829. The recognition conferred legitimacy adopted divide-and-rule tactics to instigate conflicts and on Abdulsalam's and put an end to Bako's contention for the wars among the already fragmented and discordant yorubas rulership of the emirate. It also brought a hitherto to weaken them militarily and facilitate its territorial independent Ilorin under the sovereignty of the Sokoto expansionism. Caliphate, twelve years after the death of Usman dan Fodio. The Emirate's dexterity in this kind of diplomacy of There was also, the Aafin/Okemale politics which “no permanent friendship and no permanent enormity but arose from the “refugee” status accorded, and the permanent interest” based on the doctrine of “the end discriminatory treatment meted out, to the vanquished justifies the means”, earned it the sarcasm: “Ilorin me su Okesuna fugitives who were resettled in the area which jamba” meaning “Ilorin: The master of intrigues”. thenceforth became known as Okemale and who were referred to as “ara Okemale”. They were referred to as ara (c) ILORIN’S ECONOMY IN THE 19TH CENTURY Okemale because it was a taboo to identify or associate any The lecturer dealt extensively with this topic. person with the vanquished Okesuna. However, it needs to be clarified that although Ilorin The discrimination against or marginalization of embarked on an ambitious territorial expansionism and Okesuna fugitives later engulfed even the non-Okesuna fought many wars in the course of the ambition, its conduct residents of Okemale. That, in a way, accounted for the in wars was strictly in accordance wsith Islamic war ethics. ferocity which the Talaka Parapo political revolution of the Plundering and looting were strictly prohibited. Instead, the 1950's in Ilorin Emirate acquired in that area of the city. Emirate relied on tributes paid by the vanquished through the Ajele (Prefect) placed in each conquered territory. The (b) External Relations Emirate also derived a lot of revenue from both direct In its external relations Ilorin in the 19th century trading and sales tax or fees imposed on internal and tansit adopted two different tactics in dealing with is northern and commercial activities. southern neighbours respectively.

48 47 There was strict accountability and dishonesty or corruption was abhorred and promptly dealt with whenever it occurred. CONTRIBUTION OF Consequently, no Ilorin warrior or Emir ever enriched PROFESSOR himself from the proceeds of war. None ever became ABDULRASHEED NA'ALLAH, personally wealthy. In this regard, Ilorin contrasted shath The Vice-Chancellor, Kwara State University, Malete Ibadan where the motive of war was to plunder and loot; where the spoils of war was a distinctive symbol of valor. Hence, Ibadan had the likes of Ogunmola and e commended the efforts of Professor Danmole in Ibikunle as wealthy Baloguns (war Chief) who were strikingly giving detailed and robust history of Ilorin with his rich – so rich that it became the vogue in Ibadan in the 19th Hemphasis on the religious culture. Nevertheless, Century to say: “Agbala Ibikunle ju oko Baba elomi lo!” Prof. Na’Allah raised some germane questions whose (Meaning: “Even the backyard of Ibikunle's residence is answers could further enrich the interminable discourse on bigger than the family farmlands of some other people”). Ilorin. First, he raised the question of the paucity of the reference to Afonja whose full identity in terms of origin, position as the Aare-Ona Kakanfo of Oyo was not discussed to counter-balance the elaborate talk about Al-Salih (Alfa Alimi) both of whom were originally from outside Ilorin. Secondly, there is a need for more research to ascertain the famed dipomatic prowess of Ilorin which earned the community the cognomen of mesu jamba from both the Yoruba and Hausa whether positively or negatively. Thirdly, Ilorin has acquired the reputation of being a great Islamic education centre in Yoruba land and Southern Nigeria in general. In addition to that, the evaluation of Akewu-kewe tradition by which Islamic and Arabic Education was combined with Modern Education which was championed by Shaykh Kamaludeen Al-Adaby is oftern

50 49 overlooked. Though resisted violently, that tradition has created a powerful and influential class of scholars in Ilorin. CONTRIBUTION OF Fourthly, there is a dire need for Ilorin scholars of PROFESSOR I. O. OLOYEDE, history, tradition and culture to wake-up and build on what The Immediate Past Vice-Chancellor, Alhaji Lasisi K. Jimoh had written in English and do more for University of Ilorin, Ilorin consumption of scholars in the Western World. n his comments, Professor Is-haq Oloyede expressed his Finally, the economic history of Ilorin as a central city pleasure with the lecturer, Prof. H. O. Danmole, for in Nigeria which controlled commerce in goods from the displaying scholarship over an aspect of history in which North and South-West of Nigeria is very vital. Scholars all I over the world would like to know the degree of prosperity he had a good background. He, however, noted errors in the transliteration and pronunciation of some Arabic words in recorded by Ilorin people over the years. the text and advised that the shortcomings could be corrected through a collaboration among the Departments of Arabic, Religions, History and International Relations as well as Political Science for a solid breakthrough in strengthening the Centre for Ilorin Studies. He further remarked that a dose of Arabic with some scholarly interpretations would have had a remarkable improvement on the presentation. He lamented the minimal impact of students of Islamic Studies in bringing the works of Shaykh Adam al-Ilory, especially the historical aspect, to the English audience despite the organization of an International Conference on the life and works of the late sage. He referred to Shaykh Adam al-Ilory as an institution whose contributions to scholarship should be preserved and transmitted to the world through the medium that many others would be able to access. He then commented on some areas of the presentation which, in his opinion, deserved more attention:

52 51 Moreover, Prof. Oloyede encouraged the Centre for Firstly, he emphasized the uniqueness and diversity of Ilorin, Ilorin Studies to team up with The Islamic Manuscript noting that all the people in Ilorin are strangers with different Association (TIMA) and appreciate the roles that Harvard, historical dates of settlement. The uniqueness of Ilorin, he Stanford and Cambridge universities are presently playing in stressed, derived from its cosmopolitan and pluralistic the Association. He acknowledged the interest of the given composition through which the wisdom and values of universities in knowledge which actually accounts for their different cultural traditions have coalesced to give a prominence and reputation as leading citadels of higher community a distinctive colour and identity. learning in the world. He stressed that the Centre for Ilorin Secondly, Prof. Oloyede observed that Ilorin is Studies is a centre for knowledge and its purpose is to make neither North nor South, another feature of its uniqueness. people acquire not just knowledge about Ilorin but He noted that geographically, Ilorin is South being at the knowledge that is taught in Arabic medium and Arabic south of River Niger but politically, Ilorin is North, given its documentation. He referred to the Centre for Arabic well-established Emirate status. He explained further that it Documentation at the University of Ibadan and the need for cannot be historically established that Ilorin is part of the the Centre to see the mandate of the Centre as its own and “Caliphate” neither can it be grouped as a Yoruba town but work assiduously towards retrieving, collecting, preserving an amalgam of the two traditions. He observed that and distilling the various insights documented by Ilorin although efforts are being made to play down the scholars for the benefit of humanity. Okekere/Aafin politics, it could still be perceived to be Meanwhile, the former Vice-Chancellor lingering in the air and such an issue should be accorded acknowledged that his personal interest in documentation critical and scholarly assessment. bordered on its codicology. He opined that many hidden Thirdly, he disclosed that the Hausa/Ilorin fraternity treasures could be discovered through a painstaking study of has affected the pedagogy of Quranic education throughout historical manuscripts and documents. He corroborated his the Yoruba land, stressing the need to assess the influence of point by saying that when the University of London Ilorin scholars on the educational development of Yoruba established its famous School of Africa and Oriental Studies land. The pervasive influence of such fraternity, he said, (SARS), it was not because the British love Africa very much manifested in how many Islamic scholars learnt Arabic and but it was because of their love for knowledge and the power Islamic Studies from Ilorin scholars. He noted that it is an that derives from such knowledge. incontrovertible fact that Ilorin has remained a veritable He added that African universities are working in a source for the diffusion of Arabic and Islamic knowledge similar direction by digging into the past to define the throughout Yoruba land. present and chart a better course for the future. He

54 53 dansaki” (No matter how bad it is, a prince would still have appreciated the dynamic Director of the Centre, Prof. dansaki - a royal apparel) still applies. He said ordinary A.G.A.S. Oladosu, for enumerating some of those people would not have what the descendants of sages have universities. He then stressed that the acquisition of and it would be good for posterity and humanity to have and materials should not be limited to documents alone; rather, preserve their collections at the Centre. there should be the preservation of oral and visual Finally, Prof. Oloyede said what he had done was to recordings of significant programmes and events in Ilorin. list some 67 sources from the erudite lecturer's Efforts should also be made to have a photographic history of presentation. He said it was imperative for the Centre for Ilorin through which the changes and transformations in life Ilorin Studies to immediately acquire the materials. “From and living could be well documented for research and critical the references he has made, you can get at least 60 appraisal. important documents. Even the letter written by Emir According to Professor Oloyede, “this Centre is Abdus-Salam to the Emir of Gwandu that we say is lost was coming-up now; I believe very much that we should be able cited. Alhaji L. A. K. Jimoh has explained the reason why it to leave records of the enthronements and burials of at least, should be lost but I believe we should find it because it would the last three Emirs in Ilorin. I believe we should be able to be revealing,” he concluded. record whether you like the late Saraki or not, because he was an institution in Ilorin and beyond. Before we lose all these things, let us record and have access to some of his private pictures, writings, features- what he did, what he failed to do and even record some of the events that are on video here.” He suggested further that not only the installations and burials of Chief Imams and Emirs are important for codicology, the scholars and the Baloguns also belong to the same category. He noted that many of the descendants of personalities like Alfa Jeje, Ikokoro, Kokewu-kobere, Belgore, etc. are erudite scholars, though some of them have deviated from what their forefathers were known for. He said even those who do not fully represent what their fore- fathers were known for are important too because the Yoruba proverb that “Koni tan lara omooba, ko ma ku

56 55