Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 149

Book Reviews

Book Review and even for acting” (9) in the context of glob- alization. The essays, which apart from reviews and Rade Kalanj interpretations of theses also offer basic bio- graphical facts, are grouped into two parts. In Globalizacija i postmodernost the first part entitled Development, Globaliza- (Globalization and Postmodernity) tion and Relations of Domination we are in- troduced with , Edward W. Said, Politička kultura, Zagreb, 2004, 235 pages Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri, Joseph E. Stiglitz and Jean Ziegler, while AndréGorz, Michael Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu and Jean “I believe that it is impossible to conceive Baudrillard are presented in the second part parts as parts without a cognitive unity, but I with the title The Knowledge and Power in the also believe that it is impossible to conceive Postmodernist Perspective. While the first the unity without particular cognition of parts” group of essays are linked by the authors’ p. 8). This Pascal’s thought in the preface of dealing with global and various as- the book Globalization and Postmodernity, pects of relationship between the imperial written by sociologist Rade Kalanj from Za- West as the dominant center and its colonies as greb, has double function. the subordinated peripheries, the linkage in the second group of essays, apart from the au- On the one hand, it represents a certain thors’ French citizenship and their being part motto of all those whose key-ideas are pre- of the postmodern intellectual sphere, is far sented in the book. The book with a suitable more difficult to detect. It seems that the au- subtitle Essays on Thinkers of Global Com- thor, faced with this difficulty, decided to sim- plexity is composed of eight previously pub- ply summarize the Foucault’s field of study in lished, but for this occasion specially revised the title of the second group thus neglecting and supplemented author’s essays in which he the other three thinkers. Even if this fact di- expounded main theses of eminent social theo- minishes to a certain extent the aesthetical reticians of modernity. Having successfully harmony of the book in its entirety, still it in crossed beyond the disciplinary limits in their no way lessens the scientific value of separate research works, they confirmed that the Pas- parts whose brief outline we shall give herein- cal’s meditation should not be taken for after, confining ourselves only to the basic granted, as a mere “book reference”, but that it facts about certain authors. should be perceived as a relevant methodic in- struction in analyzing modern global society. Economist Amartya Sen (Nobel Prize-win- ner for economy in 1999), the first of the pre- On the other hand, the Pascal’s thought sented authors, deserved the title of a thinker can be interpreted as a justification for pub- of global complexity when he stepped beyond lishing the book. Diversity of the presented the narrow limits of economism, i.e. the re- authors, who are undoubtedly linked only by ducing of complex social processes into quan- the dimension of social criticism and the label titative economic indicators. Taking into ac- of the postmodern, in this case does not inter- count a number of social parameters, he fere with their joint presentation. On the con- stressed that the growth of GDP or personal trary, the compilation such as this one is incomes should be rejected as the sole criteria stimulating in the search after comprehension of development as they do not necessarily lead of complexity of modern social processes. As to the increased living standard. Sen defined for the reader, confronted with presented di- the development as an increase of , verse viewpoints he/she could detect for him- differentiating substantial and in- self/herself “theoretical guidelines for thinking strumental freedoms (political freedoms, eco-

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 150 nomic privileges, welfare benefits, guarantees within, and its power is spreading all over the of transparency and protective security) and he civilized world. Creation of the Empire im- proved how mutual strengthening of instru- plies the end of sovereignty of national states. mental freedoms results in strengthening of Even though the United States of America are substantial freedoms, i.e. it enables individuals accused by many of being such an empire, to shape independently their lives worth of re- they are not; there is no center of the new im- spect (e.g. public education as a welfare bene- perial world order. Inspired by Foucault, but fit results in increased level of literacy which objecting his confining himself to the limits of in turn has a direct impact on increased re- structuralistic epistemology, Hardt and Negri sponsible political participation and increased explained the functioning of the new imperial political freedoms). government by the concepts of biopower and biopolitics with a special emphasis on the role Leaving aside well-known political and of transnational companies in biopolitical economic imperialism, Edward Said, Professor structurization of the world. In their utopian of Comparative Literature and cultural theore- finale, they place their hopes on activating of a tician, dedicated the most of his work to the great revolutionary potential which lies in the study of unjustifiably neglected cultural di- multitude of the exploited by the Empire who mension of imperialism. Known for the book have the opportunity to be transformed into the Orientalism in which he defined the Orient as global citizenship, a global anti-empire move- a fantastic construct tailored by the West, Said ment. analyzed the construction of the colonial world as a cultural periphery. Even though prejudices The last essay in the first group is dedi- of the West about the Islamic and other non- cated to two experts employed in international Western world are explicitly formulated in a institutions, which thus give more weight to number of places, Said decided to venture his their analyses. American economist Joseph E. deconstructive job in the novels in which Stiglitz, a former chief economist with the “ideological beliefs have been masterly inter- World Bank and Nobel Prize-winner for econ- twined with highly aesthetical skill of prose omy in 2001, and Jean Ziegler, a Swiss soci- discourse and thus they can be only detected ologist and special referee of the UN Right on by scrupulous critical reading of the text” (45). Nutrition, both of them thinkers of global Introduction, which the author is offering us, complexity beyond the limits of “professional with the controversial Said’s interpretation of hermetism” (86), criticize neoliberal politics the books of Joseph Conrad (Heart of Dark- which has been naturalized in the dogma of ness), Rudyard Kipling (Kim) and Albert Ca- self-regulation of the market and “pronounces mus (The Stranger and The Plague) as docu- economic fatalism against which every resis- ments of the colonial dominance of the West tance is futile” (93). Neoliberal model of re- will certainly have a strong impact on the forms, deregulation and liberalization of all reader. markets (of goods, services, capital and work), along with privatization and dismantlement of In the third essay the author introduces us the public sector, which Margaret Thatcher with the Antonio Negri’s, Italian Professor of and Ronald Reagan began to implement in politics, and Michael Hardt’s, Professor of Lit- Great Britain and the USA at the beginning of erature and Romance Philology, revolutionary the 1980’s, are being imposed to the entire and programmatic intonated book Empire, in world via IMF and the World Bank at the ex- which the authors tried to reveal the structure pense of underdeveloped countries. Thus in of the modern global order. They believe that pressing their prescriptions, IMF experts did by globalization of economic transactions a not recognize the social context of transition new order, an Empire, has been created as a countries (erosion of social capital) which has decentred and deterritorialized form of rule. In produced catastrophic consequences (e.g. pri- contrast to a state, the empire has no bounda- vatization process in Russia). In providing ries, at least not in conceptual terms. The Em- guidelines for solving global problems, level- pire is an unquestionable force that wages headed Stiglitz suggests a reorganization of wars against barbarians and rebels from economy in terms of state interventions and

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 151 regulations of the bank system, then enhance- the archeology of structures that administer the ment of security networks, increase of trans- discourse in certain periods and he identifies parency etc., while Ziegler, a radical critic three epistemological orders: renaissance, prone to use an emotionally charged vocabu- classicism and modernity. Analyzing the lary, finds the solution in social mobilization power, Foucault starts “from the bottom up”, of the fronts that stand up against globalization from micro-sociological structures. He per- (labor unions, peasant movements, women’s ceives the power to be “capillary”, decentred; movements, indigenous people, envi- it is neither in the hands of a sovereign nor the ronmental movements and NGOs). ruling class. The power is a complex strategic situation in a society; “it is everywhere be- The other part begins with the committed cause it comes from everywhere”. The Fou- left-oriented French intellectual André Gorz cault’s detachment from the classical approach who established the end of the proletariat and is exemplified in his attitude towards the labor society. According to his notions, de- Hobbes’s Leviathan. He is not interested in the creased working intensity of new technologies problem of sovereignty, “the central soul” of has lead to a situation in which there is no the Leviathan made up by unification of many need for full employment in order to achieve other, but instead he wishes to study “periph- full production, which in turn results with sur- eral and numerous bodies, the bodies that are plus workers. In the world in which full em- constituted as subjects, which is due to the ef- ployment has become scarce and the number fects of power” (148). In this context, of spe- of agreed-upon business deals continues to cial interest is the Foucault’s analysis of power rise, the collective power of the labor force is in modern societies which are characterized by diminishing and thus there is a greater possi- control and discipline of population whereby bility of exploitation. This exploitation is the power and knowledge are closely linked and product of globalization which Gorz perceives they produce one another. as a liberal fraud, as an outcome of success- fully waged war of the capital against the la- Having arrived to the elite L’École nor- bor. As a solution, Gorz offers a utopian pro- male supérieure Pierre Bourdieu was con- ject of a post-wage based society, a multi-ac- fronted with his bourgeois colleagues who tivity society in which the working time no could fluently and in a relaxed manner express longer forms dominant social time in which in intellectual terms impressive (even though ever lesser scope of work is being distributed substantially inane) thoughts on just about eve- to an increasing number of workers and free rything. Bourdieu as a “provincial of humble time and different artistic, scientific, environ- origins” thus felt himself socio-cultural inferi- mental and sport activities become an offset of ority. The essay on this renowned French soci- a new type of sociability. ologist, the author of a great number of theo- retical writings, but also a writer of various The review of the Michael Foucault’s committed works, Kalanj justifiably begins work is based on his analysis of the power and with a biographical introduction. Namely, it problems as outlined in his book Les mots et was precisely the experience of cultural ex- les choses (1966). The Kalanj’s essay was pression of class domination that became the originally the afterword of the Croatian edition focal point of his theoretical elaborations, of the book. Foucault is given credit for en- which is expressed e.g. in terms such as cul- couraging sociologists to reexamine a number tural capital and symbolic violence. With the- of fundamental concepts which “…the routine ses on the cultural capital as a “set of goods of discursive practice has consumed and even de- symbolic nature which are inherited from prived of any sense” (140). The author intro- one’s own social environment, such as having duces us first with the Foucault’s “intellectual the mastery of a language, “good manners”, sphere”: he categorizes him into the paradigm social codes, refinement, diplomas, etc.” (176), of structuralism, he emphasizes the decisive Bourdieu amplified the reductionist image of influence of Nietzsche and explains his post- bare economic domination in the capitalist or- structuralist metamorphosis as criticism of der. Intellectually molded under the Marxist, metaphysics of the subject. Foucault analyses structuralist and Durkheimian influence, but

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 152 also the influence of Elias and Wittgenstein, thinking which cannot realize that in the al- Bourdieu established a standpoint that can be tered reality of the simulacra order it sinks into called structuralist constructivism: objective “false with no referentiality” (212). structures independent of the consciousness and will of the actor according to his theory In keeping with the Pascal leitmotiv, we are complementary to the activities of the ac- can conclude that the Kalanj’s book provides tor, individual and collective struggles which comprehension of the parts and the whole aspire after a change or preservation of these alike. Certain parts of the book form an excel- structures. Because of his criticism of the lent introduction into further reading of any of school system which functions as a stratifica- the presented authors, while the book in its tion mechanism through which the dominant entirety gives a satisfactory insight into the class is being reproduced, criticism of the neo- intellectual scenery of postmodernity. It is a liberal politics which is hiding behind the fa- satisfactory one, but not complete because, as talism of economic rules, criticism of the mass the author himself acknowledges, a complete media and especially television which by pro- insight should include many other authors such moting populist sensationalism make the pub- as Immanuel Wallerstein, Anthony Giddens, lic more and more stupid, criticism of the in- Ulrich Beck, Zygmunt Bauman and Ralf Dah- tellectualism itself as it only grasps the action rendorf. One should not criticize too severely “from the outside and at an angle” not taking the author’s omission of these thinkers. We heed of the relation of the actor towards its can forgive the author for this drawback, own action, some circles ridiculed the which he himself stressed and acknowledged, Bourdieu’s thinking as a “proletarist intellec- and we can recommend the book unreservedly. tualism” (186). However, there is no denying Either in its entirety or at least certain parts of of his being a stimulating thinker of global the book. complexity. The last essay deals with Jean Baudrillard Krešimir Petković whom the author presents as the most attrac- tive representative of the post-modernist circle, as a “phenomenon Baudrillard”. According to Book Review the author’s interpretation, Baudrillard is not only convincing on the surface as there is a firm theoretical background behind the façade Davor Rodin of his bombastic hypertrophied rhetoric. Bau- drillard analyzes production, trade and con- Predznaci postmoderne sumption in the post-industrialist, communi- (Foretaste of the Postmodern) cation and media reality. He deals with politi- cal economy, but “… under altered circum- Fakultet političkih znanosti, Zagreb, stances of overwhelming domination of image, computer signs and media occupation of the 2004, 293 pages reality” (194). In his view, the postmodern world is characterized by division of signs “Walking along the great prospect of our from their referential sources – simulacra, im- town, in my mind I am erasing all the elements ages, descriptions, projections are being which I had decided not to take into consid- formed that have no other footing in the reality eration… The world is so complicated, intri- but themselves. “We actually live in the world cate and crammed so that a man, if he wants to of simulacra where an image or a determinator see better, has to dilute and dilute over and of an action substitutes a direct experience and over again.” knowledge on its footing and on the marked” It is not a very common thing to begin a (202). Therefore, those who nowadays antago- review of the book from the field of philoso- nize labor and capital in the old-fashioned phy of politics with a quotation from a fiction manner, referring thus to a conflict of the in- book, but in this specific case there is a more dustrialist era, are trapped in the anachronistic than satisfactory justification for doing so. The

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 153 reason for it lies not only in the fact that the factors that are beyond the human perceptible author himself in his book on several occa- horizon, e.g. by reducing them into ideology or sions refers to Italo Calvino and quotes his rationalization.2 novel If on a Winter’s Night A Traveler, from which the opening quotation is taken from, and In the same way, Rodin in Foretaste of the in the fact that the author begins some of Postmodern came forward against “dualistic chapters in his book with quotations from the ontologism of modern-history” (p. 112), re- Calvino’s book. The reason lies in the fact that jecting each attempt of explaining phenomena the mentioned quotation from the Calvino’s in some social sphere with phenomena of postmodern novel1 can give an adequate and some other social sphere. Instead, he adopted brief outline of the author’s political thought. the Luhmann’s theory of autopoietic systems which endeavor to remain viable in a complex Namely, the author in his new book Fore- and changing environment, as systems which taste of the Postmodern gave an outline of the are independent from their environment in reconstruction of research paradigm in politi- causal and teleological terms, which means cal science, forming his viewpoint primarily that the environment cannot change them di- on the considerations of German sociologist rectly, but only irritate them in semantic terms Niklas Luhmann, whose idea of reduction of whereas the system will react to its stimuli ac- complexity is lucidly expressed in the opening cording to the rules of their own structure.3 quotation. As it is well known, Luhmann lev- eled his criticism against positivistic tradition Rodin deduced several conclusions rele- in social sciences. He disenchanted its consti- vant for political science from aforementioned tutive elements of causal and teleological ex- general epistemological premises. The first planation as just some of the techniques of the conclusion refers to the subject of study of po- reduction of complexity, a compulsory task for litical science. The political system is autono- each entity that whishes to remain viable in the mous. It is separated from other social systems world of infinite complexity and unpredict- (economic, legal, religious, moral, scientific). ability. Luhmann deprived causality of a There are neither causal nor teleological rela- metaphysical quality which it had and trans- tions between them: they are “incommensur- formed it into a construct of a system, just a able media of action”, which they, according two-level heuristic thought scheme on the ba- to Rodin, also “must be” (208). The second sis of which the system reveals alternatives by conclusion refers to the role of political sci- determining in the first place certain items in ence. Its task, as a part of the scientific system, the environment as causes or effects and then is to observe political actors. As “an observer by evaluating certain effects as desirable and from the second row”, political science should thus setting up its sphere of action. In such in- transpone political action in a logical-gram- terpretation the issue of “truth” or “essence” of matical media. At the meta-theoretical level, purposes has become pointless. By re-con- ceptualization of social theory as a theory of 2 Luhmann, Niklas: Teorija sistema: svrhovitost system, Luhmann simply replaced the tradi- i racionalnost (Zweckbegriff und Systemsrationali- tional ontological problem area with the issue tät), Globus, Zagreb, p. 123. of function of purposes by which the system defines its problem of existence. From the 3 Luhmann took the concept of autopoiesis from Luhmann’s perspective scientific notables biology. The concept was originally developed by such as Marx, Darwin, Nietzsche and Freud Chilean neurologists Humberto Maturana and Fran- are just “great sophists from the 19th century” cisco Varela. In biology, the theory of autopoiesis is as they explained purposes in their theories by in a direct inconsistency with the phenomenon of vi- ruses that are capable to graft their program directly into a living cell which then reproduces them, with- 1 Calvino, Italo, 2004: Ako jedne zimske noći out reprocessing according to the rules of its own neki putnik (If on a Winter’s Night a Traveler), Bi- structure. See: Viskovatoff, Alex, 1999: Foundations blioteka Jutarnjeg lista XX. stoljeće, Globus, Zagreb, of Niklas Luhmann’s Theory of Social Systems, p. 205, free translation from Croatian Philosophy of the Social Sciences, (29) 4.

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 154 political scientists “as observers from the third on the basis of which it processes and pro- row” should monitor their scientific activities duces information. Each medium is inc- which they perform as observers from the sec- ommensurable with other medium and thus the ond row. Naturally, in this process the rela- identity of the picture in the medium with that tionship between the levels is not causal, but what is being displayed is unfeasible.4 By ap- semantic and communicative. plying this postulate onto the sphere which the political thought is dealing with one can de- The third for political science relevant duce that “… a grammatical description of a conclusion of the author’s viewpoint is a re- political act is not a political act itself” (4), but vised writing of the history of political thought rather its stylization in other medium. from the perspective of a new paradigm. Namely, as one of key topics of the book In contrast to modern-history traditions of Rodin has offered an entirely original inter- political theory, whose selective blindness is pretation of the history of political ideas, di- far more dangerous, political thought avoids viding it into three stages. Representatives of reckless rationalization of politics, which can the first stage, which he calls political philoso- result in absolute dementia. For political phy, are Plato and Aristotle. They made a step thought, the well-known Hegel’s statement: forward from mythological tradition to which “What is rational, it is real and what is real is they opposed a consideration that a good po- rational” thus becomes a futile panoptical illu- litical life is only the one that can be logically sion, a dangerous pretension on absolute truth- explained in the grammatical medium of lan- fulness of one’s own story that fails to discern guage. The second stage is the modern-history a concept from unpredictable reality (256). political theory represented by Hobbes, Rodin also rates Habermas among the repre- Spinoza, Kant and Hegel. It equated scientific sentatives of this tradition: in the third chapter mind with political practice and tried to govern of the book entitled “A book lives as long as it the political life more geometrico. is being written and as long as it is being read”, in which the author expounds the Ha- The third stage, which the author favors bermas’ book Faktizität und Geltung, Rodin distancing himself from the two mentioned explains in detail the thesis according to which traditions, is contemporary political thinking. Habermas is a metaphysician of the old style This thought proceeds from a new existential as with his theory of communicative action he situation in which the mankind found itself. It ignores the autonomy of the political phe- is a situation in which we are constantly faced nomenon by perceiving in it a facticity suitable with new unexpected revelations (Ereignisse) for colonization on the basis of normative va- and unanticipated resistance in the environ- lidity. ment. If we paraphrase the opening quotation, we can state that the prospect of our town has Concluding the presentation on paradigms become so overwhelmed with various ele- of political thought, it should be pointed out ments that we constantly run into them without that the proposed classification must not be even being aware of existence of many of perceived as a restricted one, as a series of them and knowing even less when and how chronologically successive stages, because, as they will take us by surprise. the author himself points out, all three “stages” exist concurrently today as well. They appear Structures of the old metaphysics – gram- time after time, coming up in new and altered mar and causality – are not always perceived hermeneutical situations which Rodin defines as an adequate tool for solving problems with the term reentry. Furthermore, a special brought by the new situation in which we find emphasis is given in the book on the fact that ourselves. Therefore, the task of political thought is to raise the consciousness of selec- 4 tive blindness, taking a critical view of the two Once at the lecture, Rodin wittily noticed that previous traditions. In contrast to political a child caught lying should not be punished, but philosophy, political thought thus realizes that awarded because by lying it shows that it can per- language is not a means of revealing truth, but ceive the logical-grammatical structure of the spo- just one of the media that has its own structure ken medium.

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 155 parallel with this stages there is an always pre- mantic terms. Finally, we should also single sent natural state that cannot be eradicated to out Carl Schmitt who, according to the the full extent. This state can be discerned in Rodin’s criteria, can also be rated among the original phenomena such as love, hatred, representatives of the postmodern political friendship and hospitability which all evade thought as he realized that the phenomenon of legal regulation. From this perspective it be- the political has an autonomous existence and comes completely clear why it is naïve to talk is not susceptible to scientific rationalization. about the end of history with a liberal-democ- ratic state and why Francis Fukuyama is “an Rodin elaborated the project of the change amateur political-scientist” (168). of paradigm by giving examples of certain problems and topical issues in certain chapters We have tried so far to synthesize in gen- of the book. To begin with, we shall point to eral outline the author’s theoretical and meth- the sixth chapter in which the author outlined odological standpoint which connects and how changes occurred in crucial social sys- forms the backbone of all sixteen essays- tems – economic and political – reminding us, chapters of the book. This standpoint of the naturally, how they have autonomous struc- author is dispersedly presented in each chap- tures, their own inner differentiation and tech- ter.5 Before we give an outline of some of spe- niques of coping with complexity. The author cific issues which the author deals with within based his analysis of the process in the first the described analytical framework, we should sphere on the Erich Weede’s book Wirtschaft, also mention some other thinkers apart from Staat und Gesselschaft and in the second Luhmann who paved the way for postmodern sphere on the Klaus von Beyme’s book Die paradigm, which is why the author devotes a politische Klasse im Parteinstaat. In these considerable space to them in the book. In the books the authors described the processes first place, these are the “pioneers of the post- which provoke crises in both systems. Ac- modern” who had made an immense effort to cording to Weede, the market competition in identify something about which Luhmann the first system has been transformed into ac- could easily speak afterwards (24). The first of tivities of rent-seeking, into a search after ex- them, Husserl, replaced the issue on the es- tra-profits which are acquired in the first place sence of a being with the issue of the purpose by monopolization of innovations on the of a being thus putting an emphasis of phi- strength of their legal protection. On the other losophical research on the meaning which hand, the political system has not responded phenomena have for consciousness. The other adequately to these changes. In this system, one, Wittgenstein, anticipated an unutterable according to Beyme, a party cartel has been reality about which one can only be silent as it formed which is expressed in a condensed is beyond the speech limits. The last of the manner by the sentence: “Modern parties act great three, Heidegger, drew the attention to on their own behalf”. The political class has the oblivion of a being which eludes a routine, distanced itself from the electoral body which stereotyped existence as well as the traditional in turn has been transformed since the World metaphysics that conceals it. Apart from their War II into an atomized mass of “people with- notions, Rodin also acknowledged epistemo- out characteristics” and without defined inter- logical notions of Thomas Kuhn and Paul Fey- ests. Political parties have contact with disin- erabend who established that scientific theo- terested voters only through attempts of mobi- ries are not being developed one upon the lization in the electoral year while at the same other in succession, but that they can exist time they secure their survival on political po- concurrently and irritate one another in se- sitions by a mutual consensus. (In the same chapter, “A rent seeking society, pluralism and justice”, Rodin offered at the end an interpre- 5 For a more detailed outline of the categorial tation of the Rawls’ ideas from the “Political apparatus which the author uses, see: Rodin, Davor, ” perceiving fairness as a pragmatic 2000: Glosar novijeg društveno-znanstvenog pojmo- solution for co-existence of incommensurable vlja (Glossary of Contemporary Concepts of Social options that are placed into an interrelation of Science), Politička misao, (37) 4. semantic irritation.)

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 156

Worth mentioning is also the author’s thus unjustifiably encompassing the American postmodern revision of the concepts of the military arsenal of an ambiguous semantic public and democracy from the previous, fifth nature. chapter which he bases on the thesis that speech is not ruled by grammatical, ontologi- These are few of some interesting issues cal and traditional pre-structures. On the con- which Rodin introduced in the first part of the trary, Rodin believes that speech is compre- book, comprising the first ten chapters. The hensible only in connection with certain activ- last six chapters form the other part of the ity as the use of speech precedes any formal- book which is substantially linked by the topi- ism, e.g. grammatical rules which only subse- cal problems of the European integration. In quently rise to the level of explicit conscious- the essays Euro-skeptics and Euro-optimists, ness and it is in this context that he quotes the Europe: shell without core, The European Wittgenstein’s gloss: “I follow the rule Constitution: a step forward from theological blindly” (Philosophical Investigations, § 219). legitimization of political system and Cultural- Proceeding from this notion, Rodin points to historical and political identity Rodin dealt the problem of communication among differ- with European issues such as the European ent incommensurable cultures in the postmod- borders and debates between Euro-skeptics ern public. When democracy is concerned, and Euro-optimists. From his “post-meta- Rodin emphasizes that the democratic proce- physical” viewpoint, the author denounces the dure has to face constantly the uncertainty of European identity as a non-existent core which the will of the people who will, in the Rodin’s we reach only when the shells are broken one view, always remain a “multi-headed mon- by one, i.e. as a constructed fiction, an enact- ster”. ment which arises from the debate between Euro-skeptics and Euro-optimists that, unfor- In the ninth chapter entitled “Morality with tunately, quite often descends to the mytho- no commands”, Rodin offered a new interpre- logical level. Instead of insisting on cultural, tation of moral action from the perspective of historical or religious unity of Europe, Rodin system theory and responsive phenomenology. advocates its political unity. In the author’s The moral action in a new hermeneutic situa- view, establishment of the European political tion cannot be a routine thing. It is now being identity is the only reasonable alternative to perceived as an identification of unmarked attempted cultural, religious or ideological spots in which there are no fixed answers and homogenization which could only damage be- it is defined in the first place by uncertainty of yond repair. In this sense, the European Con- comprehension of the other person with whom stitution must in no way form a homogenizing we are establishing communication. constitution of a cosmopolitan super-state. Its basic role is to sort out the normative chaos Finally, the author also gave in the book a and to harmonize the foundation agreements distinct interpretation of the American military on the strength of which it could provide a intervention in Iraq (6, 87-95). He stressed that framework for political co-existence and co- the fault of the U.S.A. was not in disregarding operation among European states and thus cre- international law, but primarily in the lack of ate a situation in which European political ac- understanding of the postulate of the modern tors could be comprehensible to one another. political thought. Namely, the USA failed to comprehend that Iraq is not a political com- We have three smaller objections to the munity but rather by force linked ethnic and book, two of which are of a purely technical religious communities, i.e. that it concerns an nature. Even though the essays had been pub- incommensurable culture to which it is impos- lished before, apart from the eleventh chapter sible to impose the Western liberal-democratic there is no special mention of it which is also political system. However, we believe that the the fault of the editors. Furthermore, the fre- author exaggerated when he identified the sub- quency of misspelled English words exceeds sequent military intervention as the “change of the limit of one’s tolerance. One of the striking semantics” (6), as in our view in this way the examples of the failed English language-edit- concept of communication is overstretched ing is turning the Feyerabend’s slogan any-

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 157 thing goes into anising goes on page 25 and paradigmatic option offered on the rich epis- enithing wents on page 284. The other, proba- temological menu of modern social sciences. bly greater problem lies in the fact that Rodin offers a quite free interpretation of certain au- thors, which can be detected from this review. Krešimir Petković We can wittily notice that, like Borg in the Star Trek who assimilates all other races with whom he establishes contact, by inserting dif- Book Review ferent authors into the Rodin’s stream of con- sciousness they are being removed from their authenticity and they are being transformed Ivan Prpić (ed.) into the “Rodin’s followers”. However, we are certain that the high Globalizacija i demokracija quality of this book has not been questioned by (Globalization and Democracy) these minor objections. Its value lies primarily in the fact that it emphasizes the selective Fakultet političkih znanosti, Zagreb, blindness of positivistic standpoint. The author 2004, 188 pages in no way argues for anarchism nor relativism, but he only sounds a note of caution, “aban- At the end of 2002, on the occasion of the doning autism” (35) and deliverance from the 40th anniversary of the Faculty of Political illusion of “complete transparency of reality” Science in Zagreb, a scientific conference on (82), which all represent indispensable pre- globalization was held. Contributions pre- cautionary measures in the modern hermeneu- sented at the Conference were published by tic situation in which we find ourselves. The the publisher Biblioteka Politička misao in the author is nevertheless aware of the fact that the form of proceedings entitled Globalization and perspective which he argues in favor of is also Democracy. The proceedings consist of four- just another new type of the selective blind- teen papers that refer to various aspects of ness (270), and he does not aspire to reach globalization. The majority of the papers deal conclusive solutions to the problem nor to give with the impact of globalization on traditional the final shape of the paradigmatic change. functions of a national state, the lack of de- Therefore we believe that the title of the book mocratic legitimacy of new emerging global – Foretaste of the Postmodern – stuck the right actors and governing possible unitary global note. order. If we go back to the opening quotation at Ivan Prpić, editor of the Proceedings and the very end of this review, we can state that Professor of Political Theory at the Faculty of nowadays it is left to the consciousness of each Political Science, identifies globalization in the individual to decide what elements from the foreword as a twofold phenomenon: as a proc- prospect of his/her town he/she will take into ess “by which a historically new type of sys- account and what elements he/she will omit tem of manifold relations and interpenetration and to assess afterwards what consequences among and within states and societies, which the adoption of such viewpoint will have (in form modern world system, is being estab- this case it concerns the Rodin's project of lished” (1), and as an order “which is being parting from the postmodern). In order to be established by the globalization process” (2), capable to do it responsibly, every individual whose main subjects are transnational corpo- should gather preliminary information on vari- rations. Prpić stresses furthermore that global- ous current conceptions. In this sense we ization is being justified by the “values of clas- therefore invite you, by abiding the vocabulary sical liberalism” that are most often interpreted of the book, to be thoroughly irritated in se- in the way which suits “new subjects of the mantic terms by the Foretaste of the Postmod- process” and which are “not general, even ern in order to get acquainted with another in- though they should be accepted and acknowl- teresting and in thoughtful terms stimulating edged by all the mankind”. Finally, Prpić

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 158 draws the attention to the three peculiarities of legitimacy and as an activity that “defines changes caused by globalization: deficit of collective goods of certain political commu- democratic legitimacy, prevailing of state as nity” (26) even “in the sphere of the new one of fundamental modern political subjects postterritorial-temporal division of global and necessity of radical changes of objects as sources of life” (27), even though he does not well as of examining methodology of political mention any concrete model of global democ- science research. racy. Thus it remains unclear in what way de- mocracy can accomplish set tasks if globaliza- Davor Rodin, Professor of Political Phi- tion is perceived as a process which leads to losophy at the Faculty of Political Science, in the new division of the world, independent of his paper “Globalism or a Journey to a New spatiotemporal differentiations. Division of the Globe” offers in a many ways challenging angle of analyzing globalization. T. Meyer, F. Cerutti, C. Offe and M. Podu- The author perceives globalization as a process navac deal in different ways in their papers which leads to destruction of present spatio- with the problem of legitimacy under condi- temporal categories of notion of the world and tions of globalization. Thomas Meyer, re- establishment of the present as the only rele- nowned German political scientist and social vant framework of action. “Immediate trans- democratic activist, points to inadequacy of parency of each place in any time compels us the mechanism of national state to the chal- to act with immediacy and to make decisions lenges of globalization due to which democ- here and now with no protection of grammar racy, which is “still in the sphere of national censorship, with no interspace between cause state…, becomes progressively weaker and, and consequence, purpose and goal because ultimately, questionable in its own basic de- concurrent events have neither cause-and-ef- mands” (29). The crisis of legitimacy at the fect nor purposeful connection” (9). The new national and global level necessitates invention logic-semantic paradigm of the globalized of a global model of democracy (32). Present- world, which makes traditional horizons of ing advantages and drawbacks of the so far certainty an insufficient criterion of man’s ori- known models of global governance, demar- entation and exchanges it with immediate per- chy, cosmopolitan democracy, subsidiary ception of the present, is inseparable from world republic, the author argues in favor of transformation of classical determinants of na- their realistic synthesis in the model of open tional state. Territory and tradition, political method of global coordination. This model is, equivalents of logical categories of space and among other things, based on the concept of time have no longer existential potential in the new cosmopolitan citizenship, “bringing man’s political survival. As hinted by the title global economy within the effective bounda- of the paper, the author believes that a new di- ries of political responsibility” (41), some vision of the globe is under way, or as he puts form of supranational political authority, but it, establishment of new boundaries “diago- not a world republic, multi-layered govern- nally over existing rivers and mountains, reli- ment, open goals and functional solutions and gious and historical traditions of world na- finally a global civil society. tions” (11). In other words, globalization can be interpreted as a process of “ex-territoriali- In contrast to this, F. Cerutti proposes a zation and ex-temporalization of national “multilateral international order based on state” (7) and establishment of new semantic creation of sub-continental unions of states, as and communication relations among the dif- envisaged by the theory of new regionalism” ferences that can no longer be covered by tra- (105). However, Cerutti is not dealing with or- ditional theories which interpret globalism as ganizational characteristics of such union, but the, in cosmopolitan terms, radicalized modern taking the EU as an example he examines the (Enlightenment and Hegel’s philosophy of possibility of establishment of political iden- history, theories of capitalist integration of the tity as a condition of its legitimacy. In this world inspired by Marx, theories of the tech- context, he defines the political identity as a nopole). At the end, Rodin believes that de- set of “values and principles which may, but mocracy is indispensable as the foundation of does not necessarily have to include compre-

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 159 hensive notions of the world (Weltbilder), but prises “tolerance, confidence and solidarity” at any rate it implies a common perception of (120). Efficiency of these moral resources on history, on the basis of which we recognizes the other hand depends on the sense of com- ourselves as 'us'” (106). Political identity gives mon affiliation which the members of certain to members of certain community a “sense that political community share. “If I can perceive they have enough things in common so that my co-citizens as 'compatriots', an ever present they should obey the rules set by common in- temptation to betray the demands of tolerance, stitutions. Thus they perceive loyalty and par- confidence and solidarity is thus diminished.” ticipation as meaningful in regard to their Setbacks of liberal democracies ensue from common symbolic and normative sphere” this because “political liberalism advocates (107). Apart from its being a prerequisite of rights and freedoms of individuals”, who are legitimacy of some political order, identity is “perceived as human beings, and not as com- also a consequence of efficiency of its institu- patriots. It represents a morally demanding, tions, but only from the moment when “com- perhaps even heroic position: recognition of mon values and conceptions” become well- the other without assistance of an assumed established and when “they start to have an closeness, similarity or common identity” impact on lives of everyone in an efficient way (121), which is especially evident in a large comprehensible to everyone” (108). The au- and heterogeneous community such as the EU. thor thinks that in the case of the EU, as a rep- Like Cerutti, Offe finds an alternative to the resentative example of a sub-continental un- liberal democratic position in a communitarian ion, there cannot be talk of some variant of demand for group rights. According to his national nor supranational identity, but rather view, this alternative is dangerous as it leads to he calls possible future identity of the EU a dynamics of potential conflict and fear (123) meta-national, even though he does not ex- characterized by a greater intensity than a con- plain what its characteristics and contents flict stirred by demands for other rights (politi- would be like. He nevertheless stresses the fact cal, social, etc.) because in the case of group that this identity must be unique, but that it rights “there is no umbrella-identity nor com- will not undermine national and regional iden- mon nation which serve to restrain a conflict” tities. Furthermore, the author also draws the (123). Therefore, although aware of the diffi- attention to the fact that in the case of lack of culties with which liberal democracies are such identity, there is a danger that the EU will faced with regarding representation of hetero- be perceived by its citizens as a “mere func- geneous identities, Offe believes that “even the tional entity efficient in regulating the market, most demanding and most utopian version of money and borders” (109), but with no sym- liberal universalism and ” (126) bolic foundation and that due to this fact the is more suitable for preservation of political citizens of the EU could react with “‘new tri- unity than recognition of group identities. balism’, i.e. resorting to a self-contained and defiant image of a local or ethnic community” Tension between universal character of hu- (109). The author’s conclusion is thus incom- man rights and normative imperative of order prehensible (when we take into account his (sovereignty) is analyzed in the paper of Milan definition of political identity) when he states Podunavac, Professor at the Faculty of Politi- that the European identity will be established cal Science in Belgrade, entitled “Citizenship by the very fact that “we are all subjected to and Democracy in the Global Era”. The au- the same rules”, that “we are promoters (as thor’s main thesis is that the tension is less- voters) and addressees (as citizens of a com- ened as the globalization process weakens na- munity that is no longer voluntaristic)” (111). tional states and questions the fiction of “closed society”. Besides, globalization “inte- Claus Offe also points to the difficulties in es- grates people more and more into a system of tablishing the European identity. He believes associations which are outside and beyond the that the institutional structure itself cannot be a area of a national state” (84), i.e. it integrates sufficient guarantee of stability and progress of them into a global civil society. In the author’s liberal-democratic systems, but that a “set of view, this society is not only a corrective, but moral resources” is indispensable and it com- also a “structural element of modern democ-

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 160 racy” (84). Due to all this, none of the two ket in a productive combination with national known, static principles of citizenry (jus soli, markets, comprehension of global political- jus sanguinis) are not adequate to justify (le- economic cycles and “perception of institu- gitimize) theory and practice of democratic tional, business and political strategies of de- citizenry” (83), and thus in the modern era its velopment with a footing in the entirety of essence must be sought in the ideal of public public policies as a harmonized policy of de- mind (sense). The minimum substance of this velopment” (53). This paper is also interesting ideal is that “a citizen must justify his/her po- for a presented thesis according to which a litical intentions in terms which his/her (co- centralized globalization system is not possi- )citizens understand and accept as congruent to ble, i.e. that the globalization as we know to- their status of free and equal citizens” (83). day must fail (54), even though the author does not expound this thesis. Nevertheless, he Economic aspects of globalization are points to the fact that globalization has been treated in the papers presented by D. Strpić, V. successful in other ways, and primarily in Gligorov and Z. Baletić. The Baletić’s paper weakening democratization moment of nation- only indirectly refers to the problems of glob- states and “weakening of efficiency of its pub- alization through the interpretation of the lic policies” (54). ’s economic theory, by which the author tires to prove that the Smith’s teaching Inge Perko, Professor of Public Admini- does not lead to the market fundamentalism, stration at the Faculty of Political Science, i.e. that “a radical laissez-faire spirit is far deals with the impact of globalization on the from the spirit, but also from a single letter of public sector using the example of so-called the entire Smith’s work” (158). Vladimir new public management in her paper Global- Gligorov, economist at the Vienna Institute for ization and Democracy: Paradoxes of New International Economic Studies, tries to divide Public Management. New public management liberal political philosophy from neo-liberal- is a model of reforms of the public sector istic practical politics and to show how the which, in the author’s view, is the outcome of first one does not necessarily result in the other globalization and it is to a large extent similar one. However, the author believes in the end to the British and Washington model imple- that neo-liberalism is a doctrine which, apart mented by M. Thatcher and R. Reagan. New from certain drawbacks that can be eliminated, public management is formed on the basis of is the most adequate for integration of the “neo-liberal economic principles and it sub- world economic order. jects the scale, role and structure of the public sector to a critical analysis”. The author pre- The paper of Dag Strpić, Professor of sents many reasons due to which she perceives Political Economy at the Faculty of Political this model as an adequate one for the reform Science, with the title “Globalization and De- of public administration: turning citizens into mocracy: Problem of Common Denominator” consumers and turning civil servants into en- needs to be singled out. In this work, the au- trepreneurs, motivated exclusively by the lo- thor emphasizes the need to reconstruct the gics of market rewards, and not by the quality analytical instruments and to establish a new of services; demand for an enlarged autonomy paradigm of political economy as imposed by of managers and managers’ competence blurs globalization processes. New global political the political responsibility and the aim of re- economy should develop into a “certain as- ducing the role of state in the public sector for pectual but comprehensive political science on the accomplishment of which a strong state is a small scale” (52) for which process, apart indispensable. Apart from this, empirical re- from the usual instruments of political science, sults also do not support new public manage- some other elements are needed. Strpić sug- ment. Namely, no increased efficiency was re- gests four such elements: “classical Hobbes’s corded in the places where new public man- notion of commonwealth as a political-eco- agement was implemented. Besides, the basic nomic community” (52), perception of the values of democracy are also jeopardized: re- world system as a political-economic unity sponsibility, justice and equality along with comprised of nation-states and the world mar- concurrent increase of corruption and weak-

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 161 ening of local government (90). As opposed to plines. The majority of authors argue in favor new public management, the author stresses of new political, economic and administrative the advantages of the Swedish welfare model, models and scientific instruments which can which is characterized over a short term by confront the challenges of globalization be- governing on the basis of results and, over a cause the existing ones are inadequate. Due to long term, by strategic planning and strategic all this, these proceedings represent a valuable management “in a decentralized context of contribution to comprehension of globalization enlarged districts” (91). Her basic conclusion processes and an informative literature to all is that globalization will not result in the uni- politically interested citizens and the topicality formity of administrative systems as they are of the proceedings will be reaffirmed time and deeply rooted into political culture of certain again. states (92) and that self-organized and self- controlled regionally and globally connected systems are a much more desirable aspect of Domagoj Vujeva globalization and a greater chance for preser- vation of democracy from hierarchically im- posed structures. Book Review

John Groom, Professor of International Relations at the University of Kent, also shares Tihomir Cipek, Josip Vrandečić (eds.) this opinion. He perceives the global govern- ance as a decentralized, multipolar process in which all the relevant actors partake with a Hrestomatija liberalnih ideja u stronger role of the global civil society through Hrvatskoj global conferences of the UN. The main obsta- (Chrestomathy of Liberal Ideas in cle to strengthening and formalizing this proc- ) ess lies, in the author’s view, in tension be- tween human needs and existing institutions, Disput, Zagreb, 2004, 384 pages i.e. in alienation of individual from democratic processes, even in mature democracies. Chrestomathy of Liberal Ideas in Croatia The Proceedings also include the papers is the first serious insight into the history of of: Igor Primorac (“Globalization, Patriotism liberal political thought in the territory of the and Ethics”), in which the author presents present-day Croatia as its study has been ne- arguments against moral value and compul- glected so far. It is preceded by “Liberal soriness of patriotism and he offers cosmopol- Thought in Croatia” (“Liberalna misao u Hr- itanism as an alternative; Goran Gretić (“Peace vatskoj), a publication of collected essays on 22 liberal thinkers in Croatia in the 19th and in Philosophy and Among Nations”) who tries th to establish parallels between philosophical 20 century published by Friedrich Naumann and political peace; Nadja Aleksandrova Ar- Foundation in 2000. Chrestomathy of Liberal batova (“Globalization and Democracy: the Ideas in Croatia is thus a sort of an extension Case of Russia”) and a pessimistically into- of the aforementioned publication, all the more nated presentation of Zdravko Tomac (“Global so as the book is published with the support of Democracy opposite Global Dictatorship of the same Foundation. Capital”) who conceives globalization as an The book is divided into three larger parts: uncontrolled process of gaining complete con- the introductory treatise of the editors and trol over man which is presented as a culmina- Hans George Fleck, Head of the Friedrich tion of his freedom. Naumann Foundation’s Office in Zagreb, th In conclusion, we can repeat that the pro- while the subject matter refers to the 19 cen- ceedings Globalization and Democracy in- tury with subsections on Civil Croatia (Bano- vina Hrvatska), Dalmatia and and to the clude presentations which try to explain theo- th retically such a complex phenomenon as glob- 20 century. The editors Tihomir Cipek, po- alization from perspective of various disci- litical scientist at the Faculty of Political Sci-

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 162 ence in Zagreb, and Josip Vrandečić, historian real weakness of its influence. Therefore, a at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zadar, tried to particular emphasis is given on the tenure of present in their choice of original texts all office of Vice-Roy (ban) Ivan Mažuranić thematic fields of liberal thought, such as hu- (1873-1880) as it was the only period when man and political rights, separation of powers, liberal ideas took hold in Croatia until 2000. political representation and , and thus the choice includes, apart from a brief In his paper “Challenges of the European Liberalism in the 19th, 20th and at the begin- biographical note on each thinker, texts of st various profiles: from pieces of highly theo- ning of the 21 Century” Hans-Georg Fleck retical value (Pucić, Matoš, Gotovac…) to lib- stresses the need to anticipate referential eral political speeches (Mažuranić, Nodilo, ideological determinants of liberalism as the Laginja …). Due to the “small force of Croa- main starting point in studying historical de- tian liberalism” (12), some liberal articles of velopment of liberalism in Croatia. In this thinkers whose thought in its entirety do not context he emphasizes that “motherhood” over correspond to the value concept of liberalism wild capitalism on the one side and socialism are also included, such as Strossmayer, Starče- on the other as well as social insensitivity was vić and Radić. unjustly attributed to liberalism as already in the first stage of liberalism there were social In the first introductory treatise “Liberal- programs for education, self-assistance and ism – Ideology of Freedom”, Cipek gives an solidarity though associations. Here he points accurate summary of main determinants of lib- to complementarity of liberalism and nation- eralism. In contrast to the mediaeval scholastic alism in the West, whereas in Central and image of a man restrained by fear of the origi- Eastern Europe liberalism and nationalism di- nal sin, liberalism lays the foundations for a verged. Finally, he established main modern free individual in inalienable natural rights, the challenges to liberal ideology in globalization exercise of which under conditions of free trends. market trade should lead to a linear develop- ment of the mankind. In order to establish such The introductory treatise of Josip Vrande- a society of freely acting individuals, on the čić “Historical Determinants of Croatian Lib- basis of rational communication the rule of eralism” establishes main causes of relative law is being established as an instrument of weakness of liberal tradition in Croatia in non- protection of human freedoms: right to life, existence of ideal-typal followers of liberalism property right, search after happiness…, so (apart from Imbro Tkalac), dependence of that the original liberalism introduces educa- Croatia on external centers of power (Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade) and general “low tide of tional and property census and the principle of th separation of powers as an instruments of democracy” in the 20 century. Vrandečić also protection of individual freedom from the provides a chronological overview of the de- abuse of the state authority and possible tyr- velopment of this tradition, from its very be- ginnings at the end of the 18th century, to rises anny of the majority. Only the J. S. Mill’s po- th litical theory managed to link liberalism with and falls during the 19 century to a gradual the principle of democratic constitution of disappearance in the interwar period and the government, so that in his time (beginning of final collapse by the establishment of Inde- the 19th century) the idea on natural rights of pendent State of Croatia (NDH) and the So- the individual started to take root in the nation cialist Yugoslavia afterwards. The first decade and it could only be emanated in a national of the Croatian independence was also marked state. Therefore modern ahistorical perception by insensitivity for civic values, so that liber- which puts liberalism into the sphere of multi- alism could finally achieve its affirmation after culturalism and universalism opposite nation- 2000. alism is completely inadequate. In a particular Vrandečić begins the overview of the first case, it does not allow an overview of the role half of the 19th century with the thinkers from of liberalism in constitution of modern Croa- bourgeois Croatia and Slavonia. Imbro Tkalac, tian nation and in creating conditions for es- the first of reformers, defines the period of tablishment of the modern Croatian state, i.e. French Illyrian provinces as a “model and just

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 163 administration which Croatia never, neither and until the freedom is achieved “all the peo- before nor afterwards, enjoyed” (59). Ljudevit ple are party” (121) as an expression of Rous- Gaj’s Kratka osnova horvatsko-slavonskog seauan general will, while he perceives other pravopisanja (Short Basis of Croatian-Sla- parties in Croatia as personalized clubs. In the vonic Orthography, 1830) and Janko Draško- article Ustavi Francezke (Constitutions of vić’s Disertacija (Dissertation, 1832) marked France) Starčević justifies revolutionary terror the symbolic beginning of the national refor- by the need to preserve revolution from vari- mation. Dragutin Rakovac in his book Mali ous enemies, and especially from the clergy katekizam za velike ljude (Short catechism for which “on the strength of faith which they great people, 1842), laying stress on the right preach, they had every to support and of each nation in a multi-national state to lan- spread” (125). Milan Makanec, Ignjat Brlić, guage and autonomous government modeled Fran Vrbanić and Hinko Hinković in their after Switzerland, uses the Illyrian name for speeches delivered in the Parliament and their the South Slavs only in linguistic terms, while articles demand introduction of responsibility in political terms he applies this term exclu- of the Vice-Roy (ban) to the Parliament, ex- sively onto the area of triunity because “a tension of electoral right, independent judici- brother does not tolerate his brother’s ruling” ary, restoration of the Mažuranić’s press courts (77). In his paper dating from the same year, and application of probation punishment. Ilirisam i Kroatisam” (Illyrism and Croatism), Ljudevit Vukotinović emphasizes that “Iliris- The overview of the development of liber- mus (Illyrism) in political terms represents alism in Dalmatia begins with a report of the nothing”, while “Kroatisam (Croatism) on the Governor of Illyrian provinces Vicenzo Dan- other hand is our political life” (85), in the dolo to Napoleon from 1806 on the project of context of which the idea of pan-Slavism as a implementation of liberal imperial code in the political construct turns out to be impossible province where “the population living outside and superfluous. Concurrently with the famous towns hasn’t got houses” (154), and an “abun- programmatic document of the Croatian Par- dance of passions is driving the Dalmatians in liament (Sabor) Zahtievanja naroda (Demands towns” (154). Ivan Kreljanović Albinoni, the of the People) from 1848, Ivan Mažuranić with most distinguished intellectual in Dalmatia his Manifest naroda Hrvatsko-Slavonskog during the French administration, insists on (Manifest of the Croatian-Slavonic people) education as the fundamental precondition for achieved recognition as the first liberal thinker development. Medo Pucić in the article in Croatia who emphasized the precedence of Sačinjavamo li mi jednu naciju? (Do we form natural right of the people as the basic prereq- a nation?, 1846) expounds an original idea on uisite of emanation over the Croatian state law. selfhood of nation only in national history, the Delivering a speech at the Croatian Parliament preconditions of which are independence, in 1861, Franjo Rački expressed his hope in freedom and nationality as “independence of restoration of the constitutional order, while sovereigns and princes”. Furthermore, he Josip Juraj Strossmayer argued for establish- draws a very interesting conclusion, for that ment of a university and academy as means of time and milieu, that “in the Western Europe, enlightenment. However, only the writings of the majority of states are not mixed … which Ante Starčević managed to surpass the level of does not cause any anxiety to the Westerners”, everyday political speech; in the Parliament’s while “the great solution of the national issue petition on representatives’ immunity, Starče- will change the image of Central and Eastern vić inferred this immunity from the transfer of Europe” (173). In the 1856 memorandum, the supreme national sovereignty beyond Francesco Borelli appeals for linking Dalmatia which there is only God as a bestower of liter- with the Danube basin by rail network, while acy because of which a man is entitled to write the most prominent members of the People’s “anything he wants in the world” (123) (O slo- Party Natko Nodilo, Miho Klaić and Lovro bodi tiska, On Freedom of Press). In his article Monti insist on liberal reforms, harmonious Stranke (Parties) Starčević levels the Party of co-existence of Croats, Serbs and Italians and Rights with totality because “…in free states unification of Dalmatia with Croatia, laying … the people are divided into parties” (121),

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 164 stress on economic improvement as a prereq- Course”, revealing how the clericals “…must uisite to enjoy political rights. be hundred times as greater patriots from the rest of us as only in this way is vulgarity de- Istria is represented with the least number luded” (257). In his letter to Jovan Jovanović of liberal thinkers. Marko Baštijan in 1870 de- from 1917, Dežman explains the project of the picts the situation in Istria in the following future South-Slav community with common way: “on the one side, there is haughty arro- defense, financial, foreign, transport and uni- gance, and on the other crazy indifference, versity policy, while the rest would remain un- while on the both sides there is stupidity and der the authority of federal units. Ante Trum- poverty” (209), and together with Dinko bić in his speeches points to the principle of Vitezić he argues for introduction of Croatian national independence as a prerequisite for the language into primary schools, while in the establishment of democratic order, while in the later stage of reformation Vjekoslav Spinčić letter addressed to the Manchester Guardian and Matko Laginja insist on the freedom of from 1932, he describes in detail hegemonistic national expression of Croats and Slovenians and anti-liberal constitution of the Kingdom of in Istria. Yugoslavia. Stjepan Radić in the text Liberali- The second big part, reviewing the 20th zam (Liberalism) draws a conclusion on the century, begins with the writings of Antun equality of liberalism and patriotism basing it Gustav Matoš which are probably the most upon the theory of French thinker Faquet on interesting in the whole Chrestomathy. In co-existence of individual rights and positive Hrvatskoj misli (Croatian Thought) Matoš es- demands of the state from its citizens. In other tablishes the ethics of patriotism as a co-exis- text entitled Demokratizam (Democratism), tence of positive and negative freedom. In this Radić perceives freedom as exercise of citi- matter he strongly advises against the danger zens’ rights, which he elaborated in detail in of Jacobin fulfillment of the political only by Ustav neutralne seljačke republike Hrvatske the means of ethical, while in the article Ljudi i (The Constitution of the Neutral Peasant Re- ljudi (Men and Men) he proceeds from vul- public of Croatia), “…to express their will … garization of modern democracy as a by-prod- to have that will carried out … and that every uct of aspiration of the Enlightenment to citizen knows what is necessary and what is achieve the antic ideal. The article is con- not” (280). The text O razvoju demokratske cluded with a statement that “the aristocratic misli (On Evolvement of Democratic Thought, tendency of culture” (235), whose target is ex- 1918), written by Law Professor Ladislav Po- clusively an individual, is possible to achieve lić, is probably the most founded writing in only in the reformation of democracy towards theoretical terms. In this text, Polić uses inter- a “real aristocratism of spirit and heart” (236). pretations of Grotius, Rousseau, Sieyes, Fichte In the third article, Ad zvecanum monachum, and Duguit to draw a conclusion on a rift be- he attacks fiercely the clericalism of the mem- tween liberalism and democracy in emphasiz- bers of the True Right Party (frankovci) as a ing positive and negative aspect of freedom. negation of the possibility of state formation of However, the Polić’s basic thesis is developed Croatia, because they “reject non-coreligion- on the notion that modern democracies are not ists from this formation” (237), and he adds being exhausted in their legal foundation, but that he perceives the struggle between “the red that they supplement it by social and political and the black” as a struggle between competi- foundation (which is along the lines of the tors and not of incommensurability. In his later theory Franz Neumann on legal, cogni- Južnoslavenskom pitanju (The South-Slav tive and will element of ). Question) as a reaction to the Declaration of In his lecture Osnove modernog nazora o the South-Slav Club from 1917, Milivoj životu (The Essentials of Modern Notion on Dežman points to the pragmatism at “street- Life), professor Albert Bazal, the founder of politics level” as a main historical fault of modern philosophical terminology in Croatia, Croatian liberal-national parties. Frano Supilo teaches that just as the human life is a mani- in his selected articles criticizes clericalism as festation of obligations to an intellectual aim, the main opponent to the politics of “New which is implanted into a man through educa-

Book Reviews, Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 149–165 165 tion, so the people must “develop its special Vlado Gotovac, who, apart from the writings existence in all forms of culture…” in order to of Matoš, are definitely the most attractive in be included in the “history of mankind” (301). this Chrestomathy. In his speech delivered in Marija Jurić Zagorka, founder of feminist 1990, Povratak pojedinca (The Return of In- movement in Croatia, insists on the need to dividual), Gotovac perceives the greatest dan- achieve political equality with men by using ger for human freedom in the attempt, which examples of participation of women in the na- characterizes utopias, “to abolish the unpre- tional movement. Press cutting from the arti- dictable” (355), which is why each individual cles written by journalist Josip Horvat depict has to subject all the political options to the the atmosphere of corruption and creeping test of refutation, while in he military dictatorship in Croatia at the end of sees a dam against of privation, 1920’s, while sections from the Ivan Meštro- but also against aggressive nationalism which vić’s memoirs Uspomene na političke ljude i only brings along a “possibility of repressive događaje (Memories of Political men and collectivism” (359). In the poetic essay Vidlji- Events) and the Bogdan Radica’s memoirs Ži- va i nevidljiva Srednja Europa (Visible and vjeti, nedoživjeti (To live, not live to see) Invisible Central Europe), Gotovac argues in evoke after-war revolutionary terror imposed favor of Central Europe as an area of contacts by partisans. Fascism of the members of “Or- among different nations and individuals be- juna” (aggressive Yugoslav centralist-nation- tween the radical anthropocentrism of the alist), dictatorship of the Ustasha movement West and the abuse of the Hegel’s absolute and socialist revolution in Yugoslavia Radica spirit in the East. brings under the common denominator of ver- tical revolt of the periphery against the center, Chrestomathy of Liberal Ideas in Croatia i.e. violence of “semi-intelligent people of the is a solid overview of the development of lib- Dinaric type” against bourgeois culture. Law- eral thought in Croatia. Taking into account yer Ivo Politeo, famous for defending political topicality, we find a drawback in the omission of some more distinguished liberals from the defendants, prepared in 1954 Kodeks profe- th sionalne etike advokata (Codex of Profes- first half of the 20 century and some of a few sional Ethics of Lawyers) for the International liberals in emigration after the World War II. Lawyers Union, while economist Rudolf Bića- At any rate, the greatest value of the Chres- nić analyzes the cycle of ideologically condi- tomathy is in opening the space for further tioned over-stretched quality of certain sectors comparative studies of the “process of civiliz- in command economies which results in the ing” Croatia with respect to the Western collapse of economic system and the bloom of Europe. This is extremely necessary taking the black market. The last to be presented are into regard a small number of political science Programska načela HSLS-a (Agenda Princi- and historical studies on the tradition of liberal ples of Croatian Social-), the first thought in Croatia. party in the Croatian political history to have “liberal” in its name, as well as the writings of Stevo Đurašković