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WWII and the Holocaust

Date Class Topics Assignments Break assignment • Prelude to War • Read pp. 839-847 (Prelude to War) • • Primary Source reading on the • Hitler’s Gamble Chamberlain and Churchill and • Japanese Aggression Appeasement and the Anschluss (below) • The Course of the War • Read pp. 847-855 (The Course of the War) • Poland & Blitzkrieg Warfare • Primary Source reading/listening Churchill on The Miracle at Dunkirk (below) • • Read pp. 855-862 (The New World Order) • German Invasion of Soviet Russia • Video: Day in Auschwitz (47 min) • The Pacific Conflict • Read pp. 862-end of chapter (The Home • The Grand Alliance Front and the Peace Settlement). • D-Day and The A-Bomb • Read pp. 855-862 (The New World Order) • New World Order • Go through powerpoint • The Holocaust • The Home Front • The End of the War • Redrawing the Map • Emergence of the Cold War Monday, 4/18 • REVIEW WWII and HOLOCAUST HAVE ALL CHAPTER READING FINISHED AND C Day GO THROUGH POWERPOINT. Tuesday, 4/19 • WWII QUIZ STUDY FOR QUIZ! • Cold War Discussion

Neville Chamberlain, In Defense Of Appeasement Hitler sought power to build a great German empire in Europe, a goal that he revealed in Mein Kampf In 1935, Hitler declared that Germany was no longer bound by the Versailles Treaty and would restore military conscription. In 1936, Germany remilitarized the Rhineland and in 1938 incorporated Austria into the Third Reich. Although these actions violated the Versailles Treaty, Britain and France offered no resistance. In 1938, Hitler also threatened war if Czechoslovakia did not cede to Germany the Sudetenland with its large German population-of the 3.5 million people living in the Czech Sudetenland, some 2.8 million were Germans. In September 1938, Hitler met with other European leaders at Munich. Prime Minister (1869-1940) of Gret Britain and Prime Minister Edouard Daladier (1884- 1970) of France agreed to Hitler's demands, despite France's mutual assistance pact with Czechoslovakia and the Czechs' expressed determination to resist the dismemberment of their country. Both Chamberlin and Daladier were praised by their compatriots for ensuring, as Chamberlain said, "peace in our time." Britain and France pursued a policy of appeasement-giving in to Germany in the hope that a satisfied Hitler would not drag Europe into another war. Appeasement expressed the widespread British desire to heal the wounds of World War I and to correct what many British officials regarded as the injustices of the Versailles Treaty. Some officials, lauding Hitler's anticommunism, regarded a powerful Germany as a bulwark against the Soviet Union. Britain's lack of military preparedness was another compelling reason for not resisting Hitler. On September 27, 1938, when negotiations between Hitler and Chamberlain reached a tense moment, the British prime minister addressed his nation. Excerpts of this speech and of another before the House of Commons, which appeared in his In Search of Peace (1939), follow.

Britain and France pursued a policy of appeasement- their prayers for my success. Most of these letters have giving in to Germany in the hope that a satisfied Hitler come from women­ mothers or sisters of our own would not drag Europe into another war. Appeasement countrymen. But there are countless others besides- expressed the widespread British desire to heal the from France, from Belgium, from Italy, even from wounds of World War I and to correct what many Germany, and it has been heartbreaking to read of the British officials regarded as the injustices of the growing anxiety they reveal and their intense relief Versailles Treaty. Some officials, lauding Hitler's when they thought, too soon, that the danger of war anticommunism, regarded a powerful Germany as a was past. bulwark against the Soviet Union. Britain's lack of military preparedness was another compelling reason If I felt my responsibility heavy before, to read such for not resisting Hitler. On September 27, 1938, when letters has made it seem almost over­ whelming. How negotiations between Hitler and Chamberlain reached a horrible, fantastic, incredible it is that we should be tense moment, the British prime minister addressed his digging trenches and trying on gas masks here because nation. Excerpts of this speech and of another before of a quarrel in a far-away country between people of the House of Commons, which appeared in his In Search whom we know nothing. It seems still more impossible of Peace (1939), follow. that a quarrel which has already been settled in principle First of all I must say something to those who have should be the subject of war. I can well understand the written to my wife or myself in these last weeks to tell reasons why the Czech Government have felt unable to us of their gratitude for my efforts and to assure us of accept the terms which have been put before them in the German memorandum. Yet I believe after my talks However much we may sympathize with a small nation with Herr Hitler that, if only time were allowed, it ought confronted by a big and powerful neighbour, we cannot to be possible for the arrangements for transferring the in all circumstances undertake to involve the whole territory that the Czech Government has agreed to give British Empire in war simply on her account. If we have to Germany to be settled by agreement uncle conditions to fight it must be on larger issues than that. I am myself which would assure fair treatment to the population a man of peace to the depths of my soul. Armed conflict concerned . . . between nations is a nightmare to me; but if I were convinced that any nation had made up its mind to dominate the world by fear of its force, I should feel that it must be resisted. Under such a domination life for people who believe in liberty would not be worth living; but war is a fearful thing, and we must be very clear, before we embark on it, that it is really the great issues that are at stake, and that the call to risk everything in their defense, when all the consequences are weighed, is irresistible.

For the present I ask you to await as calmly as you can the events of the next few days. As long as war has not begun, there is always hope that it may be prevented, and you know that I am going to work for peace to the last moment. Good night . . . .

Winston Churchill, A Disaster of the First Magnitude On October 5, 1938, Britain's elder statesman Winston Churchill (1874- 1965) delivered a speech in the House of Commons attacking the Munich agreement and British policy toward Germany.

. . . I will begin by saying what everybody would like to world war, and all that mass of moderate opinion and ignore or forget but which must nevertheless be stated, popular opinion which dreaded war, and some elements namely, that we have sustained a total and unmitigated of which still have some influence upon the German defeat, and that France has suffered even more than Government. Such action would have given strength to we have . . . . all that intense desire for peace which the helpless . . . And I will say this, that I believe the Czechs, left to German masses share with their British and French themselves and told they were going to get no help from fellow men . . . . the Western Powers, would have been able to make . . . I do not think it is fair to charge those who wished to better terms than they have got-they could hardly have see this course followed, and followed consistently and worse-after all this tremendous perturbation . . . . resolutely, with having wished for an immediate war. . . . I have always held the view that the maintenance of Between submission and immediate war there was this peace depends upon the accumulation of deterrents third alternative, which gave a hope not only of peace against the aggressor, coupled with a sincere effort to but of justice. It is quite true that such a policy in order redress grievances . . . . After [Hitler's] seizure of Austria to succeed demanded that Britain should declare in March . . . I ventured to appeal to the Government . . . straight out and a long time beforehand that she to give a pledge that in conjunction with France and would, with others, join to defend Czechoslovakia other Powers they would guarantee the security of against an un­ provoked aggression. His Majesty's Czechoslovakia while the Sudeten-Deutsch question was Government refused to give that guarantee when it being examined either by a League of Nations would have saved the situation. . . . Commission or some other impartial body, and I still …All is over. Silent, mournful, abandoned, broken, believe that if that course had been followed events Czechoslovakia recedes into the dark­ ness. She has would not have fallen into this disastrous state. . . . suffered in every respect by her association with the …France and Great Britain together, especially if they Western democracies and with the League of Nations, of had maintained a close contact with Russia, which which she has always been an obedient servant. She has certainly was not done, would have been able in those suffered in particular from her association with France, days in the summer, when they had the prestige, to under whose guidance and policy s has been actuated influence many of the smaller States of Europe, and I for so long. . . . believe they could have determined the attitude of …Life in this country, as in other Liberal and Democratic Poland. Such a combination, prepared at a time when countries, have a perfect right to exalt the principle of the German dictator was not deeply and irrevocably self-determination, but it comes ill out of the mouths of committed to his new adventure, would, I believe, have those in totalitarian States who deny even the smallest given strength to all those forces in Germany which element of toleration to every section and creed within resisted this departure, this new design. They were their bounds . . . . varying forces, those of a military character which …What is the remaining position of Czechoslovakia? Not declared that Germany was not ready to undertake a only are they politically mutilated, but, economically and AP EUROPEAN HISTORY/SPENCER ASSIGNMENT SHEET – UNIT 14 financially, they are in complete confusion. Their combinations which might have repaired previous banking, their railway arrangements, are severed and errors, and thus they left us in the hour of trial without broken, their industries are curtailed, and the movement adequate national defence or effective international of their population is most cruel. The Sudeten miners, security. . . . who are all Czechs and whose families have lived in that …We are in the presence of a disaster of the first area for centuries, must now flee into an area where magnitude which has befallen Great Britain and France. there are hardly any mines left for them to work. It is a Do not let us blind our­ selves to that. It must now be tragedy which has occurred . . . . accepted that all the countries of Central and Eastern …I venture to think that in future the Czechoslovak State Europe will make the best terms they can with the cannot be maintained as an independent entity. You will triumphant Nazi Power. The system of alliances in find that in a period of time which may be measured by Central Europe upon which France has re­ lied for her years, but may be measured only by months, safety has been swept away, and I can see no means Czechoslovakia will be engulfed in the Nazi regime. Per­ by which it can be reconstituted . . . . haps they may join it in despair or in revenge. At any . . . If the Nazi dictator should choose to look westward, rate, that story is over and told. But we cannot consider as he may, bitterly will France and England regret the the abandonment and ruin of Czechoslovakia in the light loss of that fine army of ancient Bohemia only of what happened only last month. It is the most (Czechoslovakia) which was estimated last week to grievous consequence which we have yet experienced of require not fewer than 30 German divisions for its what we have done and of what we have left undone in destruction... the last five years-five years of futile good intention, five . . . Many people, no doubt, honestly believe that they years of eager search for the line of least resistance, five are only giving away the interests of Czechoslovakia, years of un­ interrupted, retreat of British power, five whereas I fear we shall find that we have deeply years of neglect of our air defences. Those are the compromised, and perhaps fatally endangered, the features which I stand here to declare and which marked safety and even the in­ dependence of Great Britain and an improvident stewardship for which Great Britain and France . . . . (T}here can never be friendship between the France have dearly to pay. We have been reduced in British democracy and the Nazi Power, that Power which those five years from a position of security so spurns Christian ethics, which cheers its onward course overwhelming and so challengeable that we never cared by a barbarous paganism, which vaunts the spirit of to think about it. We have been reduced from a position aggression and conquest, which derives strength and where the very word "war" was considered one which perverted pleasure from persecution, and uses, as we would be used only by persons qualifying for a lunatic have seen, with pitiless brutality the threat of asylum. We have been reduced from a position of safety murderous force. That Power cannot ever be the trusted and power-power to do good, power to be generous to a friend of the British democracy. . . . beaten foe, power to make terms with Germany, power . . . (O}ur loyal, brave people . . . should know the truth. to give her proper redress for her grievances, power to They should know that there has been gross neglect and stop her arming if we chose, power to take any step in deficiency in our defences; they should know that we strength or mercy or justice which we thought right- have sustained a defeat without a war, the reduced in five years from a position safe and consequences of which will travel far with us along our unchallenged to where we stand now. road they should know that we have passed an awful …When I think of the fair hopes of a long peace which milestone in our history, when the whole equilibrium of still lay before Europe at the beginning of 1933 when Europe has been deranged, and that the terrible words Herr Hitler first obtained power, and of all the have for the time being been pronounced against the opportunities of arresting the growth of the Nazi power Western democracies: which have been thrown away, when I think of the immense combinations and resources which have Thou art weighed in the balance and found wanting. been neglected or squandered, I cannot believe that a parallel exists in the whole curse of history. So far And do nor suppose that this is the end. This is only the as this country is concerned the responsibility must beginning of the reckoning. This is only the first sip, the rest with those who have the undisputed control of first foretaste of a bitter cup which will be proffered to our political affairs. They neither prevented Germany us year by year unless by a supreme recovery of moral from rearming, nor did they rearm ourselves in health and martial vigour, we arise again and rake our time…They neglected to make alliances and stand for freedom as in the olden rime.

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REV IEW QUESTIONS

1. In Neville Chamberlain's view, how did the British people regard a war with Germany over the Sudetenland? 2. How did Chamberlain respond to the accusation that Britain and France had betrayed Czechoslovakia? 3. What did Chamberlain consider to be the "one good thing" to come oµt of the Sudetenland crisis? 4. Why did Winston Churchill believe that "there [could) never be friendship between the British democracy and the Nazi Power"? 5. Why did Churchill believe that the Munich agreement was "a disaster of the first magnitude" for Britain and France? 6. What policy toward did Churchill advocate?

On The Anschluss, 1938 Kurt von Schuschnigg, radio broadcast (11th March, 1938)

This day has placed us in a tragic and decisive situation. I have to give my Austrian fellow countrymen the details of the events of today. The German Government today handed to President Miklas an ultimatum, with a time limit, ordering him to nominate as chancellor a person designated by the German Government and to appoint members of a cabinet on the orders of the German Government; otherwise German troops would invade Austria. I declare before the world that the reports launched in Germany concerning disorders by the workers, the shedding of streams of blood, and the creation of a situation beyond the control of the Austrian Government are lies from A to Z. President Miklas has asked me to tell the people of Austria that we have yielded to force since we are not prepared even in this terrible situation to shed blood. We have decided to order the troops to offer no resistance. So I take leave of the Austrian people with the German word of farewell uttered from the depth of my heart: God protect Austria. The Manchester Guardian (14th March, 1938)

On the day on which she was to have voted on her freedom and independence, Austria was last night officially proclaimed a "State of the German Reich." The Anschluss has been brought into being. A month hence the Austrian people will be asked to say what they think of it. The law - enacted by the Austrian government and "accepted" by the German - states: On the basis of the Federal Constitution law regarding the extraordinary measures within the scope of the Constitution, the Federal Government has resolved; 1. Austria is a state of the German Reich. 2. On Sunday, April 10, a free and secret plebiscite of the German men and women of Austria over twenty years of age will take place regarding the reunion with the German Reich. It is explained in Berlin that Austria now becomes a Federal State of the Reich, such as Bavaria, Saxony and Württemberberg. Austria, like Bavaria, will retain her own Government, and for the present the existing laws will remain in force. Herr Hitler has incorporated the Austrian Army in the German Army and placed it under his command. Last night it was announced that President Miklas had resigned at the request of Dr. Seyss-Inquart, the Nazi Chancellor, who took over the President's powers.

In all countries-except Italy and Japan, partners with Germany in the anti-Comintern Pact, the annexing of Austria is condemned.

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Adolf Hitler, speech at Koenigsberg (25th March, 1938)

Certain foreign newspapers have said that we fell on Austria with brutal methods. I can only say; even in death they cannot stop lying. I have in the course of my political struggle won much love from my people, but when I crossed the former frontier (into Austria) there met me such a stream of love as I have never experienced. Not as tyrants have we come, but as liberators. On the Miracle Evacuation at Dunkirk From Winston Churchill’s Speech before the House of Commons, 04 Jun 1940 (click link to listen)

The enemy attacked on all sides with great strength and fierceness, and their main power, the power of their far more numerous air force, was thrown into the battle or else concentrated upon Dunkirk and the beaches. Pressing in upon the narrow exit, both from the east and from the west, the enemy began to fire with cannon upon the beaches by which alone the shipping could approach or depart. They sowed magnetic mines in the channels and seas; they sent repeated waves of hostile aircraft, sometimes more than 100 strong in one formation, to cast their bombs upon the single pier that remained, and upon the sand dunes upon which the troops had their eyes for shelter. Their U-boats, one of which was sunk, and their motor launches took their toll of the vast traffic which now began. For four or five days an intense struggle reigned. All their armored divisions - or what was left of them - together with great masses of infantry and artillery, hurled themselves in vain upon the ever-narrowing, ever-contracting appendix within which the British and French armies fought.

Meanwhile, the Royal Navy, with the willing help of countless merchant seamen, strained every nerve to embark the British and allied troops; 220 light warships and 650 other vessels were engaged. They had to operate upon the difficult coast, often in adverse weather, under an almost ceaseless hail of bombs and an increasing concentration of artillery fire. Nor were the seas, as I have said, themselves free from mines and torpedoes. It was in conditions such as these that our men carried on, with little or no rest, for days and nights on end, making trip after trip across the dangerous waters, bringing with them always men whom they had rescued. The numbers they have brought back are the measure of their devotion and their courage. The hospital ships, which brought off many thousands of British and French wounded, being so plainly marked were a special target for Nazi bombs; but the men and women on board them never faltered in their duty.

Meanwhile, the Royal Air Force, which had already been intervening in the battle, so far as its range would allow, from home bases, now used part of its main metropolitan fighter strength, and struck at the German bombers and at the fighters which in large numbers protected them. This struggle was protracted and fierce. Suddenly the scene has cleared, the crash and thunder has for the moment - but only for the moment - died away. A miracle of deliverance, achieved by valor, by perseverance, by perfect discipline, by faultless service, by resource, by skill, by unconquerable fidelity, is manifest to us all. The enemy was hurled back by the retreating British troops. He was so roughly handled that he did not hurry their departure seriously. The Royal Air Force engaged the main strength of the German air force, and inflicted upon them losses of at least four to one; and the navy, using nearly 1,000 ships of all kinds, carried over 335,000 men, French and British, out of the jaws of death and shame, to their native land and to the tasks which lie immediately ahead. We must be very careful not to assign to this deliverance the attributes of a victory. Wars are not won by evacuations. But there was a victory inside this deliverance, which should be noted. It was gained by the air force. Many of our soldiers coming back have not seen the air force at work; they saw only the bombers which escaped its protective attack.

Nevertheless, our thankfulness at the escape of our army and so many men, whose loved ones have passed through an agonizing week, must not blind us to the fact that what has happened in France and Belgium is a colossal military disaster. The French army has been weakened, the Belgian army has been lost, a large part of those fortified lines upon which so much faith had been reposed is gone, many valuable mining districts and factories have passed into the enemy's possession, the whole of the Channel ports are in his hands, with all the tragic consequences that follow from that, and we must expect another blow to be struck almost immediately at us or at France. We are told that Herr Hitler has a plan for invading the British Isles. This has often been thought of before. When Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his Grand Army, he was told by someone, "There are bitter weeds in England." There are certainly a great many more of them since the British Expeditionary Force returned. AP EUROPEAN HISTORY/SPENCER ASSIGNMENT SHEET – UNIT 14

We must never forget the solid assurances of sea power and those which belong to air power if it can be locally exercised. I have, myself, full confidence that if all do their duty, if nothing is neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being made, we shall prove ourselves once again able to defend our island home, to ride out the storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny, if necessary for years, if necessary alone. At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is the resolve of His Majesty's government - every man of them. That is the will of parliament and the nation. The British Empire and the French republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost of their strength. Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous states have fallen or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail.

We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's good time, the new world, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.