Abstract — The paper is devoted to the Early Christian the Magi is considered to be of secondary importance to decoration of in the very fact that both figures visually function within Late and focuses on the image of the Virgin and its role within the Antique associative techniques and perform the role of alle- general program. The four surviving representations depict gories. This multiple role and possible readings of the figure Mary in rich princely garb, notably an ornamented, golden of Mary are further explored through comparison with inten- dalmatica and jeweled headdress. With this elegant attire, tional parallels of the Virgin’s image and several protagonists these images strongly resemble those of empresses and of the cycle depicted in the Early Christian other high-ranking women of the time and are often seen Sta Maria Maggiore . to be predecessors of later iconographic type, the Maria Keywords — Santa Maria Maggiore, Virgin, Rome, mosaics, Regina. While this representation could have been deter- Maria Regina, Late Antique imagery, Early Christian theology, mined by notions formulated by contemporary theologians Ecclesia, allegory about the figure of the Theotokos, it could also be the result of the earliest development of Marian iconography. In this Maria Lidova paper the exact meaning of the image of the Virgin and of The British Museum its female counterpart seated on the other side of Christ’s [email protected] throne in the enigmatic composition of the Adoration of [email protected]

60 The Imperial Theotokos Revealing the Concept of Early Christian Imagery in Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome

Maria Lidova

The of Santa Maria Maggiore is one of Issledovania v oblasti ikonographii i stilia drevnekhristianskogo 1 iskusstva [Mosaics of the fourth and fifth century. Studies on the the Rome’s most studied Christian monuments . iconography and style of early Christian art]”, Journal Ministerstva The great scholarly interest towards this basilica narodnogo prosveschenia [Journal of the Ministry of public education], ccxcix /5 (1895), pp. 94 –155. An overview of the existing historio- was predetermined by the unique nature of the graphy with a selection of the principal arguments in relation to the complex, its early date, and by the surviving Late Early Christian decoration of Sta Maria Maggiore was provided by Maria Raffaella Menna inL’orizzonte tardoantico e le nuove immagini: Antique mosaic decoration, in which the image of 312– 468. Corpus della Pittura Medievale a Roma, Maria Andaloro the Mother of God acquired great significance for ed., Milano 2006, vol. i, pp. 306 –346. However, in recent years the Sta Maria Maggiore decoration once again became the focus of the first time. Even with extensive literature on particular attention bringing to life a series of articles and lengthy the topic, the sophistication of the Theotokos figure or abridged discussions in a number of PhD dissertations. 2 On Maria Regina iconography, see Nikodim Kondakov, Iconogra- and its elusiveness still pose problems for scholars. fia Bogomateri, St Petersburg 1914, vol. i, pp. 270 – 304 (Nikodim However, understanding this image is central to Kondakov, Iconografia della Madre di Dio, Ivan Foletti ed., Rome 2014, pp. 271–291); Marion Lawrence, “Maria Regina”, The Art Bulletin, the study of the early forms of Marian devotion, vii (1925), pp. 150 –161; Carlo Bertelli, La Madonna di S. Maria in initial development of Christian iconography, and . Storia, iconografia, stile di un dipinto romano dell’ottavo secolo, Rome 1961, pp. 45 – 59; Gerhard Steigerwald, Das Königtum Mariens the origins of the specific type of Marian represen- in Literatur und Kunst der ersten sechs Jahrhunderte, Freiburg 1965; tation known as Maria Regina (Mary the Queen) 2. John Osborne, “Early medieval painting in S. Clemente, Rome: the Madonna and Child in the Niche”, Gesta, xx (1981), pp. 299 – 310; Ma- ria Lidova, “The Earliest Images of Maria Regina in Rome and the 1 For one of the earliest thorough scholarly accounts on the pro- Byzantine Imperial Iconography”, Niš and Byzantium. The Collection gram, often omitted in the bibliographical references in recent of Scientific Works, viii (2010), pp. 231– 243, n. 1, 5 (with detailed western publications, see Dmitriy Ainalov, “Mozaiki iv i v vekov. bibliography). 61 1 / The decoration of the arch, right side, Presentation and Encounter with Aphrodisius (?), Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, 432–440

2 / Presentation, detail of figure of Mary, Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, 432–440

Mary in the Early Christian mosaics of Santa Maria Maggiore

The original mosaic decoration of the Early Chris- the arch’s pictorial narrative and general color tian basilica of Sta Maria Maggiore was completed palette. Among all the figures of the Infancy cycle, under Sixtus iii (r. 432 –440), as is stated in the Virgin alone is honored with sparkling attire, the monumental inscription at the apex of the which not only clearly refers to the sacred-heav- apsidal arch 3. The complex fifth-century program enly dimension of the golden background but also consists of two narrative cycles : Old Testament transmits the message of both divine and earthly stories are depicted in the rectangular panels royal importance 7. running above the columns along the central nave, while the Christological cycle on the Infancy of 3 Several scholars aimed at specifying the date of the decoration by pointing out that some if not most parts of the program must

Jesus decorates the apsidal arch. The mosaics of have been accomplished at the time of the predecessor of Sixtus iii the counter-façade and the image in the conch, on the papal throne – (422 – 432). See Victor Saxer, Sainte-Marie-Majeure: une basilique de Rome dans l’histoire de la ville et replaced by the late thirteenth-century apse, were de son église (v e – xiii e siècle), Rome 2001, pp. 56 – 57. For an insightful also an integral part of the original program 4. discussion of the significance of the empty throne in the apex of the arch right above the inscription: Ivan Foletti, Sicut“ in caelo et in terra. Mary appears four times in the fifth-century Osservazioni sulla cathedra vacua della basilica sistina di Santa Maria cycle: in the Annunciation, the Adoration of the Maggiore a Roma”, Iconographica, x–xi (2011–2012), pp. 33 – 46. See also Cäcilia Davis-Weyer, “Cum ipso sunt in hac nativitate congeniti: Magi and Presentation scenes, and a composition dove, throne and city in the arch mosaics of Sta Maria Maggiore in Rome (432 – 440)”, in Reading images and texts. Medieval images and portraying the Holy Family at the gates of a city, texts as forms of communication, Papers from the Third Utrecht Sym- which after Kondakov’s 1886 interpretation, is posium on Medieval Literacy ( Utrecht, 7– 9 December 2000), Mariëlle Hageman, Marco Mostert eds, Turnhout 2005, pp. 367– 394. traditionally understood as the Encounter with 4 Herbert Henkels, “Remarks on the Late 13 th - Century Apse Deco- Aphrodisius, governor of Sotine in Egypt /Fig. 1/ 5. ration in S. Maria Maggiore”, Simiolus. Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art, iv/3 (1971), pp. 128 –149; Julian Gardner, “Pope Nich- In all four instances, the Virgin is represented at- olas iv and the Decoration of Santa Maria Maggiore”, Zeitschrift tired as a high-ranking Roman woman, her dress für Kunstgeschichte, xxxvi (1973), pp. 1– 50 ; William Tronzo, “Apse Decoration, the Liturgy and the Perception of Art in Medieval consisting mainly of a white tunic and an elab- Rome: S. Maria in Trastevere and S. Maria Maggiore”, in Italian orately decorated golden dalmatica /F i g . 2 / 6. The Church Decoration of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance. Function, Forms and Regional Traditions, William Tronzo ed., Bologna 1989, lofty nature of her costume is accentuated with pp. 167–193. gold-glass tesserae, which affirm the importance 5 The Encounter with Aphrodisius is an extremely rare, if not unique, subject in the history of Christian art. It is part of the apocryphal ac- 62 of the figure and visually highlight her within counts, and is mainly known from the Gospel by Pseudo -Matthew (Ps.- Mt. 22–24), but can also be found in the so - called Arabic costume characteristic of a number of Late Antique female rep- Infancy Gospel. For the first time this identification of the scene resentations, see Kathrin Schade, Frauen in der Spätantike – Status was proposed by Kondakov in the French edition of his history of und Repräsentation: eine Untersuchung zur römischen und frühbyzan- in 1886: Nikodim Kondakov, Histoire de l’art byzantin tinischen Bildniskunst, Mainz 2003, pp. 107–112. For more general considéré principalement dans les miniatures, Florentin Trawinski discussion of female dress in Late Antiquity, see Mary G. Houston, trans., Paris 1886 –1891, vol. i, pp. 105 –106. In the preceding Rus- Ancient Greek, Roman and Byzantine Costume and Decoration, Lon- sian edition of the same work, in the main text Kondakov simply don 1959, pp. 140 – 150; Mary Harlow, “Female Dress, Third– Sixth repeats though with a certain caution the standard interpretation Century : The Message in the Media? ”, Antiquité Tardive, xii (2004), for the time, according to which the scene represented some un- pp. 203 – 215. It must be pointed out, however, that the mosaics of usual type of Christ preaching in a Temple. He only mentions his Sta Maria Maggiore were heavily restored on several occasions and alternative interpretation separately at the end of the book. For among the representations of the Virgin only the figure from the the detailed historiography and an alternative, though even less Presentation scene came down to us without significant alterations, convincing, interpretation, see Suzanne Spain, “‘The Promised providing more or less adequate evidence for the original costume Blessing’: The Iconography of the Mosaics of S. Maria Maggio- of the Virgin: Kondakov, Iconografia Bogomateri(n. 2), pp. 115 –116; re”, Art Bulletin, lxi (1979), pp. 518 – 540, sp. pp. 519 – 525, n. 7. Suzanne Spain, “ The Restorations of the Sta. Maria Maggiore Mo- The role and function of this scene in the general program of saics”, The Art Bulletin, lxv/2 (1983), pp. 325 – 328. the church received various interpretations. Assuming that the 7 To wear the golden toga in Rome was an exclusive privilege of Kondakov’s identification of the subject is correct, it becomes a the emperors and protagonists of the triumphal processions. On clear counterpart to the closely situated scenes representing the particular occasions in the early Byzantine period this privilege history of Moses and Exodus ( Beat Brenk, Die früchristlichen Mosaik- may have been granted to consuls, see Cyril A. Mango, The Art of en in S. Maria Maggiore zu Rom, Wiesbaden 1975, p. 78). It is quite the Byzantine Empire 312– 1453. Sources and Documents, New Jersey probable, however, that besides other reasons, the appearance of 1972, p. 85. At the same time, as has been noticed by Mathews, it this rare and very unusual scene within the narrative cycle of the was mainly the golden cloak that was used for the representations basilica could function as a reference to some particular historic of ancient gods in painted Roman cult images: Thomas F. Mathews, events, such as the destruction of the Serapis temple in Alexandria The Clash of Gods. A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, Princeton in 391 ad, i. e. just several decades before the Roman decoration 1999, p. 101, n. 17. Barclay Lloyd connects the use of the golden was created. Therefore, the destruction of the major Alexandrian robe in the depiction of the Theotokos in Sta Maria Maggiore to temple was compared in the mosaics to the fall of pagan statues Psalm 45, presuming that the association with the latter, charac- on the arrival of Christ to the city of Sotine and, as a consequence, teristic of medieval art and clearly indicated in the inscriptions of could reveal the idea of the triumphal victory of Christianity over the twelfth - century decoration of Santa Maria in Trastevere, was the pagan gods: Peter Brown, “Christianization and Religious already implied in the Early Christian program of the Esquiline Conflict”, in The Late Empire a. d. 337– 425, (The Cambridge An- basilica: Barclay Lloyd, “Das goldene Gewand der Muttergottes cient History xiii), Cambridge 1997, pp. 632– 664, sp. pp. 634 – 635; in der Bildersprache mittelalterlicher und frühristlicher Mosaiken Idem, The Rise of Western : The Triumph and Diversity, ad in Rom”, Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und 200 –1000, Oxford 2003, pp. 73 – 74. Kirchengeschichte, lxxxv (1990), pp. 66 – 85. And finally some Late 6 Toga, or trabea picta, according to Brenk, see Brenk, Die früchristlichen Antique statues of the Empresses are known to have been gild- Mosaiken (n. 5), p. 50, or cyclas, as was recently argued by Steiger- ed, thus probably forming a direct counterpart for the image in wald, see Gerhard Steigerwald, “Die Rolle Mariens in den Triumph- Sta Maria Maggiore. On the symbolism of gold in Late Antiquity, bogenmosaiken und in der Weiheinschrift der Basilika S. Maria see Sergej S. Averincev, “L’or dans le système des symboles de Maggiore in Rom”, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, li (2010), la culture protobyzantine”, Studi medievali, xx (1979), pp. 47– 67; pp. 137–151, sp. p. 140. For a detailed discussion of this type of Dominic Janes, God and Gold in Late Antiquity, Cambridge 1998. 63 Scholars cannot agree on whether one more the crown that awaits all martyrs. One cannot ex- representation of the Virgin decorated the apse of clude the possibility that the praemia in the saints’ the church. The evidence for it appears in the de- hands could attain the form of the small, circular, scription of the basilica by Onofrio Panvinio, who, golden diadems typical of Early Christian repre- in the second half of the sixteenth century, collect- sentations of Aurum Coronarium compositions 14. ed abundant material on the in In this program, therefore, the crown could serve his effort to write an extensive description of all multiple functions, becoming at the same time a urban basilicas8. In Le sette chiese principali di Roma symbol of martyrdom, i. e. the tribute or sacrifice (1570), Panvinio reproduced a now-lost inscription of martyrs to God, as well as an indication of the most likely executed in mosaic, which he saw on eventual heavenly reward granted by God to mar- the inner side of the entrance wall : tyrs in return for their pious lives and Christian deeds. The visualization of this triumph and the “Virgo Maria, tibi Sixtus nova templa dicavi, / digna saluti- elevated nature of the composition, where the fero munera ventre tuo. / Te genetrix ignara viri, te denique saints were shown in the heavenly court of the feta visceribus salvis edita nostra salus. / Ecce tui testes uteri divine ruler, could have carried multiple addition- tibi praemia portant, / sub pedibus iacet passio cuique sua: / ferrum, flamma, ferae fluvius saevumque venenum / tot al meanings if the Virgin had been represented tamen has mortes una corona manet” 9. in similar sumptuous garments to those on the triumphal arch. The authenticity of Panvinio’s evidence and Even if the inscription was connected not with the ancient origin of the inscription are further the sanctuary’s decoration but with a separate confirmed by the fact that it was reproduced in composition on the counter-façade wall, the pres- several early medieval syllogae, such as Sylloge of ence of the Mother of God as a principle image in Tours and Fourth Lorsch Sylloge, and was already the apse mosaic is quite plausible, though many cited in the works of Anglo-Saxon bishop Aldhelm scholars oppose this idea15. Among a range of (639–709) 10. It is difficult to say if the location of considerations relating to this question, one as- this epigraph on the counter-façade at the time pect is particularly important and is constantly of Panvinio, which was common with numerous overlooked by the apologists for Christ’s repre- Early Christian dedicatory inscriptions, was origi- sentation in the apse – that is, the unprecedent- nal, or if it was transferred there during one of the ed attention given to female protagonists in the church’s many reconstructions 11. As the text clear- Old Testament cycle decorating Sta Maria Maggio- ly describes a multi-figured composition, it has led re’s nave. As has been noted, the biblical narrative some scholars to suppose that the epigraph was included up to twenty-five depictions of Old Tes- initially made for the basilica’s sanctuary, from tament women 16. This feature distinguishes the which it was taken and installed on the southeast Sta Maria Maggiore cycle from the fifth-century entrance wall after the total redecoration of the Old Testament nave decorations realized in the apse at the end of the thirteenth century 12. Wher- of Old Saint Peter and Saint Paul Outside ever it was placed in the church originally, the in- the Walls 17. If the Sta Maria Maggiore mosaics scription clearly refers to another Early Christian were just another, typical Early Christian account monumental scene that included the figure of the of exclusively Christological content, then these Theotokos. If the scene did indeed adorn the apse differences and particular emphasis on the female conch, then Mary could have been represented line of the scriptures would become redundant with the Christ Child in her hands or lap, probably and inexplicable. At the same time, it becomes seated, alone or surrounded by saints in the act of quite fitting if the fact that the figure of the Mother presenting her their gifts of martyrdom13. of God was central to the program’s acceptance. The content of the inscription is extremely in- As noted by Ursula Nilgen, it is also quite prob- teresting. Besides accentuating the purity and able that, similar to two scenes from the Infancy virginity of the Mother of God, as well as her cycle, Mary could have been represented seated 64 relevance to the history of Salvation, it mentions on the throne like a princess arrayed in a golden garment 18. In that case, the presence of saints Abhandlung über das Gottesmutterbild in frühchristlicher Zeit, Antwerpen/ Utrecht 1961, p. 120; Snyder, “ The Mosaic in Santa Maria Nova” (n. 10), flanking the throne is quite probable, as this was p. 5; Maria Andaloro, Serena Romano, “L’immagine nell’abside”, common in Early Christian apse decorations. Ac- in Arte e Iconografia a Roma da Constantino a Cola di Rienzo, Maria Andaloro, Serena Romano eds, Milano 2000, pp. 93 – 132, sp. p. 100. cording to a small reference in a twelfth-century 14 Theodor Klauser, “Aurum Coronarium”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen text 19, the whole scene was surrounded by orna- Archäologischen Instituts, lix (1944), pp. 129 – 153; Roland Delmaire, Largesses sacrées et res privata. L’aerarium impérial et son administra- mental shapes of vines, with various floral and tion du iv e au vi e siècle, Rome 1989, pp. 377– 400, sp. n. 1; The Oxford zoomorphic motifs represented within acanthus Classical Dictionary, Simon Hornblower, Anthony Spawforth eds, Oxford 1996, p. 223. For the use of this composition in religious scrolls. This fact most probably determined the context and church space see the decoration of the apse in the Eufrasius church in Poreč : Henry Maguire, Ann Terry, Dynam- appearance of the growing plant motif in the late ic Splendor: the Wall Mosaics in the Cathedral of Eufrasius at Poreč, thirteenth-century decoration20. The presence of Pennsylvania 2007, vols i–ii. 15 For example, Carlo Bertelli, Sible de Blaauw, Maria Vittoria Ma- dense vegetation and swirling stems in the Early rini Clarelli, and Valentino Pace are inclined to think that the Christian apse composition in Sta Maria Maggio- apse of Sta Maria Maggiore was occupied by the image of Christ on the throne: Bertelli, La Madonna di S. Maria in Trastevere (n. 2), re is further confirmed by the vine frieze that runs pp. 49, 115, n. 36; Sible De Blaauw, Cultus et Decor. Liturgia e archi- along the nave just above the columns. It visually tettura nella Roma tardoantica e medievale, 1994, vol. i, pp. 355 – 356; Maria Vittoria Marini Clarelli, “La controversia ne- realizes the idea of Paradise and the penetrating, storiana e i mosaici dell’arco trionfale di S. Maria Maggiore”, in all-embracing divine presence within the space Bisanzio e l’Occidente. Studi in onore di Fernanda de Maffei, Claudia Barsanti ed., Rome 1996, pp. 323 – 344, sp. pp. 341 – 342; Valentino of the church, consistent with the parallelism that Pace, “Da Costantino a Foca: osservazioni marginali su temi cen- the Gospel text draws on numerous occasions trali dell’arte a Roma fra Tarda Antichità e Primo Medioevo”, in Società e cultura in età tardoantica. Atti dell’incontro di studi (Udine, between the figure of God and the True vine. 29 – 30 maggio 2003), Florence 2004, pp. 210 – 228, sp. p. 222. The principal argument in this discussion is the fact that in the ma- A similar representation of the Mother of God jority of known Roman decorations of the fifth century (such with Christ within the vegetation motif appar- as , Sant’Agata de' Goti [462– 479], Sant’Andrea in Catabarbara [468 – 473] and others), the apse, as a rule, bears ently decorated the fifth-century church inSanta the representation of Christ. Besides, attempts were made to Maria Capua Vetere in Campania, which was con- consider the whole program of Sta Maria Maggiore as mainly Christological, treating the Marian theme as marginal and strictly structed by Bishop Symmachus and was at one limited to the necessity of conveying the history of Incarnation. This kind of interpretation was often related to or conditioned by the views of the author on the content of the acts of the Council of 8 Onofrio Panvinio, Le sette chiese principali di Roma, Rome 1570, p. 235. Ephesus which, according to some, dealt mainly, if not exclusively, 9 “Mary Virgin, to thee I, Sixtus, dedicate this new abode : a fitting with the figure of Christ, referring to Mary only in connection offering to thy womb, the bearer of salvation. Thou, O Mother, with her Son. See for example Victor Saxer, Sainte Marie-Majeure knowing no man yet bearing fruit brought from thy chaste womb (n. 3), pp. 53 – 55; on the apse decoration in particular, pp. 50 – 51; the Saviour of us all. Behold, the witnesses of thy fruitfulness bring Richard M. Price, “ The Theotokos and the Council of Ephesus”, thee wreaths, at each one’s feet the instruments of his passion: in Origins of the Cult of the Virgin Mary, Chris Maunder ed., Lon- sword and fire and water, wild beasts and bitter poison yet one don / New York 2008, pp. 89 – 103. For the suggestion of one more crown awaits these several deaths”. The translation is from Frederik possibility of aniconic decoration, see Beat Brenk, “Apses, Icons van der Meer, Christine Mohrmann, Atlas of the Early Christian and ‘Image Propaganda’ before Iconoclasm”, Antiquité Tardive, xix World, Mary F. Hedlund, H. H. Rowley trans., London 1958, p. 85. ( 2011), pp. 109 – 130, sp. pp. 75, 77. For the detailed bibliography in Alternative translation into English can be found in James Snyder, this respect and some general conclusions, see Steigerwald, “Die “ The Mosaic in Santa Maria Nova and the Original Apse Decoration Rolle Mariens” (n. 6), p. 137, n. 2, 3. of Santa Maria Maggiore”, in Hortus Imaginum. Essays in Western Art, 16 Johannes G. Deckers, Der Alttestamentliche Zyklus von S. Maria Mag- Robert Enggass, Marilyn Stokstand eds, Lawrence 1974, pp. 1– 9, giore in Rom: Studien zur Bildgeschichte, Bonn 1976, pp. 295, 300 – 302; sp. p. 5. Partial translation in Herbert Kessler, Johanna Zacharias, Per Olav Folgerø, “The Sistine Mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore in Rome 1300. On the path of the pilgrim, New Haven 2000, p. 157. Re- Rome: Christology and Mariology in the Interlude between the cently on the inscription, see Carlo Carletti,Epigrafia dei cristiani in Council of Ephesus and Chalcedon”, in Mater Christi, Acta ad ar- Occidente dal iii al vii secolo. Ideologia e prassi, Bari 2008, pp. 253 – 254. chaelogiam et artium historiam pertinentia, xxi (2008), pp. 33 – 64. 10 Michael Lapidge, “The Career of Aldhelm”, Anglo -Saxon England, 17 On the cycle on the Old Saint Peter’s cathedral: L’orizzonte tardo­ xxxvi (2007), Cambridge 2008, pp. 15 – 69, sp. pp. 52 – 64. antico (n. 1), pp. 411– 415. On Saint Paul Outside the Walls, Ibidem, 11 The most famous example is to be found in the mosaic inscription pp. 366 – 378; La pittura medievale a Roma 312– 1431: atlante, percorsi of Santa church: Erik Thunø, “Looking at Letters : ‘Living visivi, Maria Andaloro ed., Milano 2006, vol. i, pp. 97–124 (with Writing’ in S. Sabina in Rome”, Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissen- further bibliography). schaft, xxxiv (2007), pp. 19 – 41 (see also n. 50). There is also evidence 18 Ursula Nilgen, “Maria Regina – Ein politischer Kultbildtypus?”, of a similar monumental titular text of the fifth century once present Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, xix (1981), pp. 3 – 33. on a counter-façade wall of . Gabriele Bartolozzi 19 Iohannes Diaconus, Liber de Ecclesiae Lateranensis, pl 194, col. 4557. Casti, “Epigrafi scomparse di S. Pietro in Vincoli”, in Donum tuam 20 When Jacopo Torriti was creating the new apse decoration in Sta Ma- dilexi. Miscellanea in onore di Aldo Nestori, Vatican City 1998, pp. 55 – 69. ria Maggiore church, the old structure with fifth - century mosaics 12 Brenk, on the contrary, supposed that the inscription only referred to was most probably still standing and not yet destroyed. Elements the image of the Virgin above the altar, while the saints mentioned of medieval decoration such as the vine and the four springs of in the texts were placed near the monumental inscription on the Paradise according to many scholars indicate borrowings from counter - façade and in direct contact with the epigraph: Brenk, Die Early Christian decoration, which could also include the figure of früchristlichen Mosaiken (n. 5), p. 4. the Virgin in royal robes. The intention to follow the early program 13 Carlo Cecchelli, I mosaici della basilica di S. Maria Maggiore, Turin 1956, as a model may also have been determined by the will of the patron pp. 63 – 68; Gerhardus Albertus Wellen, Theotokos. Eine ikonographische Pope Nicholas iv (1288 –1292) : Henkels, “Remarks” (n. 4), p. 134. 65 3 / Golden solidus with the image of Licinia Eudoxia (422–462), second quarter of the 5th century

4 / Aelia Flacilla (?), Cabinet des Médailles, Paris, end of the 4th or early 5th century

time called Sta Maria Maggiore 21. That church, introduced in the fundamental monograph by destroyed in the middle of the eighteenth century, Beat Brenk, or patricia, used by Kondakov in his had a program that is known only through quite early twentieth-century study of the iconography late descriptions, which include some general re- of the Mother of God 26. marks on the apse decoration22. Notwithstanding It must be pointed out, however, that, in the the casual character of these accounts, certain fifth century, Late Antique female imperial imag- conclusions can be drawn that allow consider- ery had not yet become standardized and did not ation, shared by a number of scholars, of the necessarily require the presence of the imperial mosaic once covering the apse of this southern insignia to convey the idea of power or high social church as an intentional replica of the central status. As the following examples demonstrate, image from the eponymous Roman basilica23. one cannot exclude the possibility that, though The iconographic type of the regally attired modest in comparison with later representations Virgin discussed here differs significantly from of Maria Regina, the incredibly rich garment of the the fully developed versions of subsequent Maria Mother of God on the triumphal arch of Rome’s Regina images, with which it is usually associated. Sta Maria Maggiore could still conjure clear and The most remarkable aspect is the absence of a specifically imperial connotations in the minds crown, a salient feature in all representations of of early worshipers. Mary as a queen24. The color of her golden robe This assumption finds confirmation in recent is also unique, as in later centuries artists gave publications reporting attempts to find an equiv- preference to hues such as imperial purple when alent to the golden attire of the Mother of God depicting the royal vestments of the Theotokos 25. in roughly contemporaneous imperial imagery. One may presume, therefore, that in the Marian One can draw attention to the vestments’ evident iconography in Sta Maria Maggiore, the idea of similarity to the imperial robes of Licinia Eudoxia royal status is not clearly declared but in fact (422–462) on coins /Fig. 3/ 27, as well as to the dis- carefully indicated, which accounts for why, in tinct closeness of the Marian representation to historiography, the general tendency is to use the statue of the so-called Aelia Flacilla (d. 386) 66 more neutral terms such as femmina clarissima, from the Cabinet des Médailles in Paris /Fig. 4/ 28. 5a / Female figure, detail of the scene of Christ crown- ing two standing female figures, Christian chapel in Lateran, Rome, first half of the 5th century

5b / Mary from the so-​called Encounter with Aphrodisius, detail, Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, 432–440

Apparently independently, two scholars, Diliana 22 Eugène Müntz, “Les mosaïques de Siponte, de Capoue, de Verceil, d’Olona, 29 et d’Albenga”, Revue Archéologique, xvii (1891), pp. 70 – 86, sp. pp. 79 – 81. Angelova and Maria Andaloro , found an anal- 23 Belting - Ihm, Die Programme (n. 21). ogy to the Sta Maria Maggiore representation in 24 A small precious diadem around the hair gathered together and forming a sort of a crown on the head is characteristic of the Marian the female image discovered during excavations coiffure in the Sta Maria Maggiore mosaics, made in accordance in the ancient chapel under the Lateran30. One of with the fashion and typical hairstyles of the time, see: Melita Emmanuel, “Hairstyles and Headdresses of Empresses, Princesses the pillars in this space bears a fresco on which and Ladies of the Aristocracy in Byzantium”, Δελτίον Χριστιανικής a standing representation of the youthful Christ Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας, xvii (1994), pp. 113 –120. 25 The golden robes would reappear again in the Paleologan period in is flanked by two female figures, one arrayed in a connection with the representation of the queen in the Deesis scenes golden dress /Fig. 5a/. On the basis of archaeolog- based on Psalm 44 (45), 9 (“At your right hand stands the queen in gold”, in Slavic “Predsta Tsaritsa”). ical and historical data, the female figures have 26 Brenk, Die früchristlichen Mosaiken (n. 5), p. 50; Gerhard Wolf, Salus Po- been tentatively identified as portraits of two puli Romani. Die Geschiste römischer Kultbilder im Mittelalter, Weinheim 1990, p. 119; Kondakov, Iconografia della madre di Dio(n. 2), p. 144. empresses: Constantia, daughter of Constantine, 27 Schade, Frauen in der Spätantike (n. 6), p. 111, Taf. 4. and Licinia Eudoxia. Numerous elements of the 28 Age of spirituality. Late antique and early Christian art, third to seventh century, catalogue of the exhibition (New York, Metropolitan Mu- latter’s precious attire, including the general col- seum of Art, November 1977 – February 1978), Kurt Weitzmann ed., New York 1977, pp. 26 – 27; Byzance : l’art byzantin dans les collections oristic solution, a small-jeweled headdress, the publiques françaises, catalogue of the exhibition (Paris, Musée du lavishly adorned neck collar, and other features, Louvre, 3 novembre 1992 – 1 février 1993), Jannic Durand ed., Paris 1992, pp. 36 – 37; lsa - 568 on the Last Statues of Antiquity database echo the vestments of the heavenly despoina from with further bibliography and references to different identifications Sta Maria Maggiore /Fig. 5b/. It is not improbable, of the empress: [ http: // laststatues.classics. ox.ac. uk /database/detail. php? record = LSA-568 +&_submit = Go], last access on 28. 09. 2015. 29 Maria Andaloro, “Pittura romana e pittura a Roma da Leone 21 Christa Belting - Ihm, Die Programme der christlichen Apsismalerei vom 4. Magno a Giovanni vii”, in Committenti e produzione artistico - let- Jahrhundert bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts, Wiesbaden 1960 (reprinted teraria nell'alto medioevo occidentale, xxxix Settimane di Studio del in 1992), pp. 55 – 56, 177–178; Giuseppe Bovini, “Mosaici paleocristiani Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo (Spoleto, aprile 1991), scomparsi di S. Maria Capua Vetere”, in Corso di Cultura sull’Arte Ra- Spoleto 1992, t. ii, pp. 569 – 616, sp. p. 579; Diliana Angelova, Gender vennate e Bizantina xiv, Ravenna 1967, pp. 35 – 42; Dieter Korol, “Zur and Imperial Authority in Rome and Early Byzantium, First to Sixth frühchristlichen Apsismosaik der Bischofskirche von ‘Capua Vetere’ Centuries, pp. 194 –195, recently published as a monograph : Eadem, (SS. Stefano e Agata) und zu zwei weiteren Apsidenbildern dieser Sacred Founders Women, Men, and Gods in the Discourse of Imperial Stadt (S. Pietro in Corpo und S. Maria Maggiore)”, in Bild- und Formen­ Founding, Rome through Early Byzantium, Berkerley 2015, p. 249. sprache der spätantiken Kunst. Hugo Brandenburg zum 65. Geburtstag. 30 Valnea Santa Maria Scrinari, “Contributo all’urbanistica tardo antica Boreas, Münstersche Beiträge zur Archäologie, xvii (1994), pp. 121–148, sul Campo Laterano”, in Actes du xi e congrès interantional d’archéologie taf. 10 – 12; Beat Brenk, The Apse, the Image and the Icon. An Historical chrétienne, Rome 1989, pp. 2201– 2220, sp. pp. 2213 – 2217; L’orizzonte Perspective of the Apse as a Space for Images, Wiesbaden 2010, pp. 75 –77. tardoantico (n. 1), pp. 419 – 424; La pittura medievale(n. 17), pp. 243 – 250. 67 6a / Annunciation at the Spring, five-part ivory, Treasury of the cathedral, Milan, first half of the 5th century

6b / Annunciation, five-part ivory, Treasury of the cathedral, Milan, first half of the th5 century

68 however, that the Lateran fresco represents not the fifth-century artists could have engaged the empresses but two unidentified female saints or, multiple elements and symbolic details attesting as Brenk postulates, female donors, who could to the Virgin’s royal status34. have been the owners of the house (mother and Other scholars prefer to seek the explanation daughter, perhaps) in which the chapel was cre- of Mary’s rich attire not so much in the official ated 31. Nevertheless, if future research proves acts of the Council but rather in the indepen- the scene’s original interpretation as imperial dent development of the Marian theology and portrait, the similarity of the female figures in related iconography. The role of the Virgin as the two fifth-century decorations, together with the Mother of the New King inevitably called other examples of some early imperial represen- for the visual expression of her high position in tations, might be considered clear evidence of an interrelationship between the very first attempts 31 Beat Brenk, Die Christianisierung der spätrömischen Welt. Stadt, Land, Haus, Kirche und Kloster in frühchristlicher Zeit, Wiesbaden 2003, to render the royal status of the Mother of God in pp. 126 –128. art and contemporary official imperial portraiture. 32 I am currently preparing a detailed discussion of this Early Chris- tian imagery of Mary. For some examples in the catacombs: Kon- The tendency to depict Mary in secular Roman dakov, Iconografia (n. 2), pp. 67–75; L’orizzonte tardoantico (n. 1), garb is characteristic of several early representa- pp. 136 –137, pp. 158 –159; Picturing the : The Earliest Christian Art, Jeffrey Spier ed., New Haven / London, 2007, p. 181. On the tions of the Mother of God. It can be found on problems of identification of female figures in the catacombs with gold glass medallions, in catacomb murals, on Mary : Geri Parlby, “ The Origins of Marian Art in the Catacombs and the Problems of Identification”, in The Origins of the Cult of Early Christian ivories /Fig. 6a–b/, in the carved the Virgin Mary, Chris Maunder ed., London 2008, pp. 41– 56. For Mary on Late Antique gold- glass: Kondakov, Iconografia (n. 2), relief on a sarcophagus, and even on silver - and pp. 107–112; Eileen Rubery, “From Catacomb to Sanctuary : The metalware 32. These diverse items provide an im- Orant figure and the Cults of the Mother of God and S. Agnes in early Christian Rome, with special reference to Gold Glass”, pressive range of media in which the image of the Studia Patristica, lxiii (2014), pp. 169 – 214. For Milan five-part Mother of God similar in its general outline to the diptych, providing the closest iconographic parallel to the image of the Virgin in Sta Maria Maggiore, see Wolfgang Fritz Volbach, iconographic type used in Sta Maria Maggiore Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spätantike und des frühen Mittelalters, Mainz was circulating. Most of these examples lack ad- 1958, pp. 84 – 85, taf. 63; Picturing the Bible, pp. 256 –258; Zuzana Frantová, Heresy and Loyalty. The Ivory Diptych of Five Parts from the ditional characteristics, such as color and minor Cathedral Treasury in Milan / Hereze a Loajalita. Slonovinový Diptych details of dress, which would allow thorough z pěti částí z pokladu katedrály v Miláně, Brno 2014 33 The tendency to link the decoration of Santa Maria Maggiore comparison with the Sta Maria Maggiore mosaics. basilica to the decisions of the Council of Ephesus has often been criticized in literature : Theodor Klauser, “Rom und der Kult der But they seem do to provide a context that helps Gottesmutter Maria”,Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, xv (1972), to explain the appearance of this iconography and pp. 120 –135, sp. pp. 126 –135; On the complexity and variability of interpretations of the significance of the Ephesus Council for indicates that this imagery must have been based the veneration of the Virgin see for example the opposed views on well-developed artistic tradition. of Richard M. Price and Antonia Atanassova formulated on the pages of the same volume : Price, “ The Theotokos” (n. 15), pp. 89 –103, sp. pp. 96, 98; Antonia Atanassova, “Did Cyril of Alexandria invent The sovereignty of the Virgin and Mariology?”, in Origins of the Cult (n. 15), pp. 105 –125, sp. p. 105. fifth-century theology The influence of the Council on the development of the Marian cult finds confirmation in many other fifth-century churches of The presence of the image of the Virgin in roy- the Virgin, including those constructed beyond Constantinople or Rome, for example in Jerusalem, see : Rina Avner, “ The Initial al attire on the triumphal arch of Rome’s main Tradition of the Theotokos at the Kathisma: Earliest Celebrations and the Calendar”, in The Cult of the Mother of God in Byzantium. Marian basilica has been the subject of numerous Texts and Images, Leslie Brubaker, Mary B. Cunningham eds, Alder- attempts at interpretation. Traditionally, the sig- shot 2011, pp. 9 – 29, sp. pp. 14, 19 – 20. It is also worth mentioning, that the Ephesus council itself took place in a church dedicated nificance of the whole program is seen in direct to the Virgin Mary: Stefan Karweise, “The Church of Mary and response to the acts of the Council of Ephesus, the Temple of Olympus”, in Ephesos : Metropolis of Asia, Helmut Koester ed., Cambridge 1995, pp. 311–320. For the recent which defined Mary asTheotokos and put an end discussion of the Sta Maria Maggiore decoration in the context of to the Nestorian heresy 33. As a consequence, when the Ephesus council, see Eileen Rubery, “The Early Iconography of Mary. The Mosaics of the Triumphal Arch at Santa Maria Mag- the Sta Maria Maggiore program was created, the giore. Rome in the Context of the Writings of Cyril of Alexandria need to single out the figure of the Virgin and to and the Council of Ephesus of 431”, Studia Patristica, lxxii (2014), pp. 279 – 325. stress her importance in the history of Salvation 34 Clarelli, “La controversia nestoriana” (n. 15), p. 327. became crucial. In pursuing this goal and wishing to express the high position of the Bearer of God, 69 7 / The decoration of the arch, left side, Annunciation, Adoration of the Magi and the Massacre of the Innocents, Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, 432 –440

8 / Adoration of the Magi, Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, 432 –440

the celestial hierarchy 35. As André Grabar has debate on the two natures of Christ must have shown, the rendering of several scenes on Sta Ma- had a crucial influence on the program. It is in ria Maggiore’s apsidal arch demonstrates clear the context of these discussions that the figure of dependence on the visual canons of the official the Virgin becomes so important and necessary imperial representations of Late Antiquity 36. The to affirm the human aspect of the Incarnate God. Gospel account of the Magi who came to venerate Indeed this finds evidence in a comparison of and bestow gifts on the New King in the stable some of Leo’s writing with the cycle: assumes in the program of the Roman church the form and scale of a real imperial audience before “[The Word] is indeed one and the same, (which should be said often), truly Son of God and truly Son the everlasting Ruler /Fig. 7/. In this context, the of man […] The nativity of the flesh is a manifestation figure of the Virgin in regal garments acquires of human nature; the giving birth of a Virgin is the its own logic and becomes a sort of continuation proof of divine power. The infancy of a little child is of the same theme. The reinterpretation of the shown in the humility of the cradle; the greatness of Marian figure in terms of imperial representa- the Almighty is proclaimed by the voices of angels. tion is not at all contradictory, as it finds ample He whom Herod impiously plotted to kill is similar to human beings in helpless infancy; but he whom justification in early theological texts, which often the Magi joyously worshipped on their knees is the treated the figure of the Virgin in terms of her Lord of all” 39. royal majesty. From the very first centuries of Christianity, the notion of Mary’s regal status The left side of the arch decoration with the and epithets appealing to her as to a queen are Adoration of the Magi scene and Massacre of the pertinent to a great number of early writings 37. Innocents seems almost a literal illustration of Therefore, the iconographic type introduced in this passage. the Sta Maria Maggiore program may be inter- Furthermore, Mary was a connecting link preted as an attempt to actualize, through the that rendered significant the whole genealogy engagement of various imperial connotations of Christ, which in an earthly dimension also and a highly developed official representational involved the pertinence of both mother and son system, a number of patristic views of the time. to the royal line of the house of David. In the few According to Joanne Sieger, the whole cycle passages dedicated to the Virgin in the canonical acquires a completely different significance when Gospel of Luke, when recording the moment of analyzed through a prism of texts and homilies Incarnation, the Archangel Gabriel delivers the of one theologian: Pope Leo the Great (r. 440–461), famous promise that the Son of Mary would in- 70 successor of Sixtus iii 38. Sieger believes that the herit the throne of his father, David: “And He shall reign over the house of Jacob forever; and of His 35 To make just one example, one can refer to the words of contempora- kingdom there shall be no end” (Luke 1, 32–33). neous sermon of Bishop Atticus (406 – 425) : “And you, women, who gave birth to Christ and have cast off every stain of sin and have The spatial arrangement of the Annunciation in participated in the blessing received by holy Mary; receive in the close proximity to the composition of the Adora- womb of faith the one who is today born from the Virgin; for holy Mary, having first purified by faith the temple of her womb, then tion right beneath it, in which the Child Christ received into this temple the King of the ages”. Francis J. Thomson, is represented seated on a bejeweled throne, is “ The Slavonic translation of the hitherto untraced Greek Homilia in nativitatem Domini nostri Jesu Christi by Atticus of Constantinople”, unique in the whole history of Byzantine and Analecta Bollandiana, cxviii (2000), pp. 5 – 36. On the kingship of Christ 40 in the Early Christian period and the artistic expression of the theme: Western medieval art . This juxtaposition of the Joseph Wilpert, Die römischen Mosaiken und Malereien der kirchlichen two scenes and their rendering creates a new im- Bauten vom iv. bis xiii. Jahrhundert, Freiburg 1917, vol. i, pp. 54 – 67; André Grabar, L’empereur dans l’art byzantin. Recherches sur l’art officiel de port within the program, as the figure of l’Empire d’Orient, Paris 1936, pp. 98 –122; Johannes Kollwitz, “Das Bild on the throne becomes the embodiment of the von Christus dem König in Kunst und Liturgie der christlichen Frühz- eit”, Theologie und Glaube, xxxviii (1947–1948), pp. 95 –117; Belting-Ihm, Archangel’s prophetic words to the Virgin in the Die Programme (n. 21), pp. 12– 41; Per Beskow, Rex gloriae. The Kingship scene above. of Christ in the Early Church, Uppsala 1962. 36 Grabar, L’empereur (n. 35), pp. 198 – 200, 211–230; Idem, Christian Iconog- raphy. A Study of its Origins, Princeton 1968, pp. 46 – 49. Mary in the scene of Adoration of the Magi 37 Henri Barré, “La Royauté de Marie pendant les neufs premiers siècles”, Recherches de sciences religieuses, xxix (1939), pp. 303 – 334; Although all segments of the vast decoration Steigerwald, Das Königtum Mariens (n. 2), pp. 7– 51; Idem, “Das König- tum Mariens in der Literatur der ersten sechs Jahrhunderte”, Maria- of Sta Maria Maggiore have been much debated, num, xxxvii (1975), pp. 1– 52; Brenk, Die früchristlichen Mosaiken (n. 5), most questions have related to the still not to- pp. 50 – 52. 38 Joanne Deane Sieger, “Visual Metaphor as Theology: Leo the Great’s tally deciphered composition of the Adoration Sermons on the Incarnation and the Arch Mosaics at S. Maria Mag- of the Magi, in which the throne of Jesus Christ giore”, Gesta, xxvi (1987), pp. 83 – 91. 39 Susan Wessel, Leo the Great and the Spiritual Rebuilding of a Universal is flanked by two female figures. To the throne’s Rome, Leiden 2008, p. 210. right Mary is seated in royal garments; counter- 40 Ainalov, “Mozaiki” (n. 1), p. 114. 41 It is unclear whether she is putting her left elbow on a column or what balancing her on the left, an enigmatic woman looks like a column is simply the vertical edge of the throne. However, in a blue maphorion is depicted holding a slight- this detail consisting of variously shaped forms does look similar to the short columns that served as a common attribute of various pa- ly folded scroll /Fig. 8/ 41. The identification of the gan goddesses, like Venus, for example, and female personifications 42 impressed on the reverse of numerous Roman coins. latter figure is extremely problematic , while the 42 For a short account of various opinions, see : Folgerø, “ The Sistine absolute desire to solve the mystery of this com- mosaics” (n. 16), pp. 40 – 44 ; Marini Clarelli, “La controversia nestori- ana” (n. 15), p. 336, n. 45. Aiming to find an adequate explanation of this position has become the frequent pretext for intro- scene, scholars have proposed a wide range of different interpretations ducing very bold and unexpected interpretations of the image of the Virgin: L’orizzonte tardoantico (n. 1), pp. 331– 335. Nevertheless, the assumption that in this case we are dealing with of the iconographic program in general. One such two allegorical representations of the Ecclesia (Agneta interpretation, published in a paper by Suzanne Ahlquist, “Ett bidrag till ecclesiai ikonografin i senantikk tid: S. Maria Maggiore i Rom”, Theologinen Aikakauskirja, Teologisk Tidsskrift, ii [1991], Spain, argues that the figure wearing the blue pp. 109 –132) and Old Testament Synagogue remains most convincing. 71 9 / Ecclesia ex maphorion is none other than the Virgin herself, now-missing standing figures of Peter and Paul circumcisione and while the woman in the regal garment should placed in correspondence to the Church personi- Ecclesia ex gentibus, 43 51 counter-façade be identified as Sarah . An attempt to see Sarah fications below them . mosaic decoration, also in three other compositions of the cycle and The same idea, of a pair of female personifica- , Rome, reinterpret them in accordance with this theo- tions 52, was realized in the decoration of the conch 432–440 (?) ry compels this author forcibly to substitute the of Santa Pudenziana in Rome 53. Variously interpret- clear theological message of the narrative with ab- ed as the two Churches or simply representations stract metaphysical content largely foreign to Early of the sister saints, Pudenziana and Prassede 54, Christian art. These assumptions should there- these figures are depicted standing on the sides fore be taken very cautiously 44. Numerous other of Christ’s throne immediately behind the row of interpretations of the blue-clad figure have been seated apostles. They hold wreaths in their hands proposed 45, of which the most popular have been as they make their offerings to Jesus, and clearly the Synagogue, St Anne (the prophetess), St Anne add some allegorical notes to the perception of (mother of Mary), various women from the Old the whole scene. Testament, Eve 46, the Sapientia Dei, the second im- Multiple other examples of two female person- age of the Virgin, and the Roman Sybille 47. ages counter-posed within one work appear in The presence of two figures flanking the throne various Late Antique ivory diptychs and luxury of Jesus in the Early Christian program was per- objects bearing the paired images of two capital haps determined not so much by the desire to cities : Rome and Constantinople 55. The populari- express the particular content that we find so puz- ty and diversity of this theme in Early Christian zling today, but rather to follow the Late Antique art create a formal and typological context that tradition of paired representations of numerous accounts for the presence of two female figures female goddesses and personifications 48. The flanking the enthroned child Christ in Sta Maria most famous reflection of this tradition appears Maggiore’s Adoration scene. It was Grabar who on the counter-façade wall mosaic decoration of suggested the striking similarity between the mo- Rome’s Santa Sabina, executed either slightly ear- saic composition and the upper-part decoration lier than the decoration of Sta Maria Maggiore or of the Halberstadt diptych /Fig. 10/ 56, dated to the at about the same time 49. A huge mosaic surface second decade of the fifth century. The vertical (13. 30 х 3. 10 m) contains the dedicatory inscrip- tion flanked by two female figures wearing pur- 43 Spain, “‘ The Promised Blessing’” (n. 5), who apparently borrows this interpretation from earlier publications : Nina -Anna Brodsky, ple robes and scarlet shoes, and holding in their “L’iconographie oubliée de l’Arc Ephésien de Sainte -Marie -Majeure à hands open codices 50. Thanks to the accompanying Rome”, Byzantion, xxxi (1961), pp. 413 – 504; Suzanne Spain, “Review of: Nina -Anna Brodsky, ‘L’iconographie oubliée de l’arc éphésien de captions, the interpretation of these images poses Sainte -Marie Majeure à Rome’”, Art Bulletin, l /3 (1968), pp. 286 – 287. no problem, as they represent two churches : that 44 For the arguments against technical aspects mentioned in the paper : Per Jonas Nordhagen, “ The Archaeology of Wall Mosaics : A Note on of the Jews (Ecсlesia ex circumcisione) and that of the Mosaics in S. Maria Maggiore in Rome”, Art Bulletin, lxv/2 (1983), the Gentiles (Ecсlesia ex gentibus) /Fig. 9/. Initially, pp. 323 – 324. 45 The bibliographical list of various opinions, among others : Rainer 72 the contraposition was further developed in the Warland, “ The Concept of Rome in Late Antiquity reflected in the Mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore in Rome, in Rome ad 300 – 800. Power and Symbol – Image and Reality, Acta ad archaelogiam et artium historiam pertinetia, xvii (2003), pp. 127–141, sp. p. 134, n. 37. 46 For this identification see very recent and insightful discussion, Igor Dorfmann -Lazarev, “ The Cave of the Nativity Revisited : Memory of the Primaeval Beings in the Armenian Lord’s Infancy and Cognate Sources”, Travaux et Mémoires, xviii (2014), pp. 285 – 334, sp. pp. 310 – 313. 47 This hypothesis reappeared in the recent scholarship: Marie -Louise Thérel, “Une image de la Sibylle sur l’arc triomphal de Sainte -Ma- rie-Majeure à Rome”, Cahiers archéologiques, xii (1962), pp. 153 –171, sp. pp. 158 –166; Warland, “ The Concept of Rome” (n. 45), pp. 137–138; Siri Sande, “Egyptian and other Elements in the Fifth - Century Mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore”, in Mater Christi (n. 16), pp. 65 – 94, sp. pp. 87– 89. 48 Warland, “ The Concept of Rome” (n. 45), p. 134, n. 40. 49 L’orizzonte tardoantico (n. 1), pp. 292–304. 50 Carletti,Epigrafia dei cristiani (n. 9), pp. 252–253. 51 L’orizzonte tardoantico (n. 1), p. 296. 52 On the role of the personifications of the two Churches in the decoration of various Early Christian monuments: Daniela Goffredo, “Le personifi- cazioni delle Ecclesiae: tipologia e significati dei mosaici di S. Pudenziana e S. Sabina”, in Ecclesia Urbis, Atti del congresso internazionale di studi sulle chiese di Roma (iv– x secolo), Federico Guidobaldi, Alessandra Guiglia Guidobaldi eds, Vatican City 2002, vol. iii, pp. 1949 – 1962. On the analysis of these figures in light of the exegetical tradition, see Fred- ric W. Schlatter, “The Two Women in the Mosaic of Santa Pudenziana”, Journal of Early Christian Studies, iii/1 (1995), pp. 1– 24. 53 L’orizzonte tardoantico (n. 1), pp. 114 –124. On similar content of the three Early Christian programs in Sta Maria Maggiore, Sta Sabina and Sta Pudenziana : Olaf Steen, “ The Apse Mosaic of S. Pudenziana and Its Relation to the Fifth Century Mosaics of S. Sabina and S. Maria Maggiore”, in Ecclesia Urbis (n. 52), pp. 1939 – 1948. 54 The problem of the identification of these female figures had already been discussed at length in the end of the nineteenth century (Ainalov, “Mozaiki” [n. 1], pp. 272 – 309), but it seems that after more than a century of research it still provokes various opinions and scholarly debates: Goffredo, “Le personificazioni” (n. 52), pp. 1963 –1966. On objective his- toric difficulties that do not allow us to interpret the figures as the Early Christian martyrs S. Pudenziana and S. Prassede, see Schlatter, “ The Two Women” (n. 52), pp. 3 – 4. 55 Jocelyn M. C. Toynbee, “Roma and Constantinopolis in late-antique art from 365 to Justin ii”, in Studies presented to David Robinson on his seventieth birthday, Washington 1953, vol. ii, pp. 261–277. 56 Grabar, L’empereur (n. 35), pp. 216 –217; followed by Warland, “ The Concept of Rome” (n. 45), p. 137, n. 44. For the Halberstadt diptych, see Richard Delbrück, Die Consulardiptychen und verwandte Denkmä- ler, Berlin / Leipzig 1929, pp. 87– 93; Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten (n. 32), pp. 42 – 43, taf. 35 ; Gudrun Bühl, “Eastern or Western? – that is the On the top: two seated emperors Question. Some Notes on the New Evidence concerning the Eastern 10 / Origin of the Halberstadt Diptych”, in Imperial art as Christian art. Chris- flanked by personifications of Rome tian art as Imperial art. Expression and Meaning in Art and Architecture and Constantinople, leaf of a diptych, from Constantine to Justinian, Acta ad archaelogiam et artium historiam Halberstadt, early 5th century pertinentia, xv (2001), pp. 193 – 203. On the presence of city goddesses on diptychs with the discussion of the Halberstadt diptych, see Cecilia Olovsdotter, The Consular Image : An Iconological Study of the Consular Diptychs, Oxford 2005, pp. 98 –100, 109; Eadem, “Representing consul- ship. On the concept and meaning of the consular diptychs”, Opuscu- la, iv (2011), pp. 99 –123, sp. pp. 106 –111. 73 11 / surface of each leaf is divided into three sections; it indicates the evident source for this represen- (inv. no. 589), the central part is marked by a standing figure in tation and, on the other, it gives an equivalent in detail, ivory, Skulpturensamm- consular vestments on one leaf and an orator on secular official imagery of the use of the pairing lung und Museum the other, sometimes identified as Constantius of allegorical female figures on the sides of the für Byzantinische Kunst, Staatliche Flavius, future consort of Galla Placidia. In the imperial throne. Museen zu Berlin, top register of both panels, the very same scene Moreover, the idea of the joined cults of two 11th century is reproduced. It shows two emperors, probably goddesses was a practice that had particular sig- Honorius and Theodosius ii, flanked by two fe- nificance for Rome in connection with thetemplum male figures, all seated on a wide throne with a urbis Romae, the shrine in the in rectangular back, very similar to the one rendered which Dea Roma and Venus were simultaneously in mosaic in the Adoration composition of Sta Ma- venerated. The apses of two cellae oriented in oppo- ria Maggiore. Radical discrepancies in costume site directions along the east - west axis contained mark these allegorical representations of Tychai, the cult statues of the goddesses united in one Rome and Constantinople, making their contrapo- religious site, as well as in the reality of Roman sition even more vivid, as in the case of the two urban sacred topography, which created a publicly female figures in the Sta Maria Maggiore mosaics. significant space of city cult central to the thinking Dea Roma on the left is outfitted in military attire, of Roman citizens. Some surviving evidence attests wearing a helmet and holding a spear in one hand to the ongoing relevance of this building in the and a sphere in the other ; Constantinopolis, arrayed Early Christian period. in light garments, bears a crown of rays on her Depictions of two confronting female figures head and a jeweled neck collar. Significantly, the bearing an allegorical meaning do not disappear personifications of the cities are almost identical completely from the art of the Middle Ages, and in scale with the representations of the emperors. some rare works attest to the survival of this tra- The composition of the scene, as well as the general dition. Two examples warrant particular mention iconography of this imperial portrait, offers a di- here, both in the rich collection of Berlin’s Bode rect parallel to the image of the solemn Adoration Museum. One is an eleventh-century ivory plaque 74 depicted in Sta Maria Maggiore. On the one hand, decorated on one side with a detailed scene of the Crucifixion57. The lower register is occupied ger, a woman wearing a standard maphorion; her 12 / Adoration of the by a subject that is often present in Crucifixion identity as the Virgin can hardly be questioned. Magi (inv. no. 1007), metal plaque, Skulp- compositions but rarely rendered with such detail What is interesting, however, is that the scene is turensammlung und /F ig. 11/ : an angel is shown welcoming the figure enriched by the presence of another figure, also Museum für Byzantini- sche Kunst, Staatliche of Ecclesia on the left, while another one drives seated and placed in a mirror-like position in Museen zu Berlin, away a woman representing Synagogue, who is relation to Mary. Usually interpreted as a ruler 8 th century gesticulating in alarm with her hands. The iden- or an emperor, this figure could also represent tity of both figures is revealed in nearby inscrip- a seated woman arrayed in imperial garments. tions, and their respective positive and negative The costume of the enigmatic woman is evidently significance is conveyed through the difference in different from the clothes of the Virgin, and she their attire as well as their postures. The clothes is depicted holding a strange object represent- of Synagogue seem shabby and the folds fall in an ing some sort of a standard (labarum). The visual irregular rhythm, while Ecclesia is shown wear- rendering of the figure, comparable to images of ing an extremely rich garment decorated with personifications in medieval book illuminations, jeweled borders and luxurious decorative bands, and the fact that it is extraneous to the scene’s and a headgear of gem-like roundels. This kind narrative indicate that, in this case, we might of rendering is strongly reminiscent of Byzantine be dealing with allegorical representations, in imperial costumes, and it clearly served to evoke which the figure of the Mother of God assumed the princely importance of Ecclesia. additional meaning. To what extent the represen- Another object is even more interesting since tation on the Langobardic plaque could relate to it bears an image of the Adoration of the Magi carefully executed on a small plaque dated from 57 Glanz der Ewigkeit: Meisterwerke aus Elfenbein der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. Katalog zur Ausstellung im Herzog Anton Ulrich -Museum the eighth to the ninth century and attributed to a Braunschweig, catalogue of the exhibition (Braunschweig , Herzog Langobardic workshop /F i g . 12 / 58. The three kings Anton Ulrich-Museum, 26 August – 7 November 1999), Berlin 1999, pp. 79 – 8 1. occupy the centre of the composition and direct 58 Wolfgang Fritz Volbach, Mittelalterliche Bildwerke aus Italien und their steps leftward toward the manger with the Byzanz, Berlin 1930, pp. 153 – 154; The Magi : Legend, Art and Cult, cat- alogue of the exhibition (Cologne, Museum Schnütgen, 25 October infant Jesus. Seated directly at the head of the man- 2014 – 25 January 2015), Munich 2014, p. 44 – 45. 75 13 / Jacob reproach- or be inspired by the same composition as in the as an allegorical figure that expresses an overall ing Laban and Early Christian mosaics of Sta Maria Maggiore idea of the female Old Testament ancestors of Wedding of Jacob 59 to Rachel, Old Tes- cannot and probably need not be determined, Christ, on both the Jewish and the Gentile sides , tament cycle, Santa but the visual logic behind both images might in forming a genealogical link between Christ and Maria Maggiore, Rome, 432–440 fact be the same or follow similar patterns if not His predecessors, the protagonists of the cycle similarprototypes. – Abraham, Jacob, Moses, and David, and there- 14 / Moses before fore revealing the uninterrupted sequence of two the daughter of Mary and female protagonists in biblical histories. Pharaoh, Old Tes- the Old Testament cycle tament cycle, Santa While Marian iconography’s most character- Maria Maggiore, When studying the Infancy cycle of the Sta Maria istic element in Sta Maria Maggiore consists of Rome, 432–440 Maggiore mosaic, it is important to bear in mind Mary’s rich golden garment, the image type of the that it created an unbreakable continuity with so-called femmina clarissima is not at all exclusive the Old Testament scenes decorating the nave, to to representations of the Virgin. In nave composi- which it related on several levels. In connection tions, several female figures stand out by virtue of with the problem discussed here, the question of their elaborate, lavishly decorated attire. Among female images in these cycles becomes an issue the surviving twenty-seven original panels there of primary interest, especially in cases in which are three instances to consider. One, along the left these representations demonstrate a resemblance side of the nave, forms part of Jacob’s story /Fig. 13/. to the regal figure of the Virgin. Even a quick The rectangle is divided laterally into halves, with overview of the forty-two scenes decorating the the upper part showing Jacob reproaching Laban, nave and their subjects reveals the great signifi- behind whose back Rachel is represented in a cance of women in this specifically selected and neutral brick-red dress with two long black clavi. composed scriptural narrative. This has given In the panel’s lower part, however, Rachel is ren- rise to various interpretations of the entire pro- dered completely differently, as she becomes the gram, in particular an attempt to recognize the protagonist of the wedding ceremony, represent- 76 figure of the Mother of God in golden costume ed in the characteristic form of a Late Antique Dextrarum iunctio composition60. Notwithstanding shoulder in a manner identical to the attire of the 15 / Wedding of the massive loss of this part of the mosaic, it is Mother of God on the arch. This image attracts Moses to Zipporah, detail, Old Testament clear that the bride originally appeared before particular attention not only for the rich dress cycle, Santa Maria the groom in a golden garment with a diadem in and massive architectural structure behind the Maggiore, aquarel 61 (Wilpert), Rome, her hair and a white veil . throne, but also because of the look the Pharaoh’s 432–440 Even more intriguing are two compositions daughter is directing not at Moses, the hero of the situated above the southern across the scene, but at the spectator below in the basilica nave but much closer to the altar. The first panel space, meeting her gaze. of this frieze is completely missing, and the scene occupying the space today is a product of later 59 Folgerø, “ The Sistine mosaics” (n. 16). 60 Antonio Iacobini, “Dextrarum iunctio. Appunti su un medaglio- restoration and seems to have little relevance to ne aureo protobizantino”, Notizie da Palazzo Albani, xx /1–2 (1991), the original program62. Adjacent to it and occupy- pp. 49 – 66. 61 On the importance of the veil for the bridal costume and rendering ing the second and third position from the altar of the female wedding dress in Late Antique and Byzantine art, see are two scenes showing the history of Moses: Maria Parani, “Byzantine Bridal Costume”, in Δώρημα. A Tribute to the A. G. Leventis Faoundation on the Occasion of Its 20 th Anniversary, 63 Moses before the daughter of Pharaoh , and the Nicosia 2000, pp. 185 – 216, sp. pp. 190 –191. marriage of Moses to Zipporah64. The former is 62 According to Sande, this composition could have been dedicated to the moment when the mother of Moses, hoping to save her son, depicted as a real palace audience. Young Moses sends him in a basket along the river Nile : Sande, “Egyptian and other Elements” (n. 47), p. 79. and his mother appear before Pharaoh’s daughter, 63 Moses before the sages is represented in the lower part. who is enthroned, crowned with a diadem, and 64 Placed above the landscape with shepherds and Moses before the Burning Bush. On the garment of Zipporah in this composition, see clad in a golden garment decorated with circular Delbrück, Die Consulardiptychen (n. 56), pp. 54 – 55. purple ornaments, thus becoming an embodiment 65 A thorough analysis of all the elements of this costume and an intriguing hypothesis that the Pharaoh’s daughter could have func- of the Late Roman idea of rulership with the attri- tioned within the Old Testament cycle of Sta Maria Maggiore as a butes typical of representations of contemporary kind of crypto -portrait of the Byzantine empress Pulcheria (399 – 453) can be found in one of the recent papers by Steigerwald, see Gerhard 65 empresses /F ig. 14/ . A white tunic is visible un- Steigerwald, “Wen stellt die Tochter Pharaos dar? Eine Hypothese der the short sleeves of her trabea robe and a long zum Obergadenmosaik ‘Rückgabe des Moseknaben an die Tochter Pharaos durch seine Amme’ in S. Maria Maggiore in Rom”, Jahrbuch black cord-like band falls diagonally from her für Antike und Christentum, liii (2010 –2011), pp. 153 –175. 77 In the next scene, depicting the marriage of Mo- truthfulness of the image is searched for, you per- ses and Zipporah /Fig. 15/, the young bride – just ceive the mystery of Christ. Two women are called as in the analogous scene from the story of Ja- for spiritual engagement with Christ and are married to Him: first, the elder one who through Moses is cob – wears a golden courtly costume. Presumably the image of Jewish Synagogue […] and second is married women with their heads covered stand the younger and more beautiful, thus, is the Church beside her, while another figure in golden robes of Gentiles ” 69. is represented at the edge of her retinue 66. In other words, in the Sta Maria Maggiore program similar It is worth mentioning that this same inter- attributes of costume characterize not only the pretation of the Old Testament story belongs to image of the Virgin but also the daughter of the very ancient tradition and goes back to the works ruler or king and the figures of brides. Referring to of Justin Martyr, but it is also to be found later the evident similarity equating the images of Mary in the fourth-century writings of St Ambrose 70. and Zipporah, Bertelli assumed that the lavishly Interesting interpretation was also given to var- decorated costume was intended to underscore ious wedding and engagement events in the Old the importance of the Virgin as the Bride of Christ Testament story. Evidence of this appears in the (Sponsa Christi) 67. Although not all researchers text of the commentary to Titian’s Diatessaron, agree on this interpretation, the resemblance of attributed to Ephrem the Syrian, which contains the images described here, especially when stud- the following description: ied together against the theological background of the time with its particular relevance to the “Eleazar had given Rebecca as a bride at the well of wa- ter. Jacob [did likewise] for Rachel at the well of water, theme of virginity, leaves no doubt that the created and Moses [too] for Zipporah at the well of water. All of parallelism was intentional. these therefore were types of our Lord, who betrothed The comparison of two figures in the mosaic his Church through John’s baptism” 71. decoration finds its equivalent in written texts, for example, in works by Cyril of Alexandria, one of To make the picture a bit more interesting one the protagonists of the Council of Ephesus, who could cite another author – Caesarius of Arles compares the Church of the Gentiles, with which (468 / 470 – 542), who does not relate to Syria directly Mary was most probably associated in the Adora- but whose work demonstrates the spread and long tion scene, to Zipporah: life of these ideas:

“Zipporah, the daughter of the Midian priest (a man “Moreover, how Christ was to come into the world to who is from another race and not from the blood of be joined to the church was prefigured also in bless- Israel) provides us with the type and image of the ed Jacob when he traveled into a distant country to Church of Gentiles, turned to God from the service of choose a wife. […] Blessed Rebekah who was to be the world. For as it is said concerning her in the words united to blessed Isaac was found at the well; and of David : “Listen, daughter, behold, lend your ear, Zipporah who was joined to Moses was found at the forget your people, and your father’s house, because well… Since all three of those patriarchs typified our the king desires your beauty, for he is your Lord”. She Lord and Saviour, for this reason they found their is named the follower of the law, since she united in wives at fountains or wells, because Christ was to one night with Moses, the teacher, she well received find his church at the waters of baptism” 72. the mystery of Christ […] . If we take Zipporah as the image of the Church of Gentiles, then the son that comes from her is a type of the new people, […] the In this connection, it is worth noting the loca- people defined by David as yet to be created ” 68. tion of the described scenes within the interior of the church. One need only shift gaze to the wall Cyril compares not only Zipporah but also Rachel facing these panels on the opposite side of the to the Church of Gentiles : nave, to the very first compositions of the Old Tes- tament cycle. There one sees that it starts not with “… and though patriarch Jacob adhered to Rachel, the Creation story, as might be expected, but with 78 before her he married Leah (Ex. 29 : 16–29). If the Melchisedech meeting Abraham and three men at the house of Abraham. The liturgical inter- 66 According to the Roman tradition unmarried friends of the bride pretation of these themes is well known, while or groom wore similar clothes to them when accompanying the their collocation in proximity to the altar right young couple. 67 Bertelli, La Madonna di S. Maria in Trastevere (n. 2), p. 48, p. 114, over the sanctuary must have been an ordinary n. 30. The idea was recently supported in Steigerwald, “Die Rolle practice in early medieval art 73. On this basis, one Mariens” (n. 6), p. 140. On Sponsa Christi and some discussion of the decoration of Santa Maria Maggiore in connection with it see : Lasse can suppose that the Old Testament compositions Hodne, Sponsus amat sponsam. L’unione mistica delle sante vergini con Dio nell’arte del Medioevo: uno studio iconologico, Rome 2007. placed at the very start of the nave at the apse 68 “ Ἡ Σεπφώρα, θυγάτηρ οὖσα τοῦ ἱερέως τοῦ Μαδιὰμ (ἀνὴρ δὲ end were not selected casually or exclusively in οὗτος ἀλλογενὴς, καὶ οὐκ ἐξ αἵματος Ἰσραὴλ), τύπον ἡμῖν καὶ πρόσωπον τῆς ἐξ ἐθνῶν Ἐκκλησίας ἀποπληροῖ, κεκλημένης πρὸς accordance with the logic of scriptural narrative. Θεὸν ὡς ἐκ λατρείας κοσμικῆς. Εἵρηται γάρ που πρὸς αὐτὴν Therefore, both the represented plot and the ren- διὰ φωνῆς τοῦ Δαβίδ· “Ἄκουσον, θύγατερ, καὶ ἴδε, καὶ κλῖνον τὸ οὗς σου, καὶ ἐπιλάθου τοῦ λαοῦ σου, καὶ τοῦ οἴκου τοῦ πατρός dering of the two scenes from Moses’s life were σου,ὅτι ἐπεθύμησεν ὁ Βασιλεὺς τοῦ κάλλους σου, ὅτι αὐτός determined by their proximity to the decoration ἐστιν ὁ Κύριος σου”. Κέκληται τοινυν ἀκολουθοῦσα τῷ νόμῳ, καὶ μονονουχὶ συνηρμοσμένη Μωσῇ τῷ παιδαγωγῷ, καὶ ἀποφέροντι on the arch. Located at the same height and a καλῶς πρὸς τὸ Χριστοῦ μυστήριον... Παραδεχθείσης τοιγαροῦν short distance apart, the female figures vested πρὸς ἡμῶν τῆς Σεπφώρας εἰς πρόσωπον τῆς ἐξ ἐθνῶν Ἐκκλησίας, ἔσται που πάντως τὸ ἐξ αὐτῆς παιδίον εἰς τύπον τοῦ νέου λαοῦ, in golden robes from the Old Testament cycle τὴν ἐν Χριστῷ διὰ πνεύματος νηπιότητα καὶ εἰς Θεὸν ἀναγέννησιν δεξαμένων τῶν πεπιστευκότων, οὓς καὶ λαὸν κτιζόμενον ἔφη που communicate with the image of the Mother of Δαβίδ”, pg 68, Col. 257 a 260 a– b. God, forming an inner visual bond across the 69 “…καὶ προσέκειτο μὲν τῇ Ῥαχὴλ ὁ πατριάρχης Ἰακὼβ, ἠγάγετο δὲ πρὸ αὐτῆς τὴν Λείαν. Μετοιχομένου δὴ οὖν εἰς τὸ ἀληθὲς τοῦ separating space of the nave, and bring to the τύπου, τὸ Χριστοῦ κατόψει μυστήριον. Δύο γάρ εἰσιν αἱ πρὸς scale of the central urban monumental mosaic οἰκειότητα κεκλημέναι τὴν πνευματικὴν ἡρμοσμέναι τε αυτῷ γυναῖκες· πρεσβυτέρα μὲν, ἡ πρώτη, καὶ διὰ Μωσέως ὡς ἐν decoration the device of cross-references between προσώπῳ τῆς Ἰουδαίων συναγωγῆς [...] Δευτέρα δὲ ἦν ἡ νεᾶνις scriptural texts and the Gospels characteristic of καὶ ἐκπρεπεστέρα, τοῦτ᾿ ἔστιν, ἡ ἐξ ἐθνῶν Ἐκκλησία…”, pg 68, Col. 237 b – c. 74 early patristic thought . 70 Both authors were considered by Brenk in his interpretation of As a result, judging from the selection of scenes Sta Maria Maggiore program (Brenk, Die früchristlichen Mosaiken [n. 5], p. 109). flanking the triumphal arch, it becomes evident 71 Carmel Mc Carthy, Saint Ephrem’s commentary on Titian’s Diates- saron: An English translation of Chester Beatty Syriac ms 709, Oxford that, when choosing the regal image of the Virgin, 1993, p. 81. the artists intended not only to accentuate her 72 Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture : Old Testament, Mark Sheridan, Thomas C. Oden eds, vol. ii, pp. 194 –195. majesty but also, from all appearances, to reveal 73 Suffice to remember the sixth-century decoration of the church of the various layers of the allegorical nature of this San Vitale in Ravenna. 74 The device to draw numerous iconographic and pictorial parallels representation, ranging from the theme of Eccle- between the Old and New Testament cycles determining not only sia to the notion of glorified bridal virginity, and the choice of garments and various attributes but also such formal aspects as the compositional setting of the scene and the colour more generally to the role of Mary as Sponsa Christi. range was a characteristic feature of Sta Maria Maggiore decora- Once again these ideas are an intrinsic part of the tion : Herbert L. Kessler, “Pictures as Scripture in Fifth - Century Churches”, in Old St. Peter’s and Church Decoration in Medieval , Early Christian theological tradition75 and the per- Spoleto 2002, pp. 15 – 43, sp. pp. 31– 33. 75 On some sources in connection with it : Barclay Lloyd, “Das goldene ception of the Theotokos as a model of a virtuous Gewand” (n. 7 ), pp. 79 – 85. life and pious behavior, which granted Mary the 76 A name to be found in the Gospel of Pseudo -Matthew, 8. 77 Homily 4; pg 77, 996 bc. status of Regina Virginum 76 and the embodiment of the Church was central for the Christian thought, forming around the figure of the Mother of God in the fifth century. To confirm this, it is sufficient to remember the final words of St Cyril of Alex- andria’s homily believed to have been pronounced before Nestorius at the Council of Ephesus:

“But it happens to us, to honour the union and adore … [the] undivided Trinity we worship. And celebrate the praises of Mary ever Virgin, who is the Church (ekklesían) of the Holy God, and the same Son, the immaculate bridegroom. To God be glory forever and ever. Amen” 77. 79 Final remarks graphical details, could also have inherited the As the analysis here demonstrates, the pictorial sophisticated content revealed in connection with solution adopted for the figure of the Virgin in the Sta Maria Maggiore program. After extensive the Christological cycle of Sta Maria Maggiore research on fifth-century decoration in Sta Maria was not at all unique in early medieval art. To Maggiore, an absolute and final understanding all appearances, it reflected a particular icono- of the symbolic meaning of the female figures graphic type of the image of the Mother of God at the sides of Christ’s throne is hardly possible. that was well known in the fourth and fifth cen- However, the multitude of interpretations is in turies. Inevitably, in this respect, the question of itself indicative and points to a characteristic that the primary geographical and cultural contexts has often escaped the attention of other scholars, that determined the appearance of this imagery namely, the allegorical nature of the figure of the becomes essential. The existing material allows us Virgin in this program, clearly affirmed in the to draw some conclusions on its provenance and Adoration scene and responsible for the provoca- territories of circulation only to a certain extent. tive nature of this representation, which still puz- More important, it is necessary to pose and answer zles scholars today. In fact, the Magi composition the question of whether the presence of the rep- clearly functions within the rules of Late Antique resentation of the Virgin in “secular attire” on the associative techniques with the engagement of arch of Sta Maria Maggiore, gold - glass medallions, abstract notions that acquired the form of figura- and such artworks as the ivory cover from Milan, tive representations in art. Therefore, the regally necessarily point to the Western origins of this attired Mary could stand for a group of ideas that, imagery and hence subsequently of Maria Regina as is well known from later examples, was also iconography. often implied in her images in subsequent times. It is hard to understand to what extent the The principal question is if these ideas became triumphal arch decoration of Sta Maria Maggio- intrinsic to this specific Marian iconography and re determined the appearance of the Maria Re- might they underlie all subsequent Maria Regina gina iconography, but the very existence of this representations? If so, perhaps, the majestic image imperialized type of representation in the main of Mary the Queen was chosen by artists when Roman Marian basilica is significant. A question the necessity arose to express a particular set of that is more difficult to settle is whether later de- additional theological concepts in connection with velopments of the theme, aside from certain icono- the figure of the Theotokos.

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Theotokos jako císařovna: nové poznatky o konceptu raně křesťanského zobrazování v kostele Santa Maria Maggiore v Římě

Tento článek se zabývá raně křesťanskou mo- něhož byl tehdy nejrozšířenější typ zobrazování zaikovou dekorací kostela Santa Maria Maggiore žen převzat pro náboženské účely. v Římě. Soustředí se na vyobrazení Panny Marie V tomto článku je přesný význam vyobraze- a na její roli v rámci ikonografického programu. ní Panny Marie a jejího zahaleného ženského Čtyři dochovaná vyobrazení zpodobňují Marii protějšku v záhadné kompozici Klanění Mudrců v bohatých královských šatech, sestávajících ze považován za druhořadý. Hlavním faktem je, že zlaté dalmatiky a pokrývky hlavy posázené dra- obě postavy vizuálně fungují v rámci pozdně hými kameny. Právě kvůli Mariinu vznešenému antických asociativních postupů a plní tak roli oděvu byl tento typ obrazů často považován za alegorií. Uspořádání scény, v níž vedle trůnu předchůdce pozdějšího ikonografického typu, s Ježíšem v dětském věku naproti sobě stojí dvě známého jako Maria Regina. Je pravdou, že vyob- ženské postavy, připomíná řadu římských mo- razení z 5. století se značně podobají znázorněním zaikových dekorací z 5. století. Tyto se nacházejí tehdejších vysoce postavených žen a císařoven. například v bazilikách Svaté Pudenziany a Svaté Tento způsob zobrazování mohl být předurčený Sabiny, v nichž hrají zásadní roli personifikace řadou myšlenek a představ soudobých teologů, Církve z Židů a Církve z pohanů. Obecně vzato, týkajících se postavy Theotokos, které pravděpo- zmíněná kompozice navazuje na pozdně antic- dobně vznikly jako přímá reakce na ustanovení kou praxi užívání párových reprezentací bohyň Efezského koncilu ( 431). a personifikací za účelem vyjádření abstraktních Nutnost zdůraznění Mariiny důležitosti i je- idejí, což je tradice nejlépe reflektovaná ve slo- jího vysokého postavení v nebeské hierarchii ja- novinových diptyších a drobných předmětech. kožto Bohorodičky (Theotokos) mohla v 5. století Toto i další možná čtení postavy Marie v ikono- podnítit tvůrce obrazů k zapojení množství prvků grafickém programu Santa Maria Maggiore jsou a symbolických detailů, které poukazovaly na v tomto článku dále zkoumány skrze sledování svrchovanost Matky Boží. Výskyt císařského ob- paralel mezi Mariiným obrazem a několika staro- razu Panny Marie mohl být ale také důsledkem zákonními postavami, které se nacházejí v cyklu dřívějšího vývoje mariánské ikonografie, během po obvodu hlavní lodi.

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