)RARY JEWRY DOLLINGER 9

march on behalf of a living wage, or Jewish Identities in 20th-Century America .ident who plans to go to Bitburg, or Jlity house. Marc Dollinger I that our future is entirely what we San Francisco State University on events we cannot control and . But neither am I so passive as to In an issue of the Forward newspaper a few years ago, Lisa Keys that will happen to us independent Ilg reported a dramatic shift in baby-naming patterns among American ~ us make those choices wisely, and in Jews. In an unscientific survey of Jewish newspapers in Phoenix, k best over the course of the next 20 Philadelphia, and Cleveland, the Forward noted that 59 percent of cture of our community. babies born in 2001 would be known by distinctly jewish-sounding .out the Jewish purpose. I come to names. The research found that the new arrivals pages of their local Itter of personal predilection, but also communal papers included nine Jacobs, seven Benjamins, five Sarahs, iscern what, if anything, all the Jews four Rachels, and Yossi, Shayna, Ari, and llana. Recalling their great­ today might agree upon. On matters grandparents by name, a new generation of Sams, Maxes, Sophies, and :atement would be something like, "If Jacks-names typical of second-generation Jewish immigrants-are :Even though that statement is rather blazing their way through the nation's synagogue pre-school programs. I ::lms, it is hardly sufficient to inspire a The Forward report recalled the research of famed immigration is only one statement that meets the historian Marcus Lee Hansen, who proposed a three-generation model This world is not working the way it of acculturation to American life. According to Hansen, the first­ If of us accept as well the corollary generation immigrant, steeped in old-world culture, strove to raise that you are bound, somehow, to help Americanized children. The second generation did all they could to divorce themselves from their parents' immigrant lifestyle. The third If we so choose, we may stand where generation, however, longed for a sense of distinctive identity and as a people that always speaks truth returned to its grandparents for the knowledge and experience it never at may strive to be rich but refuses to knew. 2 low threshold for hype and sham, a While it took American Jews five generations to complete pursuit of justice, to the love of Hansen's cycle, one can argue at least some general similarities. Eastern alk with God. European Jewish immigrants arriving at the turn of the century moderated their religious observance, sent their children to public schools, and almost prided themselves on the poor second-generation Yiddish language retention rate of 10 percent. The middle generations embraced secularized America, turned to non-traditional forms of religious expression, and celebrated the move into the middle class. By -'~ayer, Barry Kosmin the late 1960s, many among a thoroughly Americanized generation of ~ej. of the City University young Jews left the secular worlds of their suburban upbringing and returned to tradition.3 I would like to challenge this generational approach to American Jews by examining three critical eras in the formation of modern American Jewish identity: the New Deal of the 1930s, the civil rights movement of the 1950s, and the social protest era of the 1960s. By focusing our lens on these historical moments, we can see the limits of linear approaches to Jewish identity. American Jews have not journeyed along a generational continuum as much as they have sought to define 10 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY DOLLIl and redefine their ethnic identity according to imperatives created in the components of American identity at social and political culture surrounding them. of ethnic expression. Gary Gerstle, Traditional understandings of ethnic acculturation also complicate Woonsocket, Rhode Island, Workin~ our understanding of some of the basic vocabulary in identity ofLabor in A Textile City, 1914-196 formation. We have sought to separate Jewish universalist strategies like the Blue Eagle...offered individl from more particularist orientations, as if the two somehow represented of belonging to a greater whole il conflicting approaches to American Jewish identity. But symbols and terms," he concluded, " accommodation, usually (and inaccurately) viewed as a synonym for than rebeIlion, conformity rather than assimilation, often enabled Jews to assert greater ethnic distinctiveness. Lizabeth Cohen, in her award· And isolation from the mainstream, rather than signaling an aversion to Chicago, Making A New Deal, asi the secular influences of American culture, sometimes resulted in a far collapsed under the weight of federal more assimilationist posture for many Jews. The very definition of asserted, "when the nation move Jewishness often incorporated many more mainstream American circumscribed by race, ethnicity, 4 cultural ideals than it did particularist Jewish traits. homogeneous cultural experiences." . Four basic assumptions undergird my re-evaluation of modern according to Cohen, led Chicago : American Jewish identity: 1) Jews accommodate to the larger culture governmental role. The New Deal, sh around them, 2) local conditions inform divergent and often "People would depend on the govern! contradictory Jewish responses, 3) the American political and social they once had depended on" ethnic or scene encourages different American Jews to forge different ethnic While Cohen posited that "eth identities, and 4) forms of Jewish expression change over time. In each accept so easily the hierarchical autho of the historical eras examined herein, American Jews constructed rise of the welfare state actually identities that united the particular needs of a Jewish minority with the interested in maintaining Jewish cc universalist appeals of the larger political culture. Often, educational and identity-building pi accommodationist strategies strengthened Jewish identity. In many often perceived as the great univem cases, Jewish leaders embraced seemingly contrarian strategies to uniform American identity, actually a( achieve their communal goals. expression. Depression-era Jews dl The New Deal era, typically seen as an example of minority used New Deal programs Americanization and assimilation for American Jews, actually promoted institutional bonds. Despite demogral distinctive Jewish identity. The civil rights movement, generally assimilating American Jewish comml accepted as evidence of universalist Jews linking their plight to that of the urge to follow the example of Cob African-Americans, split northern and southern Jews over what course and jettison distinctive cultural traits. 1 of action would benefit the particular needs of Jews in this country. The a definition of Americanism that coml Jewish ethnic revival of the late 1960s and early 1970s, usually credited of the Great Depression with the for the return to the grandparents' tradition, evinced instead a powerful minority.7 accommodation to American identity politics. In each era, American In March 1933, Roosevelt took th Jews negotiated a variety of social factors that informed their sense of same year, Adolf Hitler rose to power themselves as Jews and as citizens of the United States. Considered on the world stage, American Jews err collectively, they force us to challenge accepted wisdom in American journey that would witness the worsl Jewish history and the sociological assumptions that arise from those States history, the rise of Nazism in Eu experiences. and the eventual creation of a Jewish Marcus Lee Hansen easily could have pointed to 1930s American most important transformations in An Jews as evidence of his assimilationist second generation. Most massive Jewish immigration from Eastl observers of Depression-era America argue that the changes wrought by In the first few years of the OJ the rise of Franklin D. Roosevelt strengthened the universalist worried about the continued viability ~RY JEWRY DOLLINGER 11

:.::ording to imperatives created in the components of American identity at the expense of particularist forms jng them. of ethnic expression. Gary Gerstle, in his exhaustive labor history of ::thnic acculturation also complicate Woonsocket, Rhode Island, Working Class Americanism: The Politics the basic vocabulary in identity of Labor in A Textile City, 1914-1960, contended that "New Deal icons Jarate Jewish universalist strategies like the Blue Eagle...offered individual Americans security and a sense i, as if the two somehow represented of belonging to a greater whole in a time of deep distress. These -merican Jewish identity. But symbols and terms," he concluded, "thus encouraged adjustment rather curately) viewed as a synonym for than rebellion, conformity rather than dissent.,,5 assert greater ethnic distinctiveness. Lizabeth Cohen, in her award-winning study of Depression-era • rather than signaling an aversion to Chicago, Making A New Deal, asserted that local ethnic networks culture, sometimes resulted in a far collapsed under the weight of federal intervention. It was a time, Cohen nany Jews. The very definition of asserted, "when the nation moved...from diverse social worlds :lany more mainstream American circumscribed by race, ethnicity, class, and geography to more st Jewish traits. 4 homogeneous cultural experiences." This diminution of ethnic identity, :rgird my re-evaluation of modern according to Cohen, led Chicago laborers to petition for a larger accommodate to the larger culture governmental role. The New Deal, she wrote, weakened communal ties. )ns inform divergent and often "People would depend on the government," Cohen explained, "the way 6 I the American political and social they once had depended on" ethnic organizations. can Jews to forge different ethnic While Cohen posited that "ethnic workers would never again xpression change over time. In each accept so easily the hierarchical authority of the ethnic community," the lerein, American Jews constructed rise of the welfare state actually aided communal professionals needs of a Jewish minority with the interested in maintaining Jewish continuity through well-developed larger political culture. Often, educational and identity-building programs. The U.S. government, gthened Jewish identity. In many often perceived as the great universalizing agent in the creation of a seemingly contrarian strategies to uniform American identity, actually acted to preserve distinctive Jewish expression. Depression-era Jews demonstrated how one religious cally seen as an example of minority used New Deal programs as a vehicle to forge stronger Jr American Jews, actually promoted institutional bonds. Despite demographic trends that told of an ever­ civil rights movement, generally assimilating American Jewish community, communal leaders resisted ;t Jews linking their plight to that of the urge to follow the example of Cohen's Chicago Catholic community :md southern Jews over what course and jenison distinctive cultural traits. Instead, Jewish leaders articulated ar needs of Jews in this country. The a definition of Americanism that combined the universalist imperatives 50s and early 1970s, usually credited of the Great Depression with the particularist needs of a Jewish tradition, evinced instead a powerful minority.? lity politics. In each era, American In March 1933, Roosevelt took the presidential oath of office. That factors that informed their sense of same year, Adolf Hitler rose to power in Germany. With these changes IS of the United States. Considered on the world stage, American Jews embarked on a monumental IS-year enge accepted wisdom in American journey that would witness the worst economic depression in United II assumptions that arise from those States history, the rise of Nazism in Europe, the fighting of a world war, and the eventual creation of a Jewish state. These events sparked the lId have pointed to 1930s American most important transformations in American Jewish identity since the ilationist second generation. Most massive Jewish immigration from Eastern Europe a generation earlier. :a argue that the changes wrought by In the first few years of the Great Depression, Jewish leaders velt strengthened the universalist worried about the continued viability of Jewish educational, cultural, 12 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY DOLL

and identity-building programs. With unemployment hovering at 25 federation from "a Federation for percent, bread lines forming in America's cities, and a federal Jewish ethnic group expression.,,11 government unwilling to fully disassociate itself from its laissez-faire Within two years, Jewish educl approach, Jewish agencies faced incredible pressure to serve basic grew to "large and growing fields" social-service needs for a growing clientele. "The impact of vast social local Federation budgets. Harry I changes," Benjamin Selekman, the executive director of Boston's Bureau of Jewish Social Research, Combined Jewish Philanthropies, explained in reference to the rise of Jewish identity-centered programs ( the New Deal state, "has given new challenge once again to the Jewish the submerged part of the communi tradition of communal responsibility. For, like all people, American from merely physical and econon Jewry faced today the central problem of our times-adaptation to satisfaction." Jewish schools reCI rapidly moving economic and social forces."g 1937, while the president of the Nl Two years after the 1929 stock market crash, more Jews applied Welfare boasted, "Our profession for aid than in any previous year. "Practically every local Federation in enlarge its field of influence by bee the country was compelled to reduce its budget," the American Jewish pattern of Jewish group life." Tha Committee reported in its year in review. Chicago's Jewish Charities Conunittee noted an upswing in Je' ended the 1931 fiscal year with a deficit. During the election year of 1938 Los Angeles United Jewish' 1932, the demand for Jewish social services rocketed 50 percent while than a 50 percent share for Jewi contributions continued to spiral downward. In 1933, a third more programs. In 1939, the figure rose t< Jewish Americans sought relief than the year before while Jewish The rise of anti-Semitism al federations in 13 of the nation's largest cities reported substantial communal leaders to highlight J declines in contributions. Given the dire human needs facing Jewish assimilation-minded Jewish leade agencies, it did not seem rrudent to devote large sums of money to universalist responses to bigotry an identity-building programs. reaffinned the need for Jews to When the federal government assumed responsibility for America's encouraged particularist political l Jewish poor in the months after Roosevelt's first inauguration, common national ideals. With Hitlel communal leaders moved quickly to channel their limited philanthropic and domestic anti-Semitism spikir dollars to programs that bolstered Jewish identity. Assimilation-minded identities based on the importanc Gennan-American Jews, once the dominant force in organized Jewish importance of difference and the vall life, faced increasing opposition from their more traditionalist co­ Jewish leaders pressed for spe religionists of Eastern European ancestry. "As the later Jewish nature of Hitler's discrimination, de inunigrants, especially those from Eastern Europ_e, attained a more take action to ameliorate Jewish su secure place in the [American Jewish) community, they urged another public protest to press their cause to directing impulse for Federation programs," Selekman wrote. The these particularist demands in un Eastern European Jews "pressed their strong feeling that every Jewish European Jews the same civil prote child should be given a Jewish education.,,10 seizing on German political intole As early as 1928, Dr. John Slawson, who headed Cleveland's American adaptation that encouragt Jewish Welfare Federation and later became the executive vice interests. Organized Jewry backed president of the American Jewish Conunittee, led the charge for policies with everything un-Americl stronger identity-building programs. "Jewish organizations cannot rest spirit of unqualified Americanism. on pure philanthropy," he argued. "It must not be based on a foundation This American Jewish organiza of misery and woe." Slawson advised Jewish organizations to abandon politics inspired heated internal deb their traditional relief work, arguing, "Our reason for being must be Deal state brought Jewish communa ethnic culture." Slawson pressed for a basic redefinition of the Jewish by some Jewish leaders to launch a Organized in response to a Nazi )RARY JEWRY DOLLINGER 13

With unemployment hovering at 25 federation from "a Federation for philanthropy" to "a Federation for n America's cities, and a federal Jewish ethnic group expression.,,11 5associate itself from its laissez-faire Within two years, Jewish education and identity-building programs I incredible pressure to serve basic grew to "large and growing fields" and enjoyed a 60 percent share of ~ clientele. "The impact of vast social local Federation budgets. Harry Lurie, the director of New York's the executive director of Boston's Bureau of Jewish Social Research, recalled that the move from relief to explained in reference to the rise of Jewish identity-centered programs constituted "a shift of emphasis from :w challenge once again to the Jewish the submerged part of the community to the community as a whole and iIity. For, like all people, American from merely physical and economic needs to cultural and spiritual ·roblem of our times-adaptation to satisfaction." Jewish schools received "marked improvements" by _al forces."s 1937, while the president of the National Conference of Jewish Social )ck market crash, more Jews applied Welfare boasted, "Our profession is now in a strategic position to "Practically every local Federation in enlarge its field of influence by becoming directly involved in the total uce its budget," the American Jewish pattern of Jewish group life." That same year, the American Jewish 1 review. Chicago's Jewish Charities Committee noted an upswing in Jewish educational programming. The :I deficit. During the election year of 1938 Los Angeles United Jewish Welfare Fund budget counted more .al services rocketed 50 percent while than a 50 percent share for Jewish education, cultural, and social downward. In 1933, a third more programs. In 1939, the figure rose to almost 75 percent. 12 than the year before while Jewish The rise of anti-Semitism at home and abroad also pressed .s largest cities reported substantial communal leaders to highlight Jewish identity. While old-guard, the dire human needs facing Jewish assimilation-minded Jewish leaders continued to call for more 1 to devote large sums of money to universalist responses to bigotry and discrimination, events in Europe reaffirmed the need for Jews to construct American identities that assumed responsibility for America's encouraged particularist political activism just as they appealed to fter Roosevelt's first inauguration, common national ideals. With Hitler consolidating his power in Europe to channel their limited philanthropic and domestic anti-Semitism spiking to all-time highs, Jews forged Jewish identity. Assimilation-minded identities based on the importance of teaching all Americans the : dominant force in organized Jewish importance of difference and the value of pluralism. I from their more traditionalist co­ Jewish leaders pressed for special recognition of the anti-Jewish m ancestry. "As the later Jewish nature of Hitler's discrimination, demanded that the U.S. government m Eastern Europe, attained a more take action to ameliorate Jewish suffering in Europe, and engaged in wish] community, they urged another public protest to press their cause to the American people. They framed :l programs," Selekman wrote. The these particularist demands in universalist terms, hoping to offer their strong feeling that every Jewish European Jews the same civil protections enjoyed by Americans and lcation.,,10 seizing on German political intolerance to justify a new model of I Slawson, who headed Cleveland's American adaptation that encouraged difference and protected Jewish I later became the executive vice interests. Organized Jewry backed programs that equated Hitler's ish Committee, led the charge for policies with everything un-American and linked Jewish values to the ns. "Jewish organizations cannot rest spirit of unqualified Americanism. "It must not be based on a foundation This American Jewish organizational embrace of activist identity ised Jewish organizations to abandon politics inspired heated internal debate. Just as the growth of the New ling, "Our reason for being must be Deal state brought Jewish communal division, so too did a 1933 effort for a basic redefinition of the Jewish by some Jewish leaders to launch an anti-German boycott movement. Organized in response to a Nazi-led German boycott of Jewish 14 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY DOLLI businesses, the American anti-German boycott began after officials anything but religion." Wise's cc from the American Jewish War Veterans called on their co-religionists demanded that, as he put it, "rel to take a public stand against Hitler. Boycott organizers hoped to toleration of religious difference, bu dramatize the injustice of the Nazi edict while simultaneously inflicting difference as well." He concluded, • damage on Germany's economy. active encouragement ofcultural di... The American Jewish Committee considered such measures The boycott movement once ag unwise, fearing that they would compromise American Jews' standing framing particularist Jewish iden! as loyal and patriotic Americans, and the group refused to endorse the universalist American ideals. Accc boycott. AJCommittee president Morris Waldman labeled the boycott culture, especially in times of risin "futile [and] possibly dangerous" and "a threat to the United States." Jewish strategic success. By connec Joseph Proskauer, who later would head the organization, feared that to larger social themes, Jewish It boycotts, like rallies and marches, would imperil German Jews. A otherwise contrary approaches t Glencoe, Illinois rabbi went even further, saying that "a publicly synthesis, which borrowed heavil declared boycott by the Jews means the excuse for the furthering of defense of Zionism as an all-Ameri Nazi propaganda here." In an accommodationist expression of alternative to the assimilationist 5 American Jewish identity, the religious leader explained that Jews only German-American Jews and set th should boycott "as American citizens affiliated with some movement in interfaith and interracial alliances of which all American citizens join. They cannot with safety to their own Jews enjoyed a period of treme position come out as Jews in declaration of war against anyone. They The end of restrictive housing COy are not too well loved in our own country or any other country.,,13 moves into outlying suburban comn When the Joint Distribution Committee sought to aid Jewish and universities eased or eliminatf victims of Nazi oppression, it sought to frame its relief work in purely analysts maintain that the accommo American terms. As one JDC leader warned, "Ethnic or religious America translated into a weakeninl groups have no standing as such and it is to endanger that democratic at the time feared that the rapie process when groups, either religious or ethnic, attempt to create power previously Christian neighborhoods through such groupings." In the classic tension between the universal economic mobility fed a c1ass-centel and the particular, this Jewish official concluded, "We in America are life characterized by opulent bar- f not alone the product of Jewish culture but are even more strongly the construction of Jewish buildings product of the gifts of liberalism to the modern world." By 1939, with maturation of a generation of YOt Europe at war and the United States still neutral, the JDC advised its middle-class American cultural t people to "lean over backward to avoid engaging in any relief work that grandparents. might infringe the country's laws.,,14 Against the backdrop of rapid J4 As conditions for European Jews worsened, more and more Christian middle-class suburbs, nortl American Jews rejected the community'S traditional aversion to unaffiliated American Jews linked particularist identity and chose to support the boycott movement. Jews to the cause of racial equality Cleveland rabbi and fiery American Zionist Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver, who constructed their identities with along with the 500,000 strong Jewish Labor Committee, challenged the sought alliances with blacks and dl old guard's anti-boycott rationale and demanded public protests. As the Jewish-American and African-AI Silver explained, Hitler "must be attacked with political weapons, and Northern Jews took the lead the stron~est political weapon, when all others fail, is the economic African-Americans achieve civil eq boycott." 5 northern Jews led the call for a Fair After debate, Rabbi Stephen S. Wise and his American Jewish and joined leading civil rights organ Congress offered their support. One instructor at the Jewish Theological volunteers to head south in the sl Seminary condemned "those who feel it is un-American to be Jewish in students responded in disproport ~ARY JEWRY DOLLINGER IS nnan boycott began after officials anything but religion." Wise's conception of American pluralism terans called on their co-religionists demanded that, as he put it, "real Americanism" mean "not only itler. Boycott organizers hoped to toleration of religious difference, but a toleration of ethnic and national edict while simultaneously inflicting difference as well." He concluded, "Real Americanism should mean an active encouragement of cultural diversity.,,16 mittee considered such measures The boycott movement once again demonstrated the importance of Impromise American Jews' standing framing particularist Jewish identity in the larger framework of md the group refused to endorse the universalist American ideals. Accommodation to the larger political forris Waldman labeled the boycott culture, especially in times of rising anti-Semitism, proved critical to and "a threat to the United States." Jewish strategic success. By connecting Jewish communal imperatives :J head the organization, feared that to larger social themes, Jewish leaders succeeded in merging two s, would imperil German Jews. A otherwise contrary approaches to American acculturation. This n further, saying that "a publicly synthesis, which borrowed heavily from Justice Louis Brandeis' LOS the excuse for the furthering of defense of Zionism as an all-American pursuit, introduced a powerful accommodationist expression of alternative to the assimilationist strategies of most classic Reform ious leader explained that Jews only German-American Jews and set the stage for the emergence. of the ns affiliated with some movement in interfaith and interracial alliances of postwar America. ~hey cannot with safety to their own Jews enjoyed a period of tremendous social mobility in the 1950s. lfation of war against anyone. They The end of restrictive housing covenants permitted wholesale Jewish )untry or any other country.,,13 moves into outlying suburban communities while the nation's colleges Committee sought to aid Jewish and universities eased or eliminated their anti-Jewish quotas. Many ~ht to frame its relief work in purely analysts maintain that the accommodationist spirit of 1950s consensus :ader warned, "Ethnic or religious America translated into a weakening of Jewish identity. Jewish leaders ,nd it is to endanger that democratic at the time feared that the rapid social immersion of Jews into us or ethnic, attempt to create power previously Christian neighborhoods would lead to intermarriage. Jewish lassic tension between the universal economic mobility fed a class-centered redefinition of American Jewish cial concluded, "We in America are life characterized by opulent bar- and bat-mitzvah celebrations, mass Ilture but are even more strongly the construction of Jewish buildings (the "edifice complex"), and the o the modern world." By 1939, with maturation of a generation of young Jews who shared many more tes still neutral, the JDC advised its middle-class American cultural traits than did their parents or .void engaging in any relief work that grandparents. 14 Against the backdrop of rapid Jewish acculturation to the white and Jews worsened, more and more Christian middle-class suburbs, northern Jewish leaders as well as many Immunity's traditional aversion to unaffiliated American Jews linked their identity as Americans and as to support the boycott movement. Jews to the cause of racial equality. Unlike other white ethnic groups in Zionist Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver, who constructed their identities within their own communal world, Jews ish Labor Committee, challenged the sought alliances with blacks and drew powerful connections between and demanded public protests. As the Jewish-American and African-American historical experiences. attacked with political weapons, and Northern Jews took the lead in the postwar struggle to help hen all others fail, is the economic African-Americans achieve civil equality. In the early postwar years, northern Jews led the call for a Fair Employment Practices Commission S. Wise and his American Jewish and joined leading civil rights organizations. When the call went out for e instructor at the Jewish Theological volunteers to head south in the struggle for racial equality, Jewish 'eel it is un-American to be Jewish in students responded in disproportionate numbers. Jewish students 16 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY DOLL

comprised roughly two-thirds of all the white freedom riders in the and economic well-being. While ~ summer of 1961 and over a third of the volunteers for the 1964 insulated northern Jews from mue Mississippi voter registration campaign. When freedom riders traveled southern Jews lived a more vulnera through the South to test complicity with federal desegregation laws, 62 Alabama Jews numbered only 4 percent of the northern Jewish community approved and an astonishing 630,000. A local rabbi lamented th; 96 percent backed President John Kennedy's decision to send U.S. Montgomery counted 1,800 Jews marshals to Montgomery, Alabama to enforce desegregation laws there. Other southern towns recorded simi Northern Jewish representation in the struggle was so strong that one The modern struggle for racie historian refers to the postwar period as the "Jewish phase of the civil acculturation of established sout ng. hi' ts revo utlOn. ,,17 Mississippi, for example, Jews ass While the American Jewish collective historical memory tends to their rabbi considered them "indi: focus on the incredible and meaningful sacrifices of a few American surrounding community and "as Jewish civil rights heroes, we often ignore the important perspectives of Montgomery, Jews advertised theil many Jews from the North and South. Defining the nature of Jewish Council "in an attempt to show th identity in this era confounds traditional interpretations of Jewish viewpoint in the Gentile communi involvement in the civil rights movement. While northern Jewish sought "to inhibit the growth of activism is well documented, relatively little work has been done on the newspaper boasted, "Today many Jewish South. Most often relegated to footnotes, southern Jews have southern resistance. Jackson's citi faced historical marginalization based upon their relatively small and Nation, points to them wid number and seeming public opposition or indifference to the civil rights established southern families defen movement. IS life," took issue with northern Jev Different northern and southern Jews responded to racial inequality status quo. 20 in contrary ways. In the North, Jews lived outside the day-to-day Some Jews, many of whom 0 realities of Jim Crow laws. They constructed a sense of Americanism North, pressed for change. In the ra based on the need for universal legal protections and supported civil the civil rights cause at great risk tc rights efforts because they sought to foster a nation where Jews, blacks, congregations. Rabbi Jacob ~ and everyone else could enjoy constitutional safeguards. Once again, congregation, targeted by white conceptions of American Jewish identity played on the simultaneous bombed in 1958, criticized the del~ embrace of seemingly antagonistic concepts: universalism and "you can't legislate the hearts of; particularism. Citing the need for the United States to protect all its self-described civil rights mode; citizens, regardless of race, northern Jewish leaders merged their estimation to "as specious a stateme; American identities with those of African-Americans. Yet by do not wait for general acceptance,' championing black rights, Jews also distinguished their needs as an a way of life that is better." Arthur exceptional American ethnic group: neither Irish nor Italian-Americans, regional director in the South fr for example, chose to express their Americanness by running to the aid religious leader, Charles Mantinba of blacks. was outspoken and who made no c· Southern Jews, though, acculturated to Dixie and refracted their his congregation." Malcolm Stern, identities as Americans and as Jews in ways that seemed contrary to him "a quiet self-effacing individulll their northern co-religionists. Fearful of economic boycotts by either of mankind led him, as the rabbi of side in the civil rights movement, cognizant of continued anti-Semitism presidency of that state's Council o! and the infamous lynching of Leo Frank in 1913, those southern Jews Most southerners, however, fe who wanted an end to segregation most often chose to assert their community and their own congrega positions more quietly. Maintaining good relations with the surrounding on civil rights. They distinguished white Christian community proved crucial to southern Jews' physical commitment to racial equality and RARY JEWRY DOLLINGER 17

aU the white freedom riders in the and economic well-being. While geographic and demographic factors ud of the volunteers for the 1964 insulated northern Jews from much of the ugliness of racial politics, paign. When freedom riders traveled southern Jews lived a more vulnerable existence. In 1964, Birmingham, y with federal desegregation laws, 62 Alabama Jews numbered only 4,000 in an overall population of mnunity approved and an astonishing 630,000. A local rabbi lamented that they were "very, very vulnerable." n Kennedy's decision to send U.S. Montgomery counted 1,800 Jews among a population of 134,000. :l to enforce desegregation laws there. Other southern towns recorded similarly small Jewish communities. 19 the struggle was so strong that one The modern struggle for racial equality challenged the continued -iod as the "Jewish phase of the civil acculturation of established southern Jewish families. In Jackson, Mississippi, for example, Jews assimilated to such a large degree that :ollective historical memory tends to their rabbi considered them "indistinguishable in ideology" from the lingful sacrifices of a few American surrounding community and "as racist as any white non-Jew." In I ignore the important perspectives of Montgomery, Jews advertised their affiliation with the White Citizen's :outh. Defining the nature of Jewish Council "in an attempt to show that they are at one with the majority raditional interpretations of Jewish viewpoint in the Gentile community." They claimed that their actions movement. While northern Jewish sought "to inhibit the growth of anti-Semitism." The local Jackson _vely little work has been done on the newspaper boasted, "Today many a fine Jewish leader is part of the ~Il to footnotes, southern Jews have southern resistance. Jackson's citizen's council, outstanding in South ~ed upon their relatively small and Nation, points to them with pride." Even rabbis from long­ iition or indifference to the civil rights established southern families defended the distinctive "southern way of life," took issue with northern Jewish critics, and defended the racial rn Jews responded to racial inequality status quo. 20 • Jews lived outside the day-to-day Some Jews, many of whom only recently had relocated from the constructed a sense of Americanism North, pressed for change. In the rabbinic community, they championed legal protections and supported civil the civil rights cause at great risk to themselves, their families, and their to foster a nation where Jews, blacks, congregations. Rabbi Jacob Rothschild of Atlanta's Reform onstitutional safeguards. Once again, congregation, targeted by white racists when his synagogue was identity played on the simultaneous bombed in 1958, criticized the delay tactics of those who believed that mistic concepts: universalism and "you can't legislate the hearts of men." That argument, employed by Ir the United States to protect all its self-described civil rights moderates, amounted in Rothschild's Irthern Jewish leaders merged their estimation to "as specious a statement as ever beguiled the soul." "Laws ie of African-Americans. Yet by do not wait for general acceptance," he said, "they stimulate and coerce also distinguished their needs as an a way of life that is better." Arthur Levin, the Anti-Defamation League Ip: neither Irish nor Italian-Americans, regional director in the South from 1948 to 1962, hailed another ir Americanness by running to the aid religious leader, Charles Mantinband, as an "example of a rabbi who was outspoken and who made no compromises with his conscience and llturated to Dixie and refracted their his congregation." Malcolm Stern, a colleague of Mantinband's, called -ews in ways that seemed contrary to him "a quiet self-effacing individual whose fervent belief in the equality arful of economic boycotts by either of mankind led him, as the rabbi of Hattiesberg, Mississippi, to take the cognizant of continued anti-Semitism presidency of that state's Council on Human Relations.,,2 o Frank in 1913, those southern Jews Most southerners, however, feared retribution from both the white ion most often chose to assert their community and their own congregants and refused to take public stands ng good relations with the surrounding on civil rights. They distinguished between what they called a private ed crucial to southern Jews' physical commitment to racial equality and their public responsibility to protect 18 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY DOLLI their synagogue membership from the considerable wrath of the larger In one lesser-known incident, I" white community. As one writer explained in the Southem Israelite, in 1947 to testify in support of a "Jews who espouse and defend the cause of civil rights jeopardize the schools. The New York rabbi and he security of isolated Jewish communities in the South, threaten their public school system and credited it social integration and economic position, and ultimately even their . 1 fi ,,22 two generations from immigrant sic PhYSlca sa ety. public schools, second-generation J William Malev, a Houston rabbi in one of the South's largest Americans when they spoke Engl synagogues, explained that in communities where congregants opposed democratic tradition, and met chi) integration, "the rabbis have not spoken out, and to have done so would immigrant groups. In the eyes of the have been to invite resentment and anti-Semitism, if not, indeed, acted as a social equalizer, givin violence towards the Jewish community." Rabbi Moses Landau, linguistic, social, and educatior spiritual leader of Cleveland, Mississippi's Jews, explained that if he advancement. decided to support the civil rights movement, "it would have been Southern legislators, fearful limited to twenty-four hours." After that single day, he stated, "I segregated schoolhouses to Wasi wouldn't be there in the state anymore." With the prevailing amendment to the federal aid bill to segregationist mentality, Landau argued, "the Jewish community could schools and bar the dismantlement not exist, could not exist [sic], if they were in any way involved in the They considered federal support for civil movement.,,23 status quo. Without even raising c In the North, the civil rights movement offered Jews a powerful community's goals of stronger pul> means to identify as pluralist and civically responsible American complicated Wise's political strate citizens. Constitutional guarantees of legal equality, critical to the story would have wanted to argue for st of American Jewish social mobility, proved elusive in the black South. leader concerned about his constitu By hitching themselves to the civil rights wagon, northern Jews linked equation, the southerners forced Vi their identities as a persecuted minority with their faith and confidence topic: namely, Jewish attitudes towar in the American way of life. Jewish leaders never tired of explaining Wise then faced a crucial test that a society that protected African-Americans from arbitrary navigate through the shoals of Arne violations of civil rights also guaranteed the sanctity of Jewish rights. his commitment to racial equality . As Cincinnati's Jewish Community Relations Council explained, "The amendment, he doomed the bill's cl society in which Jews are most secure, is itself secure, only to the extent opportunity to help build a plura that citizens of all races and creeds enjoy full equality." Geographically American identity. If he sidesteppec isolated from the ugliness of Jim Crow laws, or their fear-invoking southern schools, he would exclude impact on their southern co-religionists, northern Jews felt confident in 24 public school system and limit the their calls for racial justice. interact with one another. Yet Jewish-identity issues grew complex even for northern Jews While he began his testimon: when the interests of blacks and Jews came into conflict. At these segregation, Wise fell in line behin moments, northern Jews learned that their similarities to southern Jews federal aid to education not be proved far more powerful than they ever imagined. Conceptions of segregated school system." Wise American Jewish identity remained inextricably tied to the particular invoking the "separate but equal" community's surrounding political culture. While it was difficult for Plessy v. Ferguson case. "So long southern Jews to identify with the civil rights movement as a vehicle for having segregated school systems their own acculturation, northern Jews also faced similar tests when against children in minority schools, their particularist identity as Jews clashed with the social needs of supported," Wise affirmed. Like mo American blacks. for the political success of his favo difficult defense of racial equality.25 JRARY JEWRY DOLLINGER 19

1 the considerable wrath of the larger In one lesser-known incident, Rabbi Wise traveled to Washington explained in the Southem Israelite. in 1947 to testify in support of a bill to give federal aid to public 3e cause of civil rights jeopardize the schools. The New York rabbi and head of the AJCongress cherished the -nunities in the South, threaten their public school system and credited it for elevating American Jews in just position, and ultimately even their two generations from immigrant status to full-fledged citizens. In the public schools, second-generation Jews strengthened their identity as rabbi in one of the South's largest Americans when they spoke English, learned about the American :ununities where congregants opposed democratic tradition, and met children from different religious and poken out, and to have done so would immigrant groups. In the eyes of the Jewish community, public schools and anti-Semitism, if not, indeed, acted as a social equalizer, giving less advantaged Americans the -ommunity." Rabbi Moses Landau, linguistic, social, and educational skills necessary for social ssissippi's Jews, explained that if he advancement. :lts movement, "it would have been Southern legislators, fearful of opening the doors of their !!\fter that single day, he stated, "I segregated schoolhouses to Washington's influence, attached an ie anymore." With the prevailing amendment to the federal aid bill to limit federal influence in southern :ugued, "the Jewish community could schools and bar the dismantlement of the segregated school system. they were in any way involved in the They considered federal support for state schools a threat to the racial status quo. Without even raising a specific objection to the Jewish ; movement offered Jews a powerful community'S goals of stronger public education, southern lawmakers ~nd civically responsible American complicated Wise's political strategy. Ideally, the New York rabbi ; of legal equality, critical to the story would have wanted to argue for stronger public schools as a Jewish ty, proved elusive in the black South. leader concerned about his constituents. By introducing race into the oil rights wagon, northern Jews linked equation, the southerners forced Wise to comment on an unrelated !Dority with their faith and confidence topic: namely, Jewish attitudes toward segregated schools in the South. wish leaders never tired of explaining Wise then faced a crucial test of Jewish identity as he tried to African-Americans from arbitrary navigate through the shoals of American racial politics. If he honored aranteed the sanctity of Jewish rights. his commitment to racial equality and refused to allow the southern ity Relations Council explained, "The amendment, he doomed the bill's chances for success and, with it, an cure, is itself secure, only to the extent opportunity to help build a pluralist and integrated foundation to Is enjoy full equality." Geographically American identity. If he sidestepped the thorny issue of segregation in m Crow laws, or their fear-invoking southern schools, he would exclude African-Americans from his ideal onists, northern Jews felt confident in public school system and limit the ability of the nation's children to interact with one another. rew complex even for northern Jews While he began his testimony by condemning state-mandated d Jews came into conflict. At these segregation, Wise fell in line behind southerners who demanded that that their similarities to southern Jews federal aid to education not be used "as a means to attack the they ever imagined. Conceptions of segregated school system." Wise assuaged his potential critics by led inextricably tied to the particular invoking the "separate but equal" doctrine of the Supreme Court's al culture. While it was difficult for Plessy v. Ferguson case. "So long as the law guarantees that States civil rights movement as a vehicle for having segregated school systems do not discriminate financially 1 Jews also faced similar tests when against children in minority schools, we believe that the bill should be ~s clashed with the social needs of supported," Wise affirmed. Like most liberals of the era, Wise lobbied for the political success of his favored bill instead of waging a more difficult defense of racial equality.25 20 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY DOLL

Ultimately, southern and northern Jews shared much more in Jewish ethnic expression. In the e common than either may have thought or wished. Each chose a form of revival, mainstream Jewish leaders Jewish identity that accommodated to their region's larger political force in Jewish identity formation culture just as it served their particular needs as Jews. In the North, that anti-Jewish component. Jewish Ie demanded a nation committed to equal rights for all. By supporting the models for their own identity f civil rights movement, urban Jews could reaffirm a nation friendly to Gittelsohn, himself a member of Jews just as they projected the most benevolent form of intergroup Committee on Civil Rights, obser cooperation. In the South, the perpetuation of a distinctive Jewish power is its search for ethnic ide culture mandated a separation between what they termed the "religious" should be able to understand l and the "political." Congregational calls to "keep politics off the pulpit" American Negro today is in th served as an attempt to preserve a distinctive southern Jewish life experience of American Jews a ge amidst some of the nation's worst racial discrimination. Hertzberg lamented, "Perhaps tt A decade later, the black-Jewish civil rights alliance collapsed with frightening picture is in the fact th the rise of the Black Power movement. As even a casual observer can able to understand the rhetoric of attest, there was reason for pessimism. Leaders of the new black most directly on the firing line of i nationalist movement abandoned interracial cooperation, embraced a Central Conference of American R form of social separation rooted in anti-Semitism, and called for of this painful withdrawal into se violence and revolutionary change. Jews who had led white America in AJCongress understood "why bla the cause of racial justice endured charges of paternalism and destiny.,m opportunism from members of the very community they had sought to When African-American activ help. In December 1969, Black Panther leader Eldridge Cleaver Jews began to re-evaluate their OWl proclaimed that his organization "fully supports Arab guerillas in the American Jewish Committee trie< Middle East" and proclaimed, "Zionists wherever they may be, are our nationalism to its own accommodatl enemies." Jewish concerns intensified just one month later when CBS held, "stresses black initiative, bla news reported that Fatah, the PLO faction headed by Yasir Arafat, was pride. Black Power seeks the g considering a plan to train Black Panther activists "in actual combat economic and political power. BI against Israel to prepare them for a sabotage and assassination development. Black Power strives campaign in the United States." Similar sentiments dominated other permit it to achieve the above goals high-profile confrontations between Jews and African-Americans.26 whites as psychological, social, ar Just as they had in the New Deal and civil rights eras, Jewish Jewish leader Earl Raab concluded leaders in the mid to late 1960s called on universal elements of the the Jewish community-and Ameri< larger political culture to strengthen American Jewish identity. Their pluralist politics.,,28 accommodation to the Black Power-inspired identity politics of the As they had in the New Deal i 1960s launched one of the most impressive Jewish ethnic revivals in pressed for responses that merged 1 modern American history. What Hansen may have considered a return of identity. In the American Jewish to the grandparents' tradition should be described more accurately as a example, Jewish activists borrowed Jewish-centered emulation of black nationalist ideology and strategy. book, imitating the style, techniq American Jews engaged their African-American contemporaries as protests. Just as Martin Luther King much as they did their Jewish ancestors. Had it not been for the casting the civil rights struggle in expansion of identity politics in 1960s American life, Jews would not Soviet Jewry movement promoted have been able to rediscover their tradition or support programs that theme, anti-Communism, to link . raised the public profile of American Jewish life. larger, American Christian majoril In a dramatic illustration of contrarian history, the rise of black rights abuses, Jewish activists not c anti-Semitism inspired a counterintuitive movement toward heightened brethren, but also took advantage 0 )RARY JEWRY DOLLINGER 21

Jrthern Jews shared much more in Jewish ethnic expression. In the early years of the cultural-nationalist ught or wished. Ea€h chose a form of revival, mainstream Jewish leaders embraced Black Power as a positive led to their region's larger political force in Jewish identity formation even as they condemned it for its :ular needs as Jews. In the North, that anti-Jewish component. Jewish leaders looked to black activists as equal rights for all. By supporting the models for their own identity formation. Boston's Rabbi Roland .s could reaffirm a nation friendly to Gittelsohn, himself a member of Harry Truman's 1947 President's most benevolent form of intergroup Committee on Civil Rights, observed, "The positive aspect of black perpetuation of a distinctive Jewish power is its search for ethnic identity. This, we Jews of all peoples ween what they termed the "religious" should be able to understand and approve," he explained, "the II calls to "keep politics off the pulpit" American Negro today is in this respect retracing precisely the "e a distinctive southern Jewish life experience of American Jews a generation or two ago." Rabbi Arthur racial discrimination. Hertzberg lamented, "Perhaps the saddest element in this whole ish civil rights alliance collapsed with frightening picture is in the fact that Jews are the people who are best ~ment. As even a casual observer can able to understand the rhetoric of Black Power, even though they are ;simism. Leaders of the new black most directly on the firing line of its attack." The Reform movement's interracial cooperation, embraced a Central Conference of American Rabbis was "especially understanding d in anti-Semitism, and called for of this painful withdrawal into separatism and nationalism" and the ;l. Jews who had led white America in AJCongress understood "why black men seek to shape their own dured charges of paternalism and destiny.'.27 e very community they had sought to When African-American activists declared, "Black is beautiful," k Panther leader Eldridge Cleaver Jews began to re-evaluate their own public posture. Even the moderate "fully supports Arab guerillas in the American Jewish Committee tried to link African-American ethnic ionists wherever they may be, are our nationalism to its own accommodationist perspective. "Black Power," it ;ified just one month later when CBS held, "stresses black initiative, black self-worth, black identity, black ) faction headed by Yasir Arafat, was pride. Black Power seeks the growth and development of black k Panther activists "in actual combat economic and political power. Black Power seeks black leadership . for a sabotage and assassination development. Black Power strives for a form of separation which will Similar sentiments dominated other permit it to achieve the above goals and then to enter into coalition with ;In Jews and African-Americans.26 whites as psychological, social, and political equals." San Francisco oN Deal and civil rights eras, Jewish Jewish leader Earl Raab concluded, "The black Revolution is spurring ; called on universal elements of the the Jewish community-and America-into a renewed understanding of :hen American Jewish identity. Their pluralist politics.,,28 )wer-inspired identity politics of the As they had in the New Deal and civil rights eras, Jewish leaders impressive Jewish ethnic revivals in pressed for responses that merged universalist and particularist aspects Hansen may have considered a return of identity. In the American Jewish campaign to rescue Soviet Jews, for uld be described more accurately as a example, Jewish activists borrowed a page from the civil rights strategy lck nationalist ideology and strategy. book, imitating the style, technique, and rhetoric of earlier liberal African-American contemporaries as protests. Just as Martin Luther King, Jr., sought white liberal support by ancestors. Had it not been for the casting the civil rights struggle in universalist terms, leaders of the 1960s American life, Jews would not Soviet Jewry movement promoted an-all important accommodationist ~ir tradition or support programs that theme, anti-Communism, to link Jewish interests with those of the can Jewish life. larger, American Christian majority. By focusing on Soviet human , contrarian history, the rise of black rights abuses, Jewish activists not only helped their Eastern European .ntuitive movement toward heightened brethren, but also took advantage of American Cold War opposition to 22 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY DOLLIl

the Communist state. In 1972, Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson of topping 82,000 in 160 different Washington State rallied 76 colleagues to co-sponsor legislation tying secularist influences of the "wh U.S. economic incentives to the human rights records of Communist princi~~ls and day school boards nations. An April 1972 House of Representatives resolution calling on study. "the Soviet government to permit the free expression of ideas and the Ritualistic Judaism, shunned b: exercise of religion by all its citizens" passed by a 360-0 vote. 29 the 1950s consensus, re-emerged The Student Struggle For Soviet Jewry estimated that 28 percent of revolution. The Chabad movement! its activists had participated in the civil rights movement. When asked across the country while a host of ; why American Jews should protest the condition of Soviet Jews, Jacob offered once-marginal Jews a path I Birnbaum, the organization's founder, responded, "Many young Jews Catalog, Richard Siegel, Michael ~ today forget that if injustice cannot be condoned in Selma, USA, neither how-to guide for Jewish observance must it be overlooked in Kiev, USSR." One of the earliest meetings, a after it was released by the Jew Conference on the Status of Soviet Jews held in October of 1963, Synagogues enjoyed strong demand counted civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr., Supreme Court middle generations made up for Ie Justice William O. Douglas, and labor leader Walter Reuther as abandoned their assimilationist roots sponsors. In one high-profile protest, the 1974 "Freedom Ride" from observance. Israel Dresner, a Refom the capital to Seattle, Jewish leaders invoked memories of the 1961 be disappointed "if suddenly tomon civil rights bus protests to draw parallels between the oppression of to walk into their white-collar jobs blacks in the American South and Jews in the Soviet Union. "With its shtreimel." Dresner, reflecting the c peaceful tactics," one historian explained, the Soviet Jewry movement his movement, urged his congregant: "satisfied the needs of those who could not subscribe to the student Jewish education and called for the c militancy of the late sixties.,,30 The Black Power-inspired ethl Yet the struggle to save Soviet Jews also embraced particularist translated into renewed American Je strategies pioneered by black nationalists. By the late 1960s, Jewish Zionism, which lacked strong Amer leaders abandoned much of their interracial agenda in favor of a early 1960s, gained strength in the I movement focused on the needs of the Jewish community. College-age broke out between Israel and its /J Jewish youths who once spent their summers registering voters in Jews reacted with such an outpo Mississippi journeyed instead to the Soviet Union where they leadership was surprised. In a 15-mi consciously broke the law by smuggling prayer shawls, yarmulkes, and York luncheon pledged 15 million prayer books for Soviet Jewish refuseniks. Rabbis faced arrest for their Jewish Appeal's Israel Emergency I protests in front of Soviet consulate buildings and thousands joined dollars in just 18 days. The 1967 mass rallies in Washington. While the Soviet Jewry movement began at previous year's effort. Public opinio the height of the 1950s anti-Communist purges, it was not until the every hundred Jews expressed their advent of ethnic nationalist politics that the struggle to free Soviet Jews 7,500 American Jews gathered th, gained national and international attention. Jews in the early postwar Israel, and took over the civilian job years, while mindful of the threat posed by Soviet authorities, chose to following the war, another 53,0< focus their attention on domestic racism. Only after the civil rights belongings and moved to the : coalition fell apart and the nation's political culture encouraged ethnic nontraditional religious backgroul activism did Jews embrace Soviet Jewry. opportunity to help create an ide. Jewish day schools, initially embraced as an alternative to court­ enjoyed a status and prestige unmatl ordered busing programs, evolved into important centers for Jewish synagogues, Jewish day schools, anc education at both the primary and secondary levels. In 1955, 180 curricula on Israeli history, life, and, Jewish day schools served 35,500 students in 68 communities. Twenty After the war, relations betwet years later, the number of schools ballooned to 425 with an enrollment States soured when many African­ IRARY JEWRY DOLLINGER 23

Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson of topping 82,000 in 160 different American cities and towns. The .agues to co-sponsor legislation tying secularist influences of the "white-flight" crowd diminished as human rights records of Communist princi~als and day school boards opted for more intensive Jewish Representatives resolution calling on study. I the free expression of ideas and the Ritualistic Judaism, shunned by most non-Orthodox Jews during ns" passed by a 360-0 vote. 29 the 1950s consensus, re-emerged in the wake of the civil rights -iet Jewry estimated that 28 percent of revolution. The Chabad movement set up centers on college campuses :e civil rights movement. When asked across the country while a host of alternative Jewish religious centers .t the condition of Soviet Jews, Jacob offered once-marginal Jews a path to spiritual redemption. The Jewish nder, responded, "Many young Jews Catalog, Richard Siegel, Michael Strassfeld, and Sharon Strassfeld's l be condoned in Selma, USA, neither how-to guide for Jewish observance. ranked second only to the Bible :iSR." One of the earliest meetings, a after it was released by the Jewish Publication Society in 1973. ....iet Jews held in October of 1963, Synagogues enjoyed strong demand for adult education classes as these on Luther King, Jr., Supreme Court middle generations made up for lost educational time. Reform Jews Id labor leader Walter Reuther as abandoned their assimilationist roots and called for heightened levels of lest, the 1974 "Freedom Ride" from observance. Israel Dresner, a Reform rabbi, explained that he would not eers invoked memories of the 1961 be disappointed "if suddenly tomorrow a million American Jews were parallels between the oppression of to walk into their white-collar jobs wearing a kapote, a beard, and a I Jews in the Soviet Union. "With its shtreimel." Dresner, reflecting the dramatic theological realignment in ~plained, the Soviet Jewry movement his movement, urged his congregants to give their children a traditional ::> could not subscribe to the student Jewish education and called for the creation of Reform yeshivas.32 The Black Power-inspired ethnic nationalism of the 1960s also ,iet Jews also embraced particularist translated into renewed American Jewish interest in the State of Israel. lionalists. By the late 1960s, Jewish Zionism, which lacked strong American support during the 1950s and :ir interracial agenda in favor of a early 1960s, gained strength in the last years of the decade. When war Jf the Jewish community. College-age broke out between Israel and its Arab neighbors in 1967, American their summers registering voters in Jews reacted with such an outpouring of support that even their to the Soviet Union where they leadership was surprised. In a 15-minute spurt, wealthy givers at a New Iggling prayer shawls, yarmulkes, and York luncheon pledged 15 million dollars for Israel while the United fuseniks. Rabbis faced arrest for their Jewish Appeal's Israel Emergency Fund raised more than 100 million Jlate buildings and thousands joined dollars in just 18 days. The 1967 campaign more than doubled the ~ the Soviet Jewry movement began at previous year's effort. Public opinion polls revealed "ninety-nine out of :nmunist purges, it was not until the every hundred Jews expressed their strong sympathy with Israel." Over :s that the struggle to free Soviet Jews 7,500 American Jews gathered their passports, boarded planes for attention. Jews in the early postwar Israel, and took over the civilian jobs of Israeli soldiers. In the six years posed by Soviet authorities, chose to following the war, another 53,000 American Jews packed their oC racism. Only after the civil rights belongings and moved to the Jewish state. Most hailed from I'S political culture encouraged ethnic nontraditional religious backgrounds and viewed aliyah as an Jewry. opportunity to help create an idealistic Jewish homeland. Zionism embraced as an alternative to court­ enjoyed a status and prestige unmatched in American Jewish history as ~d into important centers for Jewish synagogues, Jewish day schools, and summer camps added educational and secondary levels. In 1955, 180 curricula on Israeli history, life, and culture.33 ) students in 68 communities. Twenty After the war, relations between blacks and Jews in the United ; ballooned to 425 with an enrollment States soured when many African-American militants sided with the 24 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY DOLl

Palestinian cause and linked the Israeli government to imperialist aggression. Yet American Zionists expressed unusual empathy for black NOTES nationalists, whom they saw in the same spirit as Jewish freedom fighters. Mixing Zionist ideology with the ethnic politics of 1960s I Lisa Keys, "Mares Beget Maxes America, Jews paralleled their love of Israel to the spirit of African­ Babies," Forward, January 18, 2(} American ethnic nationalism. Rabbi Dov Peretz Elkins noted that http://www.forward.comlissues/21 "black power is nothing more and nothing less than Negro Zionism," 2 See Marcus Lee Hansen, The while Hertzberg considered Stokely Carmichael "the most radical kind Immigrant (Augustana Historica­ of Negro Zionist. He talks exactly the language of those Jews who felt American History (Harvard Uni" most violently angry at the sight of Hitler and most hurt by the good Migration. 1607-1860; a Histo') people who stood aside." Rabbi Gittelsohn argued, "The Black Power United States (Harvard University advocate is the Negro's Zionists. Africa is his Israel." Shad Polier of the 3 See, for example, Deborah Dash AJCongress observed that "to the British people, the Stern gang in Generation New York Jews (Co­ Israel was no less extremist than the Black Nationalists-the so-called also Johns Hopkins University: Muslim movement-in the eyes of the American people." For Ben America" especially Gerald SOT: Halpern, Black Power's "fundamental meaning is quite clear: it means Migration. 1880·1920, Henry exactly the same as the equally vague term of 'auto emancipation' with Entering the Mainstream. 1920-1­ which Jewish nationalism began in the 1880s.,,34 Healing, American Jewry Since Vi In the past 30 years, American Jews have reconstructed much of 4 The definition of "Americannes~ their tradition. Contemporary Jews, inheritors of both their especially, studies completed on J community'S economic success and the multicultural emphasis of creation of American popular cui' American life, enjoy unprecedented opportunities to express their Own: How the Jews Invented jj identities on their own terms. Jewish day schools proliferate in Whitfield. In Search of Ameri. communities with quality public schools. Renewed associational Brandeis University Press, 1999). networks have reinvented the Jewish neighborhood, the local 5 Gary Gerstle, Working-Class AI synagogue, and even the popularity of the internet-based J-date A Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambl matchmaking service. 6 Lizabeth Cohen, Making A New­ Today's Jews, however, have not been returning to the Old World 1919-1939 (Cambridge Universit~ past. They are, instead, reinventing themselves as thoroughly modern 7 Cohen, Making A New Deal, p.B: Americans even as they reflect on their own Jewish history. The shtetls 8 Speech by Benjamin Selekman, of Eastern Europe have been transformed into romantic Anatevkas Jewish Federations and Welfare while Manhattan's Lower East Side, according to Hasia Diner, Volume 36, 1934-35, p.65. developed as a powerful and mythical force in the American Jewish 9 American Jewish Year Book, historical imagination. We live neither in a melting pot nor a salad Jewish Social Work. 1931, p.31; bowl. Hansen's generations do not describe the development of Welfare, 1899-1952, Philadelphia American Jewish identity. The construction of American Jewish identity 10 Proceedings. National Confer confounds these traditional interpretations and challenges us to look ~.11-12. beyond linear interpretations. Our future studies must investigate the I Proceedings, National Confer dynamic tensions that animate the relationship between Jewishness and p:. 88-89. Americanness over time, over place, and between all sorts of Jews. This 2 Proceedings. National Confe, will bring us to a more vibrant and accurate assessment of identity Jewish Social Work, 1935, p.20; formation and reveal the important ways accommodationist themes Jewish Social Service. 1935, p.]( have defined American Jewish historical and sociological experiences.35 Of Jewish Social Welfare. 1937, Book, Volume 38, 1936-37, P lRARY JEWRY DOLLINGER 25

e Israeli government to imperialist expressed unusual empathy for black NOTES the same spirit as Jewish freedom If with the ethnic politics of 1960s I Lisa Keys, "Mares Beget Maxes as Parents Tag Old-World Names on ve of Israel to the spirit of African­ Babies," Forward, January 18,2002, abbi Dov Peretz Elkins noted that http://www.forward.com/issuesI2002/02.01.18/fastl.html. d nothing less than Negro Zionism," 2 See Marcus Lee Hansen, The Problem of the Third Generation Iy Carmichael "the most radical kind Immigrant (Augustana Historical Society, 1938), The Immigrant in • the language of those Jews who felt American History (Harvard University Press, 1940) and The Atlantic of Hitler and most hurt by the good Migration. 1607-1860; a History of the Continuing Settlement of the ]ittelsohn argued, "The Black Power United States (Harvard University Press, 1940). \frica is his Israel." Shad Polier of the 3 See, for example, Deborah Dash Moore, At Home In America: Second Ie British people, the Stern gang in Generation New York Jews (Columbia University Press, 1981). See the Black Nationalists-the so-called also Johns Hopkins University Press series, "The Jewish People In of the American people." For Ben America" especially Gerald Sorin, A Time for Building: The Third ~ntal meaning is quite clear: it means Migration. 1880-1920, Henry Feingold, A Time For Searching: _gue term of 'auto emancipation' with Entering the Mainstream. 1920-1945, and Edward Shapiro, A Time For I the 1880s.,,34 Healing. American Jewry Since World War II. .an Jews have reconstructed much of 4 The definition of "Americanness" has also reflected Jewish traits. See, Jews, inheritors of both their especially, studies completed on Jewish influence in Hollywood and the and the multicultural emphasis of creation of American popular culture. Neal Gabler, An Empire of Their nted opportunities to express their Own: How the Jews Invented Hollywood (Crown, 1988); Stephen 1. Jewish day schools proliferate in Whitfield. In Search of American Jewish Culture (Hanover, NH: ic schools. Renewed associational Brandeis University Press, 1999). Jewish neighborhood, the local 5 Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics Of Labor In llarity of the internet-based J-date A Textile City. 1914-1960 (Cambridge University Press, 1989), p.7. 6 Lizabeth Cohen, Making A New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago. : not been returning to the Old World 1919-1939 (Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 8 & 362. ng themselves as thoroughly modern 7 Cohen, Making A New Deal, p.8 & 362. I their own Jewish history. The shtetls 8 Speech by Benjamin Selekman, meeting of the National Conference of ~ansformed into romantic Anatevkas Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, American Jewish Year Book, Side, according to Hasia Diner, Volume 36, 1934-35, p.65. lthical force in the American Jewish 9 American Jewish Year Book, Volume 33, 1931-1932. p.381, 29; leither in a melting pot nor a salad Jewish Social Work. 1931, p.31; Trends and Issues in Jewish Social not describe the development of Welfare. 1899-1952, Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Society, p.280. lstruction of American Jewish identity 10 Proceedings. National Conference of Jewish Social Service, 1936, pretations and challenges us to look ~.11-12. Ir future studies must investigate the I Proceedings. National Conference of Jewish Social Service. 1928. : relationship between Jewishness and p:. 88-89. ;e, and between all sorts of Jews. This 2 Proceedings. National Conference On Jewish Welfare. 1935, p.l; and accurate assessment of identity Jewish Social Work. 1935, p.20; Proceedings, National Conference Of tant ways accommodationist themes Jewish Social Service, 1935, p.104; Proceedings. National Conference torical and sociological experiences.35 Of Jewish Social Welfare. 1937, p.53, 12, 60; American Jewish Year Book, Volume 38, 1936-37, p.235; United Jewish Welfare Fund 26 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY DOLL

Yearbook, J938, p.32-33; United Jewish Welfare Fund Yearbook. 21 Krause, "The Southern Rabbi an. J939, p.48-49. Southern Rabbi and Civil Rights, 13 Feingold, A Time For Searching, p. 235; Menahem Kaufman, An "Role of the Rabbi in the South," a! Ambiguous Partnership: Non Zionists and Zionists in America. J939­ Melvin I. Urofsky, eds., Tum To T. J948 (Wayne State University Press, 1991), p.47; Charles Shulman, (University Press of Virginia, 1979 "Boycott of Germany-What Course Shall The Jews Follow," 22 Isaac Toubin, "Recklessness or Manuscript Collection 124, box 3, folder 4, p.3, American Jewish 27 Feb. 1959, p.13-15, cited in Archives (AJA) (Cincinnati, Ohio). Bombed" (Atlanta, 1958), Ameri 14 George Backer, Proceedings, The J937 General Assembly, Council November 1971. of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, 7-8. Administration-U.S. 23 William S. Malev, "The Jew State Dept. 1933-45, J.N. Rosenberg-J.e. Hyman, Sept. 9, 1939, Segregation," Conservative Judai Archives of JDC, New York, New York as quoted in Yehuda Bauer, Krause, "The Southern Rabbi and ( American Jewry and the Holocaust, Wayne State Press, 1981, p.35. 24 "Program of Action for the C 15 Mark A. Raider, Jonathan D. Sarna, and Ronald W. Zweig, eds., Present Race Relations Emergen. Abba Hillel Silver and American Zionism~ Cass, 1997; Moshe Gottlieb, Collection 202, Box 16, Folder 4 "The Anti-Nazi Boycott Movement in the American Jewish Cincinnati Jewish Community Community, 1933-1941," (Ph.D. dissertation, Brandeis University, Emergency," July 15, 1963, p.3, I 1967); Gottlieb, "The Anti-Nazi Boycott Movement in the United Folder 1, AJA. States: An Ideological and Sociological Appreciation," Jewish Social 25 "Statement of Stephen S. Wise, I Studies, volume 35, July 1973, p.198. Aid to Education, Before The E 16 Samuel Dinin, "Conflicting Issues in Jewish Education," Senate Committee on Labor and P. "Proceedings of the National Conference of Jewish Social Welfare," April 25, 1947," Papers of Stephel appearing in The Jewish Social Service Quarterly, volume 18, Historical Society (AJHS), New Yc September 1941, p.80. 26 Eldridge Cleaver, New York Ti". 17 American Jews looked with pride on their historic commitment to Siegel, "Danger on the Left, II,''' racial equality. See Murray Friedman, Utopian Dilemma: New Political Thought volume 2, 1970, p.30. Directions For American Jews, Ethics and Public Policy Center (Bryn 27 Roland B. Gittelsohn, Fire In • Mawr, 1985), p.24. Time of Crisis (New York, Bloch, 18 Some recent studies include Mark K. Bauman and Berkley Kalin, and Jew: An Encounter in Amer eds., The Quiet Voices: Southern Rabbis and Black Civil Rights, J880s p.72; "Communities in Perplexity,' to J990s (University of Alabama Press, 1997), Debra L. Schultz, Going the Central Conference of Americc South: Jewish Women in the Civil Rights Movement (New York race relations Shabbat, February L University Press, 2001); Melissa Fay Greene, The Temple Bombing AJA; "Keep the Faith," nd., I-~ (Fawcett, 1996). National Biennial Convention, Ma) 19 See Bauman and Kalin, eds., The Quiet Voices; Allen Krause, "The 28 Earl Raab, "The Black Rev. Southern Rabbi and Civil Rights" (Rabbinic thesis, Hebrew Union Commentary, volume 43, January I College-Jewish Institute of Religion, 1967), p.26; World Almanac, 29 William W. Orbach, The Amer 1964, p.261, cited in Krause, "The Southern Rabbi and Civil Rights," Amherst, University of Massachus~ f<.20. 30 Orbach, The American Movemer. o Theodore Lowi, "Southern Jews: The Two Communities," Jewish 31 Egon Mayer and Chaim I. Wax. Journal of Sociology, volume 6 July 1964; Krause, "The Southern America: Toward the Year 2000," Rabbi and Civil Rights," p.16-l7; Jackson State Times, 24 October p.9, in Chaim I Waxman, Americ. 1958, cited in Krause, "The Southern Rabbi and Civil Rights," p.l7. Movement, Wayne State Universit) RARY JEWRY DOLLINGER 27

d Jewish Welfare Fund Yearbook. 21 Krause, "The Southern Rabbi and Civil Rights," p.145; Krause, "The Southern Rabbi and Civil Rights, Part Two," p.317; Malcolm Stern, ~g, p. 235; Menahem Kaufman, An "Role of the Rabbi in the South," appearing in Nathan M. Kaganoff and t'lists and Zionists in America. 1939­Melvin I. Urofsky, eds., Tum To The South: Essays On Southern Jewry ress, 1991), p.47; Charles Shulman. (University Press of Virginia, 1979), p.31. :ourse Shall The Jews Follow," 22 Isaac Toubin, "Recklessness or Responsibility," Southern Israelite, 3, folder 4, p.3, American Jewish 27 Feb. 1959, p.13-15, cited in Arnold Shankman, "A Temple Is Bombed" (Atlanta, 1958), American Jewish Archives, volume 23, ne 1937 General Assembly, Council November 1971. :u-e Funds, 7-8. Administration-U.S. 23 William S. Malev, "The Jew of the South in the Conflict of :nberg-J.e. Hyman, Sept. 9, 1939, Segregation," Conservative Judaism, volume 13, Fall 1958, p.36; .;{ York as quoted in Yehuda Bauer, Krause, "The Southern Rabbi and Civil Rights," p.69-70, 78. t, Wayne State Press, 1981, p.35. 24 "Program of Action for the Cincinnati Jewish Community in the Sarna, and Ronald W. Zweig, eds., Present Race Relations Emergency," Appendix A, p.3, Manuscript ~ionism~ Cass, 1997; Moshe Gottlieb, Collection 202, Box 16, Folder 4, AJA; "Program of Action for the ement in the American Jewish Cincinnati Jewish Community in the Present Race Relations dissertation, Brandeis University, Emergency," July 15, 1963, p.3, Manuscript Collection 202, Box 17, Boycott Movement in the United Folder 1, AJA. logical Appreciation," Jewish Social 25 "Statement of Stephen S. Wise, In Respect to Legislation For Federal 98. Aid to Education, Before The Subcommittee on Education of the ~ Issues in Jewish Education," Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare (S. 80, 170, 199,472). nference of Jewish Social Welfare," April 25, 1947," Papers of Stephen S. Wise, Box 64, American Jewish =:II Service Quarterly, volume 18, Historical Society (AJHS), New York, NY. 26 Eldridge Cleaver, New York Times, 31 December 1969, in Seymour -ide on their historic commitment to Siegel, "Danger on the Left, II," Ideas. A Journal of Conservative Jan, Utopian Dilemma: New Political Thought volume 2, 1970, p.30. thics and Public Policy Center (Bryn 27 Roland B. Gittelsohn, Fire In My Bones: Essays on Judaism in a Time of Crisis (New York, Bloch, 1969), p.53; Shlomo Katz, ed. Negro 1ark K. Bauman and Berkley Kalin, and Jew: An Encounter in America (New York, Macmillan, 1967), Rabbis and Black Civil Rights, 1880s p.72; "Communities in Perplexity," p.2, from a brochure distributed by :>Cess, 1997), Debra L. Schultz, Going the Central Conference of American Rabbis (Reform) in observance of ::ivil Rights Movement (New York race relations Shabbat, February 17, 1969, New York, NY. SC 8789, Fay Greene, The Temple Bombing AJA; "Keep the Faith," nd., 1-77, box 12, folder "Delegates Kit National Biennial Convention, May 20-24, 1970, pA, AJHS. 'he Quiet Voices; Allen Krause, "The 28 Earl Raab, "The Black Revolution and the Negro Question," .s" (Rabbinic thesis, Hebrew Union Commentary, volume 43, January 1969, p. 32. ~ion, 1967), p.26; World Almanac, 29 William W. Orbach, The American Movement to Aid Soviet Jews, le Southern Rabbi and Civil Rights," Amherst, University of Massachusetts Press, 1979, p. vii, 129. 30 Orbach, The American Movement to Aid Soviet Jews, pA, 5, 20. 1,'S: The Two Communities," Jewish 31 Egon Mayer and Chaim I. Waxman, "Modern Jewish Orthodoxy in July 1964; Krause, "The Southern America: Toward the Year 2000," Tradition, volume 16, Spring 1977, 7; Jackson State Times, 24 October p.9, in Chaim I Waxman, American Aliyah: Portrait of an Innovative ~rn Rabbi and Civil Rights," p. 17. Movement, Wayne State University Press, 1989, p.122. 28 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY D

Multiple • 32 Riv-Ellen Prell, Prayer & Community: The Havurah in American Religious, Ethnic, and: Judaism (Wayne State University Press, Detroit, 1989), p.16; Rabbi Israel Dresner, "Communities in Perplexity, Transcript of a Discussion Has of the Problem of Blacks and Jews," p.21, February 17, 1969, New NewYol York, NY, SC-8789, AJA. 33 Sorin, Tradition Transformed: The Jewish Experience in America The history of Jewish intergn (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), p.215; Wertheimer, 'The understanding the history of Jewi Turbulent Sixties," appearing in Jonathan D. Sarna, ed., The American relations, at least as I am using i. Jewish Experience (Holmes and Meier, 1986), p.340; Shapiro, A Time projects, programs, and endeavc For Healing, p.208. which they have linked their stal 34 Katz, Negro and Jew~ p.72; Gittelsohn, Fire in my Bones, p.55; "The other groups similarly situated. Jew and the Racial Crisis," Address by Shad Polier, Chairman of the group-in this case, Jews-unde Governing Council, American Jewish Congress, at the American Jewish live-local or national-as mad Congress National Biennial Convention, April 16, I964-Hotel shares certain commonalties, incl Carillon, Miami Beach, FL, 1-77, Box 11, p. 1, American Jewish majority. The "inter" part of tt Historical Society, New York, NY; Ben Halpern, "Negro-Jewish question has chosen consciously Relations In America: A Symposium," Midstream, volume 12, with those other groups and to I December 1966, p,44. them. The "relations" aspect irr 35 See Hasia R. Diner, Jeffrey Shandler, and Beth S. Wenger, eds., which is only a very specific kind Lower East Side Memories: A Jewish Place in America (Princeton The period in American Jew University Press, 2000); Hasia R. Diner, Remembering the Lower East political behavior was dominate Side: American Jewish Reflections (Indiana University Press, 2000). aftermath of the Holocaust. In th See also Henry 1. Feingold, Lest Memory Cease: Finding Meaning in broad set of activities pursued b the American Jewish Past (Syracuse University Press, 1996). characterized on the national lev the American Jewish Comrnitt League and the National Council the newly formed chapters of the with Jewish community council~ 1930s and 1940s as the practiti organizations, their professional s other Americans. They pursued defuse the potentially explosive {: era. The establishment of Jewish i as the "human relations" professil a massive public-relations camp written, spoken and visual media of all Americans. Through the r through radio, film strips, pamph sought to reach a wide breac intergroup relations professional: prejudice against any group harm worked with Hollywood, hoping who would see, hear, and be I