Silver hoards in Sarni areas

Marte Spangen The Museum of Cultural History, N-0130 Oslo, Norway

Abstract Introduction

The Viking and Middle Age silver hoards have The silver hoards are a si gnificant group of often been assumed to be simply hidden eco- finds from the Viking and Early Middle Ages in nomic resources. However, while the silver ofthe northern Europe. Such hoards are particularly hoards from these periods may previously have common in southern Scandinavia, but are also circulated in a certain economic sphere, the found in a significant amount in Finland, the Baltic hoarding practice itself and the content of the states, northern Poland, north-eastern Germany, hoards show similarities to hoardings of earlier Great Britain, and in northern Fennoscandia. A periods that were probably related to an ancient lot of attention has been dedicated to the South fertility cult. The similarities suggest that the Vi- Scandinavian hoards (e.g. Burstrom 1993; king Age and Early Middle Age hoards should be Graham-Campbell 1992; 1994; Hedeager 1999; interpreted as ritual deposits too. The late occur- 2003; Hardh 1976a; 1976b; Skovmand 1942; rence ofs ilver hoards in northern Fennoscandia Stenberger 1947; 1958; Thurborg 1988; 1989 ; may indicate the adoption of a Norse offering Zachrisson 1998). In northern Fennoscandia tradition in an unsettling time of changes in so- these finds have not been discussed as much - ciety and beliefsystems. The tradition may have perhaps because of their scarcity in relation to been adopted by a previously "hybrid" popula- the vast geographic area. The northern hoards tion living in the interface between Norse and have been included in certain studies of silver Sarni cultural groups. A hybrid group could have hoards of larger areas (e.g. Rygh 1 877; Grieg avoided the harsh methods of Christianization 1929; Hardh 1996) and in studies of the Iron Age by leaning towards Sarni contacts and identity, in general (e.g. Kivikoski 1964; Sj0vold 1974). though at the same time bringing with them cer- However, most often they have been discussed tain elements that were characteristic of the old in monographs that have other primary objects Norse faith. of study ( e.g. Odner 1983; Olsen 2000; Reymert 1980; Schanche 2000; Serning 1956). Only Keywords: short reports on new finds treat the si lver hoards si lver hoards, treasures, Viking Age, Middle in particular (e.g. Nosov et al. 1992; Ojanlatva Age, fertility cult, economic spheres, cultural 2003; Stams0 Munch 1970; 1978; Storli 2006). identity. In earlier work I have aimed to analyse the hoards in northern Norway in a more thorough

94 RECENT PERSPECTIVES ON SAMI ARCHAEOLOGY ISKOS 17 SILVER HOARDS IN SAMI AREAS

and contextualizing manner (Spangen 2005). The Norwegian record also shows other This article summarizes some of my conclu- distinct differences between the contents of sions. The first part of the article provides some hoards and the contents of graves. Both hoards background information on the hoards and their and graves may contain arm rings, penannular history, context, and meaning, primarily based brooches and finger rings, but these are of differ- on information from the Norse areas where they ent types and are made from different metals ac- are most frequently found. The second part of cording to the context (cf. Grieg 1929; Spangen the article concentrates on the silver hoards' re- 2005: 43ff; Petersen 1928). For instance, many lation to Sarni culture. The article is based on Norwegian hoards include large silver penannu- my short lecture at the seminar in Rovaniemi in lar brooches. Also graves include such brooch- October 2006. es, but these are smaller and most often made from bronze (Petersen 1928: 174-174). Bronze The silver hoards in general is generally very rare in hoarding contexts from this time. The silver hoards may be defined as intentional As mentioned, the northern Fennoscandian deposits of silver objects that are not related to hoards tend to consist of quite impressive orna- burials. No exact count exists for the whole of ments, like the ones from the most recent find northern Europe, but there is reason to believe in Troms0 which was discovered in September that the complete record of such finds in northern 2005, and the find from Nanguniemi by the Lake Europe is very large. The complete Norwegian Inarinjarvi, Finland, in 2003 (Fig. l and 2). Such record consists of 148 silver hoards. In Sweden, finds are not very common in these arctic areas. the well known silver hoard record in Gotland In the three northernmost counties ofNordland, alone is about 700 finds. The hoards date from Troms, and Finnmark in northern Norway, 29 approximately 800 to 1200 AD. silver finds that may be defined as hoards have Hardh (1996) has shown that some regional been discovered so far. In addition, ten hoards variations exist in the compositions of hoards. have been found in northern Finland1 (Kivikoski For instance, the southern Scandinavia hoards 1964: 287; Ojanlatva 2003; Zachrisson 1984: often contain hack silver ( deliberately frag- 102, Fig. 53), one in northern Sweden (Zach- mented silver objects). The western Norwegian risson 1984: l 02, Fig. 53), and two comparable hoards are characterized by large ornaments, as hoards in northwest Russia (Jasinski & Ovsyan- are the hoards of northern Fennoscandia. nikov 1998, pl. 40; Kivikoski I 964: 289; Nosov 2 However, there are also features that are et al. 1992; Tallgren 1931: 112- 113 ). common to the silver hoards all over Europe: The traditional interpretation of the hoards While gold does occur in Viking and Middle has mainly been related to economics. In partic- Age hoards, it is far more usual that they contain ular, researchers have concerned 1) the import of mostly or only silver. The hoards also contain a the silver through Viking raids or commerce, range of objects that are almost exclusive to this kind of context, such as the elaborately plaited I Two of these hoards, from Aatservainen and Tavajiirvi, were fo und on Finnish territory which is today part of Rus- or twisted silver neck rings. Neck rings which sia. They are, however, usually included in th e Finnish re- are found in other Viking Age or medieval con- cord. texts are made of other materials or their shape 2 Tallgren places one of the finds in Kem' by the White Sea. According to the other references, the correct location is differs from the hoarded rings (Hardh 1996: 41 ; by the river Varzuga. Serning 1956).

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Fig . 1. The silver hoard found in Troms0, North Norway, in September 2005. Photo: Jorunn Marie R0dli, Troms0 Museum.

2) the objects as a means of payment or ex- were deposited but never regained, indicate that change and 3) the explanation of the hoarding as hoarding of silver was a complex phenomenon, a way of hiding a person's or family's valuables. not only a question of hiding valuables. I would The hoards perhaps invite this sort of economic suggest that people shared a common under- interpretation, especially in southern Scandina- standing of the significance of silver hoarding via where they contain a lot of hack silver. How- all over the hoarding area. In local articulations ever, apart from the anachronism in separating of these concepts, some essential features were the economy from other aspects of past societ- preferably kept, like neck rings and arm rings of ies, certain facts cannot be explained by the eco- a certain type. Other features varied according to nomic approach. The non-random composition the local understanding of what would be appro- of the hoards, the consistency across a vast geo- priate in this particular context - like the pres- graphical area, and the fact that so many hoards ence of axe-shaped and cross-shaped pendants in the north.

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The history of neck rings many. They have been interpreted as picturing a female goddess of fertility, because of the way The phenomenon of hoarding neck rings is not the portrayed female holds her arms or hands exclusive to the Viking and Early Middle Ages. beneath her breasts (Arne 1909: l 76ff and fig. In Scandinavia, hoards from the beginning of the 1- 7; Johansen 1993, figure 63; Montelius 1922: Bronze Age contain a range of different objects, 1476-1481 , Stenberger 1971: 300). including neck ornaments. From the end of the The bronze figurines have not been found in Bronze Age, the tradition changes and most of contexts that could be dated. Comparison of the the bronze hoards consist mainly or only of neck neck rings of the figurines with neck rings from rings. These hoards have been associated with bronze hoards suggests that the former date to the occurrence of a new goddess, often called approximately 700 BC (Arne 1909: 178). How- "the goddess with the neck ring" (Stenberger ever, corresponding female representations with 1971: 280). The interpretation relates to another the same arm position occur as early as the Pa- type of Bronze Age finds, i.e., small bronze figu- laeolithic. These are widely known as "Venus rines picturing a naked female with neck rings. figurines" (e.g. Johansen 1993: 130-131 , figure Such figurines have been found in several places 65; Soffer et al. 2000, fig. 15). Similar items in southern Scandinavia and north-eastern Ger- have also been found in Neolithic contexts (e.g.

Fig. 2. The silver hoard found at Nanguniemi, lnari, North Finland, in September 2003. Photo: Marja Helander, Siida Sarni Museum.

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Chapman 2000 on clay figurines from the Baltics, found in Sweden. Interestingly, the shape of the figur 3.7). figurines suggests that the men are hanging from Researchers have associated the bronze figu- the neck ring, with their arms and toes pointing rines with the goddess Afrodite I Astarte who has downwards. This position has been associated also been represented in images naked with her with the myth of Odin's sacrifice of himself to hands pressed against her breasts (Arne 1909: himself: The myth tells that he hanged himself in 178). Afrodite I Astarte is equivalent to Hathor, a tree for nine nights to gain knowledge of runes Ishtar, Anat, Sekhmet and several other goddesses and magic songs (Zachrisson 2003: 92- 94; cf. in Egypt and the Near East, as well as the Ro- also Havamal 1985: 138- 141). The story may man goddess Venus. These were all goddesses of be interpreted as Odin establishing the sacrifice fertility, love, and sexuality, but they were also of humans (Zachrisson 2003: 94). It could also more or less closely related to war, death, and be a mythic explanation of a shamanistic initia- the underworld. The Roman Tacitus describes a tion ritual when near-suffocation would result in similar goddess, Nerthus, in northern Europe in a trance (Solli 2002: 158- 59). his book Germania from 98 AD. Nerthus could Ynglingesaga also describes the male use of be connected with the female bronze figurines neck rings in an ambiguous way in the story of (Arne 1909: 179; Solli 2002: 115ft). The Norse Agne. He takes the unwilling Skjalv as his wife goddess Freyja shows several similarities to the after he had killed her father, who was a Sarni mentioned goddesses. One of her characteristics king. During the wedding Agne gets very drunk. is the neck ornaments Brisingamen (Gylvagin- Skjalv tells him to look after the ring he carries ning 1973: 54). around his neck, so he fastens it closely. When he The contents of a belief in a goddess related falls asleep in his tent, Skjalv and her men tie a to fertility, sexuality, and death have of course rope to the ring and hang Agne from a tree (Snor- had different articulations in different places and res Kongesagaer 1999: 26). Brit-Mari Nasstrom times, but the very idea of such a goddess appears interprets the hanging of Agne as a sacrifice to to be very old and very persistent. Also, the as- Freyja, because Skjalv (or Skjolv) is another name sociation between such a goddess and neck orna- for this goddess (Nasstrom 2001: 43, 51-54). The ments seems to exist both in the Bronze and Iron story thus seems to indicate that neck rings were Ages. worn by powerful males, and they were associ- Nevertheless, medieval sources describe an ated with Odin. At the same time the neck ring is Iron Age cult that has become more male-domi- closely related to Freyja. nated3. The neck rings mentioned in these sources Compared to the fertility cult of earlier times, are also related to male gods, especially to Odin. the masculine Odin cult of the Iron Age seems One of his most precious possessions was the to represent something completely new. Still, gold neck ring Draupne. certain features may be remains of more ancient Two figurines from the Iron Age showing beliefs. Seid was performed by humans as an in- male representations with neck rings4 have been tegrated part of Norse pre-Christian belief. Ac- cording to Norse mythology, the aesir god Odin 3 Though our perception of the Norse cult obviously a kind of sorcerer re ly on the views of the Middle Age mediators who may was the greatest "seidmann", have been given a biased picture of male and female influ- and fortune teller. The myths tell us that the aesir ence (Solli 2002: 38- 39). first learned the art of seid from Freyja, who was 4 Uncertain contexts make it difficult to give an accu- rate dating, but one at least is suggested to stem from the a vanir goddess. The vanir were an older family Migration period (Zachrisson 2003: 92).

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Fig . 3. The graffiti figure on the neck ring from Botnhamn, North Norway. Photo: Marte Spangen, Troms0 Museum.

of gods than the ae sir. This coincides with many The idea that the silver hoards are reminis- researchers' association of seid with an older cents of a cult of a fertility goddess with neck Indo-European fertility cult in which women rings may also be supported by a graffiti figure were the essential actors (Solli 2002: 134). Gro on one of the neck rings from Botnhamn, Senja, Steinsland and Kari Vogt have suggested that Troms (Fig. 3). I have interpreted it as the rep- seid was originally part of a vane cult where fe- resentation of a female in a dress with the same males played a more central part (Steinsland & arm position as the bronze figurines described Vogt 1984: 158). above, i.e. with her hands pressed against her Brit Solli finds it hard to combine the inter- chest. The fact that the Botnhamn graffiti shows pretation of Odin as a great "seidrnann" with the a dressed woman and not a naked one like in the understanding of se id as an originally female bronze figurines, is concurrent with the change activity (Solli 2002: 134). However, one may Gry Wiker has found in gold bracteates and interpret this skill in Odin as the prolongation 5 "gullgubber", ' gold men' • The early cut "gull- of a central and important element of the previ- gubber" picture naked humans, while the later ous fertility cult - although in a new and more stamped "gullgubber" show people with detailed masculine wrapping. Neck rings may have had clothing. This could be due to a " humanization" similarly ambiguous assiociations with both fe- of the gods that are pictured (Wiker 2000: 79). male goddesses and fertility, as well as the new more masculine cult. th 5 i.e. very small gold amulets from the 6 century AD.

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(Bohannan 1959; Eriksen Another possibility is that it was the result of well-known example : 382). Until the Sec- Christian influence on the attitudes towards the 1993: 2llff; Kopytoff2000 Tiv-people exchanged goods female body and nakedness in the late Iron and ond World War, the exchange spheres. These Early Middle Ages (cf. Solli 2002: 232; Steins- within three separate : a food sphere at the land 1989: 208; 1992: 151 ; 1997: 158- 160). spheres were hierarchical bottom (including food and everyday goods), a like white The economic value of neck rings prestige sphere ( exchange of things top a women and other silver objects cloth, cattle, and slaves), and at the sphere in which there were exchanged rights women. For Tiv men, the The definition of silver hoarding as a cult ritual to people, especially have as many women and does not necessarily exclude the possibility that ultimate goal was to (Eriksen 1993: 212). the objects were used in some sort of exchange children as possible each of the three spheres before they were deposited. However, in most ar- Exchange within However, exchange be- eas where this hoarding took place in the Viking was morally neutral. was more complicated. Ex- and Early Middle Ages, silver and gold were sel- tween the spheres was satisfying and acceptable, dom used in everyday exchange. Instead, other change upwards downwards was associated with media represented standardized measures of while exchange under extreme conditions. value, like woven cloth or homed cattle (Gurev- shame and only done exchangeable in all spheres, but ich 1985: 217- 218, though see, e.g. , Gullbekk Brass rods were rods and brass rods into 2003 for a slightly different perspective). The making food into brass intelligence and wealth exchange of silver and gold, particularly ring- women required both 11- 21 2; Kopytoff2000: 382). shaped silver and gold, was made on a separate (Eriksen 1993: 2 close link between cultural level or in a separate sphere. Because of the system, the intro- The concept of separate economic spheres structures and the economic the Second World War is a well-known phenomenon within economic duction of money after to the Tiv people. anthropology. According to Igor Kopytoff, they had profound consequences to keep money to a sepa- may be explained by the human habit of impos- After a failed attempt it became a common valu- ing order on the environment by classifying rate exchange sphere, spheres. This resulted in a de- its elements. This is necessary in order to have ator within all the , because the exchange for knowledge of the world and to be able to adjust valuation of women women were goods or com- to it. According to Kopytoff, culture is a way money implied that sense as yams or chickens to impose a collectively shared cognitive order modities in the same - 213). upon a world which, objectively, is completely (Eriksen 1993: 212 of the sphere phenom- heterogeneous (Kopytoff 2000: 38 l ). Economic I find this description for understanding the Viking spheres are the result of such culturally based enon very useful . The exchange of silver notions. Within an economic sphere, the same and medieval economics and Early Middle Ages things have the same or a comparable value (Ko- and gold in the Viking with regard to the cultural pytoff 2000: 382). has to be understood metals at the time. Torun Economic spheres exist in all societies, but connotations of these has studied the cultural mean- may be more recognizable in non-commercial- Zachrisson ( 1998) gold. She concludes that gold ized and non-monetary societies (Kopytoff2000: ing of silver and with gods and myths ( e.g. 382). Bohannan's study of the Tiv-people is a was clearly associated

100 SILVER HOARDS IN SAMI AREAS

Skaldskaparmal 1973: 108ft), but silver was This apparent similarity in the way of relating to what people had at hand in the Viking and Ear- gods and to peers could be the reason why very ly Medieval Ages (Zachrisson 1998: 30ft). So, large amounts of silver and gold were deposited silver was probably conceived of as a similarly in the ground and never regained. The hoards mythic or magic metal as gold, in a comparable may have been offered as tokens of friendship way as we know from numerous accounts in with the mighty gods and deposited with some folk tales much later and ethnographic records specific or non-specific future return in mind. in Scandinavia, i. e. silver as protection against beings of the underworld etc. Dating of silver hoards in northern The breaking and giving of rings is well Fennoscandia known as a way to build alliances in the Iron Age. It is likely that such gifts also included sil- The silver hoards in Scandinavia containing neck ver rings in the Viking and Early Middle Ages rings and certain other diagnostic objects have since at that time silver was more abundant than often been assumed to derive from the Viking gold. The giving of rings was done not only be- Age or Late Iron Age (e.g. Hardh 1996; Sj0vold cause of the economic value of the metal, but as 1974; Stenberger 1958). Hence the hoards a token. It was an honor to be given such a gift, have frequently been described as "Viking Age but the gift would also indicate a personal rela- hoards" or "Viking Age treasures". tionship: the receiver was expected to return the However, the Viking Age is usually consid- gesture in some way. One way would be to act ered to have lasted until 1030 AD (in Norway: as a loyal friend in times of trouble. Because sil- the battle of Stiklestad) or 1066 AD (the battles ver and gold were not exchanged on an everyday of Stamford Bridge and Hastings), and the "Vi- basis, I find it likely that these metals were part king Age" hoarding does not come to an end of an exclusive sphere of exchange. This sphere by this time. On the contrary, both numismatic was probably primarily available to the wealthi- and typological datings show that many of the est elite who would secure their position by ex- hoards containing typical objects like neck rings changing silver and other valuables in order to are much younger (e.g., Hardh 1996; Zachris- build alliances and ensure loyalty. son 1998). Investigations also show that the fur- If silver could be used for this purpose ther east we move, the younger the dates of the among men, it is not unlikely that it was used hoards usually are (Hardh 1996: 71 ; Stenberger for the same purpose in relationships with the 1958: 316- 317; Zachrisson 1998: 81). gods. Gro Steinsland, professor of the history of A comparison of all the objects in the North religions, writes: Norwegian hoards with material from dated finds in Norway and abroad shows that an appropriate " ... The heathen relation to the god has to be de- general dating for the northern and northeastern scribed almost as a pact of friendship between the hu- Norwegian hoards 6 man and the god - the god is astvinr, dearest fri end, is 1050- 1200 AD (Spangen orfulltrui, faithful friend" (Steinsland 1989: 207, my 2005). The suggested general dating is support- translation). ed by the silver hoard recently found in Troms0. In 0yrbyggjasaga Torolf Mosterskjegg ar- The youngest object in this hoard is believed to ranges a large "blot" ( offering) and asks Tor, stem from about 1200 AD (Storli 2006). "his best friend", how to settle things with the

king (0yrbyggjasaga 1989: 11 , my translation). 6 Certain single find s of neck rings are ha rder to g ive an exact dating and may be o lder.

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The hoards in northern Finland have also limited to the hoards found in the arctic areas, been given a general dating between 1050 and particularly northern Norway. 1150 AD (e.g. Kivikoski 1964; 1973). This Many of the si lver hoards in northern matches the dating of the hoards in northern Fennoscandia contain certain characteristics Russia (Nosov et al. 1992). The Finnish datings that differ from the hoards further south, mainly have recently been reinforced by the radiocarbon ornaments of Baltic or Karelian origin, such as dating of the birch bark that was found beneath axe- and cross-shaped silver pendants (c.f. e.g. the neck rings in the Nangunierni find (see Fig. 2 Makarov 1991 ). Eastern ornaments have been above). The bark was dated to 1120 and 1280 AD linked to Sarni culture and ethnicity in northern (855±35 BP (Hela-746) / 810±40 BP (Hela-747) Norway, due to their frequent occurrence in un- (M. Torvinen 03 .06.2004, pers.cornrn.). ambiguous Sarni contexts like scree graves and It seems, then, that the practice of hoarding offering sites (Gjessing 1927; Schanche 2000; silver objects was probably introduced in north- Serning 1956; Storli 1991 ). In other words, ern Fennoscandia during the Early Middle Ages. some objects in the hoards in the northern areas This is an important point because the general also indicate a Sarni association. assumption that these hoards date back to the Metal offerings feature in other Sarni ritual Viking Age has frequently been adopted by re- contexts, especially in the large offering sites in searchers all too easily. This has given a mis- inner northern Sweden. However, these offer- leading first idea of the social context of these ings usually consist of bronze, copper, pewter, hoards ( e.g. Brngger 1928 on the silver hoard of iron, and lead (Fjellstrorn 1962; Serning 1956; Hauk0ya and its connection to Viking raids and Zachrisson l 984 ). The presence of the metal or- trade). naments at Sarni offering sites may have been the It may be added that both written and archae- result of an intensified fur trade with Novgorod ological sources show that the ritual deposition during the Early Middle Ages. This fur trade of weapons, tools and jewellery, as well as hu- seems to have been of substantial importance to man bones and bodies, was continued in many the Sarni's eastern relations at this time (Han- parts of northern Europe well into the Middle sen & Olsen 2004: 136- 139). The insignificant Ages. The finds are similar to those of earlier amount of precious metals at these offering periods and thus suggest the continuation of a sites may suggest that the Sarni have preferred well-established ritual tradition ( e.g., Behrend socially and ritually valuable objects instead of 1970; Hedeager 2003 : 156; Lund 2004; Lund purely economic returns of their products. Sev- 2009; Nielsen 1991: 262). eral researchers have suggested that the Sarni so- cial structure was based on an egalitarian ideal. Silver hoards in Sarni contexts This could have been shattered by the arrival of large amounts of valuables. The solution may The Sarni area in the Viking and Early Middle have been hoarding and rituals which secured Ages was not restricted to the arctic areas, and it that the valuables did not accumulate with indi- would be very interesting to study finds further viduals, but were invested for the benefit of the south in Norway and Sweden according to new whole group (cf. Olsen 1984: 217; Mulk 1996: knowledge about Sarni presence here (Bergst0l 69- 72). 2004; Dunfjeld-Aagard 2005; Zachrisson 1997). The anthropologist Arjun Appadurai de- However, for practical reasons this discussion is scribes this as a general principle (1986: 31 - 32):

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Consumption and demand are not variables de- there lived a population in these border areas pendant on access, but socially regulated phe- which, judging from several types of material, nomena in all societies. The social control in mixed elements that are elsewhere regarded as tradition-bound societies will often consist of diagnostic of either Sarni or Norse culture ( e.g., long-lasting taboos for the way and degree of Sandmo 1994). This may be a question of acces- consumption. It is a separate question whether sibility, they had access to products from both such social control did in fact help preserve the cultures but there is reason to believe that they egalitarian structure in a Sarni context in the case also had family relations both to Norse and Sarni of an increased availability of goods. The abil- groups through intermarriage ( cf. Storli 1991; ity to acquire the ritually important objects may 1994: 106ft). This dual connection may have also have given individuals increased status, been a part of the identity of these border groups even if the consumption was directed towards that had been previously taken for granted, but collective use. One reason for hoarding metal that was actualized during the process of Chris- ornaments may also have been an understanding tianization in northern Norway. Christianization of the "correct" use of this material - based on was closely linked to the implementation of a the knowledge of hoarding practiced by neigh- new social structure to promote a single person's boring groups. rule of the country. The harsh measures to obtain Perhaps this is relevant even to the silver these goals were mainly directed at the Norse hoards in the north . The ornaments in these hoards population, while the missionary activity among tend to have a low silver content (Arrhenius the Sarni was not intensified until the 17 th and 1970; Hardh 1996: 152; Munch 1979; Sj0vold 18'h centuries. 1974: 331; Zachrisson 1984: 105). This has I suggest that the "hybrid" border popula- caused several researchers to suggest that these tion could possibly avoid this strain by leaning ornaments were in fact produced especially as towards their Sarni identities - constituted by offerings (Hardh 1996: 152; Mulk 1996: 67- 68; Sarni family, Sarni cultural traits, and eastbound Hansen & Olsen 2004 : 85). In any case, the exchange patterns. The Sarni belief system had weight value of the silver was apparently not the many similarities with the Norse system. By most important factor to those who received the claiming a Sarni identity this intercultural group ornaments. could maintain a heathen faith and culture. They Thus, silver hoarding would probably not have were not necessarily identified as Sarni by peo- been an incompactible ritual behavior in a Sarni ple in core Sarni areas, but it would suffice to be context, although it was originally a Norse tradi- identified as Sarni by the Norwegian missionar- tion. However, Inger Zachrisson (1984) points ies and new rulers of the Christian monarchy (cf. out that the distribution of silver hoards in north- van Dommelen 2002). ern Sarni areas is mutually exclusive to the dis- In this turbulent situation, offerings to the tribution of Swedish inland offering sites con- gods and help from them were probably more taining metal objects. In northern Norway, the important than ever. This may explain why a silver hoards seem to be deposited in a cultural previously Norse offering ritual such as silver interface between areas inhabited mainly by the hoarding was introduced in interface areas and Norse/Norwegians on one hand and mainly by adapted by adding eastern and subsequently the Sarni on the other hand (Olsen 2000; Span- Sarni ornaments. gen 2005). In the Viking and Early Middle Ages,

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Personal communication

Torvinen, Markku ( coordinator, University of Kuopio, Finland), e-mail correspondence 03.06.2004.

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