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THE 'WA APPROACH' to NATIONAL PARTY SURVIVAL John Phillimore
This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Phillimore, J. and McMahon, L. 2015. Moving Beyond 100 Years: The "WA Approach" to National Party Survival. Australian Journal of Politics and History. 61 (1): pp. 37-52], which has been published in final form at http://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12085. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving at http://olabout.wiley.com/WileyCDA/Section/id-820227.html#terms MOVING BEYOND 100 YEARS: THE ‘WA APPROACH’ TO NATIONAL PARTY SURVIVAL John Phillimore* Lance McMahon Submitted to and accepted by Australian Journal of Politics and History *Corresponding Author: [email protected] or 9266 2849 John Curtin Institute of Public Policy, Curtin University GPO Box U1987 Perth WA 6845 Professor John Phillimore is Executive Director of the John Curtin Institute of Public Policy, Curtin University. Lance McMahon is a Research Associate at the John Curtin Institute of Public Policy, Curtin University. June 2014 1 MOVING BEYOND 100 YEARS: THE ‘WA APPROACH’ TO NATIONAL PARTY SURVIVAL Abstract Since its formation in 1913, the Western Australian branch of the National Party has faced many challenges to its survival. Electoral reform removing rural malapportionment in 2005 prompted changes in strategic direction, including abandoning coalition with the Liberal Party and creating a discrete image, branding and policy approach. Holding the balance of power after the 2008 election, the Party adopted a post-election bargaining strategy to secure Ministries and funding for its ‘Royalties for Regions’ policy. This ‘WA approach’ is distinctive from amalgamation and coalition arrangements embraced elsewhere in Australia. -
Australia 2019
Australia Free 77 100 A Obstacles to Access 23 25 B Limits on Content 29 35 C Violations of User Rights 25 40 Last Year's Score & Status 79 100 Free Overview Internet freedom in Australia declined during the coverage period. The country’s information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure is well developed, and prices for connections are low, ensuring that much of the population enjoys access to the internet. However, a number of website restrictions, such as those related to online piracy or “abhorrent” content, limit the content available to users. The March 2019 terrorist attack on mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, prompted internet service providers (ISPs) to block certain websites and the government subsequently introduced a new law that criminalized the failure to delete “abhorrent” content. Other legal changes—including court decisions expanding the country’s punitive defamation standards, an injunction silencing digital media coverage of a high-profile trial, and a problematic law that undermines encryption—shrunk the space for free online expression in Australia. Finally, an escalating series of cyberattacks sponsored by China profoundly challenged the security of Australia’s digital sphere. Australia is a democracy with a strong record of advancing and protecting political rights and civil liberties. Recent challenges to these freedoms have included the threat of foreign political influence, harsh policies toward asylum seekers, and ongoing disparities faced by indigenous Australians. Key Developments June 1, 2018 – May 31, 2019 After the March 2019 Christchurch attack, in which an Australian man who had espoused white supremacist views allegedly killed 51 people at two New Zealand mosques, ISPs acted independently to block access to more than 40 websites that hosted the attacker’s live-streamed video of his crimes. -
House of Representatives By-Elections 1902-2002
INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND ADVICE FOR THE PARLIAMENT INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICES Current Issues Brief No. 15 2002–03 House of Representatives By-elections 1901–2002 DEPARTMENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY ISSN 1440-2009 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 2003 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. The views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services (IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian government document. IRS staff are available to discuss the paper's contents with Senators and Members and their staff but not with members of the public. Published by the Department of the Parliamentary Library, 2003 I NFORMATION AND R ESEARCH S ERVICES Current Issues Brief No. 15 2002–03 House of Representatives By-elections 1901–2002 Gerard Newman, Statistics Group Scott Bennett, Politics and Public Administration Group 3 March 2003 Acknowledgments The authors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Murray Goot, Martin Lumb, Geoff Winter, Jan Pearson, Janet Wilson and Diane Hynes in producing this paper. -
The Leader of the Opposition
The Leader of the Opposition ‘…just as there can be no good or stable government without a sound majority, so there will be a dictatorial government unless there is the constant criticism of an intelligent, active, and critical opposition.’ –Sir Robert Menzies, 1948 The practice in Australia is for the leader of the party or coalition that can secure a majority in the House of Representatives to be appointed as Prime Minister. The leader of the largest party or Hon. Dr. H.V. Evatt coalition outside the government serves as Leader of the Opposition. Leader of the Opposition 1951 - 1960 The Leader of the Opposition is his or her party’s candidate for Prime National Library of Australia Minister at a general election. Each party has its own internal rules for the election of a party leader. Since 1967, the Leader of the Opposition has appointed a Shadow Ministry which offers policy alternatives and criticism on various portfolios. The Leader of the Opposition is, by convention, always a member of the House of Representatives and sits opposite the Prime Minister in the chamber. The Senate leader of the opposition party is referred to as the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, even if they lead a majority of Senators. He or she usually has a senior Shadow Ministry role. Australia has an adversarial parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition face off against one another during debates in the House of Representatives. The Opposition’s role is to hold the government accountable to the people and to Parliament, as well as to provide alternative policies in a range of areas. -
William Morris HUGHES, PC, CH, KC Prime Minister 27 October 1915 to 9 February 1923
7 William Morris HUGHES, PC, CH, KC Prime Minister 27 October 1915 to 9 February 1923 Billy Hughes became the 7th prime minister after Andrew Fisher, leader of the Labor government, resigned from office due to ill health. Member of the Labour Electoral League 1891, Australian Socialist League 1892, Australian Labor Party 1901-16, Nationalist Party 1917-29, Australia Party 1930-31, United Australia Party 1931- 45, Liberal Party of Australia 1945-52. Member of the House of Representatives for West Sydney 1901-17, Bendigo 1917-22, North Sydney 1922-49, and Bradfield 1949-52. Minister for External Affairs 1904; Attorney-General 1908-09, 1910-1913, 1914-21; Health and Repatriation 1934-37; External Affairs and Vice-President of Executive Council 1937-39; Attorney-General 1939- 41; Minister for the Navy 1940-41, Minister for Industry 1939-41. Previously, Member of New South Wales Legislative Assembly for Lang 1894-1901. Hughes resigned as prime minister and was replaced by Stanley Bruce when the Country Party under Earle Page refused to serve in a coalition ministry with him. Main achievements (1915-1944) A founder of the Labor Electoral League 1891, Australian Socialist League 1892, Nationalist Party 1917, Australia Party 1930, and United Australia Party 1931. Established Advisory Council for Science and Industry (forerunner to CSIRO) and Commonwealth Shipping Line 1916. Commonwealth Police Force 1917. Member of Imperial War Cabinet and Australia’s representative at Versailles Peace Conference. Ensured Australia’s interests represented during and immediately after First World War. Australia’s delegate to League of Nations 1932. Personal life Born 25 September 1862 in London. -
Or the Not So 'Strange Death' of Liberal Wales
Article A ‘Strange Death’ Foretold (or the Not So ‘Strange Death’ of Liberal Wales): Liberal Decline, the Labour Ascendancy and Electoral Politics in South Wales, 1922- 1924 Meredith, Stephen Clive Available at http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/4392/ Meredith, Stephen Clive ORCID: 0000-0003-2382-1015 (2012) A ‘Strange Death’ Foretold (or the Not So ‘Strange Death’ of Liberal Wales): Liberal Decline, the Labour Ascendancy and Electoral Politics in South Wales, 1922- 1924. North American Journal of Welsh Studies, 7 (-). pp. 18-37. ISSN 15548112 It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. - For more information about UCLan’s research in this area go to http://www.uclan.ac.uk/researchgroups/ and search for <name of research Group>. For information about Research generally at UCLan please go to http://www.uclan.ac.uk/research/ All outputs in CLoK are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including Copyright law. Copyright, IPR and Moral Rights for the works on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the policies page. CLoK Central Lancashire online Knowledge www.clok.uclan.ac.uk A ‘STRANGE DEATH’ FORETOLD (OR THE NOT SO ‘STRANGE DEATH’ OF LIBERAL WALES): LIBERAL DECLINE, THE LABOUR ASCENDANCY AND ELECTORAL POLITICS IN SOUTH WALES, 1922-1924 Stephen Meredith Abstract This essay revisits debates concerning the rapid decline of the historic and once powerful Liberal Party and its replacement by the Labour Party as the main anti-Conservative, progressive party of the state around the fulcrum of the First World War. -
The Case of Japan
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Katayama, Seiichi; Ursprung, Heinrich Working Paper Commercial Culture, Political Culture and the Political Economy of Trade Policy: The Case of Japan CESifo Working Paper, No. 312 Provided in Cooperation with: Ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich Suggested Citation: Katayama, Seiichi; Ursprung, Heinrich (2000) : Commercial Culture, Political Culture and the Political Economy of Trade Policy: The Case of Japan, CESifo Working Paper, No. 312, Center for Economic Studies and ifo Institute (CESifo), Munich This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/75572 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu CESifo Working Paper Series COMMERCIAL CULTURE, POLITICAL CULTURE AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF TRADE POLICY: THE CASE OF JAPAN Seiichi Katayama Heinrich W. -
Globalization Is What Parties Make of It: Welfare and Protectionism in Party Platforms Brian Burgoon, University of Amsterdam GA
Globalization is What Parties Make of It: Welfare and Protectionism in Party Platforms Brian Burgoon, University of Amsterdam GARNET Working Paper: No 03/06 January 2006 ABSTRACT Scholars debate whether and under what conditions political parties respond to economic globalization by demanding welfare compensation as opposed to protectionism, and whether partisanship matters to such responses. Yet existing empirical research has not adjudicated such debate since most studies focus on national aggregates of openness and national policy rather than the politics ostensibly connecting them. Focusing directly on party strategies, this paper clarifies how parties respond to globalization. First, trade and capital flows, stocks and openness should spur support for welfare compensation among left parties whose constituencies encompass those most at risk from openness and amenable to state intervention to address such risk, but not among right parties whose constituencies encompass more of those profiting from globalization and suspicious of state intervention. Second, both left and right parties tend to treat protectionism and welfare as imperfect substitutes attainable under scarce political resources, whereby parties tend to be less protectionist under more generous welfare conditions and tend generally to trade-off calls for protectionism with those for welfare. The paper finds support for these arguments in the party manifestos of 21 industrialized countries from 1960 to 1998. Key words: Globalization, welfare state, protectionism, political parties, party platforms, party manifestos, partisanship, FDI flows, FDI stocks, trade flows, trade openness Address for Correspondence Brian Burgoon University of Amsterdam Amsterdam School of Social Research (ASSR) O.Z.Achterburgwal 237 1012 DL Amsterdam [email protected] In ongoing debate over the responses of industrialized countries to economic globalization, a central question is whether and under what conditions trade and capital openness fuels demands for welfare compensation instead of protectionism. -
"Gonna Party Like It's 1899: Party Systems and the Origins Of
GONNA PARTY LIKE IT’S 1899 PARTY SYSTEMS AND THE ORIGINS OF VARIETIES OF COORDINATION Cathie Jo Martin Professor, Department of Political Science Boston University Boston, MA 02215 ([email protected]). Duane Swank Professor, Department of Political Science Marquette University Milwaukee, WI 53201-1881 ([email protected]). Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the 2009 Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, Toronto, Canada, and of the 2009 International Meeting of the Society of Socio-Economics, Paris, France. 1 INTRODUCTION At the beginning of the Twenty-First Century, varieties of business representation across the capitalist democracies seem worlds apart. Despite pressures associated with post- industrialization, the “macrocorporatist” Scandinavian countries maintain highly-centralized, national employers’ peak associations that engage in wage and policy-making negotiations with highly-centralized labor unions and government bureaucrats. In Germany and other continental European countries, national employers’ associations have lost power in both political representation and collective bargaining. But employers’ industry-level groups continue to coordinate collective firm activities and to negotiate sectoral (often private) cooperative agreements with their workers, or what we might call “sector coordination.” Finally, an aversion to cooperation appears bred in the bone in the Anglo-liberal lands of Britain and the United States: highly-fragmented or “pluralist” associations organize employers and workers, and the representation of business interests remains a highly individualistic affair (Martin and Swank 2004; Martin and Thelen, 2007; Hicks and Kenworthy, 1997; Hoepner 2007). This paper explores the origins of peak employers’ associations around the dawn of the Twentieth-Century to understand why countries produce highly-centralized macro-corporatist groups, weaker national associations but stronger industry-level groups, or highly-fragmented pluralist associations. -
Australia's Hung Parliament and Elections
INSIGHTi Australia’s Hung Parliament and Elections name redacted Specialist in Asian Affairs Updated October 22, 2018 Introduction A surprise defeat in an October 20 parliamentary by-election in the Australian electorate of Wentworth left the conservative Liberal Party-led government of Prime Minister Scott Morrison without a majority in parliament. Independent politician Kerryn Phelps’ victory in the Wentworth district ended extended conservative control of the seat, which was long held by former Liberal Party Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. One interpretation of the swing in voter sentiment away from the Liberal candidate is that voters sought to punish the party for ousting Turnbull as Prime Minister and Party Leader in August 2018. The next national parliamentary election is now expected in May 2019. Hung Parliament The current hung parliament consists of 75 members of the Liberal-National Coalition, 69 Labor Party members, and 6 crossbenchers. If any one of the crossbench MPs align themselves with the Liberal- National Coalition, the government would once again have a majority in parliament. Conversely, if all of the independents align themselves with the Labor Party, the Morrison government would fall and elections would be called. That said, the recently elected Phelps reportedly believes governments should serve their full terms except under exceptional circumstances and that responsible crossbenchers should limit the chaos resulting from a hung parliament. A mid-October 2018 poll indicates that the Coalition (47%) trails Labor (53%) in a two-party-preferred vote. The government’s coalition in the 76-member Australian Senate includes 25 Liberal Party, 5 National Party, and 1 Country Liberal Party members. -
PARTY RULES? Dilemmas of Political Party Regulation in Australia
PARTY RULES? Dilemmas of political party regulation in Australia PARTY RULES? Dilemmas of political party regulation in Australia Edited by Anika Gauja and Marian Sawer Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Party rules? : dilemmas of political party regulation in Australia / editors: Anika Gauja, Marian Sawer. ISBN: 9781760460761 (paperback) 9781760460778 (ebook) Subjects: Political parties--Australia. Political parties--Law and legislation--Australia. Political participation--Australia. Australia--Politics and government. Other Creators/Contributors: Gauja, Anika, editor. Sawer, Marian, 1946- editor. Dewey Number: 324.2994 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. This edition © 2016 ANU Press Contents Figures . vii Tables . ix Abbreviations . xi Acknowledgements . xiii Contributors . xv 1 . Party rules: Promises and pitfalls . 1 Marian Sawer and Anika Gauja 2 . Resisting legal recognition and regulation: Australian parties as rational actors? . 37 Sarah John 3 . Party registration and political participation: Regulating small and ‘micro’ parties . .73 Norm Kelly 4 . Who gets what, when and how: The politics of resource allocation to parliamentary parties . 101 Yvonne Murphy 5 . Putting the cartel before the house? Public funding of parties in Queensland . 123 Graeme Orr 6 . More regulated, more level? Assessing the impact of spending and donation caps on Australian State elections . -
The Transformation of the Australian Labor Party
The transformation of the Australian Labor Party Joint Social Sciences Public Lecture 8 June 2007 Australian National University To what extent does the traditional characterisation of the Australian Labor Party as a reformist, trade union based party operating within the framework of capitalism still apply today? It is important not only to consider the Party’s policies but also mechanisms which link the Labor Party with different classes and social groups: Labor’s electoral support, membership and local branches, the backgrounds of the Party’s parliamentarians and leaders, the role of trade unions and leftwing currents inside the ALP, and its sources of funding. Tom Bramble Rick Kuhn UQ Business School School of Social Science/Arts University of Queensland and Australian National University [email protected] [email protected] The transformation of the Australian Labor Party Tom Bramble and Rick Kuhn During the 1980s and 1990s critics of the contemporary ALP, such as Graham Maddox and Tim Battin, argued that a fundamental break with the Party’s socialist tradition had recently taken place. They focussed particularly on Labor Party policy and actions in government.1 Drawing on Katz, Mair and Blyth’s conceptions of cartel parties, convergent in their policies and reliant on state funding, a recent collection examined the evolution of political parties in Australia.2 Several contributors to Political parties in transition? reproduced aspects of the discontinuity thesis of Maddox and Battin, arguing that Labor can now be described as a cartel party. Their case rested not only on examinations of Labor policy but also on significant shifts in Labor’s electoral support, membership and sources of funds.