American Journal of Archaeology

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY

THE JOURNAL OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA

Volume 106 • No. 4 October 2002 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA 2002

OFFICERS Nancy C. Wilkie, President Jane C. Waldbaum, First Vice President Ricardo J. Elia, Vice President for Professional Responsibilities Naomi J. Norman, Vice President for Publications Cameron Jean Walker, Vice President for Societies Jeffrey A. Lamia, Treasurer Hector Williams, President, AIA Canada

HONORARY PRESIDENTS Frederick R. Matson, Robert H. Dyson, Jr., Machteld J. Mellink, James R. Wiseman, Martha Sharp Joukowsky, James Russell

GOVERNING BOARD Karen Alexander Kathleen A. Pavelko Elizabeth Bartman Alice S. Riginos Mary Beth Buck John J. Roche Michael Cosmopoulos Lucille Roussin Susan Downey Anne H. Salisbury Neathery Batsell Fuller Joan Schiele Kevin Glowacki Catherine Sease James R. James, Jr. John H. Stubbs Charles S. La Follette Kathryn A. Thomas Richard Leventhal Barbara Tsakirgis Jodi Magness Patty Jo Watson Carol C. Mattusch Robyn M. Webby Francis P. McManamon Michael Wiseman Andrew M.T. Moore Robyn Woodward Dorinda J. Oliver

TRUSTEES EMERITI

Richard H. Howland Norma Kershaw

PAST PRESIDENT

Stephen L. Dyson

Jacqueline Rosenthal, Executive Director Leonard V. Quigley, of Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, General Counsel

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Volume 106 • No. 4 October 2002

ARTICLES Joseph W. Shaw with Arron Lowe: The “Lost” Portico at Knossos: The Central Court Revisited 513 Gail L. Hoffman: Painted Ladies: Early Cycladic II Mourning Figures? 525 Larry F. Ball: How Did the Romans Install Revetment? 551 L. Bouke van der Meer: Travertine Cornerstones in Ostia Antica: Odd Blocks 575 Almudena Orejas and F. Javier Sánchez-Palencia: Mines, Territorial Organization, and Social Structure in Roman Iberia 581

REVIEWS

Book Reviews MacGillivray, Minotaur: Sir Arthur Evans and the Archaeology of Minoan Myth (S.H. Allen) 601 Parkinson, Cracking Codes: The Rosetta Stone and Decipherment, and Palaima, Unlocking the Secrets of Ancient Writing: The Parallel Lives of Michael Ventris and Linda Schele and the Decipherment of Mycenaean and Mayan Writing. Catalogue of an Exhibition Held at the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection, March 9–August 1, 2000 (Austin 2000) (G.L. Possehl) 602 Levine, Rassamakin, Kislenko, and Tatarintseva, Late Prehistoric Exploitation of the Eurasian Steppe (M.S. Midgley) 604 de Contenson, Ramad: Site néolithique en damsacène (Syrie) aux VIIIe et VIIe millénaires avant l’ère chrétienne (S. Campbell) 606 Eddy and Wendorf, An Archaeological Investigation of the Central Sinai, Egypt (S. Snape) 607 Bourriau, Smith, and Nicholson, New Kingdom Pottery Fabrics: Nile Clay and Mixed Nile/Marl Clay Fabrics from Memphis and Amarna (I. Shaw) 608 French, Canhasan Sites. Vol. 1, Canhasan I: Stratigraphy and Structures (K.I. Wright) 609 Broodbank, An Island Archaeology of the Early Cyclades (E. Schofield) 609 Leahy and Tait, eds., Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of H.S. Smith (S.T. Smith) 611 Mysliwiec, The Twilight of Ancient Egypt: First Millennium B.C.E. (T.G. Wilfong) 613 MacDonald, “East of the Jordan”: Territories and Sites of the Hebrew Scriptures (B.A. Nakhai) 614 Oredsson, Moats in Ancient Palestine (Z. Herzog) 616 Simpson and Spirydowicz, Gordion: Ahs¸ap Eserler/Wooden Furniture (E. Gubel) 617 Camp, The Archaeology of Athens (K. Glowacki) 617 De Juliis, Taranto (A. Nilsson) 619 Barletta, The Origins of the Greek Architectural Orders (N.L. Klein) 620 Strenz, Männerfrisuren der Spätarchaik (J.G. Pedley) 622 Baldini Lippolis, L’Oreficeria nell’impero di Constantinopoli tra IV e VII secolo (A. Calinescu) 623 Martínez and Pérez, Castulo, Jaén, España. Vol. 2, El conjunto arquitectónico del Olivar (B. Goffaux) 624

BOOKS RECEIVED 625 The “Lost” Portico at Knossos: The Central Court Revisited JOSEPH W. SHAW WITH ARRON LOWE Dedicated to the memory of Christian C.T. Doll and Theodore Fyfe, Knossos Architects

Abstract ing up to the Piano Nobile, the Tripartite Shrine When Evans excavated the Palace at Knossos he found area, and a low pillared portico. The northern bor- the eastern part of the central court eroded down to at least der of the court is also preserved on the west for 2 m below its original floor level. He also discovered that almost half of its length. That along the south is visi- just east of the court was a huge terrace-like cutting, within which were preserved the Grand Staircase and the Residen- ble only in the southwestern corner. Of the slabs that tial Quarter. Since then it has been assumed that the west- originally paved much, if not all, of the court, many ern walls of these two areas formed the edge of the court. can be seen in the northwestern corner, and a few This article offers a different solution, partially based more are visible in the southwestern corner. Those on comparative analysis with the courts of the other with levels shown on the plan by Hood and Taylor Minoan palaces. Specifically, the proposal is made that lining the court here was a long pillared portico of two (fig. 2) suggest that the court sloped down from adjoining sections. The first, northern section of recon- south to north, from about +101.78 m to +100.95 m.2 struction is based on Doll’s and Evans’s restoration of an From about the center of the court eastward, the East Hall. South of the hall was the Grand Staircase, pre- excavators did not find the original surface. Duncan sumably with an entrance leading down to it from the Mackenzie remarks in his daybook on Saturday, 11 Central Court. Such an entrance can be convincingly established by the fact that all major areas bordering Minoan May 1901 that this area and eastward is “entirely with- central courts were reached directly from them. This en- out construction of any kind and everywhere the trance must have been covered (hence the beginning of primitive [Neolithic] clay deposit crops up a few the second stretch of the proposed portico), for otherwise centimeters from the surface.”3 Evans commented the Grand Staircase would have been flooded by rainwater on the same state of affairs, that the area had either runoff. The portico continued south to the end of the court. The proposed restoration finds support from similar “been entirely denuded away or its masonry plun- arrangements alongside other palatial courts (e.g., Phaistos, dered by those in search of building materials.”4 As Malia, Kato Zakros, Galatas), some discovered after Evans’s a result, the court level, as well as walls east of it, was time. Moreover, the new proposal results in general pro- lowered significantly, even though most floors of the portions of court length-to-width that conform more closely latter had been set onto terraces cut into the slope. to those of other palaces.* Fortunately, much of the multistory Grand Staircase As seen at the site of Knossos and in all major (fig. 3) with its adjoining Residential Quarter, set published plans, the Central Court (figs. 1–2), the into a huge, deeply excavated area adjoining the largest of all known Minoan palaces, is a huge rect- court, survived and, after its reconstitution by Evans, angle ca. 52.8 m north–south by ca. 27.3 m east–west remains one of the great monuments of Minoan ar- (maximum).1 Of the court borders, that on the west chitectural achievement. Enough of the staircase was is well preserved; its main features, from north to preserved to show that it provided access to at least a south, are the Throne Room complex, the stairs lead- third floor of the Residential Quarter.5 Accordingly,

* This study was prompted by discussions in a graduate sem- transcription of the Mackenzie notebooks. inar in Minoan architecture (FAH 2005F) at the University of 4 Evans 1930, 488. Toronto during the fall of 2000. For helpful suggestions we 5 Evans himself maintained that “there were at least three are most indebted to Maria C. Shaw, Jan Driessen, Sinclair stories here” (1921, 328), a conclusion seconded by Graham Hood, Sandy MacGillivray, Clairy Palyvou, and Peter Warren. in his thorough evaluation of the subject of upper stories in 1 Overall measurements estimated from Hood and Taylor general (1979, 65, with further references). Doll’s section (fig. 1981, plan. See also, however, n. 19. 3, upper left, restoring a roof rather than an upper floor) is 2 A similar south–north slope is shown in Doll’s section of more conservative; from the roof one could enter the “Great the Grand Staircase (fig. 3 here, “Fall of Central Court”). Lev- East Hall” (fig. 7, and see below). The upper stairs appear to be els given are AMSL (above modern sea level), first fixed at unroofed and thus exposed to the elements, especially to the Knossos by Hood and Taylor (1981). rain, which would collect and flow down to the ground floor 3 As transcribed by J.W. Graham (p. 93) in his unpublished level.

513 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 513–23 514 JOSEPH W. SHAW WITH ARRON LOWE [AJA 106

Fig. 1. Portion of plan of eastern part of the Knossos Palace. (Theodore Fyfe and Christian C.T. Doll [Evans 1928, plan B]) the western part of the East Wing here was at least m (see above) and that of the excavated remains one story higher than the Central Court, an arrange- bordering the court, is not given in the excavators’ ment common to most palaces where, aside from reports—absolute levels of floors and tops of walls often unroofed entrances leading into the courts were only, unfortunately, to be part of future archae- from the outside, the courts are surrounded by roofed ological methodology. The levels can, however, be spaces of various kinds. estimated. One approximation can be made on the The actual difference in elevation between the basis of the top of the westernmost preserved wall height of the original central court, at about +101.5 of the “Royal Storerooms” north of the Grand Stair- 2002] THE “LOST” PORTICO AT KNOSSOS 515

Fig. 2. Portion of plan of the Central Court and surrounding rooms, Knossos Palace. (Plan by W. Taylor and others [Hood and Taylor 1981]) case and below the “Great East Hall.” That wall is level. Also, south of the Grand Staircase, in the area preserved to about +98.8 m,6 suggesting that de- of the Stone Bench on the second floor, the floor struction there reached at least 2.7 m below court level is given in Hood and Taylor’s plan (fig. 2 in-

6 As shown in Hood and Taylor 1981, section 3. 516 JOSEPH W. SHAW WITH ARRON LOWE [AJA 106

Fig. 3. Reconstructed elevation of Grand Staircase. (By Christian C.T. Doll [Evans 1921, fig. 247]) sert labeled “over 98”) as +97.03 m. The bench is above for the western wall of the Royal Storerooms set against what appears to be the highest fragment (fig. 5).7 On the basis of these calculations, thereof an ancient wall in the area (fig. 4), with an esti- fore, some 2.5–2.7 m of depth, along with any su- mated height of +99 m, or about 2.5 m below court perincumbent structures, were lost along this east- level, not far from the 2.7 m difference just noted ern edge of the court.8

7 The high wall seen in the background in fig. 5, with its stairways and landings here were raised by him into their esti- modern appearance and the fact that it does not appear on mated original positions, and for that reason appear higher and any published plan, reveals that it was constructed by Evans to better preserved in our fig. 5. Section 4 in Hood and Taylor retain the Central Court. 1981 indicates that most of the present western wall of the 8 The loss in the area just west of the Grand Staircase must restored staircase is ancient, surely a mistake, as confirmed have been similar. As described in numerous places by Evans recently in a letter from Sinclair Hood (“the upper part of the (e.g., 1928, 325–59; 1930, 480–94), much of the collapsed wall ought to have been hatched as restored”). 2002] THE “LOST” PORTICO AT KNOSSOS 517

Fig. 4. Room of the Stone Bench, showing upper floor pavement partly in position and partly reconstructed. (Evans 1901–1902, fig. 44 opposite p. 79)

Fig. 5. View looking west from Upper East-West Corridor, Knossos Palace. (Evans 1901–1902, fig. 17 opposite p. 36) 518 JOSEPH W. SHAW WITH ARRON LOWE [AJA 106

Fig. 6. Conjectural plan of “Great East Hall” as restored in MM IIIB. (by Christian C.T. Doll [Evans 1930, fig. 340])

Fig. 7. Plan of uppermost system of Grand Staircase, showing stepped ascent to roof-flat. (by Christian C.T. Doll [Evans 1930, fig. 337]) 2002] THE “LOST” PORTICO AT KNOSSOS 519

Fig. 8. Plans showing porticos bordering the central courts at Phaistos (after Levi 1976–1982), Malia (after École française d’Athènes 1974), and Kato Zakros (J.W. Shaw). North is at left.

Partly as a result of this denudation, the eastern points, which, by extension, can be used to gener- limit of the Central Court appears ragged in plan alize about the entire facade. (figs. 1–2), with at least two eastward jogs (includ- The first of the two areas is the so-called Great ing part of an earlier, Protopalatial wall in fig. 1, East Hall, which in its later, MM IIIB phase, was set lower left). This lends it an unusual irregular char- above the Royal Magazines (“Corridor of the Bays,” acter that actually represents, we believe, the dis- “Magazine of Medallion Pithoi,” etc.9). As restored position of the main load-bearing walls rather than by Christian C.T. Doll (fig. 6), the Hall, with a light its original appearance. The last is suggested at two court in the center surrounded by columns, was

9 See Evans 1930, fig. 338. 520 JOSEPH W. SHAW WITH ARRON LOWE [AJA 106 entered from the adjacent Central Court via a series of 11 or 12 steps leading up to a landing.10 Of particular significance is that these steps passed above the western wall of the three rooms associated with the earlier “Corridor of the Bays.” The steps began, in other words, some distance west of the actual wall line and, therefore, west of the line usually shown on plans as the eastern border of the court. The second, perhaps more telling example, lies just south of the Hall in the area bordering the Grand Staircase on the west. There Doll’s restored elevation of the Grand Staircase (fig. 3 here, upper right) shows that the Central Court was actually ca. 1.05 m higher than the most accessible part of the Grand Staircase (marked “Upper East-West Corridor”) by an estimated nine steps.11 As seen on the Knossos site, Evans reconstructed the landing of the fourth flight as even with the Central Court. Later, because of Doll’s work, he thought that the landing was originally 0.8 m lower than that of the court (Evans 1930, 485).12 In figure 7, these steps, like those of the Hall, would, according to Doll, have begun west of the main wall of the Grand Staircase where they projected about 2.5 m into the Central Court. As long as one as- sumes that the Grand Staircase could be reached from the Court, this was the most convenient way to approach both it and the Residential Quarter from the west. That the Grand Staircase, and the eastern rooms with which it connected, was accessible from the court can be deduced from the pattern along the western border of the Knossos court, as well as the general tendency in all Minoan palatial structures of providing access from the court to all major adjacent spaces. The two examples cited demonstrate that in two instances Doll (and Evans) believed that eastward- leading steps began west of the preserved walls of the East Wing. It is also fair to suppose that these steps, like steps and stairways along the western side Fig. 9. Conjectural restored plan of original arrangement of of the court, would have been covered. This is es- steps and portico along eastern flank of the Knossos Central pecially true of the stairs leading down from the Court. (By J.W. Shaw with Giuliana Bianco) court to the Grand Staircase: otherwise rainwater

10 Evans based his argument for the “Great East Hall” (Evans led up to a second floor. In our fig. 10 I have followed his sug- 1930, 481–96) partially on the rectangular plan of the area, gestion concerning the stairs (a narrower stair[s] would also but especially on the suggestive layout of the supporting walls be possible, but it should still begin from the Central Court). I below, as indicated by Doll in our fig. 6. Arguments for a square have substituted pillars for the columns suggested by Evans, light well in the center of the hall find support in a massive positioning them alongside the court (rather than halfway up drain-head found in situ immediately below it (Evans 1921, 378– the stairs) in conformity with the portico restored to the south. 80). For the light well’s columns, two bases were found in one 11 Clairy Palyvou has suggested that seven steps might be of the eastern rooms (Evans 1921, figs. 268, 278). The broad more appropriate. flight of steps leading up from the court is patterned after the 12 Versus the ca. 1.05 m difference given in our text, itself (narrower) one found across the Central Court where it also an approximation. 2002] THE “LOST” PORTICO AT KNOSSOS 521 and runoff from the court would surely have flowed such a portico (including stairs leading into adja- into the East Wing and down its stairs. cent spaces) began near the western end of the If these spaces were indeed covered, then we “North-East Stairs”15 and continued south as shown must also think of the form of that covering. Evans in figure 9. Similar alignments of a portico with proposed an informal arrangement, “some kind projecting room walls can be seen most clearly at of wooden shelter which would have kept the rain Kato Zakros and Malia (fig. 8). In the new restora- from pouring down the stairs,”13 but a formal portions (figs. 9–10) I have placed pillars, rather than tico of columns and/or pillars is much more like- columns,16 the pillars similar to those in the porti- ly. This is not an unusual expectation, for there co along the southwestern side of the Knossos are porticos at the same point in most of the large court.17 The portico, of which the relatively shal- Minoan palaces (e.g., fig. 8). Of course Doll, Fyfe, low foundations have simply disappeared with the and Evans did not have the luxury of the hind- vertical loss of at least 2 m along the eastern edge sight that we now have of acquaintance with nu- of the court (above),18 is shown extending to where merous palaces and their layouts at the point in a possible “Southeast Ramp” may have opened into question.14 We suggest that at Knossos the line of the court.

13 Evans 1930, 485. the roof has been placed a parapet similar to those implied in 14 Evans no doubt had seen the partially preserved portico the depictions of many of the buildings in the miniature frieze at Phaistos (our fig. 8), excavated during the period when he from the West House at Akrotiri, where the people standing himself was exposing the Knossos Palace. As to Malia (fig. 8), on roofs usually appear only from the waist up. There is now which he visited in 1925 (MacGillivray 2000, 290), he proba- actual evidence for such parapets at Akrotiri. Above the Grand bly saw only a portion of the east wing that the French excava- Staircase (fig. 10, center) has been set a shelter for the other- tors were in the process of exposing. This portico was two-thirds wise open stairs leading to the roof, as suggested in the Town visible by 1926 (Chapouthier and Joly 1936, pl. XXXV). That Mosaic from Knossos (see Shaw 1977 for this interpretation). Evans did not know the Malia portico intimately, in any case, Not shown in the restored elevation is the Ailias ridge that is certainly implied in Evans 1928, suppl. pl. XVIII. The plate would have been visible to someone standing along the west- purports to show the eastern portico but actually illustrates the ern side of the court. Peter Callaghan has kindly informed me northern one. The pattern of colonnaded porticos, usually that if the eastern wing had two stories above the court level, along the eastern facade of the central court, became clearer then the ridge would probably not have been visible from the after 1965 with the discovery of Kato Zakros (fig. 8) and re- same vantage point. cently excavated Galatas, although the Kommos and Petras 18 For foundations, see esp. Shaw 1973, 122–5. Column and courts, both excavated after 1990, appear to differ in this re- pillar foundations, which performed a similar structural func- spect. tion, were usually rather shallow. In the Unexplored Mansion 15 In the Hood and Taylor plan (fig. 2), this point is shown at Knossos, e.g., the pillars were set on a single ashlar block as dashed (unsure), or simply covered over by modern fill, but protruding slightly above floor level (Popham et al. 1984, pl. on the Fyfe and Doll plan in Evans 1928 (fig. 1, upper left at 12). In House C at Tylissos, the column bases rested on about “X”) the eastern face of the north–south stair wall is clearly 0.35 m of slabs set into bedrock (Hazzidakis 1934, 35). In House shown as extant. A at the same site, the pillars were set upon two stacked ashlar 16 All other central courts featured columns at one point or blocks extending about 0.4 m below floor level (Hazzidakis another, but there is no evidence for a colonnaded portico 1934, 10, pl. III). The pillars in the “Salle Hypostyle” in the along that at Knossos. Also, if columns had been used along- Malia palace appear to have been set upon a single course of side the eastern edge of the court, their discoidal stone bases blocks and fieldstones (Pelon 1993, figs. 6, 12–14). of hard stone, usually of little use to stone robbers, might have At Kommos the column bases in the South Stoa of Building been eschewed by them, and subsequently recovered by Evans. T rest on large flat slabs set into the hard-packed fill of the Rectangular or square pillar blocks, such as those seen border- building platform. The easternmost column base there rests ing the east wing at Phaistos and Malia (fig. 8), however, would on two stacked slabs, together about 0.35 m high and still some have been prized by those searching for reusable material and distance above bedrock. This situation is analogous to that along probably would have been hauled away. Further, there is no the eastern edge of the Knossos Central Court, for the Kom- clear evidence for lengthy colonnades at Knossos. This seems mos portico is north of a major retaining wall (the southern odd considering the common use of columns, often combined wall of the stoa) while that proposed here for Knossos is west with pillars, in the staircases, light wells, and the borders of of the wall retaining the Central Court on one side and bor- exterior areas in the Knossos Palace and its satellites. dering the Grand Staircase and the Residential Quarter on the 17 The tentative restored elevation of the east facade of the other. An exception to the usual situation is the series of bases Central Court shows Evans’s Great East Hall on the north (fig. for the columns of the South Portico at the Knossos Palace, 10, left) and the steps leading up to it, but fronted by pillars where the numerous stacked slabs can be as much as 4 m high rather than the columns he placed halfway up the stairs. The (Evans 1928, 144–5, figs. 74–75). This situation, however, is pillars are capped by stepped “abaci” similar to the block in Evans unusual, for the South Portico was built on sloping (rather than 1928, fig. 533B (cf. Evans 1930, fig. 107). South of there is level) ground, with the columns alongside the stairs actually the new portico, restored with a ceiling height equal to that of stepping up the steep hillside. The slabs supporting the col- the lower floor of the Residential Quarter. Along the edge of umns extended up far above the ancient ground level. 522 JOSEPH W. SHAW WITH ARRON LOWE [AJA 106

Fig. 10. Conjectural restored elevation (above and facing page) of East Wing of the Knossos Palace as seen from the Central Court, showing in dashed lines the positions of floor levels beyond. (J.W. Shaw with Giuliana Bianco)

Some architectural aspects of the proposed porti- form the very border of the court, the transition co warrant comment. First, the width of the space be- from exterior to interior, from court to lower sto- tween court edge and main building walls probably ries. This reaction, however, should be modified by varied somewhat, for the trace of the latter was jagged, the historical reality that, as proposed here, the but 2.5 m (maximum) is a fair approximation based Knossos court now conforms with the other palaces on Doll’s estimates of the projection of the steps ex- where central court borders are usually straight. More- tending westward. The stretch from the Grand Stair- over, it is no coincidence that the resulting propor- case south is particularly well suited for a narrow portion of Knossos court length to width during the tico, as paralleled at other palatial buildings in figure Neopalatial period now falls within the range of 8. These porticos would have provided shelter from those of other palaces.19 If the present argument is the sun and rain for those attending events held in accepted, therefore, future plans of the Knossos the central courts. They also provided sheltered ac- Palace could incorporate this newly proposed re- cess between room groups opening onto the porticos stored eastern facade line so that a better under- themselves, as well as to selected eastern entrances standing of the original ensemble can be obtained. leading into and out of the palaces. We have proposed here a new eastern facade for department of fine art the Knossos court. One wonders why this has not university of toronto been done before. It is, of course, mainly because 100 st. george street so little was preserved. But it may also be because of toronto, ontario the monumentality of the Grand Staircase, which is canada m5s 3g3 so striking that, for the visitor, it seems by itself to [email protected]

19 As calculated from published drawings, the approximate m and length of 52.8 m) is considerably outside the range giv- Neopalatial court measurements are as follows: Malia, width 22.5 en above. If, however, the width of the portico being proposed m, length 48.5 m, proportion of width to length 1:2.2; Phais- here (ca. 2.5 m) is subtracted from the width just given (thus tos, width 22.4 m, length 51.8 m, proportion of width to length a width of ca. 24.8 m), the ratio becomes 1:2.1, much closer to 1:2.3; Zakros, width 12 m, length 30 m, proportion of width to the Neopalatial norm. In connection with the Knossos court, length 1:2.5. The range of the above is ca. 1:2.2–1:2.5. Evans believed that there was an irregular (Protopalatial?) fa- If the proportion of the Knossos court as preserved is calcu- cade west of the present western edge of the court (Evans 1928, lated, the result of 1:1.93 (based on a maximum width of 27.3 798–803, fig. 525). 2002] THE “LOST” PORTICO AT KNOSSOS 523

Works Cited Hazzidakis, J. 1934. Les Villas Minoennes de Tylissos. ÉtCrét 3. Paris: P. Geuthner. Chapouthier, F., and R. Joly. 1936. Fouilles exécutées à Mal- Hood, S., and W. Taylor. 1981. The Bronze Age Palace at lia. Deuxième Rapport: Exploration du Palais (1925–1926). Knossos: Plans and Sections. BSA Suppl. 13. London: ÉtCrét 4. Paris: P. Geuthner. Thames and Hudson. École française d’Athènes. 1974. Mallia: Plan du site, Plans Levi, D. 1976–1982. Festòs e la civiltà minoica. Vol. 1. In- du Palais. ÉtCrét 19. Paris: P. Geuthner. cunabula Graeca 60. Rome: Edizioni dell’Ateneo. Evans, A.J. 1901–1902. “The Palace of Knossos.” BSA MacGillivray, J.A. 2000. Minotaur: Sir Arthur Evans and 8:1–124. the Archaeology of the Minoan Myth. New York: Hill and ———. 1921. The Palace of Minos at Knossos. Vol. 1. Lon- Wang. don: Macmillan. Mackenzie, D. n.d. The Day Book of the Knossos Excava- ———. 1928. The Palace of Minos at Knossos. Vol. 2, pt 2. tions. London: Macmillan. Pelon, O. 1993. “La Salle à Piliers du Palais de Malia et ———. 1930. The Palace of Minos at Knossos. Vol. 3. Lon- ses Antécédents: Recherches complémentaires.” BCH don: Macmillan. 117:523–46. Graham, J.W. 1979. “Further Notes on Minoan Palace Popham, M.R., et al. 1984. The Minoan Unexplored Man- Architecture (1): West Magazines and Upper Halls at sion at Knossos. London: Thames and Hudson. Knossos and Mallia; (2) Access to, and Use of, Mi- Shaw, J.W. 1973. “ Minoan Architecture: Materials and noan Palace Roofs.” AJA 83:49–69. Techniques.” Annuario N.S. 32:1–256. ———. 1987. The Palaces of Crete. Rev. ed. Princeton: ———. 1977. “New Evidence for Aegean Roof Construc- Princeton University Press. tion from Bronze Age Thera.” AJA 81:229–33.

Painted Ladies: Early Cycladic II Mourning Figures? GAIL L. HOFFMAN

Abstract of the actual expressions and gestures of grief as The function and meaning of Early Cycladic figures well as women’s central role in mourning show that has long been debated. With many sculptures lacking these elements of the funeral remain remarkably clear archaeological contexts and the ever-present con- consistent over the millennia separating fifth-centu- cern about forgeries, any significant advance in our un- ry Athens from the Early Bronze Age Cyclades. derstanding of these works has seemed unlikely. By focusing on paint traces, a rarely-studied detail of the sculp- Since their discovery in the early 19th century, tures, this article suggests that a small group of folded- Cycladic marble figures have provoked speculation arm figures (FAFs), preserved with red vertical stripes about their possible uses and meanings.1 A full un- painted on their cheeks, represent mourning figures used derstanding of the functions of Cycladic figures in in funerary ritual. Combining close observation of the Early Cycladic society is limited by a lack of clear FAFs and their one assured context (in graves), ancient 2 Greek evidence about figure use and funerals, as well as archaeological contexts, while an understanding ethnographic study of figure uses, it is argued that Cycladic of their meanings is hampered by the absence of figures had a use-life before burial and that figures would textual evidence and the roughly 4,500 years sepa- be painted multiple times and with different motifs to rating us from the culture that made them. Al- reflect their changing roles in such events as initiations, though from such a distance we can only hypothe- marriages, and funerals. Finally, the Cycladic figures may reflect the development of ancestor ritual in Early Cycladic size about the rituals and ideology of Early Cycladic society in part as a response to scarce natural resources.* islanders, a frequently overlooked feature of the figures—traces of painted decoration—may offer a The importance of proper mourning for the dead way to refine our interpretations of their functions. is evident in fifth-century Greek art and literature, Perhaps because paint is easily visible on rela- where women’s roles in funerals were especially crit- tively few figures (and is poorly preserved) little in- ical. Much earlier, ca. 2500 B.C., women’s roles as depth consideration exists about its significance. mourners were probably equally central to society. A recent dissertation by Hendrix provides the full- At that time, I will argue, important individuals were est corpus to date of painted figures.3 In some cas- mourned through the display during a funeral ceres, purely anatomical features are rendered, though emony of painted marble sculptures which were then in others, decorative patterns are drawn on the fig- left as offerings in the deceased’s grave. The details ures’ surfaces. Commentators have suggested these of public funerals and their functions within society patterns signal a practice of tattooing or body paint- change through time; however, close examination ing in Early Cycladic culture.4 A few have gone fur-

* I would like to acknowledge the many people who have objects. On the debate, Broodbank 2000, 58–65; 1992; Sher- helped and encouraged me with this article, especially Pat Getz- ratt 2000, 137–8; Renfrew 1991, 21–4; 1993; Cherry 1992, 140– Gentle, Elizabeth Hendrix, Arthur W. Hoffman, and Joyce L. 4; Elia 1993. Hoffman; Gregory Nagy and the Center for Hellenic Studies, 3 Hendrix 2000. For a brief discussion, see Hendrix 1997– especially their librarians who worked tirelessly to acquire re- 1998, 4–15. search materials for me; J.J. Pollitt, Lauren Talalay, and Gor- 4 Given the variety of materials dedicated to paint prepara- don Williams. I would like to thank the two anonymous AJA tion and application that have been found (pigment, jars with readers whose comments and suggestions were very construc- stored pigment, bowls for grinding, palettes for paint prepara- tive and helpful. And I would also like to thank audiences of tion, bone and bronze tubes for application), certainly body Yale alumni and at lectures at Boston College, George Wash- painting must have been an important part of Cycladic culture. ington University, Miami of Ohio, Rice, Wesleyan, William and Renfrew 1991, 122; Getz-Preziosi 1985, 55; Zervos 1957, 44. Mary, and Yale. Tattooing may also have been practiced. Bonn 1996; Brood- 1 On the distinction between use or function and meaning, bank 2000, 248 (where he observes that copper needles found see Talalay 1993, 38. in graves could serve for tattooing); Sherratt 2000, 43–5. Cin- 2 Nearly all who discuss the figures lament the loss of archae- nabar would be toxic if used for tattooing (ibid. 117–8). Carter ological contexts. On this catastrophe, see esp. Gill and Chip- 1994, 136–7 suggests that obsidian and metal blades found in pindale 1993. There are also some who argue scholarly work graves were used for shaving, however, such implements might on the figures should be limited because of the lack of prove- also be suitable for cicatrization (scarification) or even in some nance and because it serves to encourage the market for these cases, tattooing. On metal use, see Nakou 1995.

525 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 525–50 526 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106 ther, proposing that these decorations “may reflect the way the faces of the dead were painted for burial,”5 even stating, “It is tempting to think that the skin of the deceased owner of a figure (and perhaps his mourners as well) would have been painted with the same patterns as part of the funeral preparations.”6 I take this observation further to argue that some Cycladic figures were painted at the time of the funerary ritual with red vertical striations on their cheeks intended to reproduce the effect of facial laceration. These figures were then carried as representations of mourners during the funeral before finally being placed as images of mourners in some graves. Also, because a variety of different patterns are painted on the figures, their use as mourners reflects only one among a number of possible functions. Other decorations may preserve evidence for the figures’ use in puberty, initiation, or marriage rituals. An answer to why such elaborate figures were created at all may be linked to practices of prestige display and perhaps the existence of ancestor ritual, which is a common feature of early village societies. In the Cyclades, ancestor ritual may also have developed, in part, as a response to scarce natural resources. Fig. 1. Athens N.M. inv. no. 3909. Cycladic head, 29 cm, said to be from Amorgos. (After Renfrew 1991, pl. 72, cycladic figures with permission from the Ministry of Culture, National Archaeological Museum in Athens) Sculptures with Painted Vertical Striations There are three Cycladic heads and two (per- features.9 The surface of the head is abraded, yet haps three) full figures that preserve traces of red the traces of paint are visible in natural light: four painted vertical striations on the cheeks. One head, vertical red strokes on the statue’s left cheek and said by Wolters to be from Amorgos, is now in the faint horizontal marks on the forehead remain, as Athens National Museum (fig. 1).7 Unusually large, do traces of the left eye and a probable vertical mark it measures 29 cm. Since the largest preserved com- on the nose. A drawing from the 1890s (fig. 2) plete statue has a smaller head (ca. 25 cm) and a records painted remains of vertical striations on the total height of about 1.48 m,8 if we had the body right cheek as well as further traces of painted eyes. belonging to the Athens head, it would presum- A second head, in the Copenhagen National Mu- ably constitute a nearly life-size sculpture. In addi- seum, is only slightly smaller, measuring 24.61 cm tion to its unusual size, the sculpted ears and mouth (fig. 3).10 The painted vertical red marks on both are also atypical—most Cycladic heads lack both cheeks are well-preserved, four on either side, as

5 Getz-Preziosi 1987, 53; see also Goodison 1989, 11; Dou- 153 cm. For a list of sculptures over 70 cm, see Gill and Chip- mas 1968, 52. pindale 1993, 620, table 8. 6 Getz-Preziosi 1987, 107. Similar statements can be found 9 Other sculptures with ears: Preziosi and Weinberg 1970, 7 in Preziosi and Weinberg 1970, 11; Zervos 1957, 44; Hendrix n. 16, 10 n. 36. On the lack of mouths, perhaps having sepul- 2000, 158. Renfrew (1984, 29; 1991, 117) suggests paint would chral symbolism: Getz-Preziosi 1987, 53. See, however, Hen- have provided specific attributes; Broodbank (2000, 63–4; 1992, drix 2000, 95–7, table 1 for a list of figures with painted mouths. 544) says paint probably provided crucial social messages. 10 Copenhagen National Museum no. 4697. Getz-Preziosi 7 Athens N.M. inv. no. 3909. Prakt (1888, 62–3) where it is (1987, 100) proposes an original statue height of 98 cm for listed as stone 4270; Wolters 1891, 46–7; Renfrew 1984, 29 this figure, noting it is of an “unusually grand scale.” Getz-Prez- (where it is mistakenly numbered 3903); Renfrew 1991, 117, iosi 1987, 100, 105 fig. 42h, 106, pl. 7d, 160 no. 36; Copen- pls. 72, 113; Papathanassopoulos 1981, figs. 112–6; Zervos 1957, hagen Nationalmuseet 1950, 48 no. 2 (where the facial marks figs. 177–8.; Hendrix 2000, 38–9 no. 11. are described as tattooing) and pl. 11; Thimme 1977, pl. 5a, 8 Wolters 1891, 47, where it is listed as Archaeological Soci- 468; Getz-Preziosi 1987, 160 (Goulandris Master) no. 36, pl. ety stone 4223. This is probably the same piece now numbered 7d, fig. 42h; Renfrew 1991, pl. 71; 1969, pl. 8a; Hendrix 2000, Athens N.M. inv. no. 3978. Renfrew 1991, pl. 104; 1984, 29; 80 n. 50. Zervos 1957, fig. 297. Measurements vary from 148.3 cm to 2002] EARLY CYCLADIC II MOURNING FIGURES 527

Fig. 2. Drawing of Athens N.M. 3909. (After Wolters 1891, 46) are horizontally-placed markings on the forehead. There are traces of a red vertical mark on the nose and also perhaps of strokes on the neck (fig. 4).11 A third smaller head (now in a private collection) measuring 13.4 cm has red vertical marks on the cheeks (traces of three on either side), as well as horizontal marks on the forehead (fig. 5).12 Two complete statues show traces of red vertical marks Fig. 3. Copenhagen National Museum 4697. Cycladic head on the face. Goulandris Collection 253, measuring 24.61 cm. (Courtesy of the Department of Classical and 14.8 cm, is illustrated by Hendrix with at least four Near Eastern Antiquities, National Museum of Denmark) vertical red strokes on the lower cheeks (fig. 6).13 Finally, a large complete statue, Goulandris Collec- Five pieces (maybe six)15 preserved with red tion 280, measuring 74.5 cm, carries many painted painted striations is a small corpus. Possibly other stripes (fig. 7). In addition to traces of four red Early Cycladic II statues with red vertical stripes on vertical striations on the right cheek, there are ver- the nose or chest should also be classed as mourn- tical marks on the nose, neck, chest, forearms, and ers,16 and some Early Cycladic I Plastiras figures also abdomen (fig. 8).14 have red stripes on their cheeks and necks.17 Still,

11 Getz-Preziosi 1987, 106. not examined the piece myself. Hendrix does not include it 12 Getz-Preziosi 1987, 160 n. 32 (with other references), in her list. Doumas 1979, n. 42; Getz-Preziosi 1984, figs. 14– 106 fig. 42f; Hendrix 2000, 155 n. 161; Getz-Gentle 2001, 163 16a; 1987, 99, 101, 104, 159 n. 2, pls. 34[2], 36[2], 37[2], figs. n. 32. 47a, c; Renfrew 1991, pls. 70, 100.4. 13 Goulandris Collection no. 253. Hendrix 2000, 62 no. 32 16 Other figures with striations include: neck, I.M. Cohen where she also cites Doumas 1983. Hendrix mentions mark- Collection N.Y. (unpublished) Preziosi and Weinberg 1970, 8 ings on the right cheek in her text, though her drawing shows n. 24; Hendrix 2000, ns. 43, 50; nose, Indiana University Art markings on both cheeks. Doumas 2000, 149 n. 216 indicates Museum, Bloomington, 76.25, Getz-Preziosi 1987, 106 n. 25; red vertical parallel lines on the cheeks. University of Missouri Museum of Art and Archeology 76.214, 14 Goulandris Collection no. 280. Hendrix 2000, 71–3 n. 43. Getz-Preziosi 1987, 106 n. 31; Hendrix 2000 lists many addi- Doumas 1968, 132; 1979, 131; 2000, 158 (where he describes tional statues with striations on the nose; chest, Getz-Preziosi three red stripes on each cheek); Renfrew 1991, pls. 74, 98 1987b, n. 57; Getz-Gentle 1996, fig. 100; Hendrix 2000, ns. right; Preziosi and Weinberg 1970, 8 n. 24. 47, 58, 59, 63, 65, fig. 21. 15 Getz-Gentle mentioned to me (pers. comm.) that she 17 Getz-Preziosi 1987, 53, pls. 1b, 7a. Preziosi and Weinberg recalled vertical striations on the lower cheeks of another com- (1970, n. 18) mention two such Plastiras figures from Akrotiri, plete statue Goulandris Collection 251, measuring 33 cm. Getz- Naxos, citing Doumas (1963, 278), while Renfrew (1969, 6) Gentle (2001, 161 n. 2), where she states red-painted vertical mentions four figures from a single grave at Plastiras, Paros, strokes on the forehead, lower cheeks, and forearms. Doumas two with red coloring on the face and cites Doumas (1963, 283). 2000, 146 n. 212 describes only red pigment on the crown of Hendrix 2000, n. 4. the head. The statue’s surface is heavily encrusted, and I have 528 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106

Fig. 4. Drawing of Copenhagen 4697. (After Getz-Preziosi Fig. 5. Drawing of head in private collection, 13.4 cm. (After 1987, fig. 42h, with permission from The University of Getz-Preziosi 1987, fig. 42f, with permission from The Michigan Press) University of Michigan Press) the total number of figures preserved with such (3909). Wolters claimed that it came from Amorgos, marks would not exceed a dozen, hence these fig- and, indeed, in the late 1880s, Tsountas excavated a ures stand out as special.18 Not only is their painted number of other figures from graves on that island.19 decoration unusual, but their size distinguishes The early date of its appearance (before the sculp- them as well. Four out of the five figures in this tures were especially popular with collectors— corpus would be larger than 70 cm if the complete Wolters described it as “repulsively ugly”) and its statues were preserved. accession directly into a museum collection give it (of all the pieces listed here) the best claim to au- Authenticity thenticity.20 The Copenhagen National Museum Because of the popularity of Cycladic sculptures head was also acquired early (at the beginning of on the art market and the consequent production of the 20th century), well before the most active period forgeries, the authenticity of any Cycladic sculpture of Cycladic forgery production (the 1960s). Of less must always be considered. The head from the Ath- certain antiquity are the head in a private collection ens National Museum was first reported in 1888 as (fig. 5) or the Goulandris pieces (figs. 6–7). The two part of the collection of the Archaeological Society sculptures with the best claim to authenticity (the in Greece (4270), it eventually became part of the Athens and Copenhagen heads), however, preserve National Archaeological Museum’s collection the paint traces most completely.21 Since at the time

18 Hendrix 2000, 145–6 calls the pattern “stripes” and notes Sherratt (2000, 131 n. 14) argues against paint as a sign of that it is an infrequent motif. Hendrix’s dissertation includes authenticity. She also (2000, 126) says the statues were “much 65 figures with paint traces, approximately 53 of these have sought after by collectors from the nineteenth century . . . to some type of nonanatomical decoration. However, Hendrix the present day.” Certainly the display of the Louvre head in (2000, 8) has drawn over 400 figures, just under half with paint the early 20th century and the interest generated among traces. modern artists affected the popularity and perception of the 19 Tsountas 1898, 154–5. See Athens National Museum 3978 sculptures (Rubin 1984; Sachini 1984). for an example excavated by Tsountas from Amorgos. 21 Preziosi and Weinberg (1970, 11): “it seems impossible 20 Renfrew (1985–1986, 141) states that the Athens National that such subtleties as paint ghosts would have been part of Museum head’s authenticity is “unimpeachable.” Gill and Chip- the forger’s craft more than twenty years ago.” Hendrix (2000, pindale (1993, 628) question the authenticity of all large fig- 1–5) reviews discussion of paint traces in the publications on ures, though they also note (656 n. 405) that paint traces on the figures and notes that it has been observed by some schol- figures found before paint was generally recognized as part of ars from the start. the figures might prove useful in establishing authenticity. 2002] EARLY CYCLADIC II MOURNING FIGURES 529 of their acquisition paint would probably not have added to a statue’s value, and by the 1960s paint traces might have adversely affected a statue’s mar- ketability,22 the Athens and Copenhagen heads are most likely genuine, and the other painted figures are probably authentic as well.

Typology The high point for figure production occurred during the Early Cycladic II period when the majority of the figures are nude forms with folded arms, hence the acronym FAF (folded-arm figure). Thin and abstract in rendering, the only other carved details frequently are a triangular nose, small breasts, and an engraved pubic triangle. Although the FAFs are almost always termed female, in fact, the sexual characteristics are not always explicit. Those figures that include breasts and engraved pubic triangles are female. There are numerous FAFs, however, without engraved pubic triangles and since the breasts are often small or lacking, one might question the sexual identity of these pieces.23 Paint traces may be crucial here, too, since the pubic area was often paint- Fig. 6. Goulandris Collection 253, 14.8 cm, drawing of facial ed blue. Their heads tilt back slightly, their knees markings. (Drawing courtesy of E. Hendrix) are bent, and their feet point down and turn out, making it impossible for them to stand on their own. (lyre or pipe-players), seated drinkers, or multiple Hence, most conclude that they were intended to figure groups.28 Alongside these more “naturalistic” recline, to be propped against a wall, or to be carried forms, schematic figures were also produced.29 for display.24 The figures range in size from less than Although the separation of figures into groups is 10 cm to about life-size, although the majority are debated and the attribution of figures to sculptural around 30 cm.25 Occasionally they are depicted preg- hands is highly controversial,30 Renfrew has proposed nant or show what scholars sometimes identify as post- a typology for the figures, and Getz-Gentle (believ- partum marks.26 Male FAFs are exceptionally rare.27 ing that a system of proportions was used in their Indeed, when male figures occur they generally be- creation) has attributed some works to specific carv- long to unusual sculptural types such as musicians ers.31 All of the sculptures described above would

22 Sherratt (2000, 131 n. 14) says the Ashmolean figures Getz-Preziosi 1987, 20–3, pls. IIB,C, III, VIII; Renfrew 1991, were most assiduously cleaned during the 1960s. 162-5, pls. 107–8. Slightly later than the FAFs, male hunters or 23 Knapp and Meskell (1997, 185–7, 190, 193–5, 197) com- warriors are produced, Getz-Gentle 2001, 52–6; Getz-Preziosi ment on the frequent assumptions made in figure studies about 1979; 1987, 20, 23, 61, 67–8. Broodbank 2000, 253 and fig. 83 sex and gender. where he sees the male warrior as an emerging status domain 24 Getz-Gentle 2001, 33–6; Getz-Preziosi 1987, 25, 32; Dou- in EC II; Sherratt 2000, 133 links the male types to elite activ- mas 1968, 89–90 (where he notes a schematic idol was exca- ities. vated placed upright in a grave); Fitton 1989, 40, 67; Goodison 29 Höckmann 1968, for the schematic figures. Barber (1984, 1989, 8; Thimme 1965, 78, 80. Contra, Renfrew 1991, 74, 92– 10) considers the chronological and possible functional rela- 4. For later visual evidence of figures carried for display, infra tionship of schematic and naturalistic figures. Also, Sherratt n. 185. 2000, 126–8. 25 Renfrew 1991, 74, 154. 30 Getz-Gentle’s work has received strong criticism, even 26 Getz-Gentle 2001, pregnancy: 10, 12, 21, 36, 51, 61–2, condemnation. Renfrew, too, has been chastised for contrib- 102, 104, 118–9, 137 n. 74, 144 n. 181; abdominal grooves: 10, uting to a market for the figures, supra n. 2. Comments about 22, 30–1, 43, 51–2, 56–7, 61–2, 64, 132 n. 19, 133 n. 28; Getz- attribution to sculptors’ hands: Sherratt 2000, 136–9; Brood- Preziosi 1987, pregnant: 49, 57, 67, 90, 109, 115, 117, 121, fig. bank 2000, 60, 62; 1992, 543; Renfrew 1991, 115–6; Cherry 26; abdominal grooves: 49, 51, 71, 78, 126–7, 129, fig. 27; 1992; Morris 1993; Gill and Chippindale 1993. Renfrew 1991, 103, pls. 64–5. The abdominal grooves are dif- 31 For the typology of the figures, Renfrew 1969; 1991, 74– ficult to interpret, though it may be of interest that some Af- 94; Getz-Gentle 2001, 3–60, fig. 1; Sherratt 2000, 126–7. On rican societies mark women on the lower abdomen at puberty. the attribution to specific carvers and systems of proportional- 27 Renfrew 1991, pl. 97; Getz-Preziosi 1987, 20. ity, Getz-Preziosi 1977, 1987; Getz-Gentle 2001. 28 On the male types in general, Getz-Preziosi 1980. Also 530 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106 belong to the figure type known as FAFs. In Ren- ly, however, Getz-Gentle suggests that the gesture frew’s typology all but the Athens National Museum may reference childbirth.36 Renfrew believes the head (fig. 1) would belong to a group designated gesture is critical to the sculpture’s function and “Spedos” figures.32 In addition, Getz-Gentle has at- signals respect when found on the smaller figures tributed the Copenhagen head and the head in a (which he considers votaries) and then a gesture private collection (figs. 3–5), based on the overall of epiphany when found on the larger figures contour of the head and the semi-conical shape and (which he argues are divinities).37 If these figures placement of the nose on the head, to the Goulan- served multiple purposes during the course of their dris sculptor, apparently the most prolific Early Cy- use, perhaps this gesture was created because of its cladic II carver.33 potential for multiple interpretations. (For example, in ancient Egypt, cradling the breasts was an Folded Arm Gesture accepted way to depict mourning. In a modern con- The most characteristic feature of the Early Cy- text, however, crossed arms can express either re- cladic II sculptures is their folded-arm gesture; its pose or great pain and distress.)38 interpretation has puzzled scholars. Some propose that it should be associated with death, that is, the Paint folded arms combined with a reclining posture in- Some (perhaps most) of these sculptures were dicate that the figures mimic the posture of a painted with blue (azurite) and red (cinnabar) corpse. Although an apparently attractive explana- color.39 Generally, however, all trace of paint has tion, this proposal ignores what we do know of Cy- disappeared, although occasionally the blue paint cladic burial practice, that bodies were buried in a left a faint relief ghost where it temporarily pro- contracted posture with hands turned upward in tected the stone from abrasion and corrosion. front of the body (not across the body), a posture Where paint traces do remain, eyes, eyebrows, and quite unlike that of the FAFs.34 Getz-Gentle had ar- hair have been observed (rarely, ears and nostrils). gued that the folded-arm gesture held no signifi- The pubic area was often colored. There are also cance with respect to the use or meaning of the decorative patterns (primarily stripes or dots) figure, but rather was to be explained by sculptors painted on the cheeks, foreheads, and chins of gravitating toward a form that minimized the risk of some figures as well as zigzags and non-anatomi- breakage and also eased manufacture. Other schol- cal eyes painted on the body. Some figures pre- ars concurred, citing the limitations of working in serve indications of jewelry, such as necklaces, marble and of sculpting techniques.35 More recent- bracelets, and perhaps diadems.40

32 On the amorphous character of this large group and the Early Cycladic II, the canonical figure has arms folded over problem of typological hybrids, Sherratt 2000, 126. the body (almost always left above right), still placed high 33 Getz-Preziosi 1987, 102; Getz-Gentle 2001, 84–93 for the under the breasts (in fact recalling to me a posture taken when basic features of the Goulandris sculptor’s works. Getz-Gentle one is in abdominal pain or great emotional distress). This now prefers the term sculptor to master. On the Spedos vari- point was also made by numerous ministers in one of my lec- ety, Getz-Gentle 2001, 38–49, 161–6 for a checklist of pieces, ture audiences. In some cases the arms are placed so high esp. no. 36 (Copenhagen head) and no. 32 (head in private that they actually push up or almost cradle the breasts. It is collection). interesting, then, that Ucko mentions Egyptian texts which 34 The contracted burial posture would require that the state that holding the breasts was an accepted way to depict corpse either be set in it immediately after death or that the mourning. Ucko 1968, 418; Leclant 1951, 123–7. In late Early muscles and tendons be cut and the body bound. Höckmann Cycladic II and Early Cycladic III, the gesture changes yet again (1977, 40) indicates that some corpses were trussed. Fountou- with more freedom introduced in the arm placement. A sim- lakis (1987, 29–32) notes marks on bones from EBA Manika ilar gesture appears on figurines from Oaxaca, Mexico where suggestive of cutting muscles and tendons. It has also been it is interpreted as a sign of obeisance. Marcus 1996, fig. 6. proposed that some figures may have been consciously broken For possibly related gestures on figures from the Near East, at neck and knee before placement in the grave. Höckmann Sherratt 2000, 129–30, where she observes the posture is in- (1977, 30) citing Wolters (1891, 47) about the breakage of stinctively adopted by mothers cradling their babies. Perhaps the nearly life-size figure in the Athens National Museum. Infra with the Cycladic figures the empty arms signal a hope for n. 50 for intentional breakage of figures. fertility? Sherratt also observes folded arms on some later 35 Getz-Preziosi 1981, 5–32; Doumas 1968, 90; Davis 1984, Egyptian ushabtis. 16; Getz-Preziosi 1987, 13–4, 17, 47, 49. 39 Hendrix 2000, 120–38 for a discussion of pigment type; 36 Getz-Gentle 2001, 31–3. Carter (forthcoming) on the use of cinnabar. Oustinoff (1987, 37 Renfrew 1984, 29; 1991, 102. 99) suggests hematite was also used to create red. 38 Arm placement changes subtly over time on the Cyclad- 40 Hendrix 2000; Renfrew 1991, 117–23; Fitton 1989, 67; ic figures. In Early Cycladic I, the Plastiras figures have fin- Getz-Preziosi 1987, 53–4, 85, 87, 104–7, 135, figs. 29, 42–5; gertips just meeting over the abdomen below the breasts, 1985, 55; Preziosi and Weinberg 1970, 11; Sherratt 2000, while the Louros figures have only stumps for arms. In the 131–2. 2002] EARLY CYCLADIC II MOURNING FIGURES 531 Facial features—eyes, eyebrows, hair—are most Context often colored blue, as is the pubic area. Hendrix Unfortunately, evidence about the figures’ ar- proposes such painting might be applied as part chaeological contexts is limited. Beginning in the of finishing the figure, that is, by the sculptor or 1950s and 1960s, their growing popularity on the a close associate.41 On the other hand, many dec- art market resulted in the illicit removal of over orative features (especially stripes and dots) were 1,000 sculptures from the islands and, hence, painted in red. Some of these patterns show signs caused the loss of original provenance. In addition, of hasty or repeated application, leading Hen- this popularity stimulated the production of forg- drix to propose that they may have been applied eries, making even authentication problematic.47 by unskilled hands during specific rituals.42 She Perhaps 1,200 FAFs are currently known, yet only further proposes that such motifs may have been 145 of these derive from scientific excavation of removed during the use-life of the figure, while graves.48 Of those that were excavated, nearly all other motifs may have been repainted to refresh were found in burials; recent archaeological work, visibility and/or “powers.”43 Other scholars have however, has lent some support to a notion that fig- suggested that these pigments served apotropa- ures were also used in settlements. In addition, the ic or magico-religious purposes44 and observe that breakage and repair of some statues found in graves tattooing or body painting was probably an im- has caused many to suggest that the figures were portant part of Cycladic culture.45 Getz-Gentle reused prior to their deposition in graves.49 It is pos- marks on the frequent use of red coloring in fu- sible, then, that the statues performed some func- neral rituals from the Neolithic onward, while two tion in daily life before becoming part of a burial Cycladic graves preserved blue pigment distrib- rite.50 (This may now be further supported by evi- uted on the body and floor of the tomb during dence of repainting found on some statues.) It has burial.46 been proposed that female figures could be offered

41 Hendrix 2000, 151–2, 155. 48 Getz-Preziosi 1987, 130, 141. 42 Hendrix 2000, 152, 158–9. 49 Davis (1984, 160) carefully examines the evidence for 43 An intriguing passage in the Agamemnon (ll. 1327–9) figures found in settlements serving non-funereal purposes. describes paint that can be removed by a wet sponge. “O sad He notes that such a notion rests on the presence of figure mortality! when fortune smiles, a painted image; and when fragments in settlement debris and the existence of damaged trouble comes one touch of a wet sponge wipes it away.” Alex- and repaired statues from graves. Davis proposes additional iou 1974, 113. archaeological work to determine the accuracy of this evidence 44 Zervos 1957, 44; Preziosi and Weinberg 1970, 11, n. 46 and its interpretation. Getz-Preziosi 1983 and Broodbank 2000, (with other references). On the importance of color and col- 223–30 about the “Keros hoard.” Höckmann 1977, 48 where or ritual in African contexts, Turner 1967, 59–92, esp. 86–91 he cites the cases of Phylakopi and Ayia Irini. Renfrew 1969, on its interpretation in the archaeological literature. 25ff.; 1984, 25–6; Caskey 1971. Many suggest a use prior to 45 Supra, n. 4. There is little published on body painting or burial: Renfrew 1977, 70; 1991, 98–9, 101–2; Doumas 1968, tattooing in Aegean cultures, though it is a topic that would 92–4; 1977, 62–3; Caskey 1971, 125; Barber 1984, 11, 13; Davis repay further work. Bonn (1996) collects some of the Bronze 1984, 16 (where he observes this has become a common as- Age evidence from Crete and the Cyclades (Thera). Verlin- sumption). Although Getz-Gentle had argued for their prima- den (1984) notes engraved marks on the body of Cretan ry, if not exclusive, funerary use (Getz-Preziosi 1985, 9), later bronze figures. There is the famous plaster head from Myce- she allowed a possibility of non-sepulchral use, while indicat- nae with so-called cosmetics marks on its face. Little work has ing this was not yet demonstrated (Getz-Preziosi 1987, 26, 31). been done on the practice in the Near East. Joffe et al. 2001, In her most recent work (Getz-Gentle 2001, 35–6, 137 ns. 68, 11–3. One of the anonymous readers suggests that J. Younger 69), however, she believes that the figures were in use prior to is at work on a project about body modification in the ancient burial, as do Broodbank (2000, 218, 262–3) and Sherratt (2000, Aegean. Otherwise, Zimmerman (1980) on tattooed Thracians 126). and their depiction in Greek vase painting; Jones (1987) on 50 The issue of broken figures has generated much discus- Graeco-Roman tattooing and branding; Svenbro 1993, 137; sion, not only about whether this is evidence for use before Arist. Poet. 1454b. With the rise of the state, tattooing frequently burial. Indeed, partial figures are found offered in graves (Ren- moved from serving a positive, integrative social role to becom- frew 1977, 70; 1984, 25–6; 1991, 98; Getz-Preziosi 1987, 32) ing a mark of social outcasts. Thévoz 1984, 20–1. and also perhaps in cemeteries but outside graves (Renfrew 46 Getz-Preziosi 1987, 54; Broodbank 2000, 249; Kontoleon 1991, 101, n. 16). This has occasioned speculation that the 1972, 153. On red color: Carter (forthcoming); Sherratt 2000, breakage might be intentional and part of ritual. Getz-Gentle 117–8 (describes use as adornment for dead, applied to statues 2001, 78; Getz-Preziosi 1987, 32–3 where she references as paint and its sources in Anatolia); Kurtz and Boardman 1971, Mellink (1967, 254) on this practice in Anatolia. Höckmann 71, 217, 318, 330; Duhn 1906; Ebert 1927–1928, 161–3; Hägg 1977, 39; Renfrew 1991, 101. On the intentional breakage of 1965, 137 (from Kurtz and Boardman); Hendrix (2000, 3) prestige items Broodbank 2000, 230, 268; in Late Bronze Age mentions yellow pigment found around graves at Naxos and contexts, Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999, 138, also Hamilakis Paros, ibid., n. 9 for references. 1998. 47 Gill and Chippindale 1993, 608–24. 532 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106 in either male or female graves, though this has not as a goddess overseeing birth and death;61 (9) it yet been demonstrated through controlled excava- has even been suggested that they were simply tion.51 Barely one-tenth of the graves contained fig- toys.62 There have been trenchant criticisms of many ures, so they were not an essential part of the funer- of these hypotheses, primarily on the grounds that al, rather they may have been a mark of some social they do not fit the little we do know about Early distinction.52 All discussions about the use and Cycladic society and the figures themselves.63 That meaning of the figures consistently mention spe- these sculptures were toys seems belied by the size cific details of the sculptures and their context— and quality of the materials, the effort that went the folded arm gesture, the pointed toes of most into their production,64 and the apparent lack of (assuring that the figures must recline, be held or association with children’s graves.65 Likewise, giv- propped), the gender (mainly female), the size en the village structure of Early Cycladic society it (ranging from about 10 cm to 150 cm), the relative- seems doubtful that its rituals included visual rep- ly permanent material (marble), the existence of resentations of nymphs, heroes, or guides to the broken, partial, and repaired figures, and their one other world.66 The Great Mother hypothesis has certain context, in graves. been challenged because many Cycladic figures are broken, fragmentary, and sometimes crushed be- Figure Interpretation neath other deposits, seemingly inappropriate A plethora of explanations for the Cycladic fig- treatment for a divinity. In addition, the figures do ures exists in the scholarly literature.53 It has been not have exaggerated breasts, a characteristic fre- suggested that the figures were (1) similar to Egyp- quently associated with Great Mother representa- tian ushabti figures;54 (2) substitutes for human sac- tions.67 Finally, identification of Cycladic figures as rifice;55 (3) guides to the underworld;56 (4) protec- slaves for the afterlife or as apotropaic devices rais- tive guardians;57 (5) images for ancestor worship;58 es questions about why the figures appear in only (6) depictions of heroes or nymphs;59 (7) deities some graves.68 One could argue that only the wealthy or worshipers;60 (8) the Great Mother in her guise were able to afford such help or protection, but

51 Renfrew 1984, 26 (cites a lack of data and one possible 45; Thimme 1965, 78–81; Renfrew 1991, 95. association of figures with a “male” grave identified as such 57 I.e., they served an apotropaic function. Mylonas 1934, based on the presence of a dagger); Getz-Preziosi 1985, 10 275; 1959, 140. Mylonas also suggested that they represented (says there is no evidence either way); Höckmann 1977, 41– divine nurses or attendants who cared for the dead in their 3 (suggests found in both male and female graves); Barber 1984, journey to the underworld. For a similar view, see Nilsson 1950, 13 (lack of detailed information); Lambrinoudakis 1990, 101 307. (accompanied both male and females indiscriminately). Hen- 58 Doumas 1968, 88; Zervos 1957, 44; Broodbank 1992, 543. drix (2000, 15–6) notes, even in controlled excavations, skel- 59 Schefold 1965, 87–90. etons have rarely been sexed by scientific criteria. 60 A view especially championed by Renfrew, 1991, 102, 52 Broodbank 1992, 545; Renfrew 1984, 26; 1972, 374; Getz- 105; 1985–1986, 141; 1984, 28. Barber (1984, 14 n. 33) is Preziosi 1983, 41; 1985, 10; Barber 1987, 82, 131; Doumas 1977, in substantial agreement with Renfrew stressing the figures 62; Fitton 1989, 67; Höckmann 1977, 40. Though with so many were used in ceremonies and perhaps also had significance of the graves looted prior to excavation, any number here is as spirit figures. just a guess. Infra, n. 68. Broodbank 2000, 262–3 where he 61 Thimme 1965, 72–86; Zervos 1957, 43, 46; and Doumas describes a complex of prestige items. 1968, 181 n. 96 for other references. 53 Doumas (1968, 88–94) provides an excellent overview 62 Doumas (1968, 88) mentions this without further refer- with commentary on many of the early hypotheses, which is ence, though Ucko (1968) considered such a possibility. updated by Marangou (1990, 140–2). Also, Broodbank 2000, 63 See esp. Doumas 1968, 89–91; Marangou 1990, 141–2. 172–3, 253; 1992, 543; Sherratt 2000, 132–6; Renfrew 1991, 64 Oustinoff 1984, 1987; Renfrew 1984, 25. 95–105; 1985–1986, 141; 1984, 24–30; Goodison 1989, 4–11; 65 Renfrew 1984, 25. FAFs were certainly offered in adult Getz-Preziosi 1987, 31–3; Ekschmitt 1986, 99–106; Barber graves. There is one instance in Anatolia which Mellink (1967, 1984, 10–4; Davis 1984, 15–21; and Höckmann 1977, 42–4. 254) suggests shows an exclusive association between marble The variety of proposed interpretations has no doubt increased idols and child graves. with the lack of clear contextual information about the fig- 66 Doumas 1968, 89; Marangou 1990, 141. ures’ use in Cycladic society. 67 Doumas 1968, 89–91; Nilsson 1950, 292; Renfrew 1984, 54 Hogarth 1927, 57–60; Picard 1930, 103. Originally ushab- 25; 1991, 96; Ucko 1968, 417–9; Talalay 1993, 27. tis were thought to function as slaves in an afterlife. More re- 68 Figures appear in less than 1/10 of the graves. Getz-Prez- cently, however, it has been argued that these figures served iosi 1983; 1987, 27; Davis 1984, 18 proposes at Ayia Irini only to help the dead reconceive themselves sexually. Roth 2000, 1.2% of the burials contained figures. Aplomata has an un- 198 with other references. Hence, they are now sometimes usually high concentration with 42 figures discovered in 27 referred to as “Brides of the Dead.” Bianchi 1998, 22. graves. Getz-Preziosi 1982, 41; Broodbank 1992, 545; 2000, 55 Nilsson 1950, 294. 220. Supra, n. 52. 56 Sakellariou and Papathanasopoulos 1970, 64; Zervos 1957, 2002] EARLY CYCLADIC II MOURNING FIGURES 533

Fig. 8. Drawing of Goulandris Collection 280. (Drawing by E. Hendrix)

More recent discussions of the figures’ possible uses and meanings have attempted to incorporate increasing evidence about Early Cycladic society as well as theoretical consideration of figure use and ethnographic parallels. For example, Renfrew claims the standardization of the Early Cycladic II FAF argues against use as an emblem of status or membership in a specific group, proposing instead that figure use must be seen in the context of “religious belief and perhaps ritual.”70 Renfrew recon- structs a domestic or household cult in which figures were used as votives, votaries, and (the largest figures as) cult images. Noting that prehistoric communities rarely place cult figures in graves, Ren- frew suggests this practice indicates a personal association with cult on the part of the buried individual, for instance, as priest or shaman. Further, Renfrew proposes painted details may originally Fig. 7. Goulandris Collection 280, 74.5 cm. (After Renfrew have provided attributes with which to indicate iden- 1991, pl. 74, with permission from the N.P. Goulandris 71 Foundation, Museum of Cycladic Art) tity and use of individual figures. Barber emphasizes aspects of the figures that he figures in less expensive materials would then be believes are significant for their interpretation in- expected for offering in less sumptuous graves.69 stead of proposing an overarching explanation of

69 It has been suggested that the schematic figures might imitations of metal, i.e., silver figures. Sherratt 2000, 133–4 be less expensive versions of the FAFs (Barber 1984, 11) or citing Renfrew 1969, 31. that figures may have been produced in perishable materials, 70 Renfrew 1984, 26. e.g., wood. Barber 1984, 11; Getz-Preziosi 1987, 9–10, 31, 40– 71 Renfrew 1984, 25–9; 1991, 98–103. 1. It has also been suggested that the marble figures might be 534 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106 their meaning. For instance, he argues the stan- islands (whether by exchange or force) was a part dardization of the FAF, the features chosen for em- of elite male ideology.78 phasis,72 production in durable materials perhaps Broodbank, critiquing earlier interpretations of by specialist craftsmen,73 the restricted chronologi- the figures, proposes “an association with the ac- cal range (essentially late Early Cycladic I and Early quisition and movement of high status women (and Cycladic II), and their disappearance in Early Cy- less commonly, men) within and between the nec- cladic III all require explanation. By considering essarily exogamous communities of the Cyclades.”79 earlier and later figure use in the Aegean as well as He further notes, “The range of tattooed motifs and anthropological evidence, Barber proposes that the hair arrangements attested . . . may indicate that figures were important to community ritual and the painted surface records crucial messages . . .”80 probably represented deities as well as votaries. The and the unusual size of a few figures is likely “an unusual figure types (musicians, cup bearers, war- outcome of status-driven competitive emulation.” riors) represent participants in ritual, while the Further, he speculates “some of the figures . . . may majority type (the FAF) emphasizes “the fundamen- represent individuals and have played a part in tal role of women as the source of life and renewal defining a person’s identity or marked a stage in in the community.”74 The figures could be used in their life” noting that “a funeral would provide an rituals to mark important life-stages, at times of com- opportunity to . . . mourn for an adult or child whose munity crisis, or at significant moments during the death could easily spell the demise of an entire year. Upon the death of the individual who origi- settlement.”81 nally dedicated a figure, it was placed in their grave, perhaps as a spirit figure. cycladic culture Like Barber, Sherratt focuses on specific aspects The earliest permanent settlement of the Cycla- of the figures that are noteworthy.75 Puzzling over des began near the end of the Neolithic period the folded arm gesture, she notes its similarity to a when people (perhaps from the coast of Asia Mi- pose “instinctively adopted by mothers cradling nor or mainland Greece) paddled to the islands.82 their babies” wondering whether the gesture A harsh environment with limited fresh water or might be intended as a promise of future fertili- tillable soil, the primary resources were stone and ty.76 The consistent white or pale color of the sculp- metals scattered throughout the islands.83 Settle- tural materials (primarily marble, but also shell, ment was sparse,84 varying from a few villages in the bone, ivory, and lead), she proposes, may indicate Neolithic, to dispersed farmsteads in Early Cyclad- “an ideal of pale skin as a distinctive mark of fem- ic I, to dispersed farmsteads combined with a few inine status.”77 She further observes a shift in em- villages in Early Cycladic II. Subsistence consisted phasis from steatopygia in Neolithic figures to the of a mix of farming, sheep and goat herding, and nubile form of slim, reclining figures with small some fishing.85 Formal cemeteries appear early in breasts. Drawing together these observations, Sher- the Cyclades (already at the end of the Neolithic)86 ratt interprets their function in the context of ex- and are one of the primary sources for information ogamy where the acquisition of women from other about Early Bronze Age Cycladic society.87

72 Barber (1984, 11) sees these as the sexually distinctive 81 Broodbank 2000, 173–4. characteristics. Although many of the figures do have tiny 82 Broodbank 2000, 36. Saliagos dates to Late Neolithic (fifth breasts and engraved pubic triangles, other scholars consider millennium) and Kephala to early Final Neolithic (first half of the folded-arm gesture or the elongated neck and tilted head fourth millennium). These were the first sites recognized— as more distinctive. Evans and Renfrew 1968; Coleman 1977. Now add LN sites on 73 On the issue of specialist craftsmen in Early Cycladic Mykonos, Paros, Naxos, Amorgos, and Thera as well as FN sites metallurgy and obsidian work, Nakou 1995, 20; Carter 1994, on Andros and Siphnos. Broodbank 2000, 117–43, fig. 34, 144– 137–8. 66; 1999; Davis 1992; Cherry 1990, 158–74. There is evidence 74 Barber 1984, 14. for sporadic visits to the islands, especially Melos, by 8000 B.C. 75 She consistently stresses parallels with Near Eastern, es- to obtain obsidian. On the Cyclades in general, Broodbank 2000 pecially Anatolian metal figures, e.g., likening the painted and Davis 2000; 1992. Earlier discussions in Renfrew 1972, esp. decoration of Cycladic figures to the metal attachments on Near chs. 9, 11; 1991, 39–51; Marangou 1990, 16–20; Getz-Preziosi Eastern statues. Sherratt 2000, 129–30. 1987, 3–34. 76 Sherratt 2000, 130, 135. 83 Broodbank 2000, 76–80. 77 Sherratt 2000, 134. 84 Broodbank 2000, 86–7, 145–56, 177–80. 78 Sherratt 2000, 135, 136 n. 35. 85 Broodbank 2000, 81–5, 144–53. 79 Broodbank 1992, 543; 2000, 173. 86 Broodbank 2000, 150; Talalay 1993, 73. 80 Broodbank 1992, 544; 2000, 63–4. 87 Doumas 1977, 1987. 2002] EARLY CYCLADIC II MOURNING FIGURES 535 Burial oping technologies and economic change, thus, Located near the settlements, burial was in small these offerings were viewed as wealth indicative of trapezoidal-shaped cists. In Early Cycladic II, these the status of emergent leaders.94 Recent analyses, cists were often lined on three sides with stone slabs however, note that the metal and obsidian found in while the fourth side was made of a dry stonewall. graves appear limited to standardized types (espe- The body lay on its side (often the right side) in a cially daggers and prismatic blades and cores).95 In contracted fetal position, arms in front, hands up- addition, although there is no evidence for restrict- turned; the head was sometimes placed on a stone ed access to the raw materials, it seems likely that pillow. Although single inhumation predominat- access to production skills was controlled.96 The rise ed, occasionally multiple burials occurred within a in the quantity of metal and obsidian in graves dur- tomb.88 When a second burial was made, the de- ing Early Cycladic II, then, may not indicate that cayed remains of the earlier burial would be the technical “know how” or the absolute amount brushed aside, except for the skull, which was left of metalwork or obsidian increased, but rather that in place.89 When multiple burials were made in a emergent social groups appropriated production tomb, a second story might be added with the up- and symbolic use of these materials creating a “new per level used for inhumation and the lower level depositional strategy [offering in graves] . . . which serving as an ossuary. Grave goods were generally marked membership.”97 It has been proposed that few and simple. An occasional wealthy grave, how- “formalized entry into a corporate group, age-grade ever, contained a variety of objects, such as pottery or status may have necessitated the acquisition or vessels and so-called frying pans, bronze and obsid- awarding of a standard weapon,” such as a metal ian weapons and tools, bone and stone jewelry, lead dagger,98 whereas the obsidian blades (perhaps models of ships,90 and marble vessels and figures. serving as razors) may have been part of a toilet kit Some items appear to be daily-use objects (i.e., per- necessary for shaving, which might be associated sonal possessions) while others may have been made with rites of passage.99 A similar argument might be specifically for the grave.91 There were stone offer- made for the iconographic evidence of body modi- ing platforms with pottery on the tops of graves or fication, the appearance of jewelry (especially dia- within the cemeteries. The care taken with the ar- dems), and the use of marble figures.100 rangement of the body and offerings in the grave, Although Renfrew had proposed Early Cycladic the treatment of the skull in multiple burials,92 the II culture reached the level of “chiefdoms,”101 Brood- probable offering of daily-use and specifically fu- bank more recently argues for an essentially “egal- nerary objects, and the presence of offering plat- itarian” community.102 In an egalitarian community, forms in cemeteries suggest a ritual at the time of social roles, authority, and prestige would be per- burial as well as the probability of ongoing atten- sonal, achieved, and temporary. The term chief- tion to the deceased.93 dom, however, implies ascribed status and an office A substantial increase during Early Cycladic II in of a chief who coordinated social, political, and re- the quantity of metal and obsidian found in graves ligious functions within society. Differential wealth, had previously been explained in terms of devel- size, construction, and location of graves all indi-

88 Doumas 1977, 55–8; Broodbank 2000, 178. Doumas 1977, 54–64. 89 Doumas 1977, 31–4, 54–8. 94 Renfrew 1972, 338, 319–20, 340–61, 483–5; 1986. 90 Broodbank (2000, 97 n. 4) observes the authenticity of 95 Nakou 1995; Carter 1994. the ship models has been questioned. The main objection is 96 Carter 1994, 137–8; Nakou 1995, 17–8. that the higher end of the models must be the prow, however, 97 Nakou 1995, 23, 2; Carter 1994, 138. on boat representations from frying pans many believe the high 98 Nakou 1995, 13. end is the stern. For a full discussion of this debate, Sherratt 99 Carter 1994, 137. For shaved heads as indicators of initia- 2000, 100–2. tion rituals and age in the Late Bronze Age Cyclades, Marina- 91 Weinberg 1965, 192–3; Coleman 1985, 191–204; Barber tos 1986, 43; Karageorghis 1990; Davis 1986. It is also possible 1987, 82; Doumas 1977, 62; Getz-Preziosi 1987, 31–3. Against that the blades could have been used for cicatrization, butch- a purely funerary use, Lambrinoudakis 1990, 102–4. On the ery, or cutting of the corpse’s tendons. Carter 1994, 137; Foun- wide variability of practice site to site in the Cyclades, see Brood- toulakis 1987. On the use of the obsidian blades for shaving bank 2000. and cutting hair, Carter 1997. 92 Specialized treatment of skulls is known especially from 100 Nakou 1995, 13. the Neolithic in the Near East and is also a prominent feature 101 Renfrew 1972, 364–5 for a definition; also, Renfrew 1991, of many ethnographically documented ancestor rituals. Park- 46–8. er Pearson 1999, 159–61; Bienert 1991. 102 Broodbank 2000, 86. 93 Broodbank 2000, 170–4, 262–7; Höckmann 1977, 40; 536 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106 cate at least rudimentary social distinctions within Sherratt also notes the association of female vul- the community. Evidence of interest in body adorn- vae, celestial motifs, and marine symbolism, likewise ment and modification, expansion of figure types proposing an ideology linking the sea and sexuality. and size, and the beginnings of craft specialization She further observes the similarity of this group of all suggest there is some form of social differentia- symbols to those of eastern deities, for instance the tion in Early Cycladic II society.103 Levantine imagery of Astarte as maris stella; hence she posits the existence of a goddess to protect and guide Ritual seafarers as well as to provide sexual gratification.108 We know very little about the rituals of the Cy- All analyses of ritual and symbolic display and cladic islanders, and much of what we suppose figure use among Early Cycladic II islanders must has been extrapolated from the figures and other remain speculative. Additional sources of informa- objects in the burials. So far, there are no known tion, however, may help to assess the hypothesis that sites, buildings, or household settings specifical- a small group of Early Cycladic II figures preserved ly for ritual activity, though Renfrew and Höck- with red-painted facial striations served as images mann have both speculated on their existence.104 of mourners. For instance, comparative evidence Other scholars, however, have questioned wheth- from Mediterranean cultures and ethnographical- er Early Cycladic II culture would require specially documented groups, as well as theoretical con- ized locations for such activity, proposing, instead, structs can provide useful insights. that its rituals would emphasize the basic cosmic powers of creation and regeneration by celebrat- comparative evidence ing significant life transitions—birth, puberty, Theory marriage, childbirth, death.105 Goodison observes Although theoretical constructs for the analysis that Early Cycladic II symbolic display suggests an and interpretation of figures found in burials might “animistic tradition,” in which “Spirits or super- be pertinent (e.g., theories about the archaeology natural forces [could be] immanent in plants, an- of death109 and mortuary analysis,110 figure use,111 imals, stones . . . and that these may be developed the body and body adaptation,112 and the individu- into a schema of ideas about the cycles of change al,113 to name a few), their application seems im- in human life.”106 practicable because of the severely limited evidence More recently, Broodbank has proposed the sym- both about the burials themselves and the contexts bolic display (including depictions of canoes, fish, of figure use in Early Cycladic II society. Marcus stars or sun motifs, birds, and spirals interpreted summarizes the problem: “a theoretical framework as representations of waves) “can be read as sym- . . . cannot be successfully applied to poorly collect- bols of the sea and are indicative of burgeoning ed archaeological data . . . context is crucial to stud- maritime prowess.” In some instances, he even pro- ies of both ritual behavior and socially constructed poses more specific interpretations. For example: gender roles, and context cannot be reconstructed “In the combination of a longboat or star with fe- from museum collections that lack good prove- male genitalia on the frying pans from Chalandri- nience.”114 It is to be hoped that future discoveries ani . . . it is not hard to discern an association be- may improve this situation and that other scholars tween raiding or long-range navigation and bio- will then take up the work of applying these theo- logical reproduction or sexual gratification.”107 ries to the Cycladic figures.

103 For a consideration of “incipient” and “emergent” social 109 Parker Pearson 1999; Cavanagh and Mee 1998; Camp- complexity in Cyprus, see Knapp 1993, 85–95; also, Manning bell et al. 1995; Metcalf and Huntington 1991; Chapman et al. 1993. 1981; Humphreys and King 1981. 104 Renfrew 1984, 27–8; 1991, 50, 101, 186; Höckmann 110 Branigan 1998; O’Shea 1984; Parker Pearson 1982; Pee- 1977, 37–9. Renfrew speculates the Keros hoard might indi- bles and Kus 1977; Brown 1971. cate a sanctuary. Contra, Getz-Preziosi 1983; Broodbank 2000, 111 Marcus 1998, 1996; Knapp and Meskell 1997; Bailey 1996; 223–30 where he argues at length for a cemetery. Bolger 1996; Haaland and Haaland 1996; Hamilton 1996; Ucko 105 Doumas 1968, 91–2; Nilsson 1950, 291–2; Zervos 1957, 1996, 1968; Talalay 1993. 44; Goodison 1989, 7–11; Lambrinoudakis 1990, 99. 112 Various articles in Rautman 2000; Knapp and Meskell 106 Goodison 1989, 10. Höckmann (1977, 37) suggests 1997, 183–7; Brain 1979, 105–21 “The Symbolic Body”; Dou- belief in “a divine protective power over plant and animal glas 1966, 1970. fertility.” 113 Knapp and Meskell 1997, esp. 188–90; Bailey 1994. 107 Broodbank 2000, 249–56. 114 Marcus 1998, 4; 1996. 108 Sherratt 2000, 197–200. 2002] EARLY CYCLADIC II MOURNING FIGURES 537 Ethnography times made in more durable materials, and generally Although its use in archaeological analysis is vocif- receive more care and attention (both in production erously debated,115 comparative ethnographic evi- and preservation). Figurines are only rarely kept and dence can provide models for figure use relatively buried with an individual.121 These exceptional cases free of ethnocentric bias and models of behavior dif- provide the best parallels for Cycladic figures. ficult to deduce by logic alone, and it can demon- In ethnographic examples of tomb use, figurines strate varied and heterogeneous causes for figure almost never represent deities and “[were] buried use.116 Ethnographic analogues cannot be applied for specific and often practical purposes.”122 That directly to archaeological materials, but as Marcus is, the figurines found offered in or near graves observes, “the discovery of strong worldwide patterns were generally used by the deceased in puberty increases the likelihood that one’s ethnographic anal- rites, were received as initiation gifts or as spirit ogies are on solid ground.”117 Further, the specific figures, were intended to commemorate dead an- cultural circumstances of use and the cosmological cestors,123 or were representations of mourners.124 views of the people using the figures will determine All of these possibilities are pertinent to the present their meanings in individual cases.118 Thus, ethno- discussion of Early Cycladic II FAFs. graphic evidence may provide useful parameters with- Body Decoration. Some ethnographic studies of in which to consider Cycladic figure use, even though figure use address the possible relationship be- a fuller understanding of this use will require more tween figure and body decoration.125 In general, knowledge about their specific cultural contexts. body marking is related to taboos, rituals, and be- Figure Use. Ucko and Talalay, in their work on Med- liefs in a society (though primarily aesthetic func- iterranean Neolithic figurines,119 observed that the tions have also been described).126 While tattooing evidence for figurine use in ethnographically docu- or cicatrization127 tend to mark a permanent change mented societies indicates a wide array of purposes: in status resulting from completion of a rite, non- ancestor images, surrogate chiefs, protective spirits permanent markings such as body paint are more or household deities, charms, hexes, fetishes, illus- often used for special occasions or to indicate tran- trations to enliven storytelling, teaching devices dur- sient states.128 Frequently, body decoration takes ing initiation rituals about sexual matters, marriage, place in the context of rituals, especially those devalue systems, in divination and curing rites, and as scribed in the anthropological literature as “rites mourners.120 In many instances, the figurines are of passage”—festivals to mark puberty and initia- small, disposable, and made from perishable materi- tion into adulthood, marriage, childbirth, and als. Ancestor images, however, tend to be larger, some- death.129 Women often become primary bearers of

115 Talalay 1993, 40 for discussion and references to this than scarification) is most common among darker peoples of debate; Marcus 1998, 17–23; Ucko 1996, 301–2. sub-Saharan Africa, south Asia, Melanesia, and Australia. Some 116 Talalay 1993, 40; Ucko 1962, 45. speculate that this is simply a function of visibility. Rubin 1988, 117 Marcus 1998, 17 citing Ember and Ember 1995. 15, 19; Brain 1979, 70; Thévoz 1984, 43. 118 Marcus 1998, 29. 128 Talalay 1993, 71; Brain 1979, 51; Ebin 1979, 27, 59; 119 Ucko and Talalay have proposed that specific kinds of Thévoz 1984, 36, 38, 44; Rubin 1988, 16. In ethnographically evidence must be considered when interpreting figurines: (1) documented cultures, a triad of colors (white, red, and black) the figurines themselves; (2) the archaeological context of is most often used for body decoration. Although these colors the figurines; (3) the socioeconomic matrix of the communi- symbolize specific ideas, their significance varies from culture ty producing and using the figurines; and (4) ethnographic to culture and even within a culture their meaning can vary parallels. They also emphasize that figurines frequently served from event to event. Brain 1979, 114; Thévoz 1984, 54; Turn- more than one function within a society and even individual er 1967, 59–92; Gröning 1997, 114; Goody 1962, 58. For ex- figurines could serve multiple purposes over the course of their ample, in many western cultures black is the color of mourn- use. Talalay 1993, 38; Ucko 1968, 427; 1962, 38. ing, whereas in China and parts of Africa, white is the color of 120 Talalay 1993, 40–4. mourning. In the present context, the fact that ancestors are 121 Talalay 1993, 43–4; Ucko 1962, 46; 1968, 425–9. often considered white and initiates in the liminal phase of 122 Talalay 1993, 44; Ucko 1962, 46. their rite are often dusted white is perhaps suggestive. Grön- 123 Talalay 1993, 74 and n. 60 for additional references. ing 1997, 116. 124 Barber 1984, 13; Ucko 1968, 426, 429. 129 Often these passages are also accompanied by trials or 125 Talalay 1993, 70–1; Roberts 1985, infra n. 133. tests. In some cases these have been likened to a symbolic death 126 Talalay 1993, 71; Bonn 1976, 10. See Faris 1972; Ebin and rebirth (Ebin 1979, 59, 62) or a symbolic return to the 1979, 74; and Brain (1979, 42) on the primarily aesthetic use womb and rebirth (Haaland and Haaland 1996, 298). Van of body enhancement among the Nuba. Gennep (1960) divided such rituals into three stages, separa- 127 Tattooing most often occurs among light skinned peo- tion, marginality, and aggregation. Ebin 1979, 42. ple, cicatrization (a term preferred by some as more neutral 538 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106 such marks as a result of their critical role in these cial political or juridical status within the commu- life transitions. This seems especially true of nu- nity.138 Because ancestors might continue to affect bile girls, who had marks added to the face, breasts, the living, they can be consulted or placated; how- or belly in recognition of their future biological ever, in order for the ancestors to respond, a tangi- role.130 Like the ethnographically known uses of fig- ble object had to exist for them to inhabit.139 Such urines, then, body decoration serves a variety of objects take a variety of forms, such as memorial purposes: marks to indicate tribal affiliation; status tablets, stools, and standardized figure types that or age-grade within a group; identification marks were often stylized with elongated necks and gen- to secure a place in the spirit world; cures for pain; eralized facial features.140 These tangible forms were protective signs; good luck and love charms; mech- regularly anointed with oil, egg, and blood before anisms for preserving youth; and as signs of mourn- being brought to participate in important societal ing.131 Also, like figure use, the meaning or signifi- events, such as initiations, weddings, and funer- cance of body decoration must be determined with- als.141 In addition, ancestor figures might serve in in specific cultural contexts.132 Examples are known juridical proceedings as guarantors of truth142 or as of body decoration mimicked in patterns found on evidence of continuous habitation supporting spe- figurines.133 Most often this occurs on ancestor fig- cific land claims.143 When not in use, these ritual ures where the figure’s decorative patterns match objects were kept in a shrine or memorial, some- those of the person represented, not necessarily times with the remains of the deceased person with with the intent of portraiture, but rather to memo- whom they were associated. rialize the individual’s social persona. Ethnographic comparison thus allows a number Ancestor Ritual. In village societies, ritual served of useful observations. Figure use has been wide- important roles in social integration. Especially if spread and has served many purposes. Figures of- the organizational principle of the society was mem- fered in or near graves tended to represent funeral bership in lineages or descent groups, ancestor rit- participants, initiation gifts, or ancestors. Larger fig- uals played a part in creating social cohesion.134 ures in more permanent materials most often were Worldwide, some agricultural groups, believing that ancestor figures. Ancestor figures were tended, the dead continue to affect the living, celebrate specially decorated, and brought to participate in ancestor rituals.135 Still, as a group, the dead are important rites of passage. Markings on ancestor variously imagined. Some cultures consider ances- figures generally related to the social persona (age- tors to be beneficent,136 while others consider them grade, marital status, social rank) of an individual, essentially maleficent.137 Although conceptualiza- however, the figures themselves were often gener- tion of the dead varies from culture to culture, they ic in form.144 When the importance of women’s bio- often belong to a “faceless” group possessing spe- logical role was emphasized by a community, wom-

130 Brain 1979, 50, 70; Rubin 1988, 16, 19. 136 E.g., China, Japan, America. Ahern 1973; Ooms 1967; 131 Talalay 1993, 71; Brain 1979, 23 and the illustration Marcus 1998, 17. on 25 depicting a North American Indian widow who paint- 137 E.g., parts of Africa. Fortes 1965. On the dichotomy of ed her face with four vertical lines below the eyes symboliz- good/bad ancestors, see Newell 1976; Kerner 1976, 207–8. ing tears. Idem, 170, “A common sign of mourning through- Marcus (1998, 17) proposed that in Formative Oaxaca recent out the world is the daubing of paint . . . on the bodies of ancestors might be helpful, while more remote ancestors could widows and children.” become dangerous. 132 Thévoz 1984, 578; Brain 1979, 111–2. Idem. 26 on North 138 China and Japan: Newell 1976, 22. Africa: Middleton American Indians, “[the] elaborate system of painting [in- 1960, 33; Kopytoff 1971, 129; Marcus 1998, 17–9, 21. volved] their social life, their cosmology, and their symbolism.” 139 Marcus 1998, 15, 19; Fortes 1976, 7–8. Gröning 1997, 12, “the form and meaning of body decoration 140 Tablets: Yonemura 1976, 178–9; Matsuzono 1976; stools: is always the expression of a particular culture.” Fiawoo 1976, 266–7; figures: Marcus 1998, 19; Himmelheber 133 Talalay 1993, 70; Maurer and Roberts 1985, 130; Brain 1960, esp. 73, 123–4, 167–8; Lem 1948, esp. 20, 25; Bacquart 1979, 73, “on African carving [of ancestor figures] the marks 1998. Figures were sometimes clothed with perishable materi- are often reproduced with great care since they indicate the als. Maurer and Roberts 1985, ills. 7, 36. precise status . . . of the person portrayed.” Also, Gröning 1997, 141 Goody 1962, 391; Gröning 1997, 87. 81, 167. Although ancestor figures often indicate status by 142 Fiawoo 1976, 279. For an illustration of ancestral fig- reproducing the actual markings of the deceased, stools used ures “presiding” over such a proceeding, Maurer and Roberts as ancestor memorials also marked an individual’s social perso- 1985, ill. 9. na through iconographic details. Fiawoo 1976, 266. 143 Burials and cemeteries also might serve this purpose. 134 On the question of terminology, ancestor “worship” vs. Glazier 1984 on the development of such usage in response to “ritual,” see Marcus 1998, 19–20; Fortes 1976, 1–3. colonial pressures in Africa. 135 Marcus 1998, 17–23; Goody 1962, 412; Fortes 1965; 144 Marcus 1998, 19. Kopytoff 1971; Newell 1976; McAnany 1994. 2002] EARLY CYCLADIC II MOURNING FIGURES 539 en often became the primary bearers of body mark- bloodletting, the use of narcotic plants, and per- ings. In all cases, specific figure uses, meanings, haps contact with remote ancestors; occurred in and forms of decoration were directly related to special “Men’s Houses”; and probably were attend- the cosmological ideas of a particular group. ed only by initiates.147 In contrast, women’s rituals focused on water divination,148 healing, and con- Archaeology of Figure Use sulting recently deceased ancestors; took place Egypt. Archaeologically preserved decorated fig- within the household; and were apparently attend- ures found in tombs provide additional sources of ed by all women.149 comparative evidence. The earliest known exam- Small terracotta figurines were made to facilitate ple linking body markings and decorated figures communication with recent ancestors.150 Although placed in graves comes from Egypt. Amunet (a a few specially costumed male figurines151 as well as priestess of Hathor at Thebes during Dynasty XI, animal figurines occurred, the majority of the fig- ca. 2160–1994 B.C.) was tattooed with a series of ures were simple standardized female types with dots and dashes creating an abstract geometric pat- highly generalized facial features,152 occasionally a tern on her body. Closely related patterns appear female figure was shown pregnant.153 The only dis- on contemporary faience figures often labeled tinctive attributes were a variety of detailed hairdos “brides of the dead.”145 These small figures were that Marcus links to indications of age-grade, mari- placed in the graves of both men and women ap- tal status, or rank.154 Marcus explains the large num- parently to arouse the dead to procreate themselves, ber of figures as well as their primary excavated con- hence permitting their rebirth into the afterlife.146 texts (in residences, in burials, and arranged in This use underscores how intimately linked figure scenes in households) as the result of their being use is with a specific culture and its ideology. created for each occasion.155 After use, the figurines Oaxaca, Mexico. The Early and Formative period would be discarded, frequently broken or defaced (1800–500 b.c., uncalibrated) Oaxaca figures stud- (perhaps to prevent their reuse),156 hence, their ied by Marcus are important because the precise most frequent secondary contexts is in household contexts, down to the specific room within a build- middens.157 ing, for all the excavated figures were recorded. Though Marcus provides no detailed explana- Such full contextual information combined with tion of burial use, she observes that multiple figu- an indigenous ethnographic record permit de- rines appear in female graves and might represent tailed interpretation of production, uses, and mean- either unused production buried with their owner ings. Marcus argues that, in the early village peri- for disposal or burial gifts offered by mourners.158 od, men’s and women’s rituals differed and took These figure types and burial evidence in some place in distinct locations. Men’s rituals involved ways mirror that in the Cyclades.159 The predomi-

145 There were two other female mummies preserved with male and 3% male, roughly the same percentage as in the similar tattoos. Bianchi 1988, 21–3; 1985. Other figures with Oaxaca Valley. zigzag patterns have been identified as fecundity figures, 153 Marcus 1998, 3, 5, she suggests that the pregnant fig- Thévoz 1984, 62. Other tattoos (e.g., Bes figures) are found ures represent women who died in childbirth rather than fer- on representations of women (dancers, musicians, and courte- tility figures. sans) in later Egyptian art, Bianchi 1988, 24–6. 154 Marcus 1998, n. 25, where she mentions also body posi- 146 Bianchi 1988, 22; Desroches-Noblecourt 1985. For an tion and jewelry as sometimes indicating special attributes. interesting discussion of how this would work for female dead, Marcus 1996, 290, fig. 6 shows two figurines from San José Roth 2000, 198–200. Magote with the same folded arm gesture as EC II statues. 147 Marcus 1996, 288–9. Marcus 1998, 47–8, 3 on the variety of figures. 148 “Water divination” consisted of filling a shallow basin with 155 Marcus 1998, 25. water, casting maize kernels onto the surface, and then count- 156 Marcus 1998, 5, 25. ing the number that floated. Marcus 1998, 4, 12–5. One won- 157 Marcus 1998, 3. ders whether the dove bowls or the frying pans found in Early 158 Marcus 1998, 25–8. Cycladic II deposits could also have served for water divination 159 Marcus notes a great elaboration of figure types concur- with grain. rent with the development of hereditary ranking in Oaxaca 149 Marcus 1998, 2; 1996, 288. and speculates the fancier figures belonged to an emerging 150 The number of figures rose dramatically around 1400 b.c. elite. Marcus 1998, 50. The eventual disappearance of figu- (Marcus 1998, 15) perhaps contemporaneous with a rise in the rines from the archaeological record, she proposes, would be complexity of Oaxacan society. explained by the rise of the Zapotec state in which the ances- 151 Especially between 1150 and 850 b.c. when seated or tors of “uninfluential people” became less important in com- bundled males as well as figures dressed perhaps for the ball parison to the ancestors of nobility and royalty. These groups, game appeared. Marcus 1998, 47, 50. then, coopted the use of ceramic sculptures, which were now 152 Marcus 1998, 21. For a neighboring area 92% were fe- made of craft-specialist quality. Marcus 1998, 21, 29. 540 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106 nant figure type is a standardized, apparently fe- have been viewed as valued possessions or special- male, form; a few pregnant figures exist. Male fig- ized grave goods.168 It has been suggested that shifts ures are rare and belong to special, probably ritual, in Bronze Age figure types occur along with the types. Figures appear in only a small percentage of emergence of complex society as indicated espe- the graves.160 Yet, graves containing any such offer- cially by increases in metallurgy and exchange of ings often contained multiple figures. As society prestige goods.169 Although there appear to be sim- became more complex, figure types expanded to ilarities between Cypriot and Cycladic figures (both include larger, more elaborate forms probably pro- are schematized forms with added skin markings, duced by specialists.161 some are placed in graves, and figure types shift as Cyprus. Cyprus, geographically close to the Cy- evidence of specialized skills and prestige goods clades, has an especially long and complex tradi- appear), the lack of good contextual information tion of human figural representations, including for the Cypriot figures limits their interpretive and individual figures, groups or scenes with fig- comparative potential.170 ures,162 and vessels with figural attachments. Dur- ing the Neolithic, so-called stump figures predom- Greek Funerary Ritual inate; in the Chalcolithic, cruciform figures are Since the meaning of figures and their decora- most common; while in the Early Bronze Age tion will be specific to the culture in which they are (roughly contemporary with the Cycladic FAFs) the used, it is appropriate to examine what is known most prevalent form is the plank figure.163 Al- about figure use in graves and body marking in though in some instances the figures have good Greek society. Further, since the argument present- archaeological contexts allowing complex inter- ed here is that the vertical striations on some fig- pretations of function,164 more often, especially in ures represent marks of mourning, this practice in the case of the Early Bronze Age plank figures, Greek culture must also be explored. While we they are unprovenanced.165 have no written texts to tell us about the funeral The plank figures, mostly made in clay, are high- ceremonies of 2,500 B.C.,171 we do know something ly schematized forms with little indication of sex. about such practices from fifth-century B.C. Greek However, their bodies and faces are often covered texts and visual arts.172 At the funeral prothesis or with incised patterns. Some scholars consider the wake, women of the family wailed and groaned a facial markings as evidence of tattoos or body lament, the góos, while other mourners (sometimes paint.166 Though mainly unprovenanced, their one professionals) sang a dirge, the thrênos, perhaps assured context is in burials.167 These figures ap- accompanied by a reed-pipe, the aulos.173 Associat- pear in fewer than 10% of the known burials and ed with the moaning and verbal anguish of the fam-

160 In the Cyclades an estimate of 10% of the graves con- 171 Although one can debate whether Bronze Age Cycladic tained figures. At Tlatilco of 214 excavated burials, 37 contained culture is linked to later developments in Greece, during the figures. This is roughly 17%. Marcus 1998, 27–8. Early Bronze Age at least it is culturally most closely tied to 161 Especially the hollow, white-slipped figures, which are mainland Greece and Crete. often 40–50 cm tall. Marcus 1998, 50, 28–9. 172 On fifth-century funerary practices: Shapiro 1991; Gar- 162 For Bronze Age figural scenes from tombs, Morris 1985, land 1985; Kurtz 1984; Sourvinou-Inwood 1981; Humphreys 264–90; Karageorghis 1991, 139–45. For discussion with bib- 1980; Vermeule 1979; Alexiou 1974; Kurtz and Boardman 1971; liography of a scene from a tomb at Vounous, Bolger 1996, Andronikos 1968; Boardman 1955; Reiner 1938; Zschi- 370–1. etzschmann 1928. The question of whether Early Cycladic 163 Morris 1985, 135–62; Karageorghis 1991, 49–94, 127– culture can be considered a precursor to later Greek culture is 38, 170–2; a Campo 1994, 98–113, 164–9. difficult. Recent work on Late Bronze Age ritual areas in the 164 E.g., a special Middle Chalcolithic deposit from Kissoner- Cyclades (especially at Kea and Phylakopi) has proposed links ga that Bolger (1996, 367–9) interprets as a representation of between Early Bronze Age and Late Bronze Age Cycladic cul- a birthing ritual. On the deposit, Goring 1991. ture. Also, the extent to which Greek tragedy reflects actual 165 The Cypriot plank figures were popular on the art mar- burial ritual is debatable, e.g., Foley 1993. ket. Bolger 1996, 369; Knapp and Meskell 1997, 195. 173 The wailing, groaning, termed góos, describes the out- 166 Knapp and Meskell 1997, 196. bursts of the kin while the thrênos, a sort of sung dirge was 167 Bolger 1996, 369; Knapp and Meskell 1997, 195–8. performed by professional mourners. On the distinction be- 168 Knapp and Meskell 1997, 195; Webb 1992, 90 with oth- tween góos and thrênos (largely lost by the Classical period) er references. For discussion of the meanings of plank figures, see Alexiou 1974, 11–3. Also van Wees 1998, 5 where the Muses Morris 1985, 114–6, 162; Karageorghis 1991, 51. sing a dirge for Achilles, while Thetis and her sisters wail and 169 Bolger 1996, 370; Knapp 1993; Manning 1993. lament. I thank Greg Nagy for bringing this distinction to my 170 On figure interpretation in the Chalcolithic Near East, attention. Joffe et al. 2001. I thank Ellen Herscher for this reference. 2002] EARLY CYCLADIC II MOURNING FIGURES 541 ily were specific gestures—striking the head, tearing disparate cultures and times. For example, Al- ing out the hair, beating the breast, and scratching exiou has documented a close resemblance of fifth- the cheeks until blood ran.174 century B.C. Greek funeral laments in the laments Laceration. The practice of facial laceration is de- of women in rural villages of Greece today (some scribed in sources from Homer on. In the fifth cen- 2,500 years later), even though these laments are tury B.C., Aeschylus’s Choephoroi provides an arrest- used in different religious contexts.178 What is striking description of this action when the chorus, coming is that while their context of use is different, the posed of mourning women, first speaks: “I came in modes for expressing grief have survived nearly un- haste out of the house to carry libations, hurt by the changed for two and a half millennia. Likewise, lac- hard stroke of hands. My cheek shows bright ripped eration of the face has a long history and is wide- in the bloody furrows of nails gashing the skin.”175 spread among cultures in the Mediterranean and Many other passages describe this practice,176 and beyond. There are repeated references to attempts there are also recorded attempts to limit such dis- to discourage or outlaw this practice, beginning in play at funerals (most notable are the reforms attrib- the Archaic period and continuing through the Byz- uted to Solon).177 Although facial laceration was prac- antine era.179 If the lament and laceration character- ticed by women in fifth-century Greece, this is a long istic of fifth-century B.C. mourning practice can be way from the third millennium B.C., when the Cycla- sustained for 2,500 years, might not the practice al- dic figures were made. Also, the practice of lacerat- ready have been two millennia old in Aeschylus’s ing the cheeks as part of the funeral is different than day? placing figures painted to represent mourners in In the visual arts, the tradition of representing graves. Archaeological evidence exists, however, for the prothesis, mourners, and facial laceration is equal- mourning figures with painted facial striations de- ly long. Vermeule has noted, “The unbroken conti- posited in graves fairly continuously from at least the nuity of funeral imagery . . . between the Bronze Late Bronze Age to the fifth century (see below). It Age and the classical world is very clear in the artis- should also be remarked that funerary customs, es- tic documents . . . surviving all the cultural and eco- pecially in regard to expressions of grief, are both nomic vicissitudes of the Dark Age as the most sta- especially conservative and widespread, encompass- ble tradition in art, save scenes of war.”180

174 On laceration, Vermeule 1979, 14, n. 26 (where she 1982; Seremetakis 1991, Caraveli 1986. notes these customs in Egypt, the Levant, and the Mycenae- 179 For Archaic Greek and Roman attempts at restrictive leg- an world); 1991; Alexiou 1974, 6; Sourvinou-Inwood 1983, 47; islation, supra n. 177. For attempts in the fourth century A.D., Cavanagh and Mee 1995, 58; van Wees 1998. Although facial Alexiou 1974, 27–9 and again in the later Byzantine period of laceration is vividly described in literature, is sometimes ren- the 15th century A.D., see Alexiou 1974, 27–9, 34. These at- dered in art, and must surely have been arresting in actual tempts were unsuccessful and in some places the practice of practice, surprisingly little comment in later scholarship is made laceration was incorporated into the epitáphios—the Virgin’s about this practice beyond its existence. Sourvinou-Inwood lament for Christ. “And saying these words, she scratched her (1983, 38) suggest that the “self-wounding . . . expresses a face with her nails and beat her breast.” (Tischendorf, 283) symbolic, partial identification with the deceased.” Aristotle (fr. from Alexiou 1974, 68. The practice continues in modern 101 Rose, ap. Athen. 675a) apparently suggested a similar in- Greece (ibid., 41). “The ritual character of the scene at the terpretation, that is, it is in homeopathy with the dead that wake is further emphasized by the rhythmical movements of mourners disfigure and defile themselves. Seaford 1994, 86 women, who beat their breasts, tear their cheeks, and pull their with discussion of some of the anthropological literature. loosened hair. . .” Fermor 1984, 59 mentions the practice in 175 Aesch. Cho., 21–5, translated by R. Lattimore. the Mani. 176 Hom. Il. 10.78, 406; 19.276–300; 22.405 ff.; 24.711; Aesch. 180 Vermeule 1979, 63, 2, 12, 69–70. Many other scholars Cho. 22–31; Soph. El. 89–91; Eur. Supp. 71 ff, 826–7; 977–9; have noted this as well, Shapiro 1991, 629, “the essential con- 1160; Alc. 86–92, 98–104; Andr. 825–35; Hel. 1089, 370–4; servatism of funerary iconography is remarkable.” Kurtz and Phoen. 1485–92; For other ancient passages describing mourn- Boardman 1971, 27, “there is one aspect of funerary proce- ing practices, Alexiou 1974, 6 n. 27; Garland 1985, 141–2; Foley dure common to both prehistoric and historic Greece which 1993, 110–1; van Wees 1998, 17–8 and n. 25. we can investigate from the representational evidence—the 177 Plut. Vit. Sol. 12b, 21; Garland 1989, 1–15; 1985, 22, 29; lament for the dead.” Cavanagh and Mee 1995, 98, “we are Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 143, Alexiou 1974, 14–5; Vermeule faced with a ritual apparently unchanged over half a millenni- 1979, 3; Fantham et al. 1994, 44–50, 76–80; Foley 1993, 103– um . . . the practice of self-mutilation.” Also, Iakovides 1966, 8; Seaford 1994, 74–85. Apparently the practice of laceration 43, 45, 50; Vermeule 1991; van Wees 1998, 19. Although van continued into Roman times when another attempt was made Wees notes the persistence of the female mourner in the ar- to legislate against it. Sheedy 1985, 119 and n. 7 cites Cic. Leg. tistic tradition from the Bronze Age on, he questions the con- 2.25.64. tinuity of facial laceration, even proposing that it could be an 178 Alexiou 1974, esp. 36–51; Vermeule 1979, 12 where she oriental borrowing in the seventh century. Van Wees 1998, cites Schmidt (1926) on continuity of tradition. On modern 26 ff. and 45. funerary practices in rural Greece, see especially, Danforth 542 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106 Indeed, one of the first human representations figure in a funeral context (fig. 11).185 This is the in art following the Dark Age is a mourning wom- only preserved evidence that I know to indicate that an.181 In the Geometric period, huge ceramic ves- figures might actually have been carried and dis- sels serving as aristocratic tombstones carry depic- played during a funeral. Vermeule, however, has tions of the funeral prothesis, including mourning proposed that a Bronze Age head-rhyton of un- women.182 In the Late Bronze Age, terracotta sar- known provenance, with painted vertical gashes on cophagi have scenes of mourning painted on their its face, might also have been used as part of a fu- sides, the most famous series being the Tanagra neral ceremony.186 This visual material provides larnakes.183 One of these coffins, now in Kassel, additional evidence about funeral participants and depicts mourners with hands to head and blood- activities, including the fact that standing and seat- ied cheeks (fig. 9).184 While facial laceration is ar- ed mourners attended, as did warriors and musi- resting in its verbal description and probably even cians (both aulos and lyre-players). In addition, sac- more so when actually seen in practice (fig. 10), its rifice and libation were likely part of the rituals depiction does not transfer well to small-scale rep- performed. resentations (though it is often included). In such Mourning Figures Placed in Graves. Of even greater instances, a gesture of hand to head more easily importance for the present concerns are the sculp- signals mourning. Another intriguing scene on a tures of mourners deposited in graves in mainland Tanagra sarcophagus depicts a person carrying a Greece, the Cyclades, and Crete from at least the

Fig. 9. Mourners with lacerated faces on Kassel sarcophagus. (After AJA [1966] 48, fig. 3)

181 Coldstream 1968, 21. Other Geometric representations, nerary context) may come from the Tiryns frescoes. See Bou- Rombos 1988, 77–91, 337–47; Ahlberg 1971. lotes’ reconstruction in Hampe and Simon 1980, fig. 16. 182 Representations of mourning at the prothesis are fre- 186 Vermeule 1988, 300, pl. 39. I would like to thank Lauren quent on vessels from the Late Geometric through classical Talalay for sending me this reference. The intriguing rhyton period. Ahlberg 1971, 25–239; Zschietzschmann 1928; Kurtz depicts a dead person (identified by the closed eyes with a 1984; Shapiro 1991; Boardman 1955; Vermeule 1979, 12 n. 16 painted pattern resembling stitches) with vertical red lines on for additional bibliography. each cheek. Often considered male because of a painted chin 183 Vermeule 1965, 123–48; Immerwahr 1990, 154–8; 1998, band interpreted as a beard, it is unusual to find male figures 109–21. with laceration marks and I wonder if the band on the chin 184 Vermeule 1979, 65; 1965, pl. 25a; Iakovides 1966, 48, might render the cloth tie often used to keep the mouth of a fig. 3; Immerwahr 1998, 110 fig. 7.1e. dead person closed. It is also interesting that this rhyton pro- 185 Immerwahr 1998, 116, n. 46 for references, fig. 7.5b. vides evidence that a dead person might carry marks of mourn- Others have considered the figure might be floating, appear- ing. In this regard a Hellenistic epigram describing a woman ing as an epiphany as, e.g., on Minoan and Mycenaean gold who died in the birth of twins along with one of the babies is rings. Cavanagh and Mee 1995, 46. Another fragmentary ex- provocative. Upon reaching Hades, the dead woman tears her ample of a figure carried in procession (not probably in a fu- cheeks. (53 Gow-Page; Anth. Pal. 7.646). 2002] EARLY CYCLADIC II MOURNING FIGURES 543

Fig. 10. An Azeri woman whose cheeks bleed after she clawed them with her nails. (AFP photo/David Brauchli, with permission from Agence France-Presse)

Late Bronze Age down to the fifth century B.C. Small the moment of scratching their cheeks.188 In the sixth-century B.C. terracotta figures (both freestand- Late Geometric period (ca. 750 B.C.), small terra- ing and attached to vessels) displaying a mourning cotta mourning figures come from graves at Vrokas- gesture of hands raised to the head have been ex- tro in Crete and the Kerameikos. Again, some of cavated in graves from such sites as Arkades in Crete, the figures have their “hands on the head and Thera in the Cyclades, and the Kerameikos in Ath- blood running down the scratched cheeks and fore- ens. Although these figures are identified as mourn- head as indicated by red paint.”189 Stretching back ers above all by their gesture (hands raised to head, even earlier, during the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1500 presumably tearing their hair), some also have paint- B.C.), terracotta mourning figures (identified by ed laceration marks on their faces (cheeks and fore- the gesture of hand raised to head) are also offered head).187 In the seventh century B.C., an interest- in graves from Perati in Attica, Rhodes, and Nax- ing variation appears with the placement in graves os.190 They include both freestanding figures and of terracotta and painted scenes of figures frozen at figures designed for attachment to the rim of a bowl.

187 Sheedy 1985, 119 and ns. 9–12 about sixth-century Ker- mourning figures and precursors of the Archaic.” For three ameikos figures, “These figures are invariably covered with figures possibly of LMIIIC-PG date, Cavanagh and Mee 1995, white slip relieved only by dashes of brown paint on the face.” 51 and n. 44. Iakovides 1966, 45 and ns. 16–20, e.g., from Arkades, Thera, 190 Iakovides 1966, 44 where he says, “Among the pottery Kerameikos, and Anagyrous. See also Cavanagh and Mee 1995, found in excavations of the LH IIIC cemetery at Perati . . . 51 esp. n. 46. are two groups of vases and figurines which add to our knowl- 188 Vermeule 1991, 104, figs. 11–12; van Wees 1998, 23, 26, edge of Late Bronze Age mourning customs, and at the same 29, figs. 1.10–15. time show that a well-attested funeral practice observed in 189 Iakovides 1966, 45, pl. 6, fig. 8 for the Vrokastro figure; Greece during the historical period originated in Mycenae- Sheedy 1985, 119 n. 8 for Attic LG examples now in the Lou- an times, if not earlier.” Rhodes—Maiuri 1923–1924, 174 no. vre; Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 64, pl. 6 Agora T 807 from an 13, fig. 101, nos. 15–7, fig. 99, 181 no. 59, Mee 1982, 42–4, offering deposit at a grave is especially interesting since it is a pl. 40.4–5; Naxos—Orlandou 1960, 191, figs. 216–7. For oth- mourning figure with a painted mourning figure on its chest. er references to these figures, Cavanagh and Mee 1995, 51 “Although clay figures are not numerous in Geometric graves esp. ns. 38–41. . . . female figures . . . look like successors to the Mycenaean 544 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106

Fig. 11. Tanagra sarcophagus with person carrying a figurine (after BCH [1975] 644, fig. 118) and detail of person carrying figurine. (After Immerwahr 1998, fig. 7.5b)

While these sculpted mourning figures are found with flattened triangular faces that slope backward offered in graves, it would be misleading to suggest and carry as their only sculpted detail a projecting that they are common. In fact, they are quite rare knob-like nose. Second, this is a rare sepulchral (perhaps comparable in rarity to the FAFs in Early use of Neolithic figures. Such a practice is essen- Cycladic II graves). As a group these terracotta fig- tially unknown in the Neolithic culture of the Greek ures document a practice of offering sculpted fe- mainland,195 yet it becomes absolutely typical of lat- male mourning figures in graves.191 Other figure er Cycladic culture. Third, one of the figures was types are also offered in graves; most are female very large for the Neolithic, about 50 cm.196 and some, such as the phi and psi figures, are known Discussing Greek Neolithic figures, Talalay ob- from settlement and sanctuary sites as well.192 Not serves that while Kephala is the only Neolithic site all Late Bronze Age or Geometric figures deposit- in southern Greece where figures appear associated in graves represent mourners, thus suggesting ed with burial, it is also the earliest example of a that the deposition of figures can have a variety of formal cemetery. Citing anthropological parallels, meanings, including the representation of mourn- she notes that cemeteries can serve to “publicly ing women. identify . . . collective or corporate identity.”197 Since Even earlier, in the Neolithic, figure uses seem sedentary agriculturalists are tied to fixed resourc- equally varied, though in Greece, it is uncommon es, when resources are scarce, competition for con- for Neolithic figures to be deposited in graves. trol of them may result. In such struggles, establish- However, one intriguing instance of Neolithic fig- ing rights to territory is critical, and cemeteries serve ures (dating to ca. 3500 B.C.) associated with buri- to legitimize claims because they establish ances- als comes from the Cyclades. At Kephala on the tral precedents.198 Ancestor rituals are also often island of Kea, seven of eight terracotta figures dis- important in such contexts as shown by ancestor covered derived from the area of the cemetery.193 figures offered in and around burials in other soci- Coleman published the excavation results, specu- eties—both ancient and modern.199 Further, ances- lating that “they [were] used in funerary ceremo- tor images are frequently large and lavish in con- nies,” though none was definitely associated with a trast to other figure types. So, I suggest that the skeleton in the grave.194 These are remarkable in a Neolithic Kephala figures may signal the begin- number of ways. First, the heads are roughly similar ning of ancestor ritual in the Cyclades, that they are in shape and stylization to later Cycladic figures, directly linked to Early Bronze Age developments

191 Roughly a millennium separates the LBA figures from 194 Coleman 1977, 8. the EC II FAFs. Some scholars, however, have made arguments 195 Coleman 1977, 103–7; Talalay 1993, 74. linking EBA and LBA ritual practice in the Cyclades (Barber 196 Coleman 1977, 43, 196, no. 96b, this is the one figure 1984, 13, 12). For an attempt to link Mycenaean and Geomet- not found in the cemetery area. ric mourning practices, Cavanagh and Mee 1995. 197 Talalay 1993, 74. 192 French 1971, 101, 107–8; 1981; French in Renfrew 1985, 198 Broodbank 2000, 153 arguing this for EBA I (Grotta- 211–36; Renfrew 1984, 27; 1985, 413–25; Moore 1988. Pelos) culture and 150 referencing Talalay’s idea. 193 Coleman 1977, 99, 101, 103, 105–8, nos. 127, 128, 160, 199 Talalay 1993, 74, n. 60 for African and Idonesian exam- 196–8, 202, 43 no. 96b for large figure head (12 cm) from ples; 1991. Glazier 1984. settlement, pls. 26, 71d–73. 2002] EARLY CYCLADIC II MOURNING FIGURES 545 in the islands when larger, more lavish statues were figure, then, might have been used in various rites of created for individuals of higher status in society. passage. At such events, the figure and its owner would both receive appropriate decoration. Larger conclusions figures would be made for wealthier individuals, and Drawing together the disparate comparative evi- a number of figures might be acquired over a life- dence for figure uses and meanings into a specific time. Although during Early Cycladic II the most interpretation of the Early Cycladic FAF is not yet prevalent figure type is the FAF, schematic or violin- possible. Still, the available evidence suggests gen- shaped figures probably continued to be made and eral parameters within which to consider Early Cy- might represent a less expensive version.202 In addi- cladic figure use. Given the frequency with which tion, during Early Cycladic II, other types of figures, ancestor rituals occur worldwide in early village soci- especially warriors and musicians, occur. These fig- eties and the more culturally immediate and sug- ures might be associated with male social personae, gestive evidence of the Kephala Neolithic figurines, as has also been suggested by recent consideration I propose that the Early Cycladic II FAFs were part of of daggers and obsidian blades from graves. The in- ancestor rituals practiced by Cycladic islanders. One crease in size and quality of the primary figure type purpose of such rituals would be to integrate various as well as the proliferation of other figure types seems island groups that would need to maintain ties for in keeping with developments observed in other exogamy.200 Another purpose could be to allow lin- cases and associated with a rise in social complexity. eages or other groups to stake claims to territory, es- Still, the vast majority of the canonical Cycladic fig- pecially necessary in marginal agricultural land or ures are female and probably reflect an important where inheritance rights for land were important.201 ritual role for women in Cycladic culture,203 while The generalized and standardized form of the FAF the presence of figures painted as mourners may seems in keeping with a common conceptualization point to a preeminent role for women in funerary of the ancestors as faceless and belonging to a dis- ritual (a role similar to that which women played and tinct category of being. Indeed, when other cultures continued to play in Greek funerals). Women at all produced ancestor figures they were often highly styl- periods in Greek culture carried primary responsi- ized with elongated necks and generalized faces. bility for mourning at funerals (as well as for washing When the sex is clearly indicated, it is nearly always and preparation of the corpse).204 female, though the tiny breasts and slim profile of At death figures could be placed in the grave. the figure might suggest a nubile form. The prepon- The markings on the figure, then, might reflect derance of female figures may imply that women in something about status at death. For instance, an Cycladic society were the primary bearers of ritual unmarried individual might be dressed in wedding markings. The large size and more permanent mate- attire and an FAF might receive similar decoration, rials, as well as their use in some burials, also appears much in the way that in later Greece, “women who in keeping with what is known about ancestor fig- were unmarried or recently married at death would ures. The painted markings, then, are likely indica- be decked out on the bier as brides, often wearing tive of the social persona of the individual ancestor crowns.”205 Indeed, in the Archaic period, a large and of the ritual in which the figure participates. female statue dressed as a bride was placed as a I wonder whether it is possible that some of these marker over the grave of an aristocratic woman figures would have been produced at puberty. The (Phrasikleia) who died unmarried.206 Painted dia-

200 Sherratt 2000, 136 n. 35 notes the uncharacteristic ex- tially different in function (Sherratt 2000, 128). istence of formal ties of epigamia or mutual concession of cit- 203 Doumas 1968, 93. izenship by right of marriage that existed between Cycladic 204 E.g., in the Iliad, where it is so important to have women islands in the seventh century B.C. Broodbank 1992, 543 pro- for this role that foreign women (Briseis and other captives) poses associating the figures “with the acquisition and move- mourn at Patroklos’s death (Il. 19.244–309). Shapiro 1991, 644 ment of high status women . . . within and between the tiny, and elsewhere, noting that this is true from Homer into the necessarily exogamous communities of the Cyclades.” fifth century. 201 Kenna (1976) indicates that still today in the Cyclades 205 Shapiro 1991, 637; Garland 1985, 23. the person with responsibilities for tending a grave is the indi- 206 The inscription below Phrasikleia’s statue reads “Phrasikle- vidual who inherited land rights. Ahern 1973 argues this for ia’s grave. I shall always be called maiden, for the gods gave me ancestor cults in the Far East, also, Fortes 1976, 9. this name instead of marriage.” Svenbro 1993, esp. 9–13; Al- 202 Scholars have proposed both that the FAF and schemat- exiou 1974, 105. On the continuation of this practice today, ic figure types served basically the same purpose (Barber 1984, Danforth 1982, 13, 79–80; Alexiou 1974, 120 (ancient and 11) and that the figure types should be understood as essen- modern custom) and n. 63. 546 GAIL L. HOFFMAN [AJA 106 dems have been observed on some FAFs, and sil- Works Cited ver diadems (thought to be purely for funerary use) have been found in Cycladic graves. Could a Campo, A.L. 1994. Anthropomorphic Representations in Prehistoric Cyprus: A Formal and Symbolic Analysis of Fig- the inclusion of crowns on the figures and dia- urines ca. 3500–1800 B.C. Jonsered: Paul Åström. dems offered in the graves also indicate that the Ahern, E.M. 1973. The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village. deceased was unmarried? Certainly, as Broodbank Stanford: Stanford University Press. has observed, the loss of a high status woman prior Ahlberg, G. 1971. Prothesis and Ekphora in Greek Geometric to marriage and childbirth would be an occasion Art. SIMA 32. Göteborg: Paul Åström. Alexiou, M. 1974. The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition. of great lamentation for a society as close to the Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. margins as was Early Cycladic society.207 A woman Andronikos, M. 1968. Totenkult. ArchHom 3W. Göttin- dying during pregnancy or childbirth might re- gen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht. ceive a pregnant figure offered in her grave.208 If it Bacquart, J.-B. 1998. The Tribal Arts of Africa. New York: is true that larger figures were made for higher Thames and Hudson. Bailey, D. 1994. “Reading Prehistoric Figurines as Indi- status individuals, it is intriguing that the red viduals.” WorldArch 25:321–31. painted facial striations seem to occur dispropor- ———. 1996. “The Interpretation of Figurines: The tionately on this group. (Four of the five preserved Emergence of Illusion and New Ways of Seeing.” CAJ statues with painted facial striations were over 70 6:291–5. cm.) The death of a high status person might oc- Barber, R.L.N. 1984. “Early Cycladic Marble Figures: Some Thoughts on Function.” In Cycladica: Studies in casion great public grief. Hence, symbols and signs Memory of N.P. Goulandris, edited by J.L. Fitton, 10–4. associated with mourning might be more pro- London: British Museum Press. nounced. The marks of mourning, then, would be ———. 1987. The Cyclades in the Bronze Age. Iowa City: added to the figure as well as perhaps to the corpse; University of Iowa Press. while participants in the funeral might actually Bianchi, R.S. 1985. “Tätowierung.” In LÄ 6, edited by W. Helck and E. Otto, 146. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz. lacerate their faces. ———. 1988. “Tattoo in Ancient Egypt.” In Marks of Many questions remain unanswered, but with- Civilization: Artistic Transformations of the Human Body, out fuller contextual evidence for the figures and edited by A. Rubin, 21–8. Los Angeles: Museum of better excavation of settlements there is little hope Cultural History, UCLA. of answering them. Still, it is possible to inch for- Bienert, H.-D. 1991. “Skull Cult in the Prehistoric Near East.” JPR 5:9–23. ward by studying carefully the evidence of paint Boardman, J. 1955. “Painted Funerary Plaques and Some traces preserved on the figures. (For instance, Remarks on Prothesis.” BSA 50:51–66. could the nonanatomical eyes be intended as pro- Bolger, D. 1996. “Figurines, Fertility, and the Emergence tective signs; that is, to ward off the evil eye? Are of Complex Society in Prehistoric Cyprus.” CurrAnthr the zigzag patterns perhaps related to fertility as 37:365–73. Bonn, E.B. 1996. “The Art of Body Painting and Tattoo- has been suggested for Egyptian figurines?) Giv- ing on the Cycladic Islands and Crete During the en that in most recorded instances, figures served Aegean Bronze Age.” B.A. thesis, Harvard University. multiple functions within a culture relating to its Brain, R. 1979. The Decorated Body. London: Hutchinson. social structure and cosmological views, it might Brain, R., and A. Pollock. 1971. Bangwa Funerary Sculp- also prove useful to consider other symbolic evi- ture. Toronto: Toronto University Press. Branigan, K., ed. 1998. Cemetery and Society in the Aegean dence from the Early Cyclades (e.g., anthropomor- Bronze Age. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. phic and zoomorphic vessels, and painted and Broodbank, C. 1989. “The Longboat and Society in the incised decorations on pottery, including frying Cyclades in the Keros-Syros Culture.” AJA 93:319–37. pans). 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Abstract leap of faith to conclude that solving those problems is, in Remnants of the materials the Romans used for attach- fact, why the Roman masons used their distinctive tech- * ing stone revetment are commonplace. Although these niques. remains are familiar, they also represent procedures and intentions different from modern masonry techniques. Among the most familiar features of Roman archi- How the Roman masons applied revetment, and why they tecture are the foundations and attachment equip- used the equipment and materials they did, remain moot. ment for decoration in stone revetment. While the Especially mysterious are the shims pressed deeply into actual revetment panels are rarely intact, the foun- the bedding mortar, usually around the edge of each re- dations remain, demonstrating remarkably consis- vetment panel. Not only do these interrupt the smooth surface of the setting mortar, but also they reduce the tent technique throughout the Roman Imperial amount of adhesion available to hold the revetment panel period. Figures 1–6 show several typical first-century in place. Using observations in Rome, Ostia, Tivoli, and A.D. revetment foundations. Figure 1, from the Es- Pompeii, a complete reappraisal of the process of install- quiline Wing of Nero’s Domus Aurea in Rome, shows ing revetment has been conducted. Results indicate that several at once. The actual revetment has been spo- the shims helped the masons overcome the high viscosity of the mortar as they adjusted a revetment panel into its liated, but the bedding mortar and attachment final position, reducing the amount of mortar that needed equipment are well preserved in several areas. The to be shifted and making it easier to displace. The metal remains consist of five elements: (1) small holes in clamps served to lock the panel precisely into position, the facing of the concrete, cut after the wall is con- not to support its weight. This thesis has been tested with structed, that is, not built in during construction (fig. a detailed dynamic model, systematically recreating each step in the installation of Roman revetment, carefully study- 1, top arrow, and fig. 6, on either side of the hanging ing the behavior of the materials as they interacted with tapes); (2) bronze or iron clamps, set into the holes each other. The model clearly (and irritatingly) illustrated along with (3) small stone plugs, which were ham- the challenges faced by the Roman masons, especially the mered into the holes to wedge the clamps into place way viscous mortar resists displacement, making fine ad- (fig. 1, bottom arrow, fig. 4, top left, and fig. 5, along justment of the revetment panel difficult. It also became clear, however, that the actual devices used by the Roman the door jamb at the far right); (4) the bedding mor- masons, specifically the shims and clamps, do indeed solve tar itself; and (5) roughly edged shims pressed deep- the problems posed by the mortar. It is, then, a very short ly into the bedding mortar.1

* This article is the useful by-product of numerous other sources. Room numeration in the Esquiline Wing of Nero’s projects not specifically devoted to revetment. I gratefully ac- Domus Aurea follow Fabbrini, plate II, repeated in her entry knowledge the financial and logistical support I have had for for the Esquiline Wing in LTUR. All photos, drawings, and the those projects, from the McIntire Department of Art at the model are by the author. See http://www.uwsp.edu/art-design/ University of Virginia, the Samuel H. Kress Foundation, the faculty/ball.html for color photos of the model. American Academy in Rome, the Andrew W. Mellon Founda- 1 The terms that I use for the equipment and materials need tion, and the NEH (via the Pompeii Forum Project). I am par- some explanation. No modern language has “correct” terms ticularly grateful to Prof. Adriano La Regina, the archaeologi- for these objects. The original Latin terms are not specified in cal Soprintendente of Rome, and Pietro Giovanni Guzzo, the any literary source, and Roman revetment practices had died archaeological Soprintendente of Pompeii, for permission to out centuries before any modern language existed. Since conduct my studies and subsequent encouragement and sup- modern masons do not use the Roman techniques, modern port. Useful scholarly feedback has been provided over the years languages have never coined specific terms for the pieces in- by John Dobbins, Lisa Fentress, at the American Academy in volved. Modern scholars must therefore either choose or coin Rome, Jim Higginbotham, Joanne Spurza, and Anna Moore, terms for them. I have selected English terms that correspond plus invaluable suggestions from the two anonymous AJA re- reasonably well in either description or function to the Ro- viewers and AJA Editor-in-Chief Bruce Hitchner. I thank Mr. man pieces. So, in this article, the metal pieces are called Frank E. Perry for explaining modern masonry procedures to “clamps” (and the bent part at the ends of the clamps are called me. Any lapses, errors, or questionable levity, however, are “hooks”); the stone pieces that anchor the clamps are “plugs”; entirely mine. I should also note that several of these people the flat fragments of stone or curved pieces of terracotta pressed have offered suggestions of bibliography and other topics that into the foundation mortar are “shims” and the lime/cement might be related to revetment, all valid enough, but nonethe- foundation material is called “mortar.” These terms are no more less not actually coming under the rubric of the closely focused and no less correct than any others and, more important, I will study I intend. The evidence for the actual process of attach- not use any alternatives throughout this article (clip, cramp, ment comes from the field examples (listed in the article) and wedge, tang, sherd/shard, plaster, etc.). my own physical evaluation of them, hence the brief list of

551 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 551–73 552 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106

Fig. 1. Esquiline Wing of Nero’s Domus Aurea, room 125, showing several different patterns of revetment bedding from one decoration project (64–68 C.E.). Radial terracotta shims appear at the lower right and irregular flat stone shims at the lower left. The top arrow indicates a clamp hole; the bottom arrow indicates a plug still in situ. field evidence ments of terracotta, either large body sherds from The patterns in which the shims were placed vary. amphorae or pieces of curved cover tiles (fig. 1, Most commonly they were set around the periph- right, and figs. 2–3). When curved terracotta shims ery of each rectangular patch of mortar (figs. 2–3). are used the concave side usually faces out from Figure 1 shows two variant arrangements, includ- the wall. The drawings that illustrate this article ing the small rectangular patch at the right, with use curved shims, while the dynamic model (de- radially arranged shims reaching well into the inte- scribed below) used both types.2 The pattern of rior of the mortar, and, at the left, shims set into the clamps and plugs also varies from site to site, but mortar in a less regular pattern (overlapped by the not in lockstep with the variations in the patterns of bottom arrow). In the latter example the shims are shim. From the first through the second centuries still most concentrated at the periphery of the mor- C.E. there is a vague evolution toward using more tar patch, but less regularly radial in their place- clamps, more clearly outlining the patterns of the ment, and with several shims set randomly in the revetment panels, while the shims were arranged interior of the mortar patch. The shims are usually less carefully. Exceptions abound, however, so it is some sort of architectural rubble, most commonly clear that Roman masons never established a stan- either flat pieces of stone such as fragments from dard procedure. Instead, they worked according to broken revetment slabs (fig. 1, left) or curved frag- their own experience and the specific needs of the

2 Other materials were possible, although rare, and do not on how the shims function during revetment application. concern us because the nature of the materials has no bearing 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 553

Fig. 2. Esquiline Wing, corridor 22. The bedding mortar and shims from a typical Neronian socle and dado, with frescoes above. The curved terracotta shims are placed radially around the periphery of the revetment panels. The panels themselves have been spoliated. decorative program they were trying to execute, so that I have studied most carefully (figs. 1–3). The that large sites often have several different patterns dynamic model was based closely on this source at once. The eight primary sites studied for this and therefore most of its key features match figures article reflect the variety, the inconsistent practic- 1–3, including the fact that figure 1 has two pat- es, and the vague evolution of installation proce- terns of shims, both of which appear in the model.4 dures.3 The general pattern here is for a small number of clamps, set either at the top and bottom or just at Sites the top of the panel, that is, with the hook pointing The first site, the Esquiline Wing of Nero’s Do- downward.5 The clamps are therefore placed in mus Aurea (decorated ca. 68 C.E.), is the source horizontal rows, with individual clamps widely

3 From this list I have studied the buildings at Pompeii and is why that configuration appears in the completed model as the Esquiline Wing in situ, and my detailed investigations are well. The decoration above the revetment foundations in figs. based specifically upon them. This would have given my work 2–3 is fresco, for instance, albeit now faded. a bias toward the first century C.E., if there were a pronounced 5 I thank an AJA reviewer for confirming the latter con- evolution in practice. The other sites in the list, which I have figuration from Domitian’s Domus Flavia / Augustana on the visited but not studied per se, are cited here simply to illustrate Palatine. In the Esquiline Wing the location of the clamps the variety of possible patterns for shims and clamps, but since is clear enough from their holes, but the clamps and plugs they also demonstrate that the functions of the shims and are mostly spoliated, so the orientation of the hooks can clamps remained consistent, it has not been necessary to study only be suggested. As that reviewer notes, with a well pre- them in any greater detail. served example (including all the clamps), the hook orien- 4 The combination of revetment socle and dado beneath a tations might give a reasonable sense of the order in which fourth style fresco cycle is also normal procedure in the typical revetment panels were installed. That was not possible for sellaria of the Esquiline Wing (pace one AJA reviewer), which any of the examples I studied, however. 554 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106

Fig. 3. Esquiline Wing, corridor 22. A detail of typical Neronian bedding mortar at the top of the dado, with curved terracotta shims impressed radially around the perimeter of the (spoliated) revetment panels. Seams in the mortar show that the bedding mortar was laid for each individual revetment panel and trimmed off even with its edges once the panel was installed (cf., fig. 26). Fig. 3 does not overlap fig. 2. spaced and at irregular intervals. The registers can shims in the centers of the mortar patches (figs. be reconstructed from this pattern of clamps, but 2–3). The large dado panels usually had their the overall pattern of the revetment panels, espe- bedding mortar applied ad hoc, that is, with a rect- cially the vertical divisions between them, cannot. angular mortar patch corresponding to each re- When the bedding mortar is preserved, the pe- vetment panel (fig. 3). The mortar is generally rimeters of the large dado panels are obvious, usu- not well preserved, however, so additional proce- ally with curved terracotta shims in a radial ar- dures may have been used. rangement around the periphery, and few or no Second, the Eumachia building in Pompeii (decorated 62–79 C.E.) was studied, specifically the revetment still in situ high in the shallow chalcidicum apses (fig. 4). Here the revetment panels are considerably smaller than at most of the other sites (the largest in situ is less than 1 m²), and the overall standard of skill (or attention to detail) is lower than the Esquiline Wing. A small number of clamps was used, in this case placed in irregular locations around the periphery of the panels, not just at the tops and not laid in horizontal rows. The bedding mortar does not correspond to individual revetment panels, but was laid in larger areas into which several revetment panels were set. The shims are a mixture of materials, laid in relatively irregular patterns, Fig. 4. The Eumachia building, Pompeii. Detail of a corresponding poorly to the outlines of the pan- revetment panel in situ high in the south apse of the els. The shims of the far left end dado panel in chalcidicum. The bedding mortar was laid for several revetment panels at once. The stone shims are of irregular the model follow this configuration. arrangement, not corresponding to the panels. Clamps are Third, the revetment in situ on the facade of the few in number and of apparently irregular placement. easternmost municipal building (decorated 62–79 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 555 clamp orientations alternating between the central strip and the revetment panel to the side of it. Figure 6 shows two measuring tapes hanging where the seams were, emphasizing how the clamp holes alternate on either side of the line. There are relatively few clamps, spaced irregularly at ca. 1 m intervals. This arrangement of clamps was used in the model (two per side of each main panel). A similar pattern also appears in Hadrian’s “Teatro Marittima” at Tivo- li, albeit with many more clamps, more closely spaced.7

Fig. 5. Pompeii Forum, south end, easternmost municipal building, facade. The revetment socle, dado, and moldings are original, but heavily restored. Except for revetment framing of the doorway (clamp holes and plugs visible), the rest of the wall was frescoed.

C.E., fig. 5),6 at the south end of the forum of Pompeii, provides relatively little evidence, not least because of heavy modern reconstruction. I used this configuration, however, for the horizontal crowning pieces of both the socle and dado in my dynamic model, albeit without carving a molding profile for the socle crown. The Neronian practice in the Esquiline Wing appears to have been the same, as figure 2 illustrates, as far as can be told from the remains, but all of the socle revetment has been spoliated, so I have used the more secure example in Pompeii for the model. In all examples that I consulted for the model (figs. 2 and 4, plus the string course in the Eumachia building, fig. 4, bottom), the horizontal pieces do not all penetrate right through the foundation mortar to the wall surface, and in the Neronian examples the penetration was quite shallow (fig. 2). Fourth, in the comitium at Pompeii (the date of decoration is uncertain, most likely Julio-Claudian, but early first century B.C.E. is a precocious possibility, as is 62–79 C.E., fig. 6), the mortar is not preserved, but the revetment of the interiors of the north piers Fig. 6. Comitium, Pompeii. One of the north side piers, included a slender vertical panel in the center of each, with steel tapes hanging where the seams used to be between like a pilaster strip, and the clamps were placed along the revetment panels (the lines are described by the tapes themselves, not by their cast shadows). The clamp holes the vertical seams at the sides of these panels (fig. 6). alternate on either side of these lines, at irregular intervals. The clamps are arranged so that they alternate from Below the tapes a different pattern appears, apparently one side of the seam to the other, obviously with the indicating a revetment socle and dado.

6 I am studying this building as part of the University of Vir- 7 I have only looked at the examples in the “Teatro Maritti- ginia’s Pompeii Forum Project (John J. Dobbins, director). Its ma” from a distance, so I can only confirm the configuration, identity is moot, but because this is of no concern to the study but not the specific spacing of the clamps. They appear to be of revetment application I ignore the issue here and use a separated by 0.2–0.3 m. generic name for the building. 556 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106 Fifth, the Capitolium at Ostia (Hadrianic, proba- ment already exemplified by the Eumachia build- bly including the revetment pattern) was not used as ing in Pompeii. This includes passages where the a source for the model, but is cited here along with mortar was laid for several panels at once, and sever- several other Hadrianic examples to indicate the al instances where the pattern of shims bears scant variety of techniques used simultaneously. This is a relationship to the perimeters of the panels, over- fairly typical example of Hadrianic technique, al- lapping the seams. These examples were not used though it provides good evidence only for the pat- as sources for the model because they simply dupli- tern of clamps, not the mortar (the clamps are large- cate the first-century patterns I had already studied ly spoliated, however, so only the pattern of holes can in detail, but they are useful because they illustrate be studied). The number of clamps is considerably how a given pattern did not vanish when another greater than the first-century examples, forming clear appeared. The more carefully arranged patterns of horizontal lines. In this configuration it is most like- shims and the practice of applying individual patch- ly that the original hooks pointed down to the tops of es of mortar for individual revetment panels also oc- the panels. The clamp pattern in the interior of the cur, simultaneously, at these very sites. So the evolu- cella is problematic because it is difficult to distin- tionary trends that can be detected are certainly not guish between clamps related to conventional revet- absolute, but are merely vague tendencies. From this ment and clamps related to the special decoration we can surmise that there was some reason for using around niches or pilasters (if any). No obvious pat- the shims that did not depend on their location rel- tern of vertical lines of clamps can be detected, but ative to the panel, which the dynamic model will the pattern does not consist exclusively of horizontal confirm. lines either. In contrast, the pattern is obvious in the I have consulted numerous other sites that are exterior of the cella. Here there were large vertical not described here because they serve only to con- pilasters or engaged columns. These were not at- firm the arrangements of panels, mortar, and plugs tached with clamps, but they left large vertical “shad- exemplified by these eight. Several related tech- ows” where no revetment preparation was applied. niques and materials are excluded from consider- Between these pilaster “shadows” the conventional ation. First, floor pavement is not relevant. The rela- wall revetment was applied in registers with numer- tionship between the materials, the way gravity af- ous clamps at the top of each register. The clamp fects them, and the way they were applied and lev- holes therefore define clear horizontal lines. eled are not analogous to wall revetment. The sys- Sixth, another technique of Hadrianic date ap- tem for the foundations below floor pavements is pears in the “Piazza d’Oro” pavilion in Hadrian’s different, despite a (disparate) usage of shims, and villa at Tivoli. Again, only the clamp hole patterns the system of clamps and plugs, in particular, has no are preserved, but they are distinctive. There are sev- place in pavement. Second, decorative opus sectile, eral dozen clamps per panel, and more for the large, wherever it appears, is not analogous because the broad ones. The clamps were set right around the pieces are smaller and are laid in mortar in a man- perimeter of each panel, and the holes alternate on ner similar to mosaics, again not posing the same either side of the seams so that it is obvious that clamps challenges or using the same techniques as large alternated between the two panels. The whole pat- revetment panels. The same is true for mosaics them- tern of revetment panels is reflected in detail, both selves and for revetment where the larger panels are the registers and the vertical divisions between pan- built up from multiple pieces (e.g., the sede degli els. Panels clamped in place using this technique Augustali at Ostia, the house of Cupid and Psyche at would have been very precisely set, but engaging all Ostia, or the theater at Benevento). For both opus of the clamps would have been a laborious process, sectile and revetment panels built up of smaller piec- probably requiring a large crew. es, it might have been of benefit to insert some scat- Seventh and eighth, at both the “Serapeion” of tered, small shims into the mortar, but overall the Hadrian’s villa at Tivoli and in many places through- construction processes are different from large pan- out the Baths of Caracalla, irregular placement of el revetment, and again the clamps and plugs are the shims can be found, perpetuating the arrange- not used.8

8 These caveats are largely to clarify questions raised by the tended at all. This topic could use further study, and the tech- AJA reviewers. A further technique that is not under consider- nique may never have been used intentionally. The one pos- ation here (unmentioned by them) is the possible use of plugs, sible example I have seen is in the Esquiline Wing, under the without clamps, to provide purchase for a heavy layer of plaster heavy relief stucco decoration in rooms 56–60. This is a prob- foundations for relief stucco, i.e., when no revetment was in- lematic passage, however, with Neronian decoration applied 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 557 the state of the question Adam’s interpretation cannot be correct for two We do not actually know what functions the Ro- reasons. First, as Cozzo observes, shims do not in man masons intended for the clamps or shims, since fact form part of the surface of the bedding mortar. no literary source discusses them. The clamps were Instead, the shims are pressed well below the mor- certainly not sufficient to hold the weight of the tar surface. This is true for all shims, but especially revetment panels, especially in the first century so for the curved terracotta variety. Second, the stone when relatively few clamps were used for each re- shims are never perfectly parallel, and never set in vetment slab, and most obviously in examples where precisely the same plane, while the terracotta shims the clamps were only set at the tops of the panels are of irregular shape and concave section, so they with the hooks pointing downward. The stone plugs cannot define a flat surface. Ergo, a flat bedding are also mysterious in so far as they are not actually surface cannot have been the intended function needed to hold a metal clamp in place. A metal for the shims; they never define one.13 clamp can be pounded right into the masonry, for Cozzo’s interpretation, on the other hand, of- example,9 or else mortared into its own much small- fers no suggestion of why the shims were used. er hole, requiring no plug in either case. His putative additional layer of special plaster, The shims are even more challenging because while plausible, would have served its purpose their current configuration gives little hint as to whether or not the shims were present. The liq- their employment or purpose, so modern scholars uid plaster would have been used to enhance ad- tend to discuss them in terms of generalities, if at hesion, but it would not have touched the recessed all.10 Two examples will suffice. First, Adam11 says shims. Had the liquid plaster layer been thick that the masons sought to provide a perfect bed of enough to touch the shims, it would have buried mortar in advance, so that the revetment panels them completely, making them no different from lined up with each other to create a perfect surface pieces of aggregate in the bedding mortar. More (laying a perfectly graded bed of mortar for revet- important, if it truly had been Roman practice to ment of known thickness is normal modern prac- apply the revetment with an additional layer of tice). In Adam’s interpretation the shims served as special plaster, one would expect to see some evi- guide marks and as a standard level for the mortar dence of this extra layer covering the shims. There surface, facilitating (somehow) the precisely cal- is none, not even in the numerous perfectly pre- culated application of the bedding mortar. Second, served examples of revetment that still retain the Cozzo12 does not suggest a specific function for the actual revetment panels. Cozzo’s proposal, too, shims, but proposes that the bedding mortar did must be rejected. not adhere directly to the revetment panels. Pre- sumably, therefore, the bedding mortar and shims thesis served only to provide a more uniform surface for Two key facts must be considered in determin- the revetment than would have been provided by ing the functions of the shims and clamps. First, the brick surface of the wall, although Cozzo does the bedding mortar, not the clamps, provided the not say so specifically. He does suggest that the structural support for the revetment slab. The shims and bedding mortar were covered with an amount of available adhesion between the mortar additional thin layer of special liquid plaster, which and the stone slab would have been essentially the bonded the revetment panels to the bedding mor- same as the adhesion available to support a mosa- tar and shims. Neither of these suggestions is suffi- ic with stone tesserae of the same depth as the cient, however. revetment slab. No additional support was need- on walls reused from a high quality previous structure (see Ball passim) is a classic example. 1994, 197–200; the reused passage is Type C masonry). The 11 Adam 1984, 247. plugs may therefore be a remnant from a previous revetment 12 Cozzo 1970, 157–8. Cozzo states that his interpretation is scheme that was later buried under a heavy Neronian stucco based on the Baths of Caracalla, where the shims are mostly program, but if they are Neronian, then they are an instance stone and are slightly recessed beneath the surface of the of using only plugs to give a smoothly faced wall enough con- mortar. tour to prevent a heavy stucco layer from sloughing off. 13 An AJA reviewer notes that ancient decorators did use 9 This technique was used occasionally, e.g., in the comi- something like shims to establish an offset from a wall surface tium at Pompeii, where clamps were driven into the tufa of the for other purposes, e.g., a series of consistently sized shims could west facade. be attached to a wall so that a mortar layer of consistent depth 10 Revetment, like any other form of decoration, is not fun- could be laid around them. While this is probable, it is not what damental to the structure of the building, so scholarship on the revetment shims did. Roman concrete tends not to address it. Lamprecht (1984, 558 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106 ed, and the clamps must have served some other edges of the crackers. In essence, that is also what function.14 Roman masons wanted to do with revetment pan- Second, the clamps served to set the revetment els. Wanted, I emphasize, because displacing the slab at precisely the correct distance from the concrete heavy, viscous mortar by pressing the revetment wall surface, in order to make the exposed faces of panel toward the wall was extremely difficult. The all the revetment slabs line up perfectly with each analogy of peanut butter and crackers is therefore other. The clamps did not need to support the too simple. It does not represent the problem the weight of the slabs against the pull of gravity, there- masons actually faced, but rather it is the ideal. A fore, but needed to resist being pushed into the more precise analogy, in which the mortar resisted wall or pulled out from it while the revetment pan- displacement, would be seen by squeezing the els were being installed. More important, the dense white filling out of the center of a sandwich clamps had to establish the offset for the revetment cookie. That is, the cookie is brittle like a revet- independently from the installation of the revetment itself. ment slab, while the filling is highly viscous and That is, the offset was measured in advance and therefore far too resistant to sideways displacement: locked rigidly into place when the clamps were in- the cookies shatter and the filling stays where it stalled. Then, when the revetment panels were in- was. The Roman masons faced a similar challenge stalled, they merely had to be adjusted until they in expelling excess mortar from behind the revet- lined up with the clamps, at which point the clamps ment panels as the panels were being moved into snapped the panels perfectly into position. The position. The panel itself blocked direct access to masons may have had other purposes for the clamps the mortar, so provisions needed to be made in that we do not know about, but regardless of any advance either to allow easy displacement of mor- other intentions, the clamps certainly do establish tar under the revetment panel or to help guide the the offset as described here. mortar out around the edges. My thesis is that the My hypothesis, then, is that the shims were a de- shims were intended specifically for this purpose.15 vice to allow the masons to adjust the position of It is also worth remembering that a shattered revet- the revetment panel, without losing adhesion to ment plate is a disaster because the Romans’ favor- the bedding mortar, until it was in position to be ite kinds of colored marble tended to be expensive locked into place by the clamps. Most important, and imported from distant quarries. The shims, the shims allowed the masons to manipulate the therefore, not only needed to give the masons great- fluid dynamics of the mortar, overcoming its high er flexibility in adjusting the positions of the revet- viscosity. A simple paradigm for the overall process ment plates, but also they had to ease the adjust- would be to squeeze a mass of peanut butter be- ment of the position of the slabs, and let the ma- tween two thin crackers. The peanut butter has sons do so reliably, confident that they will not de- enough adhesion to hold the crackers together stroy their fragile and costly materials. firmly enough at a variety of thicknesses, but the distance between the crackers can be adjusted in- modus operandi ward simply by pressing the crackers together and Although the field study of the actual remains displacing more peanut butter outward around the has been invaluable, it has only served to help clar-

14 This point is simpler than it appears. Several colleagues (or at best very little). Adhesion to the mortar is the only alter- and reviewers have questioned the analogy with mosaics, not- native. The fact that large panels of revetment could be built ing the different kind of adhesion created by the mortar sur- up from numerous separate pieces of stone confirms the point; rounding the sides of the tesserae, the possibility that a smooth in that technique, the same amount of stone is used, with lit- revetment slab might slough off from the bedding mortar lat- tle or no mortar around the edges of the pieces (unlike mosa- erally (i.e., downward), and the question of how much vertical ic, therefore), and no clamps are used. Pace several reviewers, support was provided by the floor or revetment lower in the therefore, when I say that adhesion to the mortar is what holds wall. These are interesting questions, but none of them mat- the panels in place, I am stating this as a fact, not hypothesis. ters here. The point is that the Roman masons used only two 15 Before I conducted my experiment, the hypothesis had techniques that might have given the revetment panels pur- been simpler, focusing only on expelling mortar around the chase on the wall surface, the clamps and adhesion to the mortar edges of the panel. In the event, displacement directly be- (support from below applies in many cases too, but it is not neath the panel, made possible by the shims, turned out to be universal), so other techniques do not need to be considered. much more important, making the work easier and more sub- Because only a very small number of clamps were commonly tly controllable. That too has been added to the thesis, there- used, and in many instances these were placed at the tops of fore, albeit in retrospect, and is one of the most important the panels, the clamps did not provide any support for the panel discoveries of this project. 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 559 ify my thesis. The actual behavior of revetment and to the problems and, in essence, showed me how to its bedding materials during installation must be do it right. The most important result of this exper- tested in other ways. I used a dynamic model, with iment, therefore, is that I can state the fact that the all parts to scale, to reproduce the installation pro- methods and materials the Roman masons em- cess and the behavior of the actual materials. I employed do indeed solve the problems inherent in phasize that this is a real model, at 1:35 scale, not a adjusting a revetment panel.16 computer model. Computer modeling of 3-D fluid The clamps in the model are of stainless steel dynamics produces results of limited reliability (3- because that can reproduce all of the key features D computer simulations of weather are a notorious of the ancient clamps, including correct scale thick- example); furthermore, the detailed flow patterns ness, the ease with which they can be formed to the of the mortar were not under investigation. The correct shape, and their ability to retain that shape question that matters here (and that mattered to as they are jostled about during the installation of Roman masons) was how the fluid dynamics of the the revetment. The plugs, shims, and revetment mortar affected the whole process. That is, where panels are of sheet plastic stock because that is avail- did the mortar end up; how hard was it to manipu- able in a variety of thicknesses that can be tailored late; what effects did it have on the rest of the mate- to exact scale for each of the items represented. rials; which procedures did it resist; which proce- The scale and thickness of the clamps, plugs, and dures did it facilitate? Reproducing the Romans’ revetment panels are important because these piec- work, with viscous mortar in exactly the configura- es all interact with the mortar, the clamps and plugs tion of Roman revetment bedding and using the by impeding the displacement of mortar from be- same construction steps as the Roman masons, could hind the revetment panel and the panels by dis- answer those questions unambiguously. Further- placing the mortar as they are being installed—the more, this procedure could teach me the same les- thicker the panel, the greater the displacement. sons that Roman masons had learned, in exactly All of these factors contribute to how the mortar the same way they had. behaves. I have assembled this model step by step, basing The only drawback of the materials selected for each feature on specific, well preserved real exam- the dynamic model is the fact that the plastic revet- ples (cited previously). I took photos of each phase ment panels have considerably greater tensile to document the behavior of the mortar as the re- strength than real stone, so the panels do not revetment panels were installed. As the accompany- produce the brittleness of stone. It is not known ing photos will, I hope, attest, this experiment has how the Romans addressed the problem of the been a complete success, not because the model stone’s brittleness. Exactly what they did does not went together easily, but because in fact it did not. affect this experiment, however, because it would That is, adjusting the position of a revetment panel have been an easy matter to address with simple precisely is extremely difficult because of the fluid materials. For instance, and most likely, they could dynamics of the mortar. Assembling a dynamic mod- have built a stiff wooden framework that would el illustrated these facts unambiguously, indeed spread the pressure across the entire surface of annoyingly, and required several important modi- the stone panel, meaning that the only stress expe- fications to the process. I took some shortcuts, and rienced by the stone would be resistance to crush in every instance the model refused to go together pressure, which stone handles particularly well. If as a result. In each instance, the problems created we take a wooden support framework as given, thereby the shortcut were solved by following the seem- fore, the behavior of the stone panel would be close- ingly more laborious original Roman technique ly duplicated by the stiff plastic in the model. Also, precisely. The Roman masons, having already made the stiff plastic cannot flex during installation, again the same mistakes, figured out suitable solutions duplicating the behavior of a stone slab with a wood-

16 I should emphasize that the appearance of the model is in the model is still wet and the pieces are being flexed rela- not the point; it is the behavior of the materials that is under tive to each other can anything be learned about their behav- investigation. A model that merely looks like revetment is not ior. I emphasize the point because this means that my photos inherently meaningful in this context because that can be are inherently misleading; although the reader can see that achieved through techniques different from those used by the the various steps have indeed taken place in due sequence, Roman masons. In order to learn how the real application of the photos still cannot convey the actual motion of the mor- revetment worked, each component of the model must also tar, shims, and revetment panels. I will therefore describe how function exactly as its real counterpart. Only while the mortar the materials behaved at each step. 560 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106 en support framework. The only difference in the cated in dashed lines. Figure 8 shows the model at dynamic model, ironically, is the fact that the stiffer the same stage, with the wall complete and the re- plastic revetment can simply be pressed into place vetment materials assembled and ready for appli- as is, without obscuring it from the camera with in- cation. Assembling all the materials in advance is tervening framework.17 essential because the pliability of the mortar rapid- Recreating the mortar is a substantial challenge. ly declines as the mortar dries, so, like the concrete The real mortar was a mixture of fairly large-grained itself, once the revetment preparation has started sand, bound with lime and pozzolana cement, giv- it is necessary to complete the project quickly. ing a texture that was only partly liquid in behavior. Second, the design of the revetment must be in- The large-grain sand, in particular, means that when dicated on the wall. The exact means of doing so is the mortar is flexed the grains have to be pushed unknown, but a simple chalk line would be suffi- past each other as distinct physical objects. That is, cient. Figures 8 and 9 show the planned location of the grains are not dissolved in the water-based ce- the revetment panels indicated in this fashion. The ment.18 The resistance of the sand and the sticki- location of the panels needs to be marked in ad- ness of the cement create impediments to flex or vance because that will determine the location of displacement that need to be reproduced in the the clamps. model. At the same time, the mortar in the model Third, small revetment features can be applied needed to adhere to the materials (revetment and without the complex process described here, in- wall, both made of plastic), so the mortar could not cluding the low base moldings and socles. Figure 9 be purely water-based, or, if it was, it needed to be a shows the model after the socle has been applied. fairly sticky sort of plaster. Luckily, modern spack- Interestingly, when the socle pieces were applied, ling compound is now a plastic-based material of it was generally possible to force them into place, very fine grain. It is an admirable surrogate for an- letting the excess mortar out from the tops and cient mortar both because its fine grain texture sides, but only when the revetment piece is not sur- behaves like discrete sand grains at the smaller scale rounded by other pieces already in place. In that of the model, and because it dries quickly enough case, even a small amount of mortar could not ooze to force the work to proceed at a good pace. It also out easily, and it became extremely difficult to force adheres to the other material just as mortar does to even a small revetment panel into place. The dis- stone, that is, it sticks weakly when wet, but then placed mortar easily forced adjacent revetment piec- more tenaciously as it sets. As I worked with spackle es out of position, rather than flowing out through in the model, I learned that it is easy to manipulate the constricted free space at the ends. In the case under ordinary, spacious circumstances (either fill- of the topping pieces of the socle, however, it was ing real wall cracks or being applied to the model easy to reconstruct the Roman masons’ methods. before the bedding is enclosed by the revetment Since the vertical pieces of the socle already marked pieces), but also that when it is enclosed by the the exact position of the topping pieces, the mor- revetment panels it becomes extremely obstreper- tar could be troweled off at precisely that level, cre- ous, highly resistant to deformation or displace- ating a perfect bedding surface upon which the ment, a perfect paradigm for the problems the Ro- topping pieces could be laid. man masons had to solve. The resistance of the mortar was a minor nui- sance when only the small pieces of the socle were how to apply roman revetment concerned, but it was also a stern warning about the The first step is building the wall itself, as well as behavior of the displaced mortar when it has been the advanced planning of the whole decoration given nowhere to go. The masons must make ad- program. Figure 7 shows a wall in opus testaceum in vanced provisions to remove the excess mortar as horizontal cross section (plan view), with the in- each revetment piece is nudged into position. Sim- tended final location of the revetment panel indi- ply letting the revetment displace the mortar does

17 My original intention was to use a material that more close- work could shore up a revetment panel, there was little to be ly resembled the fragility of stone revetment, specifically glass gained by using a fragile material for the revetment in the microscope slides, but I decided against that because their fra- model. gility would have had no bearing on the behavior of the mod- 18 The fact that sand grains press against each other physi- el, and they do not come in a variety of thicknesses, as does cally is a well known phenomenon, explaining why, e.g., sand sheet plastic. Since a 1:35 scale wooden framework could shore dunes do not instantly collapse to a flat surface. up a fragile microscope slide just as easily as a full-sized frame- 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 561 heaving the adjacent panel away from the wall. The high revetment dado above the socle is where the special provisions are crucial because the large slabs would displace a considerable volume of mortar if suitable provisions were not made to avoid that. All subsequent steps in the application process aim to reduce both the amount of mortar that needs to be displaced and the distance it must be displaced, so that the masons will not be fighting against the forces Fig. 7. The first in a sequence of nine drawings showing the of fluid dynamics in order to set their revetment steps of revetment application. The opus testaceum wall slabs accurately. appears in horizontal section (plan view). The dashed lines show the intended final location of the revetment panels, Fourth, holes are cut for the clamps and plugs, planned before work starts (cf., fig. 8). and those pieces are installed in the holes. Several steps are involved, illustrated by figures 10–16. Only the clamp, but not the plug, must line up with the edge of the revetment panel, so the holes are cut with only the edge of the hole on the chalk line, with the hole and plug beside it (fig. 11). Usu- ally, the hole will be to the outside of the revetment panel. The clamp would then be positioned accurately by setting it on the correct side of the hole and wedging it into place by the plug. The plug had to be hammered to secure the clamp firmly, which explains why the hole and plug were on the outside of the revetment panel edge; in that configuration the hook of the clamp bent away from the plug, therefore not interfering with the ham- mer as the plug was pounded into position. Dur- ing application of revetment the clamps will experience longitudinal stress, pulling them away from the wall surface, so they need to be fixed in place securely. The friction from the plug is also enhanced by putting some cement in the hole before the plug is pounded into place (not visible in the model, but drawn in fig. 14). Cement does stick to metal, albeit rather poorly, but the cement in the clamp hole would have added its strength most usefully by gluing the plug in position, as well as making it resist jostling. In the model I used superglue, which does not stick to stainless steel well, but which does hold the plastic plug firmly (conventional plastic cements dissolve and deform the plastic, which plaster in a plug hole does not do Fig. 8. The first in a sequence of 15 photos showing the with real masonry, so I used superglue for that rea- application of revetment on the dynamic model. The site is son; its extra strength has no bearing on the behav- prepared; the materials are assembled and the locations of the revetment panels are marked on the wall with chalk ior of the model because both real Roman clamps lines (cf., fig. 7). and my model clamps were sturdy enough to stay in place throughout the process). not work and, most important, the installation of Hammering the plugs into place is not enough, later pieces will invariably force earlier pieces out however. The most important function of the clamps of position. In this respect the mortar behaves like has to do with the precise position of the revetment hydraulic fluid, forced from one enclosed area into panel, not with the strength of their grip. The hook another (the area behind the adjacent panel), there- therefore must be positioned at exactly the right by forcing the second enclosed area to expand, distance from the wall surface, and that distance 562 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106

Fig. 9. The socle is installed, in this case with a topping piece that reaches all the way to the wall surface, although commonly it would not extend that deeply into the mortar. The clamp holes are cut with their edges on the chalk lines, with the hole away from the panel (cf., fig. 10).

plugs makes it easy, which undoubtedly accounts for why the plugs were used in the first place. Once the clamp has been set precisely into position, the plugs serve only to secure it there, with no bearing on its position. The clamps can be set perfectly into position through the simple expedient of a piece of wood cut to the proper offset (figs. 11– 14).19 The piece of wood is laid next to the hole and Fig. 10. Once the locations of the panels have been marked the clamp is laid next to it, so that the wood holds on the wall with a chalk line, the clamp holes are cut, with the hook of the clamp the desired distance from the edges of the holes on the chalk line. The hole is cut on the wall surface (figs. 11–12) as the plug is pound- the side of the line away from the panel (cf., fig. 9). ed firmly into place (figs. 13–14). Once the clamp must be accurately set as the clamps are installed. is securely rooted, the wood slides easily out from Also, the position of the hook must not be misad- under it. Installing the clamps in the model was justed during the installation of the plug. It is in fast and easy, and, as figure 16 illustrates, they were fact easy to set a specific and consistent offset for all perfectly positioned, with their hooks forming myriad widely separated clamps. The use of the a perfect plane parallel to the brick facing.

19 The way the clamp attaches to the revetment panel must the slot and the front of the panel. That can be controlled by be calculated into the offset, of course. In the drawings I have measuring carefully when the slots are cut. The clamps can also shown slots cut into the sides of the panel, which can be done overlap the top surface of the panels. This is less elegant aes- easily if the panels are thick enough (there are abundant ex- thetically, but it is also much easier to execute, so I have cho- amples of this configuration in situ as well). The actual thick- sen to use this system on the model. In both cases, the thickness of the panel is otherwise immaterial, because the only nesses of the panels do not matter because differences in pan- part of the panel involved in the offset is the distance between el thickness will be buried in the bedding mortar. 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 563

Fig. 11. A piece of wood cut to the correct offset is placed next to the clamp hole and the clamp set in place with the hook over the piece of wood. A smaller block of wood would work, but in this case a tapered piece was used, so that the Fig. 13. The piece of wood and the clamp can be held in exact offset could be chosen with precision, marked in the place with one hand. With the other hand the mason inserts proper location on the piece of wood (cf., fig. 12). a small amount of mortar and the plug into the hole and taps the plug into place, wedging the clamp (cf., fig. 14). The hook points away from the plug, so it does not interfere with the mallet.

Fig. 12. A piece of wood cut to the proper offset is placed next to the clamp hole and the clamp hook laid across it, so that the clamp is set perfectly into place (cf., fig. 11). When the clamp is fixed in place by the plug (figs. 13–14) the Fig. 14. As the piece of wood holds the clamp in position, a clamp itself and the piece of wood can easily be held with small amount of mortar is added to the holes (or the tips of one hand. the plugs are dipped in it); the plugs are set into place and tapped firmly in with a mallet. Negligible stress is placed on the clamp and piece of wood during this step because the Fifth, once all the clamps are in place (figs. 15– clamp itself is not hammered. The steps shown in figs. 7, 10, 16) the bedding mortar can be applied. In the 12, and 14 are repeated for each clamp (cf., figs. 15–16). model I have applied this one panel at a time so I could experiment with different configurations assist in this process because they define both the of shims, but, as noted previously, plaster could be perimeter of the panel and the approximate laid for more than one panel at a time. The clamps depth of the setting bed. The model does not il- 564 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106

Fig. 15. The rest of the clamps are wedged into the place using the same steps. The clamps are precisely located around the periphery of each revetment panel, with the hooks pointing inward (cf., fig. 14).

Fig. 17. A layer of bedding mortar is applied to the wall, reaching up to the clamp hooks. An experienced mason will lay very close to the correct total amount, with just a slight excess. This can be judged by the plane established by the clamp hooks (cf., fig. 16).

lustrate this step very clearly because the clamp hooks are difficult to see within the irregularly finished mortar (fig. 17 shows how this works). The foundation mortar was wet and pliable when it was first applied to the wall; the shims were pressed deep into it. It is not known, however, whether or not the mortar was troweled to a flat surface and whether or not its depth was measured carefully.20 These are both modern practice, made practical by modern machine tools that make it easy to produce sheets of stone of uniform and precisely

Fig. 16. This is the same stage as fig. 15, but viewed parallel 20 In this essay “depth” refers to the thickness of the mortar to the wall surface, showing how all of the clamp hooks are setting bed, regardless of its orientation. Usually, therefore, offset from the wall surface by exactly the same distance, “depth” will be the horizontal depth of the mortar, from the defining a perfect plane for the revetment panels. back surface of the revetment slab to the surface of the wall. 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 565

Fig. 18. Bedding mortar is applied for one panel and shims are pressed into the surface. These are flat marble shims, set vaguely around the perimeter, but not carefully lined up and with a few set in the center of the patch. This arrangement derives from fig. 1, the mortar patch overlapped by the lower arrow (cf., fig. 19). measured thicknesses. Modern masons therefore the labor of getting rid of the extra mortar, while know in advance exactly where the surface of the also not laying too little mortar to reach the back of mortar must be in order for the surface of the stone the slab. The clamp hooks indicated the correct to end up in the correct plane. Although ancient depth for the mortar as accurately as the masons revetment was very finely wrought, it was not of required (fig. 17). uniform thickness, a problem that was exacerbat- Sixth, the shims are pressed deep into the mor- ed (for the masons) by the Roman taste for many tar immediately, while it is thoroughly pliable (figs. colors of stone in separate slabs. The slabs of dif- 18–21; figs. 18–30 show the steps taken to complete ferent colors were commonly of different thick- the installation). The location of the shims varies ness, no doubt produced by different officinae, from one example to the next, but the locus classicus and variations in the brittleness of the different is in a radial pattern, with long, thin shims set types of stone put limits on how thinly the revet- around the outer perimeter of the panel. Figures 1 ment slabs could be cut. (right background), 2, and 3 are examples of this In any case, Roman masons could not predict configuration, mimicked in figure 25 (with marble precisely where the bedding mortar surface would shims) and in figure 27 (with terracotta shims). be, and they knew, a priori, that the surface would The wet mortar is displaced by the shims. Most of not be perfectly flat. They therefore needed a sys- the displacement is sideways, around the edges of tem that allowed them to apply an approximately the shims, but the mortar also bulges out away from correct layer of mortar and then adjust the posi- the wall surface. The analogy of peanut butter and tions of individual revetment slabs after installation. crackers again illustrates this movement: the pea- The only requirement was that there be enough nut butter stops flowing outward as soon as it reach- mortar to reach near the final position. Slightly too es the edge of the crackers, where it is not directly much mortar was needed, because displacement squeezed by them. At that point it piles up, result- of the excess allowed the masons to adjust the final ing in a band around the edge of the crackers much position of the slab, assisted by the shims as we shall thicker than the peanut butter remaining between see. A particularly skilled mason would know how them. The mortar in the model behaved this way as to apply the least possible excess, so as to reduce well, albeit much less fluidly. Figures 19 and 27 566 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106

Fig. 21. The revetment panel is pressed further in toward Fig. 19. Shims are pressed deep into the bedding mortar, the wall, displacing more mortar into the shim wells. Just forcing the mortar between the shims to bulge away from before the panel reaches its final location it will contact the the wall surface in the areas between the shims (cf., figs. 18 top of the clamp that will secure it perfectly in place (right). and 25, and esp. 27). The depression in the mortar made by the shim is a “shim well.”

Fig. 22. The final clamp (right) is pulled out of the way by inserting a finger into the mortar and pulling the clamp aside. Because of the very precise placement of clamps achieved before the mortar was applied, the clamp only Fig. 20. The revetment panel is pressed into place, in this needs to be pulled ca. 5 mm, putting little stress on the plug case by clamping one side of it and pivoting it, but other holding it in place and not flexing the metal heavily (cf., possibilities would work the same way. The panel contacts fig. 26). the bulging areas between the shim wells first, and the mortar displaced by the panel is pressed sideways into the 21 are drawn accordingly). This technique meant shim wells (cf., fig. 24). that I only had to engage the clamps one side at a time, which was as much as I could manage, given give a good sense of how slight the bulge is when the intractable materials. using a viscous mortar. The bulging forces some The Romans, however, probably worked in two of the mortar away from the wall surface farther alternative ways. First, with a larger group of work- than the intended final location of the revetment ers it would be easy to press the revetment panel plate (fig. 19), so the revetment slab will encoun- straight in toward the wall, keeping the panel con- ter a considerable amount of mortar before it stantly parallel with the wall surface, and clamping reaches its final location. Equally important is the all sides simultaneously, with one worker assigned well of empty space above the shim (called a “shim to engage each clamp. There are clear advantages well” here), next to the bulging portions of the to pressing the panel into position in this fashion, mortar, whose function will be described in the and this is probably the only technique that would next section. work for revetment with many clamps around all In the seventh stage, the revetment is installed. sides. Second, with a smaller crew, by pivoting the This procedure is simple in essence: the revetment panel into position, they would have focused on must contact considerable mortar farther out from the area where the greatest displacement of mortar the wall than the intended final location for the would take place, that is, along the side of the slab revetment (fig. 20), and then the panel must dis- that was being pivoted into place (to the left in figs. place excess mortar as it is moved carefully in to- 25 and 27). It would have been easier, especially ward its final location. In the model it was easiest to for the last panel to be emplaced, to pivot the panel set one edge of the revetment panel into its clips upward. This technique would allow the displaced and then pivot the panel into the wall until the plaster to come out at the top, where there is always other edge could be clipped into place (figs. 20– open space for it to expand into without displacing 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 567

Fig. 23. The first panel is installed. Because this is a corner panel, clamps only exist along the edge of the panel away from the corner (visible in fig. 15, far right, and fig. 16, bottom). The panel was set into its clamps and then rotated into position parallel to the socle, but without being clamped into place in its final position. This is not a sturdy configuration, but clamps at the top would solve the problem. This panel, being the first attempt, was also the crudest, with far too much mortar, seen bulging out all around the panel. The shims focused the bulging mortar into discrete areas, indicated by the arrows.

Fig. 24. The same stage as fig. 23, viewed from the side (a view analogous to the drawings). The arrows indicate shim wells. In the center shim well (upper arrow), the mortar can be seen bulging sideways into the shim well, forming a lip of mortar along the bottom of the well (cf., figs. 20–22). 568 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106

Fig. 25. Mortar is laid for another dado panel, more carefully calculated so as to avoid too much excess. The shims are in the same pattern as the first panel, concentrated around the top and left edges, i.e., the sides that will be exposed when the panel is applied, easing the exit of mortar to the left and top (the return of the wall on the right makes mortar exit there impossible, as is also the case along the bottom where the panel rests on the socle). anything else. The Roman masons probably learned hooks were short, ca. 5–10 mm, so the metal did not this simple object lesson in exactly the same way I need to be very flexible, but the clamps did need to did. be securely installed because they would be flexed Once the panel has been pushed into place, the in several directions during installation. clamp is engaged by flexing it sideways to get the The process is simple, but in execution the ma- hook out of the way, and then letting it snap back terials are not cooperative, making the task much into place when the slot on the revetment sheet more challenging. The bulging mortar around the lined up with the hook (fig. 22, right). The clamp shim wells is crucial because the revetment con-

Fig. 26. A successful application of the revetment panel, with little expelled mortar, easily trimmed off. The panel is perfectly in place and perfectly in line with the wall, held firmly by the clamp hooks at both sides of the panel (visible at the left). 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 569

Fig. 27. The small framing panel has been applied without using clamps because of the very small scale of the model. This is a recipe for disaster, however (q.v., fig. 28). The mortar has been laid for the next large dado panel and the shims impressed, this time using curved terracotta shims set radially around the periphery of the panel (cf., fig. 1, lower right, and figs. 2 and 3). The bulging of the mortar between the shims is particularly evident in this photo (cf., fig. 19).

Fig. 28. The large panel has been installed, easily, and a relatively small amount of mortar has been expelled, but to the right of the panel the only exit route for the mortar has been by displacing the unclamped framing panel. The framing panel has been lifted entirely out of position and tilted edge-on to the angle of view, so it is hard to see. The large dado panel to the right of it, however, remained perfectly in place, held there by its clamps. tacts this mortar before the panel reaches its final ter of the panel.21 Since the clamp hooks have allocation. There is enough mortar between the shims ready indicated roughly how much mortar to apply, to give solid support to the slab, especially if the the panel will be close to its final location as soon as masons also added a slight extra bulge in the cen- it has contacted enough mortar to hold it up. Prior

21 Alternatively, extra shims could be inserted in the center tar bedding to the left has stone shims, some of which are of the mortar bed, creating bulges there to engage the center inserted in the center of the bedding, while the terracotta of the revetment panel. As previously noted in my field exam- shims in the bedding to the right are exclusively in the radial ples, this was generally a more common practice when using pattern around the edges. stone shims than with terracotta, as fig. 1 illustrates. The mor- 570 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106

Fig. 29. The framing panel was removed and the final large dado panel installed, clamped into place like the others. Then mortar for the framing panels was applied very carefully, so that none would have to be expelled, and the framing panels pressed into place. The framing panels were applied from the bottom up, because even with great care, there was still a residual excess of mortar that had to be expelled at the top. Finally, the mortar was troweled off the top and the crowning element laid onto that flat surface. With modest clean up, the application of revetment is complete. to this point (fig. 20), relatively little mortar has a small amount of mortar needs to be displaced in had to be displaced at all. Once the panel has con- this stage, and is only moved a short distance into tacted enough mortar to hold it up, it needs no the air space of the shim well, relatively little force more, and all other factors can be tailored toward is needed to overcome the viscosity of the mortar adjusting its final position without stressing the and to push the revetment panel into place. The brittle material. panel, therefore, experiences little stress.22 The shims and empty shim wells assist this pro- The shim wells also help to release pressurized cess in several ways. As the revetment panel is air. The air pockets trapped in the shim wells in- pressed into the bedding mortar (fig. 20), the ex- crease in pressure as the inflowing mortar and de- cess mortar alongside the shim wells is squeezed scending revetment constrict the space (fig. 21), into them. This is extremely efficient because it but because the shims are located radially around allows the panel to move toward the wall while only the perimeter of the panel, the pressurized air can displacing the small amount of mortar next to the escape at the outer ends of the wells. When install- shim wells (fig. 21). When the mortar flows into the ing revetment plates on the model adjacent to shim wells, it also increases the contact area between plates already installed, the air could escape out mortar and the revetment panel, narrowing the shim the very narrow seam between the plates. This is wells. Figure 21 shows the configuration in sche- also one of the key advantages of installing the plate matic form, while figure 24 shows the same phe- by keeping it parallel to the wall and pushing it nomenon in the model, at the end of the revet- straight into place, rather than clamping one side ment on the returning wall, before the revetment and pivoting it as I did. That is, since air and a small on the main wall covered the backing. Because only amount of mortar need to escape around the whole

22 Modern masons use a similar practice when emplacing a enough mortar to bulge out to reach the surface of the block final brick or block, i.e., when the other blocks around it have and also create a small amount of space into which mortar can already been laid and must not be displaced as the final block be displaced when the block is set into the mortar. Since much dislodges mortar. The mason lays slightly less mortar than the less mortar is involved than is the case for a large sheet of re- total needed, and then scores the surface of the mortar with vetment, a small displacement space is adequate. the point of a trowel. The resulting V-shaped grooves displace 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 571

Fig. 30. Following Neronian paradigms (q.v., figs. 2, 3, and 5), fourth style frescoes are applied above the dado and the floor is paved in cipollino panels, with a mosaic pinax in the center. perimeter of the panel, keeping the panel parallel indicate that this was the purpose for setting the leaves some room between it and the next panel terracotta shims radially. This practice was advanta- until the last possible moment, when the panels geous because it was much easier to adjust the re- actually do touch each other. vetment plate up to the point when the shim wells This stage also explains why the large concave filled up. terracotta shims were used, and why they were At this stage the panel can be moved very close to placed radially around the edges of the panel. In its final location. More important, if the masons have this configuration the concave shape keeps an air judged the amount of mortar accurately, it is possi- conduit open even as the mortar is displaced into ble to finish the job completely, moving the plate the sides of the shim wells, while the long thin perfectly into position and snapping the clamps shape and radial placement mean that these con- into it, before the shim wells fill up (fig. 22). Un- duits allow the air to be expelled from deep under doubtedly this was the intention when the bedding the panel. One of the most efficient features of this mortar was first applied. method is that the masons were displacing air as On the other hand, if the masons have applied much as they were displacing mortar. The model too much mortar (which I did in the model, best reproduced this behavior (the escaping air actual- illustrated in figs. 27–28) then this extra mortar ly blew out tiny bits of spackle), which appears to must be displaced in a second, much more labori- 572 LARRY F. BALL [AJA 106 ous step, after the shim wells have absorbed as much has been installed in figure 27. After that framing of the excess mortar as they can. The shims still panel was installed, it prevented the shims on that help displace the mortar in this second step, how- side of the next large panel (fig. 28) from doing ever, largely because of their radial position. Their their job fully. As the next large panel was being arrangement leaves deep mortar between the installed (fig. 28), it still needed to expel excess shims. The areas of deep mortar are also arranged mortar, which it did by displacing the framing piece radially, each with one end at the edge panel. Fig- entirely. It had to be removed and reset, with the ure 18 shows the deep areas between the shims, mortar bed beneath it graded very precisely and and illustrates the fact that when the shims were laboriously. Ultimately, all of the large panels had first pressed into place the deep areas exuded more to be installed first, and then the framing panels mortar radially than the areas of the shims them- could be inserted between them (fig. 29). selves. The result is an irregular outer edge of the The force that displaced the first framing panel mortar (the right side of the mortar patch in fig. was also applied to the first large panel next to it 18), with more pronounced bulging in the deep (the one seen in place in fig. 26), but unlike the areas between the shims. framing panel, the large panel had already been As the revetment plate continues to move in to- clamped into place (at 1:35 scale, the framing pan- ward the wall (fig. 23), it starts to push the shims els were too small to clamp). So the mortar expelled closer to the wall ahead of it, ever deeper into the by the next large panel in figure 28 could not budge bedding mortar. At this stage the shims act like it. This confirms the value of the clamps; it was easy pointed snowplows, displacing mortar sideways into to recover from blunders because the clamps made the deep areas between the shims. The curved it clear from the start exactly where each panel shape of the terracotta shims helps them do this would end up. A panel could be installed badly particularly well. The result is that the deep mortar and removed, the mortar replaced and the panel between the shims is pressed not only by the revet- reinstalled with a better technique. Similarly, it was ment plate descending on it, but also by the mortar obvious when the perfect position had been at- displaced sideways by the shims. The pressure fo- tained for a given panel, because at that moment cused into these areas more readily overcomes the the clamps snapped into place and it never shifted mortar’s viscosity, and the mortar flows out radially again. around the edges of the panel. This behavior was It would have been better to have measured the particularly obvious during the assembly of the mortar more accurately when it was first applied, model, with great wads of mortar forced out between but the dynamic model was useful for testing the the shims and relatively little in the areas of the effects of such mistakes. Once that error had been shims themselves (fig. 23). Much more effort is corrected (after fig. 28), and the displaced panels needed to budge the panels. It is very obvious that were removed and reinstalled, the rest of the work displacing great wads of mortar completely out from went smoothly. It also became obvious that when under the panel is much harder than displacing the mortar was miscalculated, the longitudinal the little folds of mortar that had filled the shim stress put upon the clamps (i.e., the force trying to wells and the air displaced by them in the previous displace a clamped revetment sheet) pulled the stage. This is a costly error, creating a great deal of clamps away from the wall surface. As long as the extra labor and risk. Having made that mistake just clamps were securely installed, however, a panel once, I was careful to apply only a very slight excess clamped into place stayed exactly in place, regard- of mortar the next time. Undoubtedly Roman ma- less of the ham-fisted procedures taking place next sons learned the same lesson. to it. The clamps, therefore, represented not only It also became obvious that for a large revetment perfect placement of the revetment panels, but also sheet it is important to have as much of the perim- confidence on the part of the masons.23 eter free from adjacent revetment as possible (figs. Having learned these lessons early in the project, 27–28). The problematic pieces are the darker ver- however, I completed the rest of the revetment in- tical frames between the large panels, one of which stallation easily, added a top molding to the dado

23 Perhaps more important, though, a panel already clamped This is one area where the plastic used in the model does not into place would be stressed from below by the mortar dis- accurately correspond to the behavior of real stone, no doubt placed during the installation of an adjacent panel. This stress to my financial benefit. It is probably also as great an incen- from below would be counteracted at specific small points by tive for the masons to judge the initial amount of mortar ac- the clamps, which is a good recipe for shattering the panel. curately as was ease of assembly. 2002] HOW DID THE ROMANS INSTALL REVETMENT? 573 (fig. 29), “frescoed” the walls above it and installed are of vital importance to successful installation and “stone” and “mosaic” pavements on the floor. The cannot be addressed casually. The behavior of the finished product appears in figure 30; I trust the mortar is not the least bit subtle, so the Roman ma- knowledgeable reader will agree that it bears a reasons certainly knew of the need to compensate for sonable resemblance to the real thing. it. My experience with the dynamic model has proved all of these points; manipulating the behav- conclusions ior of the mortar was undoubtedly very important The main topic of this article, the reconstruc- in the Roman masons’ work. tion of how Roman revetment was applied and how I conclude, therefore, that the steps taken by the various parts and materials participated in the Roman masons to address the problematic mortar application, has proved to be less speculative than were taken deliberately, specifically as I have de- might have been expected. The physical relation- scribed the steps of assembly. This is most obvious ships of the clamps, plugs, shims, and revetment with the clamps, whose assistance in locking the plates are all well attested in numerous preserved revetment sheets into their precise location was not examples, while the behavior of the mortar is fair- merely convenient, but necessary. Saying that this ly predictable and therefore readily reproduced is what the masons intended the clamps to do can in the model. I can conclude with certainty that hardly be a radical proposal. my description of revetment application does work The same is true for the shims. The model has and that it could well be how the Romans actually proved that it was necessary, not merely convenient, did it. I also can state, confidently, that any dis- to arrange for the easy displacement of the mortar. crepancies between my reconstruction and Roman The model revealed that this happens in two stages, practices are slight, because there are very few a simple first stage and a more problematic second things that could be done differently while repro- stage. This makes it easier to analyze the Roman ducing in the model exactly the configuration masons’ intentions. In sum, the function performed found in the surviving examples. In short, I find by the shims was absolutely necessary, especially for that working with viscous mortar, inflexible plates, large revetment plates, and certainly the Roman and firmly fixed metal clamps teaches a stern les- masons knew this from experience. More important, son, but also a clear one. At the very least, my re- no other feature or technique in Roman revetment construction is a close approximation of the pro- fulfilled this need. Surely, then, this was what the cedures used by the Roman masons, and it could Roman masons intended the shims to do. very possibly be exact. That conclusion, however, raises a second, more department of art and design speculative topic: what did the Roman masons ac- fine arts center b116 tually intend? This question cannot be answered university of wisconsin—stevens point definitively, nor are their intentions anywhere re- stevens point, wisconsin 54481 corded in ancient literature. But I can offer some [email protected] informed aperçus. First, and most obvious, Roman masons did intend the final product to be very fine, with all the panels lined up into a single perfect Works Cited plane. Well preserved examples prove that point. Adam, J.-P. 1984. La Construction Romaine: Materiaux et Second, they undoubtedly would have adopted any Techniques. Paris: Grands Manuels Picard. technique that made the work go more smoothly, Ball, L.F. 1994. “A Reappraisal of Nero’s Domus Aurea.” efficiently, and effectively. The working model dem- In Rome Papers, by L. La Follette, C. Pavolini and M.-A. Tomei, E. Hostetter et al., and L. Ball, 182–254. JRA onstrated another important point, which is that Suppl. 11. Portsmouth, R.I.: Journal of Roman Ar- some seemingly inconsequential errors result in chaeology. disaster, including revetment plates that will not Cozzo, G. 1970. Ingegneria Romana. Rome: Multigrafica go into place at all and revetment plates, already Editrice. installed, that are displaced by the incorrect instal- Fabbrini, L. 1983. “Domus Aurea: Una nuova lettura planimetria del palazzo sul colle Oppio.” AnalRom lation of later plates (or more likely broken, al- 10:169–89. though the model materials precluded proving Lamprecht, H.-O. 1984. Opus Caementicium. Dusseldorf: that). The challenges posed by the viscous mortar Beton.

Travertine Cornerstones in Ostia Antica: Odd Blocks L. BOUKE VAN DER MEER

Abstract matic, such as the monumental stones or blocks in A 1999 survey of some 3,000 travertine building ele- the corners of buildings. These cornerstones show ments and other objects in Ostia demonstrated that this variations in form and dimensions and are not stan- material was used for a variety of purposes, including as dardized; however, some common features can be cornerstones. Two functions for cornerstones are proposed here. While the cornerstones in Ostian buildings distinguished in terms of their position within the have often been regarded as buffer stones, there are urban plan. Following is a survey of cornerstones strong indications that they were boundary stones used that may have had a layout function (table 1, fig. 1).2 for the layout of insulae. Cornerstones in small streets, The cornerstones often are situated at a south- constricted parts of streets, projecting buildings, and ern corner of an insula, most of them lie at cross- entrances of buildings were used as warning signals for passing traffic. roads, and sometimes more than one block has been used. The oldest examples date from the time of During the summer of 1999 I directed a team of Hadrian; the most recent, which are often reused 10 students in a project to measure and inventory blocks, date from the fourth or fifth century A.D. some 3,000 travertine building elements and nonar- They are often called buffers or buffer stones.3 Rus- chitectural objects in Ostia and its cemeteries.1 Trav- sell Meiggs argued that “the great strength and ertine, used from ca. 100 B.C. until late antiquity, durability of travertine made it the natural material was most popular in the second century A.D. It was to be used at points of stress where large tufa blocks used for thresholds, stairs, door- and window-frames, had once been used; that is why odd blocks are columns, corbels, springers, and so on. Vitruvius often found in brick buildings where corners might (De arch. 2.7) describes travertine as a moderately be worn by passing traffic.”4 But generally, no clear hard stone from the Tibur region, able to withstand traces of damage are present; moreover, in some damage from heavy loads and bad weather. The cases no danger of traffic exists because the corner survey made it clear that travertine elements had a is flanked by a sidewalk (I, ix, 3; I, xiii, 6; V, iv, 1). variety of uses: they could be liminal (boundary Thus these stones must have had another function. stones, thresholds), marking and covering (central- ized blocks in basalt streets), aesthetic (e.g., corner boundary stones columns in peristylia), prestigious (the first flight of The impressive cornerstone, resembling a cip- stairs, sidewalks), protective (curbstones), substi- pus (boundary stone), in the Caseggiato di Giove tuting (travertine used instead of marble, in mau- e Ganimede (fig. 2), rests partly in the founda- soleums and the theater), they could have a layout tion and partly above it. This position may indi- function (bases in the facades of houses and in cate that the stone had a layout function: build- porticoes), a supporting function (corbels) and a ers used the stone to mark the southwest corner filling function (spolia, e.g., in or as foundations, and indicate the boundary of insula I, iv, at a dis- from ca. A.D. 100 until late antiquity). Standardiza- tance of ca. 18 m (ca. 60 Roman feet) from the tion of building elements in the city of Ostia is rare: Capitolium. Furthermore, the corresponding it holds good only for the length of stair steps, the insula corner, in Reg. I, viii, 10, ca. 18 m to the width of thresholds, and the vertical distribution of west of the Capitolium, which is exactly in line small bar stones in the facades of different types of with the former corner, also has a cornerstone, buildings. this time in the form of a base (fig. 3). Building I, Although we studied the main categories of trav- viii, 10 has only one base, so it is not intended for ertine building elements, some of these are enig- the layout of the building itself. The symmetrical

1 The principal results have been published in Van der Meer Hadrianic predecessor (DeLaine 1996, 179, n. 21). and Stevens 2000, 169–95. 3 Cf. Bakker 1999, 80 (about alley 11 in the Caseggiato delle 2 For recent dates of Hadrianic insulae, see DeLaine1996, Fornaci [II, vii, 7]). 180. The House of Jove and Ganymede may have had an early 4 Meiggs 1973, 72.

575 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 575–80 576 L. BOUKE VAN DER MEER [AJA 106

Table 1. Positions of the Cornerstones in Ostia Illustrated in Figure 1 Stone No. Regio Building Name Date Locationa 1 I, iv, 2 Caseggiato di Giove e Ganimed 120 ? S 2 I, viii, 10 Caseggiato 120 S 3 I, ix, 3 Caseggiato del Larario 120 C, S 4 I, x, 4 Tempio Collegiale (SW) 193–235 C, S 5 I, x, 4 Tempio Collegiale (SE) 193–235 C, S 6 I, xii, 3 Exedra 4th–5th c. C, N 7 I, xiii, 6 Domus delle Gorgoni ca. 300–325 C, S 8 II, iv, 4 Terme di Nettuno (NW) 126–130 C, N 9 II, iv, 4 Terme di Nettuno (SW) 126–130 S 10 II, vi, 6 Ins. d. Soffitto Dip. (NE/NW) 126–130 C, N 11 II, vi, 7 Cas. delle Fornaci (SW/SE) 126–130 C, S 12 III, i, 1 Caseggiato 4th–5th c. C, S 13 V, iv, 1 Caseggiato 138–161 C, S

a C = located at a crossroads; S = at the southern corner of an insula; N = at the northern corner of an insula. position of the stones mentioned may prove that Symmetry is shown too by the Hadrianic insulae the authorities wanted to mark very clearly the I, ix and I, ii flanking the court of the Capitoli- boundaries of insulae in the city center, in this um: this layout may result from the plan of the case in the neighborhood of the Capitolium.5 early third-century B.C. castrum. They have iden-

Fig. 1. Map of Ostia: position of cornerstones having a layout function. See table 1 for map legend. (After Calza 1953 with additions)

5 For the distance between houses and public buildings, see Ruggiu 1995, 227, app. no. 29. 2002] TRAVERTINE CORNERSTONES IN OSTIA ANTICA 577

Fig. 2. Cornerstone in the Caseggiato di Giove e Ganimede. Fig. 3. Cornerstone in Caseggiato (I, viii, 10). (Photo by the (Photo by the author) author) tical measurements, ca. 140 × 186 Roman feet. They are in line with the northern base of the east- The eastern and western walls have the same ern portico of the contemporaneous Terme del length as those of two other Hadrianic buildings, Foro in the Semita dei Cippi (I, xii, 7). The phe- the Caseggiato dei Triclini (I, xii, 1) and the nomenon of symmetrical cornerstones persisted Caserma dei Vigili (II, v, 2). into the late Severan period: the Tempio Collegiale The cornerstones mentioned may be remnants (I, x, 4; in fact the seat of the guild of the stuppator- of the new city center plan from the building boom es) in the center of the city, to the west of the Tem- under Hadrian. For example, another cornerstone, pio Rotondo, has stones both at the southwest and in the southwestern corner of the Caseggiato del southeast corners. In terms of town planning, it is Larario (I, ix, 3), is flanked by a prestigious traver- interesting to note that the three superimposed tine sidewalk (fig. 4), and a symmetrical disposi- blocks of the southwestern corner show an obtuse tion of cornerstones is visible in the western wall of edge. The reason must be that the slanting corner the Terme di Nettuno (II, iv, 4). In the same re- was needed to accommodate traffic between the Via gion, stones flank the four corners of a former small del Pomerio and the Via del Tempio Rotondo. The Hadrianic street between Reg. II, vi, 6 and II, vii, 7. builders apparently had to reckon with urban pre- From these congruences it is evident that the latter scriptions regarding the width of streets.6 Finally, it cornerstones marked the boundaries of two insu- is remarkable that four monumental cornerstones lae and the beginning and ending of a small street. are at the intersection of two or three important The practice of marking insula corners remained streets. Three of them seem to be late antique: in in use after the period of Hadrian. The corner the Exedra at the intersection of Decumanus and blocks of Caseggiato (V, iv, 1) from the Antonine Semita dei Cippi (I, xii, 3; fig. 6), at the intersec- period rest directly upon the foundations (fig. 5). tion of Decumanus and Via della Foce (III, i, 1),

6 For building regulations, see Ruggiu 1995, 226–7, 260–3. 578 L. BOUKE VAN DER MEER [AJA 106

Fig. 4. Cornerstone in the Caseggiato del Larario. (Photo by the author) and at the intersection of the Cardo Maximus and Monumental cornerstones are interesting be- the Semita dei Cippi (in the southwestern corner cause they continue an old tradition. Their func- of the Domus delle Gorgoni, I, xiii, 6). This may tion is comparable to that of travertine cippi like imply that the authorities wished to accentuate those of C. Caninius, which marked the southern them as strategic street corners; we cannot exclude boundary of the Ager Publicus in Reg. II (CIL the possibility that these cornerstones were bound- 14.4702–3); those of C. Antistius Vetus, which ary markers, not only of an insula but also of one of marked the right bank of the Tiber (CIL 14.4704); the five regiones (mentioned in CIL 14.352). those of the Horrea in the Semita Horreorum;7 and

Fig. 5. Cornerstone in Caseggiato (V, iv, 1; to the right). (Photo by the author)

7 Calza 1953, 120. 2002] TRAVERTINE CORNERSTONES IN OSTIA ANTICA 579

Fig. 6. Cornerstone in Exedra (I, xii, 3). (Photo by the author) the cippi dedicated to Iupiter Optimus Maximus ings along a street by a projecting building (e.g., in front of the Four Republican Temples in Reg. II the western enclosure wall in the forecourt of the (CIL 14.4292). I presume that the cornerstones may Tempio Rotondo [I, xi, 1], the Curia [I, ix, 4], build- have indicated the boundaries of an insula and have ing III, i, 5) is indicated by a cornerstone used as a guaranteed enough space for a street. warning signal. cornerstones as warning signals conclusion Another function of cornerstones may have been The previous idea that the cornerstones were to warn of a corner or crossroads, especially in the used as buffers cannot be maintained. Nor did they dark. Just opposite the Tempio Collegiale, the sharp serve as filling stones or foundation stones. They corner of the contemporaneous building IV, iv, 7 have no supporting or reinforcing function,8 for contains a cornerstone. If there was cart traffic, the countless buildings do not have a cornerstone. stone may have warned of an irregular bifurcation, Instead, this study indicates that the stones pri- because the corner lies in the axis of the Via del marily functioned (see table 1) as boundary Pomerio. Blocks used as warning signals are fur- stones, probably on spots indicated by the city ther visible in constricted parts of streets, especial- administration to lay out and define the bound- ly at piers in the northern part of the Semita dei aries between insulae and streets. They indicate Cippi (between I, xii, 4 and V, v, 3), at piers in the the limit between buildings (loca privata) and small passage between the Terme di Nettuno and streets (loca publica).9 The fact that cornerstones building II, iii in the southern part of the Via dei are not found in the Villa of Hadrian at Tivoli Vigili, on a higher level, at the southeastern pier of may support this hypothesis. The cornerstones the Caseggiato dei Molini (I, iii, 1) in the Via dei also functioned as warning signals in small streets Molini, and at the entrance of the street between or passages. III, vi, 2 and III, iii, 2. The phenomenon is also Outside Ostia cornerstones are rare: in Pompeii visible within buildings, for example, in the east- there is only one example, in the southwestern cor- ern and southern gateway of the Caserma dei Vigili ner of Reg. VIII, insula 4. Vitruvius does not men- (II, v). Finally, the interruption of a line of build- tion cornerstones. Probably the Ostian odd stones

8 As suggested by Boyle 1968, 49, 95. ann. decurionumque [conces]su, which means that a guild-seat got 9 Probably no buildings could be built without official per- a place by permission of the praefectus annonae and decuriones. mission. Cf. Bakker 1999, 101 no. 6, 122 dealing with a rather As a locus sepulturae was given by the decuriones, the same may unknown inscription: corpus pistorum. locus adsignatus a ….praef. have been the case for city buildings. 580 L.B. VAN DER MEER, TRAVERTINE CORNERSTONES IN OSTIA ANTICA were called termini Tiburtini.10 According to the Cor- faculty of archaeology pus Agrimensorum Romanorum, Tiburtine (travertine) leiden university boundary stones were often used to make limites and p.o. box 9515 to mark the division of land, at least until the end of nl 2300 ra leiden the fourth century A.D.11 They had no fixed form. [email protected] The intervals between them were 240, 280, 340, 400, 460, 520, 580, 640, or 660 feet.12 The stones Works Cited had a sacred character13 and removal was forbid- den, which explains why early boundary stones at Ostia survived during the Imperial period. It is like- Bakker, J. Th., ed. 1999. The Mills-Bakeries of Ostia. Am- ly that the city planners in the Hadrianic period sterdam: J.C. Gieben. Boersma, J.S. 1985. Amoenissima Civitas. Assen: Scrini- made use of agrimensores. The measurement of 140 um. feet of several Hadrianic insula-sides is half of 280 Boyle, B.M. 1968. “Studies in Ostian Architecture.” Ph.D. feet, a figure mentioned in the Corpus.14 Further- diss., Yale University. more, we read in the Liber Coloniarum that “the land Calza, G., ed. 1953. Scavi di Ostia I. Roma: Libreria dello of Ostia was allocated to their colonists by the em- Stato. Campbell, B. 2000. The Writings of the Roman Land Sur- perors Vespasian, Trajan, and Hadrian, in parcels, veyors: Introduction, Text, Translation and Commentary. in strips, and by strigae.”15 So, if agrimensores or men- JRS Monograph no. 9. London: Society for the Pro- sores were active in surveying land surrounding Os- motion of Roman Studies. tia, they may have plotted lines inside the colonia DeLaine, J. 1996. “The Insula of the Paintings: A Model ostiensis during Hadrian’s rebuilding activities, us- for the Economics of Construction in Hadrianic Os- 16 tia.” In ‘Roman Ostia’ Revisited, edited by A. Gallina ing travertine boundary markers. This was not a Zevi and A. Claridge, 165–84. London: British School job for architects, as may appear from a statement by at Rome. Columella (ca. A.D. 50): “I replied that this (land Meiggs, R. 1973. Roman Ostia. 2nd ed. Oxford: Claren- measuring) was the duty not of a farmer but of a don. surveyor (mensor), especially since not even archi- Ruggiu, A.Z. 1995. Spazio privato e spazio pubblico nella città romana. CÉFR 210. Rome: École Française de Rome. tects, who have to understand the principles of mea- Van der Meer, L.B., and N.C.L. Stevens. 2000. “Tiburti- surement, deign to calculate the area of complet- nus Lapis: The Use of Travertine in Ostia.” BABesch ed buildings designed by them.”17 75:169–95.

10 Campbell 2000, 61, 81, 93, 167, 173, 177, 193, 195, 197, 14 The length of Reg. V, ii may be 280 feet; see Boersma 201, 229, 247, 255, 259. They were also called saxa finitima or 1985, 207, fig. 199. lapides finales (Campbell 2000, passim). For stones marking a 15 Campbell 2000, 185, 27–8, 423. corner or a triple or quadruple boundary, see p. 247. 16 Boundary markers were also used in Constantinople 11 Campbell 2000, 193, 25, 247. (Campbell 2000, 259). 12 Campbell 2000, 61, 8–9, 173, 25–6, 179, 197. 17 RR 5.1.3–4 (translation by Campbell 2000, xlvii). 13 Campbell 2000, 93, 28, 258–9. Mines, Territorial Organization, and Social Structure in Roman Iberia: Carthago Noua and the Peninsular Northwest ALMUDENA OREJAS AND F. JAVIER SÁNCHEZ-PALENCIA

Abstract provinces, it is essential to integrate the textual, Research into Roman provincial organization is insepa- epigraphic, and archaeological records. rable from the study of the evolution of provincial social In the case of the Iberian peninsula, Roman in- structures. The authors incorporate this perspective into volvement introduced various forms of occupation the landscape archaeological program, “Social Structure and Territory in Roman Iberia.” The results of this pro- and exploitation that have left visible and even ag- gram in two areas of the Iberian peninsula where mining gressive marks of productive intensification and was practiced intensively during the Roman period, diversification on the landscape—marks indicating Carthago Noua in the southeast and the peninsular north- fundamental changes (and eventually morpholog- west, demonstrate that the Romans took various ap- ical standardization) in socioeconomic relations, proaches to social and territorial organization in order to maximize the productivity of mining operations and to settlement and land use, technology, demography, adapt to changes in those operations.* and the mechanisms and institutions of political control. Indeed, Roman imperial organization Since 1988, we have directed a landscape archae- could be argued to have led to a fundamental re- ological program entitled “Social Structure and cording and reordering of everything under its Territory in Roman Iberia,” the goal of which has dominion. The scope and scale of the social and been to investigate the transformations experi- landscape changes that took place in Roman Ibe- enced by the indigenous communities and their ria are most visible in those districts where mining territories following their integration into the Ro- was the primary economic activity.1 man world. A specific objective of the program has The two areas under study, Carthago Noua and been to better understand the role of mining with- the peninsular northwest, were under Roman dom- in the overall framework of the occupation and ex- ination and clearly marked by mining activity. ploitation of southeast and northwest Iberia. Carthago Noua was conquered early (209 B.C.) and Landscape analysis is especially important in the northwest part of Spain was the last area brought studies of the ancient world, where the transforma- under Roman control (19 B.C.), but both were in- tion of space into a territory claimed and appropri- tegrated into the province of Hispania Citerior by ated by a particular people has a profound effect Augustus. The silver and lead mines around Cartha- both on the landscape being claimed and on the go Noua were dramatically exploited beginning in social, economic, administrative, and ideological the Republican period (fig. 1). The gold deposits structures of the people laying claim to it. This is of the northwest were worked on a large scale in true in the history of Roman expansion in Italy, in the first and second centuries B.C. (fig. 2). The which spatial organization was an essential mecha- remains of the mines in both areas are still impres- nism for controlling resources and population. This sive, but in this paper we move beyond morpholog- practice continued under the early empire as a ical analysis to assess the importance of these works means of integrating territories into the Roman in shaping territories, urban and rural communi- Mediterranean world. To understand how the Ro- ties, and aristocracies in Roman Spain. The various man state pursued this historical process in the forms of land tenure, revenue mechanisms, and

*This study was undertaken as part of the research project Dolores Fernández-Posse, Julio Fernández Manzano, Almude- “Ancient Landscapes in the Iberian Peninsula: Theory and na Orejas, Domingo Plácido, Inés Sastre, María Ruiz del Árbol, Practice of Landscape Archaeology (1998–1999),” conducted and Óscar López. All of them have worked on this study in one by the Department of Ancient History and Archaeology of the way or another. Instituto de Historia of the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones 1 Sánchez-Palencia and Orejas 1994; Mangas and Orejas Científicas. The team includes F. Javier Sánchez-Palencia, Mª 1999; Sánchez-Palencia 2000.

581 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 581–99 582 ALMUDENA OREJAS AND F. JAVIER SÁNCHEZ-PALENCIA [AJA 106

Fig. 1. The Cabezo Rajado mine (Sierra of Cartagena). A large trench made possible workings in the seam. (Photo by J.A. Antolinos) mineral exploitation in these provincial territories nization and exploitation of the port city and its will be considered as part of the territorial organi- territory. The development of Carthago Noua has zation and exploitation of resources and people at been directly linked with the neighboring silver different moments under Roman rule. mines (argentiferous galena).4 Recent archaeolog- C. Domergue has demonstrated the enormous ical discoveries in the city and countryside of Cart- potential for studying mining areas in the Iberian agena,5 archaeological surveys, the systematic cata- peninsula.2 We propose to take a step further, how- loguing of inscriptions and coins minted by the ever, and consider them not only as the juxtaposi- city, and the references supplied by the ancient tion of mines and settlements, but as inhabited and literary sources also provide exceptional data.6 exploited regions that were incorporated into the In evaluating the development of the city and its Roman territorial, fiscal, and administrative orga- mines, particular attention is usually given to the nizational structures, integrating daily activities, intensity of the mining activity between the late sec- forms of exploitation, and ways of life. We seek to ond century B.C. and the mid first century B.C. This contribute to the rich discussion on Roman impe- activity gave way from the time of Augustus onward rialism, adding to the debate about the complexity to the development of the city and its surrounding of Roman rule and the indigenous population’s rural area. Thus mining and agriculture have been responses.3 presented as two separate and basically consecu- tive activities. In reality, this model needs to be con- carthago noua siderably qualified in order to produce a more so- The early development of Carthago Noua, includ- phisticated and enlightening interpretation of ter- ing the exploitation of the mines, begins with the ritorial organization and socioeconomic evolution. city’s founding in the Punic period. The Roman The remains of the workings and the marks on conquest of southeast Iberia at the end of the sec- lead ingots of those responsible for mining sug- ond century B.C. opened a new phase in the orga- gest a major expansion of mining in the late sec-

2 Domergue 1987, 1990. Muñoz 1995; Noguera 1995. Archaeological survey in the 3 Mattingly 1997, 7–24. Murcia region is regularly diffused in the Memorias de Ar- 4 Domergue 1987, 356–401; Ramallo and Berrocal 1994. queología collection. See also Orejas and Antolinos 2001. 5 Ramallo 1989, 1999; Ramallo et al. 1992. For the country- 6 Abascal and Ramallo 1997; Llorens 1994. side, see the survey work of García et al. 1989; Berrocal 1995; 2002] MINES, TERRITORIES, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN ROMAN IBERIA 583

Fig. 2. The Roman mine of Las Médulas (León) typifies the large-scale exploitation of the gold deposits in Imperial times. (Photo by J. Sánchez-Palencia) ond and early first century B.C.7 Archaeological and into the Roman exchequer a daily revenue of 25,000 epigraphic evidence from the city demonstrate the drachmae” (Str. 3.2.10). In general, 1–2% of lead presence of families involved in mining, in partic- and between 1,000 and 1,500 gr of silver was ob- ular the finds from a suburban sanctuary dedicated tained from each ton of lead. Ancient mines are to Iuppiter Stator, one of the earliest examples of especially concentrated in the central part of the private evergetism in Hispania.8 The temple dates Sierra: underground galleries and shafts have been to the late second or early first century B.C. An in- found at -300 m (fig. 5). Complex systems like scription from the pavement of a room in the tem- Ctesibius’s bomb are used for water waste. Debris ple identifies its builder as Marcus Aquinus, An- accumulations are also an important aspect of past dro’s freedman, who belonged to a gens involved mining operations in Cartagena. in mining activity from the mid second century B.C.9 The archaeological record of this part of the Other families associated with the expansion of the southeast is consistent with the epigraphic and lit- city, including the Atelii, Aquini, Turullii, Laetilii, erary evidence in showing an increase in the num- and Varii, are also recorded in late Republican and ber of towns and villages, compared with the pat- Augustan inscriptions of Carthago Noua (fig. 3). tern of settlement in the final Iberian stage (fig. The mines in the Sierra of Cartagena (just east of 4).10 Around Cartagena, as in other parts of the Carthago Noua) occupied some 25 km near the empire where imperialist interests were strong, Mediterranean coast, from Cartagena to the Cabo transformation was rapid. Many of the early settle- de Palos (fig. 4). The scale of the exploitation here ments, composed of habitations, furnaces, and stor- produced a vivid mining landscape, which Strabo age areas, were clearly linked with the mines. Vil- describes: “Polybius, in mentioning the silver-mines lages were concentrated in mining areas and on of New Carthage, says that they are very large; that the watercourses that connected them with the they are distant from the city about 20 stadia and coast.11 A good example is the Cabezo Agudo site embrace an area 400 stadia in circuit; and that (fig. 6) near the Cabezo Rajado mine, which in- 40,000 workmen stay there, who (in his time) bring cluded buildings containing slag, iron and lead

7 These ingots are evidence of the existence of publicani and they produced 25,000 drachmae a day for Rome (Str. (individuals or small companies), ingenui or often freedmen, 3.2.10). who ran the mines and sold the output (locatio in censoria), 8 Amante et al. 1995. doubtless in exchange for the payment of uectigalia. On this 9 Hispania Epigrafica (hereafter HEp) 6 (1996) nº 655: subject, see Domergue 1990, 241–77. This information is con- M(arcus) Aquini M(arci) L(ibertus) Andro/Iovi Statori D(e) sistent with the account given by Polybius around 150 B.C.: S(ua) P(ecunia)/L(ibens) M(erito). the Cartagena mines were some 20 stadia from the city, with a 10 Álvarez et al. 2001. perimeter of 400 stadia; there were 40,000 men working them 11 Berrocal 1995. 584 ALMUDENA OREJAS AND F. JAVIER SÁNCHEZ-PALENCIA [AJA 106

Fig. 3. Epigraphic representation of the most important families of the city of Carthago Noua. (By A. Orejas) tools, and Italian amphoras.12 The metallurgical velopment of other economic activities, although complex of Los Beatos, located in the Sierra (as late Republican settlement in the area clearly in- well as El Beal, El Algar, and Fuente del Sapo) shows dicates general diversification and intensification metallurgical activity from the early second century of production and interaction between various ac- B.C. to the late first century A.D.13 tivities (fig. 4). A number of sites were also dedicat- The spectacular nature of Republican mining ed to fishing, trade, and farming. In some instanc- activities means we tend to underestimate the de- es, mining, metallurgy, and farming (for instance,

12 Fernández de Avilés 1942. 13 Antolinos 1999. 2002] MINES, TERRITORIES, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN ROMAN IBERIA 585

Fig. 4. The southeastern region in which Cartagena is situated: pre-Roman Iberian settlement and Republican Roman settlement. (Map by A. Orejas) revealed by evidence of presses for olive oil pro- and building techniques identical to those being duction) coexist together, especially in the mining used at that time in Carthago Noua. The diffusion mounts of Cartagena. of Campanian pottery, Graeco-Italic amphoras, and In the early phases of settlement, including the eastern-made ceramics is also significant and can Republican period, there is a high proportion of be seen both in settlements associated with mining indigenous ceramics and other artifacts at all sites. as well as in rural and coastal sites. Some rural set- Moreover, the presence of indigenous groups is tlements, for example, Los Geas and Los Ruices, clear in rural and mining-metallurgical sites in and the Encarnación Sanctuary, show the arrival of which local building materials and techniques and Italian people and models.15 Iberian domestic goods are evident. In practice, Finally, many of the names found on Republican Republican settlements to the north of the Via rural epigraphy are the same as those found in ur- Augusta are chiefly late Iberian villages. It is only in ban inscriptions and on ingots. An inscription from the second half of the first century B.C. that any the Cabo de Palos, dated to approximately 100 B.C., significant changes can be seen.14 refers to the names of several free men, slaves, and There is, however, a markedly Italic character to freedmen from families such as the Numisii or Pon- some of these sites in their employment of opus signi- tilieni who settled in the region.16 num pavements, mosaics, decorative elements, mu- Numerous vestiges of fragmented mining activi- ral decorations in the Italic style, and structures ty in the landscape indicate various independent

14 This feature is evident in the archaeological studies car- 15 Ramallo 1992; Ramallo and Arana 1993. ried out in this zone of the southeast region of Spain. For a 16 CIL 2.3433; Domergue 1990, 254–7. synthesis, see Noguera 1995. 586 ALMUDENA OREJAS AND F. JAVIER SÁNCHEZ-PALENCIA [AJA 106 mining operations. This information is consistent with the lack of evidence for large companies in this period.17 In 63 B.C., the “agri apud Nouam Karthaginem” were agri publici, since, according to Cicero,18 in the lex agraria drafted by P. Servilius Rullus they were considered assets of Rome. These could be sold in exchange for the resources needed to buy land in Italy set aside for division and allocation.19 In fact, this appears to have been the typical arrangement for provincial land in the pre- colonial Republican period.20 Accordingly, during this period, Carthago Noua lacked a legal territory, the area around the city belonging to the senate and the people of Rome as ager publicus. The agri apud Karthaginem could thus be organized and exploited in a variety of different ways, such as lands worked by the local communities (e.g., as agri redditi), grants of land perhaps made to Italic settlers, and, of course, state-owned mines paying taxes (uectigalia). Mining activity declined in this area throughout the second half of the first century B.C. In a much disputed text, Strabo (3.2.10) states that in Poly- bius’s time the mines belonged to the state, but that this was no longer the case. However, it is clear that the mines of Carthago Noua, including those producing silver, were still active, and Strabo associates them directly with the city (Str. 3.4.6). Further- more, although most of the stamped ingots dated by C. Domergue belong to the late second century Fig. 5. Ancient gallery in the Rambla del Arenque mining to mid first century B.C., some are later.21 The ar- area, Sierra de Cartagena. (Photo by J.A. Antolinos) chaeological record also shows the existence of regular, although less intensive, mining activity at least inscriptions (fig. 3) and coins from Cartagena sug- through the first quarter of the first century A.D. In gest that social, territorial, and political structure fact, remains of mining and smelting activities also had changed at the same time.22 A change in (tools, slag, smelters, and pools) are present in most the settlement pattern is also apparent in the ar- of the villages inhabited during the first century chaeological record. The last quarter of the first A.D. from Cabo de Palos to Cabo de Gata. century B.C. appears to have been a particularly Strabo’s text illustrates changes in the organiza- dynamic time: in addition to Republican sites, tion of mining operations around Carthago Noua, there were new rural centers from the Principate and the relationship between the mines and the onward that increased the overall settlement densi- city by the time of the Principate. Contemporary ty (fig. 7). The basic fabric of settlement was not

17 Str. 3.2.9–10; Diod. Sic. 5.36.2. See Richardson 1976. time and more particularly under Augustus and his succes- 18 Cic. Leg. agr. 1.5 and 2.51. sors (Frank 1927; Luzzatto 1953). It was occupied land (ager 19 The term used by Cicero is purely topographical (apud), occupatorius). without establishing any other kind of relationship between 21 Pansa C. F (from Coto Fortuna), Societ. Mont. Ilucr., Carthago the agri and the city. In fact, Cicero’s succinct phrase is the Noua, and the fourth group in the ingots’ classification ar- only truly Republican textual reference, since the other im- ranged by C. Domergue. See Domergue 1990, 245–57; portant text for this period, Polybius, is “contaminated” by being Sánchez-León 1978, 140–53. transmitted by Strabo. Strabo (3.2.10), however, does say that 22 Koch 1976, 1978, 1984, 1988, 1993; Domergue 1965, there were state-owned mines in Polybius’s time. 1985; Abascal and Ramallo 1997; Abascal 1995; Burnett et al. 20 When no legal distinction was explicitly made between 1992, 90–7; Llorens 1994, 41–78. it and Italic land. This only began to happen in Caesar’s 2002] MINES, TERRITORIES, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN ROMAN IBERIA 587

Fig. 6. The mining village of Cabezo Agudo in the Sierra de Cartagena. (After P.A. Lillo) radically altered; the mining areas became less alentín (Lorca), where more than 45 large or me- densely populated but were by no means aban- dium-sized rural sites and many small villages have doned. The roads and drainage network (the Se- been identified. gura, Guadalentín, and peripheral watercourses) These developments appear to be associated with continued to be the major axes, and the number Cartagena’s elevation to colonial status as the Colo- of settlements that were implanted in the most nia Vrbs Iulia Noua Karthago in the late first century fertile areas increased, such as the Alto Guad- B.C. and the consequent changes in the Augustan 588 ALMUDENA OREJAS AND F. JAVIER SÁNCHEZ-PALENCIA [AJA 106

Fig. 7. The southeastern region in which Cartagena is located: early Imperial Roman settlement. (Map by A. Orejas) period. These include notable changes in the ur- deductio of veterans in the second half of the first ban infrastructure of the city, in its public build- century B.C. also has been suggested, based on the ings, forum, walls, suburban domus, and villas.23 iconography of the reverses of those coins minted These changes are accompanied by a consolida- in the city.25 tion of the colonial aristocracy, including both na- Of related interest here is the assignation of co- tives and Italics, who had become rich from the lonial territory, which meant that the ager publicus mines and the fields of the ager publicus over sev- became ager colonialis. The territory of Carthago eral generations.24 The names of a number of these Noua was evidently extensive, as Pliny notes that aristocratic families appear in the area around the the Tader (Segura) irrigated that territory.26 Cen- city, doubtless as an indication of the same fami- turiation was possibly applied to part of the newly lies’ influence extending into the ager. Rural in- established territory. Although there was a partial scriptions suggest that in the late first century B.C. abandonment of the mining areas, many of the set- and early first century A.D., their wealth was de- tlements of the late first century B.C. stabilized and rived from both mining and agriculture. A possible reached their zenith in the mid first century A.D.

23 Ramallo 1989, 1999. Recent excavations in the Roman who were not present in the early local epigraphy. An early theater of Cartagena demonstrate the development of the example of the native aristocracy is Cn. Atellius Bulio, Cneo’s urban center at this moment, as well as the close relation be- freedman, who sealed ingots with his name in the late second tween the city and the imperial family, as his iconographic or early first century B.C., or in the first century A.D. and from program shows. the same gens, Cn. Atellius Toloco, Cneo’s freedman. 24 Llorens 1994; Burnett et al. 1992, 90–7; Abascal and Ra- 25 Military signs (aquila, signa) appear on the reverse of sev- mallo 1997. Recent epigraphic data show that new families were eral series classed by Llorens (1994, 50–4). See also Burnett et present in the colonial aristocracy of Carthago Noua. The the- al. 1992, 92–3. ater inscriptions mention gentes as Iunia, Cornelia, or Plotia, 26 Plin. HN 3.9. 2002] MINES, TERRITORIES, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN ROMAN IBERIA 589 Among the new settlements of the late first century responsible for acts of aristocratic evergetism and B.C. were approximately a dozen new sites along the development of villas. Indeed, it can be argued the Via Augusta in the vicinity of Carthago Noua that, although the history of Roman Carthago Noua and another eight in the richest peripheral areas often has been seen as a symbol of early Roman around the city. depredation,32 it also represents a transformation Monumental building work was also undertaken in the organization of the city’s urban and rural in various rural centers, as shown by thermal com- space, production, demographics, and Hispano- plexes (Alhama, Fortuna, Archena, Baños de Mula), Roman social relationships between the later re- the tituli picti of Cueva Negra in Fortuna, or the public and the Augustan period. programs of decoration in rural settlements and villas such as La Quintilla.27 In addition to olives, northwest spain agricultural production included the cultivation If Carthago Noua represents an example of Ro- of vines, barley, esparto grass, and roses.28 In other man Republican exploitation, the Asturian gold industries, garum29 was also produced and, of mines represent a case study in early imperial ex- course, minerals were extracted from the mines. ploitation. Some of the greatest developments in The evolution of mining was not unconnected mining activity during the early empire occurred with these changes. In the process of refounding in the northwest region of the Iberian Peninsula, Carthago Noua as a colony, ager publicus became an area studded with primary and secondary gold ager colonialis, making the colony and its citizens bearing deposits worked during Roman antiquity. responsible for the management of its mineral re- This mining activity, which was carried out inten- sources. The archaeological record shows evidence sively in some places over two centuries, created of major, but gradual, changes in mining activity. new territorial situations as well as social and eco- Mines were worked less, and some of the settle- nomic relationships.33 ments associated with them were abandoned. Most Asturian and Galician gold mines were the most of the major mining centers remained active, how- important in the empire, serving as the essential ever. Ingots stamped “Noua Carthago” and “Soci- source of the raw material necessary for guarantee- etas Montis Ilucronensis” (Coto Fortuna) could in- ing the monetary system that Augustus based on dicate that the mines producing them had become gold and silver.34 These mines were worked for ap- publicly owned by the colony or, in the case of Mont proximately 200 years as ager publicus (imperial Ilucronenesis, that the colony farmed out mining domains) under the direct management of the operations to companies.30 The most plausible hy- state.35 pothesis is that the mines became the colony’s ager The archaeological record of the pre-Roman cas- publicus, perhaps in the category of loca publica ag- treño communities in these areas is relatively well restia (ager tutelatus).31 known, enabling us to evaluate the effect that min- Mining undoubtedly provided income for the ing had on the economic and social relations of publicani. But it cannot be considered as an isolat- these indigenous groups.36 The working of the ed activity; farming, fishing, and associated activi- mines was integrated into the tribute policy im- ties were conducted in the same territory during posed by Rome on these communities, creating new the same period. In some cases, however, the prof- forms of dependence. There appears to have been its from mining can be shown to have been directly tremendous territorial and social dislocation among

27 About Cueva Negra (Fortuna), see González et al. 1987; thus becoming the colony’s agri uectigales, and could be phys- for more data about rural settlements and uillae, see Noguera ically defined, as they doubtless were in the cadastral plan, and 1995. always under the supervision of the city’s magistrates, their 28 Plin. HN 18.79–80; 19.26–7; 21.19. “tutores.” 29 Étienne 1970. 32 Frank 1959, 138–9, 256–7, 262–5. 30 Domergue 1990, 259–60. 33 Fernández-Posse and Sánchez-Palencia 1988; Sánchez- 31 In this case they may have been managed directly or indi- Palencia and Orejas 1994; Sánchez-Palencia et al. 1999; rectly. Direct management was usually reserved for loca publi- Sánchez-Palencia 2000; Orejas 1994a, 1996. ca that guaranteed supply and enabled the city’s basic needs 34 Perea and Sánchez-Palencia 1995, 60–3; Howgego 1992; to be met (they were normally loca publica in uso, inalienable), Corbier 1989. while indirect management was used to obtain an income. This 35 Domergue 1990, 279–307. second option would be the most logical and is supported by 36 Fernández-Posse and Sánchez-Palencia 1998; Fernández- the stamped ingots. Carthago Noua could opt for locationes- Posse 1998, 197–234, 258–76. conductiones, for a set period (ad tempus) or in perpetuum, 590 ALMUDENA OREJAS AND F. JAVIER SÁNCHEZ-PALENCIA [AJA 106

Fig. 8. The northwest of the Iberian Peninsula, showing the most important ciuitates. (Map by J. Sánchez-Palencia) the communities, and little direct benefit for work- dent on the three conuentus capitals of the north- ing the mines. According to Florus, only through west: Asturica Augusta, Lucus Augusti, and Bracara the exploitation of the mines for others did the Augusta. Asturians discover the riches of their land.37 We believe that the territories of the ciuitates of After the conquest, Rome organized communi- the Northwest were considered agri mensura conpre- ties into ciuitates with peregrine status in the north- hensi regulated by an ius peregrinum.40 Such a legal west of Hispania (fig. 8). These rural ciuitates (Bae- arrangement would have allowed for minimal di- duniense, Zoelarum, Susarroum, Gigurrorum, and rect involvement by land surveyors and Roman ad- others) formed the basis for new socioeconomic ministrators while requiring the local aristocracies and political relationships.38 This new system in- to play a major role in tribute collection.41 Indeed, cluded the consolidation of local aristocracies, the under the terms of the ius peregrinum, lands were exaction of tribute, and new forms of land acquisi- incorporated into the dominium, to the solum pro- tion. The ciuitates became the Roman territorial vinciale, in which case the agri would be assigned unit.39 Moreover, the ciuitates were directly depen- en bloc to each ciuitas (as agri publici ciuitatis), per-

37 Fl. 2.33.60. man conquest period (15 B.C.). Sánchez-Palencia and Mangas 38 See Plin. HN 3.28. An Augustan edict in bronze has been 2001. discovered recently in the region of El Bierzo (León). The 39 Orejas 1996, 116–53, 185–9; Orejas and Sastre 1999. document refers to a decision concerning the territorial and 40 Front. Th. 1–2. See Behrends et al. 1998. fiscal organization of two of these ciuitates, just after the Ro- 41 Sastre 1998; Orejas and Sastre 1999. 2002] MINES, TERRITORIES, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN ROMAN IBERIA 591

Fig. 9. Roman castro of La Corona de El Ganso, León. (Photo courtesy of the Ministry of Culture) mitting the community to organize the territory as ically similar to the pre-Roman ones, though their it wished. Pliny’s description of the demographic function changed in some instances (fig. 9). The information regarding the conventus of the north- hillforts exist side by side with new open villages in west is consistent with this description and reflects the new settlement model. The village of Orellán in the role of the ciuitates as tax-paying units.42 Rome the Archaeological Zone of Las Médulas is an open was only concerned with knowing the total amount settlement dated to the first and second centuries of land for which the community should pay trib- A.D. (fig. 10). In its earliest phase, its indigenous ute.43 Such matters as internal divisions, organiza- character is evident in the use of local building ma- tion of production, taxes, and even the adjudica- terials and techniques and in the high proportion tion of property were internal matters decided by of indigenous, traditional pottery (60%). The ar- the community, which operated ex iure peregri- chaeological record indicates gradual but evident no.44 Iulius Frontinus, when mentioning this genus changes in Orellán in the appearance of Roman agri in De agrorum qualitate, says that it is frequent ceramics, iron tools, or round mills, and in the emer- and suitable for land subject to tribute. gence of a Roman style town plan. As a result of the These ciuitates, despite their nonurban charac- settlement’s location near an iron mine, metallurgi- ter, were Roman administrative and integrative enti- cal activity was prominent: several smelting furnaces ties (from the Roman point of view) and therefore occupy the upper part of the village, and slag is had a territorial dimension (even if they did not have present over its entire surface area. In addition, the a governing pars urbana in the traditional sense) discovery of a grain deposit of some 100 kg indicates understood by Rome solely in terms of boundaries, farming activity in the same community. as we have suggested. Their rural character, scattered A number of inscriptions attest to the global ter- village-like settlements (usually between 0.5 and 2 ritorial organization and land ownership of the ciui- ha) with numerous indigenous structures dating to tates. These include boundary stones used for mark- the first century A.D., is clearly revealed in the ar- ing the frontiers between ciuitates or other territo- chaeological record.45 The sites are concentrated in rial units such as the prata, termini augustales of the most fertile areas and near the gold mines. In- the Claudian period, between the prata of the co- digenous communities, now under Roman control, hors IV Gallorum and the ciuitas Beduniensium,46 occasionally occupied hillforts (castros), morpholog- and the ciuitas Luggonum.47 Another inscription

42 Plin. HN 3.28. 45 Sánchez-Palencia et al. 1999, 99–115; Orejas 1996, 115– 43 In other cases this genus agri was used for private domains, 53; Lemos 1993. temple lands, and the like. Only the details of their location 46 Diego Santos 1986, 304, from Castrocalbón, and 305–8, and overall size were of concern, so that these could be record- from Soto de la Vega, in (León). ed in the formae. 47 Diego Santos 1986, 310–1, from Soto de la Vega, (León). 44 Orejas and Sastre 1999. 592 ALMUDENA OREJAS AND F. JAVIER SÁNCHEZ-PALENCIA [AJA 106

Fig. 10. Orellán, an early Imperial settlement close to the Las Médulas gold mine. Metallurgical works allow the production of iron tools for the mining works. (Photo by J. Sánchez-Palencia) marking the boundaries between the prata of the References to ordo, magistri, and res publica in the legio X Gemina and Bedunia comes from Quin- inscriptions indicate that the community had adopt- tana y Congosto (León).48 A second group of in- ed Roman forms of administration and that Rome en- scriptions appear to refer to forms of possession couraged local aristocracies to act as official represen- inside of this territory as ager mensura comprehen- tatives with authority to collect revenues and adminis- sus.49 Part of the ager may have been privately ter the territory. This situation is clearly different from owned, which would evidently have required the that of the pre-Roman castreño communities.51 recognition and coordination of different forms of There were, however, some territories that re- access to land for peregrine communities (fig. 11).50 mained outside the control of these ciuitates, in

48 AE 1982, 578, app. 5. In this respect other evidence from inuolauerit si r quaecunquae res at (?) mii | ++ a + s si l siquit ea Hispania Citerior and Lusitania is interesting: (a) The termi- res u s l u f | Danceroi (“Allius, son of Reburrus, prays to the nus of Villamiel (Nava del Rey, Cáceres), interpreted as a protector god to preserve the lease on these lands and that boundary stone that would have indicated the limits of the anyone who may usurp from me or mine the possession of these area (Ariño and García de Figuerola 1993); (b) Up to seven rented lands . . .”). A review of this inscription is necessary, but boundary stones are also known that would have indicated here we draw attention to the fact that it is a Reburrus, a name territories belonging to Lusitanian communities in the north apparently linked with the dominant groups of the northwest, of the province (Mangas 1992; Le Roux 1994, 48–9), includ- which had considerable influence (Rubio Alija 1959; Albertos ing the termini augustales, placed by imperial authority in A.D. 1985; Sastre 2002). The Enxames epigraph is very difficult to 5–6 between the territories of Mirobriga (Ciudad Rodrigo?), interpret (Pereira 1982, 252–5). The bronze inscription of Fu- Salmantica (Salamanca)—the latter cited as an example of this entes de Ropel includes an incomplete text that appears to genus agri by Frontinus, Bletisa (Ledesma), Val(uta?) and that contain a sententia relating to a boundary dispute between of the [...]polibedenses (CIL 2.857, 858, 859, and 5033; Ed- communities whose name is unknown to us, perhaps relating monson 1990; Ariño and Rodríguez 1997, 229). to public land and possibly dating to the first century A.D. 49 The inscription of Penedo de Remeseiros (CIL 2.2476; (García Rozas and Abásolo 1993, 179–81, 193; HEp 5 [1995] HEp 5 [1995] 1058 was carved on a large stone, in the open; 874). Dopico and Pereira (1993) read in it: Allius (or -os) Reburri 50 Grelle 1963; Burdese 1989; Giliberti 1996. rogo deu(m) adiutorem | in (h)a(e)c conducta conseruanda | 51 Orejas and Sánchez-Palencia 1999. si q(u)is in (h)a(e)c conducta p(ossessionem) mici aut meis | 2002] MINES, TERRITORIES, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN ROMAN IBERIA 593

Fig. 11. Diagram of the territorial organization of the Hispanic northwest. (By A. Orejas) particular the gold-bearing metalla publica and the non-mining areas, the ciuitas communities worked prata.52 In principle these domains would remain in complementary ways with the mining opera- ager publicus, but they retained their own territori- tions.55 Roman rule clearly altered the economy and al character. The bronze tablets on which some of administration of these communities. In particu- the laws that governed the imperial mines of Vipas- lar, they lost their autonomy and economic inde- ca (Aljustrel, Portugal) were inscribed yield excep- pendence in being obliged to produce (on a large tional information regarding the mines’ autonomy.53 scale) a commodity that went directly to the fisc. They repeatedly mention the fines of the metallum. Roman state interests prompted a functional reori- Within these boundaries, the iurisdictio was the re- entation of the inhabitants of the mining areas that sponsibility of the procurator metallorum who, as can be seen clearly in settlement morphology, dis- representative of the imperial fisc, assumed the the- tribution, and function. The mechanisms used for oretical functions of the magistrates such as tax col- controlling territory and production were not, evi- lection, surveillance, internal regulations, econom- dently, separate from the mechanisms of social con- ic activities (balinei, sutrini, tonstrini, and tabernae ful- trol. We have argued elsewhere that Asturians pro- loniae), and judicial and policing functions.54 vided the labor for the state’s gold mines.56 These The mining domains were complex operations settlements provided work as tribute (operae), but that called for significant labor requirements. This we do not at present know exactly how it was orga- reality accounts for the special economic, social, nized. It was a system that was perfectly compre- and political relationships of these mining areas hensible in the context of the ancient Mediterra- with the local ciuitates of the northwest (fig. 12). nean, and made economic sense for Rome in that That is, although there is a clear distinction in Ro- it only used state-owned resources (land, subsoil, man Asturia between the settlement of mining and and the rights over subject peregrini populations).

52 Le Roux 1992; Bérard 1992. 55 Orejas 1996, 138–53, 166–70; Sánchez-Palencia 2000, 53 Domergue 1983. 291–313. 54 To some extent along similar lines as those detected in 56 Orejas 1994b; Sánchez-Palencia et al. 1999, 114–5; Man- the organization of imperial agricultural domains such as those gas and Orejas 1999, 291–313. of North Africa: Crawford 1980; Kolendo 1991. 594 ALMUDENA OREJAS AND F. JAVIER SÁNCHEZ-PALENCIA [AJA 106

Fig. 12. Roman works in the gold-bearing site of Las Médulas, León. (Photo by J. Sánchez-Palencia)

Some of the mechanisms Rome used to control the mining area of Las Médulas) confirming the this system are obvious, such as the presence of the continuous presence of the army;60 a number of army (with technical and surveillance roles) and a medium-sized urban and semi-urban centers (per- fairly well-developed administrative apparatus haps uici) such as Bergidum Flauium, Baedunia, (procuratores, beneficiarii, and others), as the in- Brigaecum, or the Zoelan castro of Avelâs, located in scriptions in the area clearly indicate.57 Asturica areas suitable for farming;61 and richly decorated Augusta (Astorga), though governed locally along rural villas such as Quintana del Marco (León). Roman lines and referred to as an urbs by Pliny,58 Together, this evidence suggests the presence of lacked some of the characteristics of a Romanized a nonurban local aristocracy that must have generat- community, such as a local senate, aristocracy, and ed forms of client dependency.62 This aristocracy also evergetic inscriptions, and public buildings for spec- holds the key to understanding the connection be- tacles are unknown. Its primary role seems to have tween the areas with mines and the land used for been to administer and control an ager publicus. farming. Their dominant position would have been Despite the apparent absence of a local Roman- dependent in part, following Roman tradition, on ized aristocracy at Asturia, there are both archaeo- privileged access to the land as the ruling class of a logical and epigraphic indications of its emergence ciuitas peregrina with its corresponding ager. The elsewhere in the northwest. The operation of the intensification of farming activity in many areas of mines must be considered within this framework as the northwest cannot be separated from this territo- it bears no relation to the pre-Roman castreño world. rial reorientation and the aristocracy’s part in it.63 Specifically, some sites in the mining areas have Ro- For this reason we contend that the aristocracy’s pow- man characteristics that have led some to suggest er vis-à-vis Rome was, to some extent, based on its that they were villas. The domus Las Pedreiras, in role in the production of gold. It is not a case of the mining area of Las Médulas, is a good example giving excessive importance to mining, but in the (fig. 13) in its retention of Italian influences in both northwest, where Rome’s objectives were direct and décor and architecture.59 Other indications of Ro- strong, the processes of consolidating the aristocra- manization include funerary inscriptions (for in- cies, breaking up the pre-Roman order, and chang- stance, belonging to a veteran of the legio VII from ing the orientation of production were accelerated.

57 Diego Santos 1986; Le Roux 1982; Roldán 1989. documented around these sites. Sastre 2001, 149, 152–3, 58 Plin. HN 3.28. 260–81. 59 Sánchez-Palencia 2000, 290–306. 62 Sastre 1998, 2001. 60 Albertos 1985; Sastre 1999. 63 Lemos 1993; Orejas 1996; Sánchez-Palencia 2000. 61 A relatively large number of funerary inscriptions have been 2002] MINES, TERRITORIES, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN ROMAN IBERIA 595

Fig. 13. Domus of Las Pedreiras, Archaeological Zone of Las Médulas. (Photo by J. Sánchez-Palencia)

Rome paid no less attention to or was no less inter- for Roman citizens, but other forms of territories ested in “indigenous landscapes”: the juridical sta- became the materialization of the dominion. tus—collective, individual, or pertaining to the land— and the forms of administration reflect these diverse conclusion interests, which led to the coexistence of many dif- The Hispanic mines had certain specific charac- ferent situations, both Roman and indigenous. In teristics, but they must also be understood within many cases where indigenous features are more ob- the larger political, social, and administrative con- vious (especially in the archaeological record), how- text of the regions where they were located. It is this ever, Rome often remained firmly in control. There- larger perspective that allows us to understand the fore, the archaeological record cannot be directly and mechanisms of spatial organization, the creation of exclusively interpreted in terms of continuity of pre- landscapes and territories, and, by extension, the Roman characteristics. In every corner of the prov- evolution of social structures, wealth distribution, the inces there were ways of organizing people, their re- formation of aristocracies, and the creation of de- sources, and space, but always within a framework that pendent relationships and mechanisms for paying was comprehensible to Rome. tribute. The mines, contrary to their supposed mar- In Asturia, the landscape associated with the lo- ginal character, played an active part in the articula- cal communities became the territory of the ciuitas tion and evolution of the territory. and underwent changes that reflect the conflict Results from the “Social Structure and Territory” between indigenous organization and Roman in- project to date have shown that landscape archaeolo- terests. The landscape, a space that the communi- gy is an efficient way of understanding the social and ties identified as their own, may or may not have productive relationships that developed around min- coincided physically with the Roman territorium, ing. This landscape archaeology project also has en- which encompassed indigenous landscapes but hanced our understanding of the complexity of these which defined new relations of power, tribute obli- processes, which cannot be reduced to two or three gations, and usage.64 We cannot imagine, as many variables, and has made a permanent change of scale authors still do, that the ager diuisus et adsignatus was necessary. The present study demonstrates how Rome the only real form of Roman intervention, even it if exerted control over mines in different ways across might have had the prestige of being associated time and space. During the Republican period the with cities that enjoyed privileged status. In fact, locationes system produced a direct benefit from the centuriation became the symbol of the ager romanus Cartagena mining region. This particular form of ex-

64 Ruiz et al. 1998. 596 ALMUDENA OREJAS AND F. JAVIER SÁNCHEZ-PALENCIA [AJA 106 ploitation allowed for the emergence of a particular Works Cited type of local aristocracy and contributed to the rise of large-scale mining made up of a multiplicity of works. Abascal, J.M. 1995. “La temprana epigrafía latina de Carthago Noua.” In Roma y el nacimiento de la cultura Mining in Cartagena’s area was characteristic of epigráfica en Occidente, edited by F. Beltrán, 139–49. many aspects of late Republican administration of Zaragoza: Institución Fernando el Católico. provincial territories. In the same way, changes at Abascal, J.M., and S.F. Ramallo. 1997. La ciudad de Cartha- the time Carthago Noua became a colony reflected a go Nova: La documentación epigráfica. Murcia: Univer- transformation in resource exploitation patterns that sidad de Murcia. Albertos, M.L. 1985. “La onomástica personal indígena fits within the larger administrative changes at work del noroeste peninsular (astures y galaicos).” In Actas in the early Principate. The same holds for the north- del III Coloquio de Lenguas y Culturas Paleohispánicas, west and its gold mines, which was organized by Au- 255–317. Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca. gustus’s administration after the conquest and be- Álvarez, J.M., C. Aranegui, A. Cepas, R. Corzo, A. came the prime source for the bullion used in the González, P. Rodríguez Oliva, and F.-J. Sánchez-Pa- lencia, eds. 2001. Tabula Imperii Romani (TIR), J-30: production of aurei. The importance of this mineral Valencia. Madrid: IGN, CSIC MECyD. resource explains the permanent military and ad- Amante, M., M. Martín, M.A. Pérez, R. González, and ministrative presence in these regions and their con- M.A. Martín. 1995. “El sacellum dedicado a Iuppiter tinuity as ager publicus for at least two centuries. Stator en Cartagena.” Antigüedad y Cristianismo 12: Spanish gold did not contribute directly to the en- 533–62. Antolinos, J.A. 1999. “Estudio preliminar del complejo richment of indigenous populations, but it was a key metalúrgico tardor Republicano de Los Beatos.” In factor in the spatial reorganization of communities, XXIV Congreso Nacional de Arqueología (Cartagena 1997), the emergence of villages linked to the mines, and 109–18. Murcia: Instituto de Patrimonio Histórico. in the appearance of tributary systems of work ex- Aranegui, C., A. Cepas, R. Corzo, A. González Blanco, ploitation. At least four major factors defined the and P. Rodríguez, eds. Forthcoming. Tabula Imperii Romani J-30: Hispalis, Corduba, Astigi, Carthago Nova. variations in Roman control: the different kinds of Madrid: CSIC-Ministerio de Cultura-IGN. metals obtained (silver and lead in Cartagena; gold Ariño Gil, E., and M. García de Figuerola Paniagua. in Asturia), the different dates of conquest, the inte- 1993. “Un terminvs de agrimensor de carácter técni- gration and organization of the districts, and the co procedente de la Sierra de Gata (Villamiel, particularities of indigenous settlement. Cáceres).” Archivo Español de Arqueología 66:258–65. Ariño, E., and Rodríguez, J. 1997. “El poblamiento ro- Our understanding of the Spanish mines in the mano y visigodo en el territorio de Salamanca: Datos Roman period has been greatly advanced thanks to de una prospección intensiva.” Zephyrus 50:225–45. the increase in archaeological knowledge of tech- Balil, A., G. Pereira, and F.J. Sánchez-Palencia, eds. niques, productivity, and rural settlement in min- 1991. Tabula Imperii Romani K-29: Conimbriga, Bra- ing districts. As a result, mining is no longer un- cara, Lucus, Asturica. Madrid: CSIC-Ministerio de Cultura-IGN. derstood to be an independent and marginal eco- Barker, G., and D. Mattingly, eds. 1999–2000. The Archaeol- nomic activity, but one that was actively integrated ogy of Mediterranean Landscapes. 5 vols. Oxford: Oxbow. within the management of provincial territories and Behrends, O., M. Clavel-Lévêque, et al., eds. and trans. their resources.65 1998. Frontin: L’oeuvre Gromatique. (Corpus Agrimen- sorum Romanorum IV, Iulius Frontinus.) Luxem- bourg: Office des Publications Officielles des Com- munautés Europeénes (OPOEC). department of archaeology and Bérard, F. 1992. “Territorium legionis: Camps militaires et ancient history agglomérations civiles aux premiers siècles de instituto de historia, csic l’empie.” Cahiers du Center G. Glotz 3:75–105. c/ duque de medinaceli, 6 Berrocal, M.C. 1995. “Aproximación al poblamiento 28014 madrid romano de la Sierra minera de Cartagena—La Un- ión.” Actas del XXIII Congreso Nacional de Arqueología spain 1995:111–7. [email protected] Burdese, A. 1989. “La propietà e le propietà [email protected] nell’esperienza giuridica romana.” Studia et Documenta

65 The focus of this paper is on mining in the Iberian Pen- ology. This publication will be a part of the Atlas series initiated insula, but mining throughout the Roman empire and other by the Official Publications Office of the European Communi- periods of history is now the subject of a collective project, which ties (OPOEC, Luxembourg) with the help of a number of spe- will take the form a two volume publication entitled Atlas of the cialists from several European countries under the coordina- Forms of Occupation and Land Use in Mining Areas (500 B.C.– tion of A. Orejas. The first volume is published (Orejas 2001) 500 A.D.) within the framework of European Action COST G 2 and the second one is forthcoming. PASTA: Ancient Landscape and Rural Structures: Texts and Archae- 2002] MINES, TERRITORIES, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN ROMAN IBERIA 597

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Minotaur: Sir Arthur Evans and the Archae- with his acquisition of Knossos in 1900, son exceeded ology of Minoan Myth, by Joseph Alexander father to become one of archaeology’s enduring heroic figures. MacGillivray. Pp. viii + 373, ills. 22, plan 1, maps 2. Parallels have often been drawn between Evans and his Hill and Wang, New York 2000. $30. ISBN 0-8090- predecessor in Aegean Bronze Age archaeology, Heinrich 3035-7 (paper). Schliemann, yet there were innumerable important differences that had ramifications for their careers. Both In the past three years biographies of the two individ- men embarked on archaeological careers in their 40s, uals most responsible for the excavation and interpreta- Evans with inherited funds and Schliemann with earned tion of the site of Knossos have been published. Togeth- millions. Evans inherited his elite intellectual connec- er, these two books offer a fascinating view of British tions, whereas Schliemann had to forge his own. Eschew- archaeology in the Mediterranean in the second half of ing academia, Evans never bothered to earn the advanced the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries. Two very degree that seemed a sine qua non for the German. More- different life paths converge on the same site. In Duncan over, Evans disdained business and spent several family Mackenzie, Nicoletta Momigliano excavates “meagre fortunes on the Knossos excavations (fortunately, the scraps” to rescue Mackenzie (1861–1934) from obscurity well never ran dry). Schliemann, on the other hand, and build a portrait of the life and work of Sir Arthur never ceased his extensive business dealings, even after Evans’s chief assistant at Knossos from 1900 to 1929 (re- he was consumed by archaeology. viewed by W. Calder III in AJA 104 [2000] 793). Mo- Still, there are many fascinating parallels in the lives migliano’s painstaking work in the Evans Archive at the of these two figures, and MacGillivray makes a strong Ashmolean Museum in Oxford and the Archives of the case for Evans modeling himself on Schliemann. Like British School at Athens reveals the interdependence Schliemann, Evans was a restless traveler, continually that characterized their relationship. By contrast, abandoning his wife (until she died in 1893), and like MacGillivray’s portrayal of the much more celebrated fig- Schliemann, Evans was no stranger to illicit excavation, ure of Arthur John Evans (1851–1941) relies almost ex- beginning at Roman Trier in 1875 and continuing roughly clusively on published sources. Unfortunately, 20 years later at spots throughout Crete, most notably MacGillivray’s book is deficient in scholarly apparatus with the Psychro Cave on Mt. Dikte. In 1878 Evans first saw which to control the material so smoothly synthesized Schliemann’s Trojan collection in London. Five years lat- and recounted by the author. One would have appreciat- er, Schliemann first pursued Knossos. In the same year ed Momigliano’s attention to detail here. Evans met the archaeologist in Athens, was profoundly MacGillivray stresses the highly relative and subjec- impressed by the Iliou Melathron, the urban palazzo tive nature of the construction of history, contending where Schliemann brought the mythical history of Hom- that “archaeological discovery occurs first in the mind, er to life, and he wrote a glowing review of Schliemann’s born of the thinker’s need to prove something of vital Troja for the Academy. Although he criticized Schliemann importance to himself. Finding proof in the dirt is the for his embrace of “poetical topography,” Evans would final stage of a process of wish-fulfillment” (6). It is likewise succumb to its spell (195). Both shared the priv- from this perspective that he investigates the life and ilege of financial security that allowed them autocratic work of one of the great “architects of the Aegean past” control over their sites and their interpretation as well as (200). the ability to finance their own publications. Arthur Evans came from a long line of inquirers into Evans’s public falsification of the discovery of Knossos the past with a grandfather who was a classics professor exceeded even Schliemann’s of Troy. As early as 1878 and a father, John Evans “The Great,” a successful busi- Minos Kalokairinos, educated dragoman to the British nessman, amateur prehistorian, and numismatist who vice-consul at Candia (Heraklion), began excavating at was a leading member or fellow of all of the important Knossos and forming a collection of antiquities at his societies and institutes in London. Because of his moth- home in Heraklion (91–4). Many were those who saw er’s family’s money and father’s social and academic con- Kalokairinos’s finds and then sought to excavate the site nections, the rebellious “little Evans” was able to avoid themselves: Bertrand Haussoullier of the French School the confines of academia and chart his own course, al- at Athens and William Stillman for the Archaeological though as a youth and young man he remained very Institute of America (AIA) in 1880, Schliemann in 1883 much in the shadow of his more celebrated father. His and 1886 (with Wilhelm Dörpfeld), Federico Halbherr in brief marriage to the short-lived Margaret Freeman, 1885, André Joubin in 1891, and John Myres and Halb- daughter of the prominent Oxford historian, brought herr (now for the AIA) in 1893. In 1892 Evans met Halb- further contacts useful for Evans’s later pursuits. Evans herr and in 1893 Myres, but not until 1894 did he jour- tried journalism and secured a curatorship at the Ash- ney to Crete where, like Schliemann in Turkey, he visit- molean (1883–1908) before he found his passions united the home of the first excavator of the site and saw his ed on Crete in 1893. With patience and ample financial collection of antiquities (121). Evans was most likely resources, Evans could afford to wait for the most propi- unaware of Schliemann’s usurpation of Frank Calvert’s tious time to commence excavations at Kephala. And place in the history of excavations at Troy, but he clearly 601 602 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 was impressed by Schliemann’s rhetoric of discovery. Al- stance, after an initial consideration of a female (Ari- though Evans was far down the line of explorers hoping adne) presiding at Knossos and his recurring compari- to excavate Knossos, most of whom had given credit to sons of Minoan iconography with Hathor representations Kalokairinos as the discoverer and first excavator who in Egypt, Evans proceeded to realign the gender of all believed that he had discovered the Palace of Minos and Knossian bovine representations of the second palace its labyrinth (123), he himself refused to share with Kalo- period with bulls rather than cows in frescoes and Horns kairinos the place in history that he deserved, and hardly of Consecration (243). ever referred to him by name in any of his many accounts MacGillivray describes Evans as a spoiled “rich man’s of discovery (cf. Palace of Minos IV, p. 621 n. 1). Like son,” capable of turning on the young scholars whom he Schliemann, he sought the sole glory. And Evans en- had originally helped, such as A.J.B. Wace and J.D.S. joyed supreme authority at Knossos for, unlike Schlie- Pendlebury (298). It is important to note that MacGillivray mann, who never owned the land on which he excavat- and Momigliano do not agree in their interpretations of ed, Evans successfully purchased most of the site years the Wace controversy (273, 284–6). Evans had little pa- before he began to excavate and soon owned it all. Thus, tience for the “Helladic heretics” (Wace and Carl Ble- he silenced those who might claim a prior stake in the gen) with whom he feuded in the Times. After Evans’s site and all those followers who disagreed with his inter- criticisms of Wace as an excavator, the younger man was pretations. Although both Calvert and Kalokairinos each not reappointed as Director of the British School at Ath- eventually protested, it was too late to stem the tide of ens in 1924 (for Momigliano’s opinion on the Evans- public opinion and neither was remembered. Out of def- Wace controversy, see her 131.) Unfortunately, here as erence to the great archaeologists, those who knew the elsewhere MacGillivray gives no dates for quoted corre- truth did not speak up. spondence (284–6) nor an indication as to its where- Unlike Schliemann, Evans’s hero, who treated Calvert abouts in collections, thereby making it difficult for read- mercilessly and ungenerously (see S.H. Allen, Finding the ers to judge for themselves. This lack of sourcing is also Walls of Troy [Berkeley 1999] reviewed by C.G. Thomas, true for his discussion of Evans’s effects on Lloyd George AJA 104 [2000] 379–80), Evans supported his lieutenant (269) and for his use of quotes from Piet de Jong (280). Mackenzie both politically and financially. Yet he was In general, it makes for a frustrating experience for the autocratic in his treatment of his employees, such as critical reader. Duncan Mackenzie, and as Mackenzie’s employer, used Convinced of his own infallibility and intolerant of his assistant’s work, sometimes verbatim for factual points disagreement, Evans obstructed research into Linear B as well as for interpretation (51, 56). He credited him, by not making the texts he excavated available to schol- yet did so sparingly. Mackenzie’s contemporaries knew ars, and lavishly over-restored artifacts, frescoes, and the well the extent to which Evans depended on the Scots- palace itself. MacGillivray closes with the damning testi- man for his understanding of chronological periodiza- mony of V. Gordon Childe’s suicide note in which he tion, and ceramic and general stratigraphic analyses, but spoke of scholars whose “prestige may be such that they this was not clear to archaeologists half a century later. can hinder the spread of progressive ideas and blast the Only Leonard Palmer’s investigations of Mackenzie’s careers of innovators who tactlessly challenge theories daybooks for information leading to the correct date of and procedures that ten or fifteen years previously had the Linear B tablets from Knossos would bring him re- been original and fruitful (. . . Arthur Evans)” (309). newed attention. Savvy in his early negotiations with the It is unfortunate that in his rather pessimistic portrait Cretans, Evans reached the pinnacle of his profession, MacGillivray shortchanges the man on his true contribu- reaping every possible honor, and joining Austen Henry tions: to numismatics and the study of ancient scripts and Layard and Schliemann in his receipt of the Gold Medal seals, his development and enrichment of the collec- from the Royal Institute of British Architects. As tions of the Ashmolean, and last, but not least, his exca- McGillivray shows, his success lay in his preparedness, vation, interpretation, and preservation of the palace at “his strength of character, his stamina . . . and, above all, Knossos. his enormous creative ability” (308). Susan Heuck Allen MacGillivray avoids the “sanitized” and “highly selective” approach of Evans’s half sister Joan’s biography Time department of archaeology, smith college and Chance (London 1943). Like Momigliano (126 n. department of classics, brown university 18), MacGillivray (281–2) touches on Evans’s not always 44 oriole avenue repressed homosexuality and concludes that his subject providence, rhode island 02906-5528 “identified with the mythical Minotaur [his own mon- [email protected] strous side being] . . . the repressed ‘beastliness’ of his homosexuality, which gave his life part of its powerful creative drive” (9). Cracking Codes: The Rosetta Stone and Deci- This unsparing portrait shows how Evans shaped his pherment, by Richard B. Parkinson (with contri- interpretation of the site and its civilization with its thalas- butions by W. Diffie, M. Fischer, and R.S. Simpson). socracy of Minos and the Pax Minoica as a historical pre- Pp. 208, b&w figs. 161, color ills. 32. Berkeley, cedent for prosperity and naval supremacy of the British University of California Press 1999. $50 (cloth); empire (195). He knowingly incorporated fakes into his theories (283) and downplayed defensive walls on Crete. $27.50 (paper). ISBN 0-520-22306-3 (cloth); 0- He was, however, capable of changing his mind; for in- 520-22248-2 (paper). 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 603 Unlocking the Secrets of Ancient Writing: for the writing and saw it as a phonetic writing system The Parallel Lives of Michael Ventris and consisting of syllabograms and logograms. While his was the barest of decipherments, it abandoned the outmod- Linda Schele and the Decipherment of ed assumption, and gave a new direction to research that Mycenaean and Mayan Writing. Catalogue of led rapidly to further progress. an Exhibition Held at the Nettie Lee Benson There follows in Cracking Codes a review of the Egyp- Latin American Collection, March 9–August tian language, the nature of the hieroglyphic signs and 1, 2000 (Austin 2000), by Thomas G. Palaima (with their uses that this researcher, who works in the Bronze Age of the Indian subcontinent, found very interesting. E. Pope and F. Kent Reilly). Pp. vi + 34, figs. 24. We then get to the catalogue, and the many contexts of Austin, University of Texas, Program in Aegean Egyptian hieroglyphs as revealed by collections from the Scripts and Prehistory 2000. Free ($10 SH) from British Museum. the Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory, I wish that the discussion of the beginnings of Egyp- tian writing had been more extensively treated, since Department of Classics, University of Texas at this is clearly different from the early history of the cu- Austin, Waggener Hall 123, Austin, Texas. 78712- neiform script. Determining just when the two systems 1181. of recording became actual “writing” is important, for Parkinson’s contention that Egyptian writing predates These books were written to accompany exhibitions, that in Mesopotamia (73) is currently still the subject of and therefore have the flavor of catalogues about them. scholarly debate. Though the central theme for both is the decipherment The final chapter is a series of short notes on other of ancient writing, Parkinson’s Cracking Codes is a broad- “ancient codes” to break. These are often so short as to er treatment of ancient Egyptian writing, and it includes be little more than notes. It appears that at least part of some comparative material on other ancient scripts. Cracking Codes was intended to give it a comparative tone, Parkinson’s consideration of Egyptian writing begins with the decipherment of Egyptian leading the way. If at the end, with the very late examples of monumental this is correct then this aspect of the book is largely a hieroglyphic writing commissioned by the emperors of failure. Rome in the third century A.D. These inscriptions were The appendix by Diffie and Fischer (an Egyptologist known even in later times and contributed to a Medieval and a cryptographer) takes us back to decipherment. transition of thought on Egyptian writing. The reputa- Beginning with the notion that writing and codes differ tion of Egypt as a sacred land of temples took hold in in a significant way (one seeks clarity of communication, Europe, and this contributed to the belief that Egyptian the other tries to obscure the message) they have given hieroglyphs were not a writing system, but a set of mysti- us an interesting little essay, once again something the cal symbols, which became the prevailing assumption for nonspecialist should find useful. those who wanted to understand them. This assumption Unlocking the Secrets of Ancient Writing by Thomas Palai- held back the progress of decipherment as did the as- ma is a small book that accompanied an exhibition of sumption that Linear B could not be Greek. Aegean and Mayan writing at the University of Texas, Parkinson presents an interesting story about the dis- Austin. It is a nicely written, brief account of Michael covery of the Rosetta Stone and its transfer to British Ventris and his leading role in breaking Linear B, and hands following the failure of Napoleon’s invasion of Linda Schele’s role in the still unfolding decipherment Egypt. This is not the only place where this story has of Classic Maya writing. The accounts are both biograph- been told, but it is well done here, especially for the ical and academic. From the biographical accounts we nonspecialist. He also covers the British distribution of learn that both of these brilliant scholars suffered un- casts of the Rosetta Stone (to the continent, even to the timely deaths—one parallel. From the analytical discus- American Philosophical Society), its early display, and sion we learn how they both fit into the larger intellec- transfer to the British Museum in 1802. tual effort that was addressing Linear B and continues to It had been widely recognized that a trilingual text address Classic Maya writing. The second parallel is that should unlock the secrets of the hieroglyphs. Attempts both Ventris and Schele were parts of larger decipher- in this direction were made by a number of people: the ment efforts, and teamwork was the key to intellectual Swedish diplomat J.H. Akerblad, the Orientalist Silvestre progress. If one would like an authoritative, brief account de Sacy, the English scientist Thomas Young, and of course of the decipherment of either of these writing systems, Jean-Francois Champollion. Each of these scholars made this is a good one to turn to. an original contribution to the reading of hieroglyphs. One interesting intellectual issue emerges from the Champollion brought it all together, and he is the one decipherment efforts recounted in these two books: when most people recall as the “decipherer.” Champollion comes is it appropriate to think of decipherment as “team work” across as brilliant, tenacious, vain, flamboyant, and possi- and when is it the work of the “inspired genius”? There bly a bit slippery. Thomas Young was apparently warned seem to be variable contexts here. Ventris was more of a by a friend not to be too liberal in his communications of leader with Linear B, but he did not work alone by any new ideas to Champollion because the latter gentleman means. Schele was much more clearly embedded in the might well decide that he had already discovered that intellectual community attempting to read the Maya hi- particular point. Champollion’s breakthrough in 1822 came eroglyphs, and this effort had a long history even prior when he abandoned the “symbolic/mystical” assumption to her joining that effort. Champollion comes across as 604 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 more the “inspired genius” than was Ventris, but even are accompanied by clear and useful maps although Ras- then there was the work of Akerblad, de Sacy, and Young. samakin’s paper suffers from some reference errors be- In another case, Bedrich Hrozny is often credited with tween the text and the figures. “single-handedly” reading Hittite in 1939, by assuming Levine’s paper is focused firmly on issues of horse do- that it was an Indo-European language. But in 1902 the mestication and offers a critique of various methodologies Norwegian Assyriologist J.A. Knudtzon published an arti- used in the study of horse domestication. She reiterates cle on Hittite that had already concluded that the lan- and, subsequently, applies her own horse population struc- guage was Indo-European. It seems to me that the factor ture models to the evidence available from the steppes. that binds these leaders in decipherment together (Cham- Her interviews with experienced horse pastoralists from pollion, Ventris, Schele, Hrozny, and others) may not be Mongolia and Kazakhstan add colorful ethnographic and the teamwork issue at all, but intelligence (sometimes anecdotal detail—different cultural attitudes in relation true brilliance), determination, and a strength of charac- to the consumption of horse meat, herd management, use ter that allowed them to pursue their ends, even despite of secondary horse products, and breeding patterns—but heavy criticism. it is difficult to see how these data can realistically provide models that will bridge a gap of more than 4,000 years. Gregory L. Possehl The famous Ukrainian Dereivka settlement, which for university of pennsylvania museum long has been considered in literature as the earliest site of 33rd and spruce streets horse domestication (D.Y. Telegin, Dereivka [Oxford 1986]), philadelphia, pennsylvania 19104 comes under serious critique from Levine as well as Rassa- [email protected] makin. Levine criticizes the methodological inadequacies of the osteometric analyses and alleges a poor understand- Late Prehistoric Exploitation of the Eurasian ing of the relationship between domesticated and wild species found at the site (are we really to believe that Bibikova Steppe, by Marsha Levine, Yuri Rassamakin, Aleksandr could not tell a wild from a domesticated species?). Her own Kislenko, and Nataliya Tatarintseva. (McDonald In- interpretation favors hunting of wild horses, as is suggested stitute Monographs.) Pp. viii + 216, figs. 112, tables by the evidence from a more recently investigated forest- 23, maps 20. McDonald Institute for Archaeologi- steppe site at Botai in Kazakhstan (see below), although it is worth noting that the two sites are well over 2,000 km cal Research at Cambridge University, Cambridge apart and their chronological relationship is unclear. 1999. $70. ISBN 1-902937-03-1 (cloth). Rassamakin assesses the reliability of the Dereivka as- semblage: unclear or plainly wrong cultural attributions While the geographical area covered by the volume is of certain settlement levels; misleading functional inter- the Eurasian steppe in its broadest meaning, the contri- pretations of some tools as cheek pieces, and others as butions are not really comparable, either in scope or in elements of warrior equipment. Dereivka’s is a very diffi- size. In his introduction, Colin Renfrew suggests that cult story, one that will never be resolved satisfactorily: this volume is a prelude to a much greater research project even if the stratigraphy and cultural attributions were to on the “prehistory of languages” which will, in due course, be reanalyzed, most of the archaeozoological materials bring together interdisciplinary research of prehistoric apparently have now been thrown away and thus the eco- archaeology, historical linguistics, and molecular genet- nomic aspects are not reconstructable. On the basis of ics—a prelude seeking to establish the appropriate con- the faunal evidence from a similar settlement, at Moly- texts for future linguistic discussions. Since the Eurasian ukhov Bugor, Rassamakin, following Levine, considers the steppe has been considered for long and by many as a Dereivka horses as animals hunted to provide meat. How- cradle of the Indo-European family of languages, the ever, since he states that at Molyukhov Bugor the horse geographical context of the volume would appear to be represented 34% of domestic (sic) animals (147), one appropriate. However, no fanfares are called for yet since, finds this statement ambiguous. Curiously enough, Le- curiously, none of the papers considers the issue of Indo- vine herself does not totally exclude the possibility that, European languages at all. at Dereivka, “the inhabitants of the settlement already “The Origins of Horse Husbandry on the Eurasian had domesticated or tamed horses and that they were Steppe” by Levine focuses on a specific theme; Rassa- used for hunting wild ones” (37). Plus ça change: the Dereiv- makin’s paper “The Eneolithic of the Black Sea Steppe”— ka inhabitants may still have been among the first to do- at 124 pages of text and figures by far the longest contri- mesticate the horse! bution—deals with the various Eneolithic (Copper Age) The multi-period settlement at Botai, on the forest- cultures principally to the north of the Black Sea (be- steppe in northern Kazakhstan, where recent excava- tween the Lower Danube and the Don rivers), while the tions of the Eneolithic levels undertaken by Kislenko relatively short paper by Kislenko and Tatarintseva, “The and Tatarintseva—the authors of one of the papers in Eastern Ural Steppe at the End of the Stone Age,” cov- the volume—have apparently provided “stupendous” ers a geographically massive area between the Ural and numbers of horse remains within the settlement. Levine Irtysh rivers. Levine’s work on horse domestication is uses some of these data to test the methodologies she generally well known; Rassamakin’s paper covers materi- has been developing for a number of years. The prelimi- als that, while bewildering in their detail, may be at least nary analyses are based on the age structure populations partly familiar to some, and Kislenko and Tatarintseva and are interpreted by Levine as fitting her catastrophe deal with an area and subjects that will be new to most model, with all ages represented approximately as they English-speaking readers. These two latter contributions would have been in the living population. Thus the hors- 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 605 es at Botai were wild, and they were killed in herd drives and trade interchangeably) that needed not just pres- rather than by use of other hunting techniques such as tige goods but solid economic foundations. Horse domes- may have been the case at other steppe sites, although tication, opportunistic or otherwise, may have provided this is only one of a number of possible interpretations. some communities with precisely the necessary commod- The Botai is one of the Eneolithic cultures of north- ities that enabled participation in such exchanges. More- ern Kazakhstan discussed in a short contribution from over, one is reminded of an interesting but never fully Kislenko and Tatarintseva. The archaeological evidence explored idea put forward by Pavel Dolukhanov (“Cultur- from this region is barely familiar to English-speaking al and Ethnic Processes in Prehistory,” in S. Shennan, scholars, and it is very useful to find this clear review of ed., Archaeological Approaches to Cultural Identity [London recent researches from the Neolithic and Eneolithic in 1989] 267–77) on the Proto-Indo-European as an inter- this area, even if the discussion is structured within a tribal lingua franca; he assumed its usefulness for the straightforward culture-chronological framework. The various early agricultural communities but this model excavation at the Botai settlement—with its house struc- might well be explored against the background of the tures, burial rituals, rich material culture, and extraordi- Eneolithic exchange networks envisioned by Rassamakin. nary faunal remains—is an exciting development, and On the other hand, this economic—and thus social— one looks forward to future analyses and interpretations aggregation of the Balkans and the steppe effectively of this important site. dismisses any cultural contributions which may have orig- It is impossible, in a short review, to offer a full critique inated further to the east. Is this really evident in the of Rassamakin’s study on the Eneolithic of the steppes. data, or are we, subconsciously perhaps, being led toward There is little doubt that, for the near future, it will developing a “Western” rather than “Eastern” cultural become a first-class crib for all students (and research- identity of the steppe communities? ers) with an interest in the Eurasian steppe. For this Rassamakin notes the very serious problems of the study reason alone the book should secure a space on the shelf and interpretation of the evidence from the steppes: of every archaeological library. Prospective students should fundamentally different research approaches, very few be encouraged to consult other sources as well, however, direct radiocarbon dates (appendix 3.1 provides a useful prior to committing themselves to sharing Rassamakin’s list of those available now), uneven distribution of sites, panoramic view of the Eneolithic in this area. and problems in paleoenvironmental research inhibiting Rassamakin reviews, and firmly rejects, all earlier mod- the reconstruction of economies. The last issue forms els of the steppe Eneolithic, from Gimbutas’s view of the final section of his paper, offering possible paleoeco- aggressive kurgan cultures threatening the “Old Europe” nomic reconstructions. to the more recent culture-historical reassessments. His Theoretical considerations behind concepts such as own model, constructed on a reclassification of all known Mesolithic, Neolithic, and Eneolithic, which have occu- Eneolithic steppe burial sites (flat cemeteries and kur- pied much of the recent Western agenda, acquire poi- gan burials) and supported by data from settlements, is in gnancy against the background of the papers by the East- effect not so much a model in the Western sense of the ern scholars presented in this volume. Their use of such word but a new periodization. It offers a relatively sophis- terms is rooted in a different theoretical tradition and is ticated and detailed treatment of cultures through burial thus applied much more fluidly. Similarly, the terminolo- traditions, diagnostic materials, and selected aspects of gy used to describe paleoeconomic developments (e.g., economies but nevertheless remains a temporal sequence “primitive nature of agriculture,” “optimal economic-cul- (tacking to and fro against the Carpatho-Balkan typo- ture types,” “appropriating economy”) roll off the tip of chronologies) of the different cultures to be found in the pen far too easily and inconsistently. Indeed, it is not the area from the Lower Danube, to the north of the clear whether the “Neolithic” communities of Kazakh- Black Sea, as far as the pre-Caucasus zone. stan were really Neolithic or have been labeled as such In the context of the Early Eneolithic, significant in- simply because they fall within the relevant millennia. terpretation involves the integration of that entire zone The publication of papers by scholars from the old into the network of elite exchanges of prestige goods Soviet bloc, who presently face profound difficulties as a with the Balkan zone, of the kind familiar to Western result of the political changes of 1991, is greatly to be scholars from the remarkable cemetery at Varna (C. Ren- welcomed, and the dialogue between Eastern and West- frew, “Varna and the Emergence of Wealth in Prehistoric ern scholars thus begun should be encouraged. The Europe,” in A. Appadurai, ed., The Social Life of Things present volume makes a very substantial contribution to [Cambridge 1986] 141–68; “The Creation of Social Are- this process. However, we must now endeavor to create a nas in the Neolithic and Copper Age of S.E. Europe,” in climate of real critical discussion that will lead to a proper P. Garwood et al., eds., Sacred and Profane [Oxford 1991]). critique on all levels and eventually help us to speak, It has always been difficult to interpret the Varna phe- metaphorically of course, the same language. nomenon on its own; the evidence for similar prestige Magdalena S. Midgley objects in cemeteries of the steppe and, even more im- portantly, the presence of the high quality flint and metal department of archaeology production centers to the north of the Black Sea, offers university of edinburgh exciting potential for future investigation of this eco- high school yards nomic and social phenomenon. Although Rassamakin is infirmary street skeptical of suggestions for horse domestication in the edinburgh, eh1 1lt Eneolithic, it is precisely this sort of background of long- united kingdom distance exchanges (Rassamakin uses the terms exchange [email protected] 606 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 Ramad: Site néolithique en damsacène (Syrie) the physical anthropology. Indeed, since the earlier aux viiie et viie millénaires avant l’ère chré- physical anthropology report only covers the excavation seasons 1963–1966, it is not clear whether this tienne, by Henri de Contenson (with contributions study is complete. This is unfortunate since the plas- by Marie-Claire Cauvin, Liliane Courtois, Pieree Ducos, tered skulls, in particular, have received a great deal of Monique Dupeyron, and Willem van Zeist). (Biblio- attention, and one might have hoped for a more con- thèque Archéologique et Historique 157.) Pp. textualized examination. The plant and faunal remains 331, figs. 123, pls. 29. Institut Français d’Arch- are also either only published in incomplete form or have significant portions published elsewhere. In gen- éologie du Proche-Orient, Beirut 2000. FF 230. eral, there is noticeable variability between chapters. ISBN 2-912738-06-7 (paper). For example, the lithics chapter (by Cauvin) is well illustrated with over 200 individual examples. The chap- Tell Ramad is one of the small and select group of ter on white ware has only seven illustrated examples, sites that have fundamentally shaped our knowledge from an excavated total of 1,200 specimens. This is of Near Eastern prehistory, and particularly the begin- particularly unfortunate since Tell Ramad remains one nings of agriculture and the Neolithic period in gener- of the few sites where extensive assemblages of white al. The influence of the 1963–1973 excavations has ware have been excavated. been extensive on the excavation strategies and in- It is perfectly reasonable that this report concentrates terpretations of other sites, syntheses, and bibliogra- on material from Tell Ramad. It is equally both inevita- phies. Some of this influence comes directly from the ble and understandable that standards of recording some- archaeologists who worked at the site itself (and the times look dated almost 30 years later. Wider interpreta- list of excavation members on the second and third tion is kept to an absolute minimum and there is little pages of this volume testifies to this) and some comes integration of interpretation among the different chap- from the extensive series of preliminary and specialist ters. Tell Ramad was part of a series of important con- studies on the site. Almost 30 years after the end of temporary French excavations on prehistoric sites in the excavation, the long anticipated final report is the Levant, and a wider historical context for this re- extremely welcome. search would have been interesting. Citations of mate- The report consists of a single volume with 15 chap- rial from other sites is limited and, again, often rather ters of varying length (chapter 13 on wood charcoal con- dated. The chart with radiocarbon comparisons, for ex- sists of only 133 words). The physical production is only ample, has dates from only Ramad, Aswad, Ghoraife, and adequate. The line drawings, in particular, vary in quality. Ras Shamra. Glancing through the dates of publications Both site and artifact drawings are rather dated in style cited in the text reinforces the idea that much of this and presumably were finalized a considerable number of volume is uneven; the number of references to material years ago. More significantly, a number of drawings suf- published after 1980 varies considerably among chap- fer from being overreduced to the point where they lose ters. The chipped stone chapter is again a particular fine detail. The editing of the text also seems variable. exception, with the material placed in its wider setting There are a few significant typographical errors (e.g., and making much more reference to more recent work. Renfrew et al. 1996 rather than 1966 as on p. 57 had me One suspects that much of the book was completed some searching the bibliography). Editorial conventions also time ago, although it should also be acknowledged that drift so that, although most chapters use footnotes for further significant delays to edit it all to a similar level referencing, chapters 3 (chipped stone) and 12 (food would have been undesirable. plants) use in-text referencing. Although this may sim- How then should we view this publication? Despite its ply be a minor quibble, it also suggests an incomplete flaws, it is clearly welcome. There is significant new in- editorial process. formation here and the extensive tables of artifacts have For most topics, the chapters produce the definitive potential to be analyzed in greater detail in the future. record of the site but they contain few surprises. The Certainly, there is also considerable potential for build- chapter on stratigraphy and architecture is relatively ing contemporary interpretative frameworks around this brief at little more than eight pages but compensates material. Part of the problem is that we already knew a with extensive plans. The chipped stone is dealt with great deal about Tell Ramad. As noted at the beginning, by Marie-Claire Cauvin in one of the most comprehen- many features of the site have become part of the basic sive sections. Other material is presented in less de- fabric of our understanding of Levantine prehistory. That tail, but separate chapters deal with ground and pol- there is not a great deal that is startlingly exciting in this ished stone artifacts, bone and shell artifacts, figurines, volume is, perhaps, not surprising and can explain a slight- ceramic and white ware vessels, food plants (written by ly muted reception. van Zeist), animal bones (contributed by Ducos), and Stuart Campbell a final section on the technology of the white ware and ceramics (by Courtois). Tabular data is extensive. school of art history and archaeology In several cases, however, these are not definitive ac- university of manchester counts. The chapter on funerary practices, for exam- oxford road ple, is substantially a synthesis of already published manchester m13 9pl material and needs to be read with earlier reports for united kingdom some illustrations and particularly for information on [email protected] 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 607 An Archaeological Investigation of the Cen- detail. As a record of a piece of salvage fieldwork carried tral Sinai, Egypt, by Frank W. Eddy, Fred Wendorf, out within a single calendar year, this book serves as an admirable model. The material recovered is clearly de- and associates. Pp. xxi + 340, figs. 101, ills. 23, scribed and very well illustrated, especially with site plans tables 33, maps 60. American Research Center and lithic drawings, although the black and white photo- in Egypt and University of Colorado Press, Boul- graphs are occasionally muddy. der 1999. $75. ISBN 0-87081-537-7 (cloth). However, there is a problem fully recognized by the authors concerning the detailed interpretation of what For nearly 40 years Fred Wendorf and his team from was actually found, in particular the dating of sites. For the Combined Prehistoric Expedition (CPE) based at most archaeological surveys the chronological identifica- Southern Methodist University have done much to dem- tion of sites is through the recognition of typologically onstrate that the now-barren deserts of northeast Africa, distinct features, which are markers for specific chrono- particularly Egypt, were host to extensive and varied pre- logical phases; good examples that might survive in the Neolithic human activity. Most of this attention has fo- archaeological record are the typology of ceramics, lith- cused on the eastern Sahara (or, from an Egyptocentric ics, and architecture. Although all three are present to viewpoint, the western/Libyan desert), with forays clos- some degree in the survey area, they are not as useful as er to the Nile itself, notably the work at Wadi Kubbaniya. they might initially appear. The problem is taken up in But in this volume the team has turned its attention to section four by Eddy, and he concludes that the vast ma- another barren part of the Egyptian wilderness, central jority of recovered lithics are unusable for detailed dat- Sinai. ing purposes because of their poor quality (particularly The initial impetus for this work was basically salvage. when compared to Paleolithic tools) while the ceramics, Like many marginal areas of Egypt—most notably the when they occur, are undiagnostic because of their ex- western desert—the Sinai has become the target for ag- tremely utilitarian character. The range of lithics and ricultural land reclamation projects. In the Sinai this im- ceramics suggests a Neolithic/post-Neolithic flint-using petus is twofold; the coastal region of north Sinai has occupation, but allows few further conclusions to be de- recently seen a major multinational archaeological effort rived. This is hardly the fault of the CPE team and nei- to record sites threatened by the el-Salaam Canal Project, ther is the paucity of published work on comparative while the threat to the central Sinai archaeological sites material. There is, initially at least, a heavy reliance on a surveyed by Wendorf’s team was the exploitation of limited range of comparanda; Rothenberg (B. Rothen- groundwater by large-scale well-sinking and dam construc- berg et al., Sinai [Washington-New York 1979]) is fre- tion. This background to the project is reflected in the quently cited. The use of this early publication during nicknames given to some of the locations worked (e.g., the survey phase seems somewhat uncritical. For instance, “Bulldozer Site” and “Power Line Site”). an attempt to use architectural typology based on Roth- However, the difference between the North Sinai Sal- enberg’s statement that “round architecture shifted to vage Project and the CPE work in east-central Sinai is not square architecture at 2925 BC” is taken as the “defini- just one of location or specific modern threat, but rather tive criterion” to split the Chalcolithic from the Bronze in the main chronological spread of sites threatened and Age. The results from CPE’s own excavations further north, recorded. The majority of the examined north Sinai sites however, are treated more critically. A good case in point are Late Bronze to Iron Age, with a heavy bias toward concerns the environmental data. An expected wet sa- Late Dynastic and Graeco-Roman, while the material pre- vannah environment for the Neolithic and Early Bronze sented in this volume is predominantly Neolithic to Early Age was confirmed, although a similarly wet Chalcolithic Bronze Age. seems to be at variance with Dead Sea level data, which The fieldwork described in this volume was directed by supposedly suggest a wet Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Wendorf’s coauthor, Frank Eddy, in two intensive phases Age but with an intervening arid Chalcolithic. during spring and fall of 1996 in the Wadi Girafi area of The problem of looking at individual classes of materi- east-central Sinai, on a plateau between the highlands of al in isolation is also apparent in appendix A, where el- the Gebel el-Tih to the west, the Negev to the north- Ayedi describes collections of surface sherds in terms of east, and the Gulf of Aqaba to the southeast. One of the chronological indicators, but how he came to these con- strengths of this book is its clear format, based around clusions is not made clear. Both these surface collections the logical progression of the fieldwork project. The back- and the excavated material are predominantly of typo- ground to the work and its aims and methods are clearly logically indistinct utilitarian ware (although al-Ayedi described; this is followed by a substantial section de- describes, but does not illustrate, excitingly decorated scribing the results of the survey and the location and sherds which he believes to be Late Neolithic and might examination of 75 sites carried out in the fieldwork sea- therefore be usefully compared to contemporary Nilotic son of spring 1996. The second major part of the book material). In fact the ceramic repertoire as a whole is describes the program of excavation carried out in the described as being in the South Levantine tradition, but fall of the same year. The aims of this excavation pro- with the possibility of Nilotic imports in Early Bronze gram, designed to try to answer some of the questions levels at site Sinai-1, which might reflect increasing Egyp- raised during the survey by selective excavation of 10 tian contact within the southern Levant generally in the sites chosen as a representative range of the activities/ Late Predynastic–Dynasty 1. But the issue of using “in- site-types, are again clearly described and the results of digenous” ceramics as chronological indicators remains the excavation presented, for the most part, in some to be solved. I was struck by parallels with the difficulty of 608 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 using “Libyan/Marmarican” ware for dating, which, as part Egyptian New Kingdom [Toronto 1989] and D.A. Aston, of a Capsian/post-Capsian tradition, is remarkably similar Egyptian Pottery of the Late New Kingdom and Third Interme- from the Neolithic to almost the present day. diate Period [Heidelberg 1996]). The evidence that is used to support the notion of As the authors explain in their preface, NKPF is the pastoralist activity in the Neolithic–Early Bronze Age is sequel to a lengthy article on New Kingdom marl clay predominantly that of site architecture, particularly “com- fabrics published a decade ago (JEA 78 [1992] 29–91). pound architecture/villages” consisting of linked irregu- The present volume was considered to be too long to lar ovals, usually a main enclosure with satellite rooms. publish as a journal article and has therefore appeared as These enclosures were “thought to be pens for sheep and a separate monograph. Two of the authors of NKPF were goats, kept safe at night against predators” (my empha- also coauthors of the chapter on pottery in P.T. Nichol- sis). This is an example of the assumption that similar son and I. Shaw, eds., Ancient Egyptian Materials and Tech- responses to environment, often based on ethnographic nology (Cambridge 2000), which provides an overview of parallels, can be used as a working hypothesis when there the current study of Egyptian pottery. They stress in the is comparatively little other material available for build- latter that “knowledge of pottery composition is a power- ing hypotheses. ful tool in understanding cultural process” (128), and Perhaps the most significant result of the excavation NKPF (along with the above mentioned 1992 article on phase of the project is the production of radiocarbon marl clay fabrics) is a significant contribution to this field dates, which, when tied to artifact assemblages and archi- of study. tectural features, give a firmer basis for estimating how NKPF is designed both to characterize the Nile clay reasonable it is to develop chronologically useful typolo- fabrics used at Memphis and Amarna and to compare (and gies. Much of the basic data for further analysis are here, to some extent harmonize) the criteria used by the exca- but it would perhaps be too much to expect a full exploi- vation teams at these two sites when classifying their tation of the material within this publication. Neverthe- various fabrics. For both sets of sherds, standard macro- less, this work, based on salvage, should encourage fu- scopic descriptions were supplemented by thin section ture fieldwork in the region, with more specifically tar- analyses and neutron activation analysis results. Some of geted research questions; for their prompt publication of the questions the authors sought to answer through this primary material, the authors are to be congratulated. work are fundamental problems in pottery analysis, such as “How far do the archaeologists’ fabric classes corre- Steven Snape spond to different recipes in the potters’ paste?” and department of archaeology (sacos) “Are fabric classes demonstrably linked to vessel shape, university of liverpool decoration or function?” The answers to the first ques- 14 abercromby square tion turn out to be quite complex, given the large num- liverpool l69 3bx ber of random and deliberate factors that conspire to united kingdom transform the original potters’ clays into the familiar cor- [email protected] pora of fabrics as defined by archaeologists. The second question may appear to be a more straightforward one, in New Kingdom Pottery Fabrics: Nile Clay and that there are, for instance, a number of accepted links Mixed Nile/Marl Clay Fabrics from Memphis between clay types and function (e.g., less permeable and Amarna, by Janine D. Bourriau, Laurence M.V. fabrics tend to be used for vessels employed to transport liquids, while porosity may be an advantage for water stor- Smith, and Paul T. Nicholson. Pp. x + 95, figs. 37, age vessels intended to keep the contents cool). In prac- b&w pls. 5, color pls. 4. The Egypt Exploration tice, however, the elucidation of such connections be- Society, London 2000. £40. ISBN 0-85698-149-4 tween fabric type, shape, decoration, and function tend (paper). to be far from simple. There are definite benefits deriv- ing from the authors’ use of data from two different sites The sheer quantity of surviving sherds at most Egyp- (Amarna and Memphis) in that it can clearly be seen tian sites means that pottery is an unavoidable element that some clays differ simply because of the locally avail- of virtually all archaeological fieldwork in the Nile Valley. able materials and probably also local techniques. The authors of New Kingdom Pottery Fabrics (NKPF) mod- The term “Nile silt” has been conventionally used by estly point out that “the study of pottery fabrics may ap- Egyptologists to refer to the Nile clay fabrics under dis- pear relatively insignificant” compared with the “rich cussion in NKPF, but, as a number of authors have point- cultural context of New Kingdom Egypt,” but they go on ed out, it is both inaccurate and contradictory to describe to demonstrate the importance of their work. In reality, a clay as a silt. The authors therefore use the term “Nile this monograph is one of several recent publications that clay” throughout (apart from one “Nile silt,” 32), no doubt firmly establish the study of Egyptian pottery as a major in the hope that the S-word will thus gradually fall out of concern in modern Egyptology. Nevertheless, many Egyp- use. tologists have not given ceramics the attention they de- Even the authors themselves would probably not ar- serve; this balance has slowly but surely been redressed gue that this short monograph makes gripping reading; by a number of scientifically inclined fieldworkers whose it is however an absolutely essential piece of work provid- analyses of sherds have begun to reap rewards in the ing the kind of basis (both in terms of methodology and form of studies of particular historical periods in which data) on which these and other scholars will undoubted- pottery holds center stage (e.g., C. Hope, Pottery of the ly build. Indeed, a recent article on the provenancing of 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 609

Canaanite amphoras (J.D. Bourriau and M. Serpico, in to “inadequacies of approach [and] technique” (v). No A.J. Shortland, ed., The Social Context of Technological such apology is necessary. Certainly one can make criti- Change [Oxford 2001] 13–46) shows that the meticulous cisms (see below), but it is also true that the Canhasan petrological definitions have already been successfully excavations were among the first in Anatolia to under- utilized to facilitate the study of broader socioeconomic take extensive sieving. It was at Canhasan, under questions. French’s direction, that pioneering detailed work on Neolithic plant and animal remains was undertaken (by Ian Shaw Gordon Hillman and Sebastian Payne). department of archaeology (sacos) The main shortcomings of the report are brevity and university of liverpool lack of details, flaws that French acknowledges. In gen- 14 abercromby square eral, the plans themselves are simplified to the point liverpool l69 3bx of being schematic, in contrast to the sections that united kingdom present far more detail. The plans and sections are [email protected] also presented at different scales. Consequently, it is difficult to link up the plans to the sections in a mean- Canhasan Sites. Vol. 1, Canhasan I: Stratigra- ingful way. Some important features are not shown on the plans (for example, some hearths; fig. 8 and p. phy and Structures, by David French. (British 23). Individual contexts are listed, but concordances Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, Monograph of artifact collection numbers and stratigraphic con- 23.) Pp. ix + 102, pls. 9, figs. 60. British Institute texts have been postponed for the forthcoming vol- of Archaeology at Ankara, London 1998. £45. umes on the artifacts. Artifact collection methods varied according to arti- ISSN 0969-9007; ISBN 1-898249-09- 1 (cloth). fact categories. All of the lithics and small objects were Canhasan I is one of three important Neolithic and kept, but sadly only a selection of the ceramics and ground Chalcolithic sites near the modern village of Canhasan stone (those considered diagnostic) were retained, the in south central Turkey. It lies 13 km northeast of Kara- remainder having been buried on the site. This latter man and some 60 km southeast of Çatalhöyük. Between practice, still all too common today, cancels the possibil- 1961 and 1967, excavations here, directed by David ity of newer analytic techniques such as activity area anal- French, formed part of a broader project aimed at defin- ysis, residue studies, and quantitative research. For all ing the early prehistoric sequence in central Turkey. excavators, the problems of retaining and storing vast The goals of the Canhasan I excavations were twofold. quantities of excavated artifacts are formidable. It is to The first was to establish (in combination with the Çatal- be hoped that museums and other institutions involved höyük project) the prehistoric chronology of the Konya in preservation of the human past can find ways to per- region, particularly for the Middle Chalcolithic period, mit excavators to store these materials in toto, so as to which is not represented at Çatalhöyük East and West. allow them to be studied by future researchers. The second was to investigate, by exposing wide areas, In sum, the Canhasan I report illustrates the way in the spatial organization of the Middle Chalcolithic vil- which archaeological methods become ever more refined lage. This volume presents the final report on the stratig- as the years pass (and this applies to even the best prac- raphy and structures at Canhasan I, with corrections and tices in use today). The pace of publication of major ex- additions to information presented in preliminary re- cavations remains slow in far too many cases. But the ports. It is to be followed by volumes on the ceramics appearance of a final report, even though delayed, is and other artifacts. always welcome, and French is to be commended for pro- This volume succeeds brilliantly on two of the most ducing one that is clear and explicit. important (and all too rare) qualities of a good site re- Katherine I. Wright port: clarity and honesty. French makes it easy for the reader to understand what was actually done, and why. At institute of archaeology every stage, descriptions of the stratigraphy can be easily university college london checked against plans and section drawings, which them- 31–34 gordon square selves are clearly labeled and readily understood. london wc1h 0p French is candid about the difficulties. In any excava- united kingdom tion, errors and insurmountable difficulties always oc- [email protected] cur. Sadly, most final reports gloss over such problems. French addresses them directly. For example, he advises An Island Archaeology of the Early Cyclades, the reader of changes in recovery methods after the by Cyprian Broodbank. Pp. xix + 414, figs. 122. Cam- first season or two, so that future analysts will be able to bridge University Press, New York 2001. $80. ISBN assess the information from each season accordingly. He alerts us to the uncertainties in the stratigraphy 0-521-78272-4 (cloth). where they exist and acknowledges some of the prob- The mass of new data that emerged in the past quarter lems with the report, particularly its relative brevity and century now needs a conceptual framework that can pro- the fact that it has appeared long after the original duce an explanatory interpretation. Broodbank proposes excavation was carried out. Sometimes French is too hard to meet the need by writing a history of the early Cycla- on himself, particularly in the preface, where he alludes des through the perspectives and techniques of island 610 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 archaeology. His advocacy of “history” is one of several The next three chapters consider EBA II and the ma- pleasingly unfashionable features of the book. Admit- jor village-sized sites that now emerged, that is, Chalan- tedly lacking in events and identifiable individuals, it is driani-Kastri on Syros, Ayia Irini on Kea, Grotta-Aplomata above all a history of islanders’ movements, whose chang- on Naxos, and Skarkos on Ios. Broodbank focuses partic- ing patterns in space and time are accessible only through ularly on Daskaleio-Kavos on Keros, where systematic loot- island archaeology. ing leaves open the question whether the “special de- The debt is not all one-way, for he asserts the poten- posit” near the settlement should be interpreted as a tial of the Cyclades and other Mediterranean island groups cemetery or sanctuary. He makes a good case for an un- to play a major role in the development of island archae- usual cemetery and argues for both local production and ology. This subdiscipline, heavily indebted to biogeogra- imports of marble objects and pottery. phy, was developed by Pacific researchers, and retains a The positions of sites in areas of exceptionally intense bias in favor of that area. Some of its concepts are prob- communication account for their size, prominence in lematic, such as the view of islands as laboratories for the maritime trade, and heavy consumption of prestige items. study of cultural processes, and especially the assumption Population growth, according to PPA, results in changes that discrete islands are ideal units of analysis. What real- in interaction affecting the location of communication ly matter are islandscapes, combinations of sea and land, centers; but PPA predictions for these particular locations and what is needed in the Aegean is an archaeology of may surprise: a high degree of centrality for the Erimo- the sea to complement that of the land. nisia (including Keros), but a degree of remoteness for Chapter 3 examines the principal characteristics of the Syros, to compensate for which the inhabitants of Cha- Cyclades: inter-visible, climatically and environmentally landriani-Kastri honed their maritime skills, specialized marginal for farming, generally underpopulated, and de- in longboats, and became a predatory community. Ayia pendent on external links. Exchange and mobility were Irini, in an area where no center is predicted, probably the survival strategies, but maritime movement was risky acted as a gateway for travelers between the islands, Lavri- and unpredictable. Seacraft until almost the end of the on, east Attica, and Euboia. Early Bronze Age (EBA) were all canoes, which needed Intensified maritime activity at a few sites enabled them no harbor facilities, and were either simple dugouts or to manipulate the distribution of raw materials. Metals, large longboats: high status, special purpose, and labor- notably copper from Kythnos and Lavrion, were particu- intensive vessels. larly significant. There seems not to have been local con- The first islands to be colonized were not those clos- trol of sources of copper or Melian obsidian, and perhaps est to Attica and Euboia, but the southeast Cyclades where smaller settlements obtained finished objects from the settlements of the Late Neolithic Saliagos culture are nearest maritime trading center. concentrated. Both areas are nurseries, in island archae- Long-range voyaging enhanced status and became a ological terms, where the configuration of mainland and source of social power for individuals. Prestige objects islands encourages experiment; but the northwestern were interred with such people, as a means both of Cyclades, involving one-day crossings, were colonized as defining their status and of controlling value by re- part of an incremental expansion in the Final Neolithic moving items from circulation. Such voyages were (FN). The longer and riskier voyages into the southeast fraught with difficulties, especially those from south Aegean favored autocatalysis, a sort of chain reaction draw- to north, where cyclic routes via the coasts and islands ing colonists outward. A useful figure (the book has many might have been the safest, even if time consuming. such) illustrates a model for colonization in this region, Such a route may account for the planting of a Cycladic which shows colonized areas expanding into the nearest colony at Agia Photia on the north coast of Crete in empty territory, with small islands filled in last. The mod- EBA I/II. These cyclic journeys saw a turnover in car- el correlates well with the available data, suggesting a goes all along the route, offering an explanation for conscious colonizing ideology. the small number of Cretan objects in the Cyclades. To The Grotta-Pelos culture (late FN–end of EBA I) marked the northwest, on the other hand, regular movement great changes. Widely dispersed short-lived farmsteads, between east Attica, Euboia, and Kea led to a cultural some now on smaller islands, replaced the earlier long- elision. lived villages. This reduction in community size and ex- Broodbank adduces down-the-line conveyance to expansion to more marginal areas led to the emergence of plain the rather small number of Near Eastern imports a new exchange culture. The reason for such changes is and innovations in the Cyclades in early EBA II. The population growth. sudden appearance in late EBA II of Anatolian-derived Chapter 6 presents an exercise in proximal point anal- vessels has led some scholars to propose an invasion hy- ysis (PPA), a technique for building models that pre- pothesis. This is briskly dismissed by the author, who notes dicts patterns of connection. The basic premise is that the mistaken association of chronologically distinct phe- people interact most intensely with their nearest neigh- nomena, and the overwhelming case for overall continu- bors, and these connections generate networks. The ity. The deferential adoption of Anatolian drinking cus- resulting sequence models the implications of demo- toms spread, he suggests, together with non-Cycladic graphic growth in the EBA, and suggests the likelihood metals, along the existing maritime routes. At about the of very diverse social strategies and material cultures. It same time, the Cyclades were apparently excluded from suggests also that the networks ignored island bound- trade with Crete. After a long period when Cycladic trad- aries, and divided up the Cyclades along different axes ers were central to Aegean long-range movement, their at different times. prestige was now in decline. 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 611 Controversy surrounds the end of EBA II, when many Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of H.S. settlements ceased to exist, and the beginning of the Smith, edited by Anthony Leahy and John Tait. (The succeeding Phylakopi I culture. Broodbank comes down Egyptian Exploration Society, Occasional Publi- on the side of continuity of occupation on at least some islands in EBA III, while emphasizing the extent of in- cations 13.) Pp. iv + 336, figs. 96, pls. 95, maps 2, ternal disruption and transformation of island life. The tables 3. The Egypt Exploration Society, London end of EBA II marked the end of the networks of small 1999. $50. ISBN 0-85698-151-6 (cloth). dispersed communities dominated by a few maritime centers. In their place emerged a small number of nucleated This collection of articles provides a fitting tribute to a settlements. leading figure in Egyptology and Egyptian archaeology. Various explanatory models have been advanced, sug- The range of topics and caliber of the contributors re- gesting that a complex of factors was at work. Brood- flects Smith’s wide-ranging interests as well as his impact bank proposes an additional model based on the intro- on the field, for he is not only an exceptional scholar, duction to the Aegean of deep-hulled sailing ships, prob- but also a conscientious mentor. Although the articles ably first in Crete. The new technology revolutionized and the tributes often embedded within them present a long-range voyaging by shrinking distances and allow- picture of Smith’s impact on Egyptology, a short biogra- ing more flexibility of travel direction. Outsiders could phy and bibliography would have made a welcome and now easily reach the Cyclades, which lost the ability to useful addition to the volume. The quantity and diversity control external contacts. Nucleation was encouraged of papers in this kind of volume makes the reviewer’s by the ability to transport large cargoes and the need task somewhat difficult, but I will try to place the articles for proper anchorages. in a larger academic context and highlight those that I There is evidence for a Cycladic-centered commodity- feel make a significant contribution to the field. based trading network in the southern Aegean in EBA Many of the articles cover narrow topics that will be III and the early MBA. It overlapped very little with a of interest mostly to Egyptologists: the short discus- zone of Cretan activity in the southwestern Aegean. Cer- sions of esoteric questions, for example, or the docu- tainly there were very few direct contacts between the mentation of an object or small group of objects from a Cyclades and Crete. But the Cycladic trading network was museum collection. A number of the articles present doomed to give way to the dendritic pattern of maritime more substantial considerations of a variety of topics routes that radiated out from Crete throughout the life somehow connected to Smith’s research, but still prob- of the Minoan palace-states. These were the routes by ably of interest mainly to Egyptologists. Examples that which materials, especially metals, reached Crete, and stood out to this reviewer include Barbara Adams’s dis- the east–west Phylakopi I culture network lay across the cussion of the goddess Neith, Carol Andrews on magic, path to Lavrion. Elizabeth Blythe’s charming study of obscure pharaoh A plausible case is made for the destruction of Phyla- Seti II, Mark Collier’s latest critique of the Standard kopi by enemy action. Kolonna in Aigina and Ayia Irini Theory, Aidan Dodson’s investigation of the Apis Bull realigned themselves to exploit the Cretan routes. Crete canopics, Colin Hope on the function of those puz- became a “core,” the islands a periphery zone. The de- zling pot marks, Anthony Leahy on the House of the mise of the Phylakopi I culture trading system marks, for Phoenix at Thebes, David O’Connor’s interesting in- Broodbank, the end of early Cycladic history. sights into the symbolism behind the layout of a chap- The use of island archaeological perceptions to ex- el of Montuhotep at Dendara, and A.J. Spencer on case- tract that history is outstandingly successful. The ma- mate foundations. jor themes—cultural islandscapes were the vital struc- Several articles will be of particular note to the readers turing factors, they altered through time, and there of this journal, including Dorothy Thompson’s interest- was great variability in the kinds of movement and in- ing discussion of Egyptian resistance to Ptolomaic rule, teraction that went on—could hardly have been ex- Margaret Serpico’s analysis of New Kingdom Canaanite tracted in any other way. The framework is flexible amphoras from Amarna, and K.A. Kitchen’s lively discus- enough to admit new material yet to emerge, and is sion of the location of the African land of Punt, an im- already packed with more data than could be touched portant source of incense to Egypt and perhaps the east- on here. Broodbank does not shrink from controversy, ern Mediterranean. Of note to Aegeanists is Vronwy and will certainly provoke argument; but his approach Hankey’s consideration of Aegean and Egyptian synchro- is entirely persuasive and will change the face of Cycla- nisms; she takes into account the redating of the Avaris dic archaeology. It is, furthermore, beautifully written, frescoes to the early 18th Dynasty, providing a well-rea- lucid, and literate, with the delightfully old-fashioned soned discussion of the cultural dynamics that might lie addition of a poetic extract heading each chapter. behind them. Ultimately the result is not terribly satisfy- Though at the cutting edge of research, the book is ing, as is often the case with discussions of chronology, absolutely free of jargon. It surely, and deservedly, will but this piece makes an important contribution to the become a classic. debate. I devote the remainder of this review to articles that I Elizabeth Schofield felt made a significant contribution to questions that will 5 montague road be of interest both to Egyptologists and a wider audi- cambridge cb4 1bu ence. They are considered in alphabetical order by au- united kingdom thor, as they appear in the book. 612 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106

Over the past few years, David Aston has bravely tack- nastic period to the New Kingdom linked the seasonal led the archaeology of the poorly known period between migration of pastoralists to the mythical return of Hathor the end of the New Kingdom and the Ptolemaic era. The from her travels to Nubia through offerings like gazelle lack of archaeological definition for this difficult time and ostrich feathers associated with this important myth. frame has led some to argue that over 200 years must be Lisa Giddy assesses the state of Egyptian archaeology deleted from Egyptian history (e.g., Peter James, ed., in a pessimistic review of the progress, or lack thereof, of Centuries of Darkness [New Brunswick, N.J. 1993]). As- archaeological research in Egypt since Manfred Bietak’s ton’s work allows us to avoid this radical solution by defin- seminal article, “The Present State of Egyptian Archaeol- ing the different phases within this complex era archae- ogy” (JEA 65 [1979] 156–60). She argues that Egyptolo- ologically. Here he undertakes an important and wide- gy is still overly dominated by philology and that archae- ranging survey of the grave goods of the Persian peri- ological training has either been neglected (and thus od—heretofore an archaeological “dark age.” He notes has remained antiquated) or subordinated to the goal of that continuities with the previous and succeeding peri- finding texts. The discipline has made some progress to- ods has often led objects to be incorrectly dated either ward an increased consciousness of the potential that too early or too late. He tracks stylistic evolution in papy- archaeology offers, but this trend reflects the tenacious- ri and coffins, including the trend toward the distinctive ness of a small group of archaeologists rather than a broad- oversized heads of later sarcophagi. On the other hand, er based shift in emphasis within the field. The disci- he suggests continuity in ushabtis, stelae, and Ptah-Sokar- pline as a whole still concentrates on monuments with- Osiris figures, but innovation in the elimination of cano- out a serious attempt to place temples and tombs into a pic jars in favor of canopic boxes and the shift from bead larger context or explore broader issues, a contention nets to faience amuletic figures. Like many a “dark age,” both reinforced and contradicted by the articles in this this period is proving to be far more dynamic than previ- volume. Her indictment of modern Egyptology will no ously thought. doubt prove controversial. I would like to say that her John Baines provides a reassessment of the origins of conclusions are overly pessimistic (and perhaps they are), the narrative biography in the Old Kingdom. The emer- but attitudes within Egyptology have been sadly slow to gence of the tomb biography is generally placed at the change despite some notable progress over the past two end of the Fourth Dynasty, with further elaboration in decades. the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties as royal power waned. Baines R.B. Parkinson challenges the notion that the so-called argues convincingly that in fact its origins can be traced Amarna revolution departed from the standard canon of to much earlier self-presentations as old as the First Dy- Egyptian literature, replacing, with a new Amarna ideol- nasty. Baines argues provocatively that scenes of provi- ogy, the early New Kingdom emphasis of the traditional sioning and offerings should be regarded as biographi- ideology of kingship transmitted through Middle King- cal, constructing a remembered world for the deceased dom texts. Parkinson argues from admittedly limited evi- in the context of the more limited use of writing at the dence that Middle Kingdom literature continued to be beginning of the pharaonic state. This seems like an copied and studied at Amarna, and adds to a growing obscure Egyptological question, but its resolution has body of evidence that Akhenaton’s “revolution” was found- important implications, since monumental tomb biogra- ed on traditional forms and did not represent a complete phies represent an assertion of self against royal prerog- break with earlier tradition as some have argued. atives of dominance in society and the afterlife. Stephen Quirke tracks the religious titles of women Janine Bourriau discusses the political implications of and their ownership and appearance on funerary papyri her new analysis of Egyptian pottery in Nubia and Nubi- from the Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic period. Taking a an pottery in Egypt during the Second Intermediate pe- diachronic perspective, he argues that the appearance of riod. She notes that the distribution of ceramics contra- wives of high officials with priestly titles during the Old dicts the usual historical interpretation of Kamose’s belli- Kingdom does not indicate that they occupied equiva- cose policy toward Kush (Kerma in Upper Nubia, modern lent positions to their male counterparts, as is usually Sudan). She concludes that both people and goods were assumed. Instead, he sees their role in temple cults as flowing across the official boundary at the end of the roughly equivalent to elite women’s later position as cult 17th Dynasty, exactly when the historical record would music makers. At first glance this seems to devalue wom- lead us to expect hostile relations. Instead, archaeologi- en’s role in the cult, and will no doubt draw the ire of cally, Nubians and Nubian pottery appear in larger num- scholars who have argued that religious titles reflect the bers than ever in Upper Egypt, and Egyptians and Egyp- prominent role of women in temple cults during the Old tian objects in the south. Her careful ceramic analysis Kingdom and the subordination of women in the New demonstrates the power of archaeology to change our Kingdom. Quirke’s argument is, however, more nuanced, reconstructions of the past, and acts as an important cau- since he also argues that women music makers played a tion in approaching texts as statements of political policy more prominent ritual and economic role in temple cults as opposed to documents tinged by ideology. than is usually allowed. Far from being completely de- Renée Friedman’s excavation at a rock shrine near pendent on their male relatives, these elite women prob- Hierakonpolis provides a fascinating archaeological win- ably derived wealth from a direct share in the divine dow into the interactions between the settled people of estates, reflecting economic autonomy demonstrated the Nile Valley, Nubians, and the seminomadic pastoral- anecdotally from splendid coffin sets like that of Henut- ists often overlooked by Egyptologists. She makes a con- mehyt in the British Museum. Quirke goes on to argue vincing case that festivals taking place from the Predy- that one can see a subordination of women through their 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 613 lack of ownership of funerary papyri starting after the Ptolemies, but is much less well known in popular con- reign of Hatshepsut (ca. 1450 B.C.) and lasting through sciousness and, to a lesser extent, in the scholarly mind the 19th Dynasty, echoing the prominence of men in than the periods before and after. The phrase “ancient tomb chapels of the period. But this is not a permanent Egypt” will typically evoke visions of the pyramids, the change. Papyri are again produced for women from the treasures of Tutankhamun’s tomb, or the Hollywood-con- 20th Dynasty onward, which Quirke attributes to possi- structed life of Cleopatra VII, rather than the monuments ble cultural influence as Libyan seminomadic groups with of Taharqa, the treasures of the Third Intermediate peri- a different notion of gender roles settled in the Nile od tombs of Tanis, or the eventful reign of Nectanebo II. Valley. I wonder if the Nubian conquest of Egypt might Although this period, with its complex history and di- have reinforced this trend, given the prominent reli- verse material culture, has always had its enthusiastic dev- gious role played by Nubian queens and elite women. otees among Egyptologists, it is only in the past few de- The organization of the book is simply alphabetical by cades that it had become a matter of more general inter- author, as is usual for a Festschrift. Consequently, the est in the field and beyond. Our understanding of the volume is more eclectic than coherent. A thematic orga- history, the culture, and especially the archaeology of nization could have placed some of the more obscure this period still lags behind comparable areas in earlier articles within a larger context and would have enriched and later periods. Moreover, outside of essays in recent those with a broader focus by providing deeper context. general histories of ancient Egypt and the ancient Med- For example, the editors might have grouped to great iterranean world, relatively little has been done to cover advantage the articles focusing on gender, including the this material in a way that is accessible to non-Egyptolo- studies of Middle Kingdom and 27th Dynasty marriage gists. Thus, Karol Mysliwiec’s book is a promising survey contracts by Janet Johnson and Cary Martin, and the of this relatively neglected but fascinating period of Egyp- publication of an unusual statue by Gay Robins. These tian history. While not a definitive study, it is a useful would in turn have complemented Quirke’s further-reach- introduction in many respects. ing study, which covers some of the same themes. In a The volume under review is a translation by Egyptolo- somewhat different way, grouping together David Jef- gist David Lorton of the 1998 German version of the fries’s description of early archaeology at Memphis, Pa- author’s 1993 Polish original. Mysliwiec addresses both tricia Usick’s account of early 19th-century excavations scholars and general readers in his introduction, and the at Buhen, Rosalind and Jac Janssen’s nice study on the book has the potential to engage both audiences. In his contributions of pioneering woman archaeologist Mary first five chapters, the author covers the history and ma- Brodrick, Lisa Giddy’s indictment of Egyptian archaeolo- terial culture of Egypt from the end of the Ramesside gy, and Ian Shaw’s fascinating analysis of the excavation period to the beginning of the Ptolemaic period (ca. of 19th- and early 20th-century archaeological spoil heaps 1070–332 B.C.E.). This endeavor is first situated in its at Amarna would have created a kind of synergistic dia- earlier historical and conceptual roots, and then the au- logue difficult to obtain with the present alphabetical thor proceeds in roughly chronological order to cover organization. I can sympathize with the editors’ task in over 700 years of Egyptian history in 184 pages. To ac- assembling such a large number of articles from such an complish this without major omissions is, in itself, a con- impressive array of scholars, but a thoughtful topical or- siderable achievement, and the author has created a gen- ganization would have produced a more meaningful re- erally clear synthesis of a wide variety of sources. At a sult. Nevertheless, the volume presents a fitting tribute number of points, he allows the ancient sources to speak to an outstanding Egyptologist, whose career will hope- for themselves through translations, and the substantial fully continue for many years to come! excerpts chosen are interesting and highly pertinent. One must wonder if this book had its origin in a series of Stuart Tyson Smith public lectures: The style is informal and conversation- department of anthropology al—not, to be sure, a bad thing in itself. But the ram- university of california bling digressions, exclamations, frequent questions, and santa barbara, california 93106 other rhetorical devices that can succeed in an oral lec- [email protected] ture may ultimately prove distracting to the reader. How- ever, this book also abounds in vivid vignettes, where the author concentrates on single events or documents to The Twilight of Ancient Egypt: First Millen- good effect. An example of this strategy is the account nium B.C.E., by Karol Mysliwiec (translated by David (159–62) of a ritual of the confirmation of royal power Lorton). Pp. xv + 232, b&w figs. 62, color pls. 16. known from a papyrus in the Brooklyn Museum, where Cornell University Press, Ithaca 2000. $24.95. the author brings to life a relatively obscure document in a most effective way. ISBN 0-8014-8630-0. Given the period of time covered and its particularly Egypt in the period between the end of the New King- complex nature, no survey can satisfy all readers. The dom and the conquest of Alexander occupies a paradox- coverage of the Third Intermediate period is somewhat ical situation in modern times. Spanning the modern thin in places—the complex interplay of local rulers and chronological designations of Third Intermediate peri- uncertainties in the historical record will make any over- od, Saite period, and Late period, this is a substantial view problematic, but it is sometimes hard to see that portion of pharaonic Egyptian history. It is perhaps the these problems even exist in the streamlined account best-documented period in Egyptian history before the given here. More attention could, and probably should, 614 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 have been paid to the Libyan origins of the kings of the resented only by a few bare line drawings of reliefs, giv- early Third Intermediate period, while Biblical accounts ing no clue as to the unparalleled contents of these concerning Egypt have been treated rather uncritically. tombs. Little of the distinctive art of the Kushite kings is Demotic sources seem to be slighted to some extent by illustrated and, perhaps most surprisingly, the chapter on the author; although the important “Demotic Chronicle” the Saite “Renaissance”—the designation itself an allu- is briefly discussed, one would have expected comparable sion to the great artistic changes of the period—is not coverage of other important Demotic texts: the Pedubas- illustrated at all. Instead, the great majority of illustra- tis cycle and the petition of Pediese (P. Ryl. Dem. 9), for tions are either general views of sites and reliefs or of example. The author does provide some coverage of the artifacts from various Polish excavations in Egypt. While Ptolemaic period, despite its lying ouside the stated chro- these latter are certainly useful in the final chapter, they nological range of the book, but this only leaves the are often otherwise not particularly relevant to the chap- reader wanting more. One could make a good case that ters that they illustrate. The prominence accorded, for the Ptolemaic period, despite the substantive changes it example, to images of eel and shrew coffins in the chap- introduced, belongs with the history of the preceding ter on the Kushite kingdom is mysterious, considering periods, and it would have been interesting to see this the fact that they seem to be considerably later in date, dealt with at greater length. and attempts in the text to make the images relevant are A highly laudable feature of this book is its attention forced. One can only assume that these illustrations were to archaeology. Throughout the book, the author makes chosen to avoid costs associated with museum photogra- reference to what is known of the archaeology of the phy and photographic permissions; this is understand- specific period under discussion. In the final chapter, able to a certain extent, but not when carried to the archaeology comes into its own as the author highlights extreme of omitting essential images of the important the contributions of various Polish archaeological expe- remains of the period. If this material were, in general, ditions in a most enjoyable and vivid account. In some better known, the author might be excused for making a ways this chapter is a bit of a forced fit for the book’s virtue of economy by highlighting heretofore obscure subject matter, as most of the material under discussion is but significant material, but this is not the case here. Ptolemaic in date, but the author does a good job of The selection of illustrations in this volume gives a mis- connecting this chapter with what came before. Much of leading impression of what has survived from Egypt in this section discusses the Polish excavations at Athribis this period. and provides valuable insight into a site that is not espe- The period covered by this volume is one of the most cially well known. The reader will regret the decision not interesting and challenging in Egyptian history, and the to include an overall site map or plans of individual struc- author has provided his readers with a workable survey tures under discussion, which would have added greatly that is at times an enjoyable read. Overall, though, the to our appreciation of the material. book is slightly disappointing: it hovers between being The book concludes with a useful comparative chro- an unevenly illustrated popular survey and a rather insub- nology, situating the book’s contents in Biblical and Clas- stantial and undocumented work of scholarship. But the sical history; an index; and a bibliography. The book as a flashes of insight that appear throughout this book will whole is only rarely footnoted, and these infrequent foot- make the reader wish for a more substantial and better notes are more for parenthetical discussion rather than documented and illustrated history of this period from documentation, so the bibliography is crucial here. The this same author, who clearly has interesting and valu- principles behind the bibliography are unclear, but as it able ideas about his subject. Although it does not com- stands some glaring omissions must be noted: F.K. Kien- pletely fulfill the need for a stand-alone history of this itz’s essential historical survey of the Late period, Die period, Twilight of Ancient Egypt will give the reader a good politische Geschichte Ägyptens vom 7. bis zum 4. Jahrhunderts general introduction. If used with other recent surveys, (Berlin 1953); the valuable articles in the CAH (especial- this book could serve as a handy guide to this most fasci- ly those by T.G.H. James in CAH 3:22, J.D. Ray in CAH 42, nating period of Egyptian history. and A.B. Lloyd in CAH 62); and A.B. Lloyd’s essential T.G. Wilfong chapter in Bruce Trigger’s Ancient Egypt (Cambridge 1983). These latter references may have been considered dis- department of near eastern studies pensible in the Polish and German editions of this book and kelsey museum of archaeology (although this point is debatable), but their omission university of michigan from an English language book intended, at least in part, 434 south state street for a general audience is unfortunate. Readers will also ann arbor, michigan 48109-1390 want to be aware of the relevant essays in Ian Shaw, ed., Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford 2000), which appeared too late for mention in the volume under review. “East of the Jordan”: Territories and Sites of The book is extensively illustrated with line drawings the Hebrew Scriptures, by Burton MacDonald. and photographs, including a generous selection of col- (ASOR Books 6.) Pp. viii + 287, figs. 13, tables 2. or plates. The choice of illustrations is somewhat odd: a American Schools of Oriental Research, Boston miscellaneous selection of mostly insignificant images that give no real impression of this most interesting pe- 2000. $29.95. ISBN 0-89757-031-6 (paper). riod. The remarkable tombs of the Libyan kings of the The study of the archaeology of Jordan is both an old Third Intermediate period at Tanis, for example, are rep- field and one that is surprisingly new. As Burton Mac- 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 615

Donald points out in “East of the Jordan,” Europeans and The subsequent chapters present the substance of Americans first explored the Holy Land, modern day MacDonald’s contribution, which is the examination of Israel, Jordan, and the Palestinian Territory, early in the Transjordanian sites mentioned in the Hebrew Bible. He 19th century. It was not until the last three decades of begins with material that is the least transparent, the the 20th century, however, that the pace of surveys and Genesis stories that describe the five “Cities of the Plain.” excavations intensified. Now, for the first time, there is Given their legendary qualities, MacDonald’s assessment evidence rich enough for a full discussion of Jordanian of the five cities’ tentative location southeast of the Dead site identification, settlement patterns, and occupational Sea seems prudent. history. MacDonald turns next to the itineraries of the Israel- The cities, nations, and terrain of Transjordan figure ite Exodus from Egypt, as described in the books of Num- prominently in the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament). Tran- bers, Deuteronomy, and Judges. This chapter offers a full sjordan provides the setting for the stories of Sodom and consideration of site identification in relation to the Gomorrah. It is through Transjordan that the newly freed route(s) allegedly taken by the Israelites in their travels Israelites travel on their way to the territory promised them between Egypt and the “Promised Land” of Canaan. Mac- by their god. Some Israelite tribes eventually settle in Tran- Donald demonstrates that the sites incorporated into the sjordan. Finally, the nations of Israel and Judah are often Exodus narratives were occupied no earlier than the latin conflict with the Transjordanian nations of Ammon, ter part of the Iron Age II, and that the authors of these Moab, and Edom. These and other events are described in narratives had a working knowledge of Transjordan in some detail in various biblical books, both narrative and precisely this period of time. He thereby provides a crit- prophetic. As MacDonald notes, however, the accuracy of ically important tool for understanding the process of these descriptions was hampered by the biblical authors’ biblical composition, one which suggests that these nar- lack of familiarity with the land east of the Jordan and by ratives were the products of late Iron Age II Judah. While their generally negative attitude toward its inhabitants. this may disturb traditionalists who would like to see the These factors, combined with the burgeoning corpus of Exodus narratives safely ensconced in the Iron Age I, it excavation and survey data now available, combine to make will equally disturb those who suggest that the Bible is a MacDonald’s work timely and useful. post-exilic composition. It is the problem of site identification that concerns The next chapter discusses post-Exodus settlement in MacDonald. He sets out to document the relationship Jordan by the Israelite tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half- between place names mentioned in the Hebrew Bible Manasseh. Given the discrepancies between biblical text and sites located in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. and site identification, MacDonald concludes that the pic- Of course, the ramifications of his work are far greater, ture of Israelite tribal settlement was idealized rather than because they enable both author and reader to reflect realistic. His subsequent and lengthy analysis of those sites upon four critically important matters. The first is clarify- occupied by the Iron Age II nations of Ammon, Moab, and ing the history of Jordan in the first millennium B.C.E.; Edom, presented in three separate chapters, likewise doc- the second is reconstructing the path to nationhood for uments multiple inaccuracies on the part of the biblical the various peoples of Iron Age Jordan; the third is estab- authors. In this case, however, MacDonald suggests that lishing the nature of the relationship between those hostilities between the Transjordanian nations and Judah nations and Israel in the Iron Age; and the fourth is to their west, exacerbated by ignorance on the part of illuminating issues pertinent to the composition of the biblical writers, may explain the many discrepancies be- Hebrew Bible. tween sites and texts. His caution, that these Iron Age II MacDonald begins by tracing the history of explora- nations had boundaries that were fluid and vulnerable to tion and reviewing methodological and technical issues change, is important—and should be applied to those na- involved in the identification of Jordanian sites. Given tions west of the Jordan as well. MacDonald’s final chapter what is now known about the pitfalls encountered when analyzes sites in the region called Gilead. using surface sherd collections to determine the occupa- “East of the Jordan” makes a number of important con- tional history of Near Eastern tells, some discussion of tributions. First of all, MacDonald’s thorough and effi- this problem would have been useful. In addition, the cient book creates a corpus of Jordanian sites that is author should have raised the problem of regional varia- consistent and easy to use. Those of us interested in tions in synchronic ceramic assemblages, a problem that the history of Jordan know just how important an has plagued excavators working on both sides of the Jor- achievement this is. In addition, it provides substantive dan, and one that is especially vexing in the critical Iron evidence corroborating the conclusions of many bibli- Age I. cal scholars and archaeologists, that much of the bibli- MacDonald next explores the natural environment of cal text is the product of the last centuries of the Iron the land. His discussion is particularly useful for those Age II. Additionally, it enables us to understand some- who wish to consider the different ways of life of Jor- thing of the angst of the biblical authors, who allowed dan’s ancient inhabitants. Data pointing to climatic their poor relationship with the nations and peoples of changes are quite interesting. They suggest, for exam- Transjordan to color their story of liberation from Egypt. ple, that in the years from 1300–1000 B.C.E., the transi- Had the publisher chosen to provide fuller and more tion from the Late Bronze II to the Iron Age I, the re- detailed maps, MacDonald’s discussions would have been gion became drier. This may help explain the absence of much easier to follow. significant settlement during these centuries of alleged In conclusion, “East of the Jordan” provides a cautious “Israelite Exodus and Conquest.” analysis of important archaeological and biblical data. 616 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106

While MacDonald does not always draw the fullest possi- moat with sloping sides (dug into the soil), and rectangu- ble conclusions from his work, he presents his informa- lar moat, possible only when the moat is hewn into the tion in such a way that the reader can easily use it for rock. further study and analysis. In this way, the book becomes Chapter 2 describes moats in Pre-Pottery Neolithic Jer- an excellent reference volume for those interested in icho with an excursus on Tell as-Sawwan in Mesopotamia. biblical studies and in the history of Iron Age Jordan. In both cases, a non-military function of the moat is ad- vocated. The chapter follows with a description of the Beth Alpert Nakhai few Early Bronze Age moats recorded in the archaeolog- committee on judaic studies ical reports. The author may be right to assume that more university of arizona moats will be found when more attention is given to tucson, arizona 85721 excavating the outer slopes of mounds. In the case of [email protected] Early Bronze Age Arad, however, he neglects the unique topography of the site; there, the city walls were erected at the summit of the crescent ridge and the natural slopes Moats in Ancient Palestine, by Dag Oredsson. provided the protection. No moat should be looked for at (Coniectanea Biblica, Old Testament Series 48.) this site. Pp. 215, figs. 36, maps 5, table 1. Almqvist and Chapter 3 is titled the “Middle and Late Bronze Age Wiksell International, Stockholm 2000. SEK 222. Moats,” although all the examples from Palestine origi- nate only in the Middle Bronze Age; as first observed by ISSN 0069-8954; ISBN 91-22-01892-1 (paper). R. Gonen (“Urban Canaan in the Late Bronze Period,” The present research of moats in ancient Palestine is a BASOR 253 [1984] 61–73) and confirmed in many stud- welcome and valuable contribution. Plans of cities are an ies, no fortified cities were erected in Late Bronze Age indispensable source for the study of the social structure Palestine. The MBA material is arranged according to a of ancient communities. The focus on a single element in suggested typology of cites: (a) rampart cities, (b) cities the city plan, in a comparative approach both along syn- with rampart extensions, and (c) fortified cities. In the chronic and diachronic lines, offers us a deeper under- first category are MBA cities such as Tel Zeror, Tell el- standing of the planning concepts of the settlement. Ajjul, and Tel Batash. The erroneous plan of Tell el-Ajjul Fortification systems are an important component of (fig. 3.3) should have been replaced by a more accurate the city, providing the occupants with protection against one (Z. Herzog, Archaeology of the City [Tel Aviv 1997] fig. social hostile powers and against natural forces. The study 4.9). The second type is believed to consist of a combina- of fortifications provides us with information on the tech- tion of a traditional settlement on a mound (Upper City) nological achievements, on the available economic re- with a rampart extension (Lower City). Tel Haror, howev- sources, and on the security concerns of the planners of er, one of the two examples of this type, consists of the the system. Additional roles are often associated with rampart city in MB II and should have been listed in the different units of the system, like storage in casemate first type. The small Upper Mound at Tel Haror was ele- city walls and various economic, juristic, and cultic func- vated only later, as result of inhabitations in Iron Age II tions conducted in city gates. The study of fortification and in the Persian period. The best example of the third systems is expected to reveal these diverse military and type is the moat at Lachish. Comparative data on moats is civic roles from the explicit conditions of each site. Such provided from Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Anatolia. studies, for example, were carried out on city gates (T.H. Chapter 3 discusses moats in the Iron Age. Here also Blomquist, Gates and Gods [Stockholm 1999]; Z. Herzog, the division between “hilltop sites” and “other sites with Das Stadttor in Israel und in den Nachbarländern [Mainz moats” is not justified. Tel Beersheba, Tell en-Nasbeh, 1986]). Now we are offered a fresh look at another part and Hazor, listed in the second group, clearly belong to of the fortifications, the moat. the first category. Iron Age cities have been extensively The study of moats provides us with an additional ben- excavated in Palestine, yet clear examples are few. In efit. Archaeologists tend to concentrate their research some cases, like Jerusalem, the discussion is less concerned interest in the internal structure of the site, and seldom with hard data than with wishful thinking. However, the look into the outer slopes. A study that focuses on moats, author reasonably concludes that many of the cities in dug at the foot of the outer slopes, concentrates on a the Iron Age II were equipped with moats, but these neglected aspect of the site’s composition. have not been excavated. The unequivocal example of The current study investigates the relation between the moat at Tel Jezreel gives strong support to such a the shape of the moat and its function and considers the claim. It is important to note that the author accepts the multiple roles of the moats, military as well as civic. The “low chronology” for the Iron Age II (I. Finkelstein, “The author surveys the excavated remains of moats in an- Archaeology of the United Monarchy,” Levant 28 [1996] cient Palestine in historical sequence and retrieves data 177–87). on moats from ancient written and illustrative documents. The written sources discussed in chapter 5 provide lim- In the methodological introduction (ch. 1), Oredsson ited information. Only one word, jWdx (Daniel 9:25) is defines the moat as a “man-made ditch, whether dry or considered to mean a moat. The same word appears in water-filled, which cuts off a site on at least one of its the Aramaic Zakkur inscription. Other biblical or extra- sides” (18). The common type of moat in Palestine is biblical words have multiple meanings. Oredsson is also obviously the dry moat. He defines two main types of cautious and does not draw a definite conclusion from moats by the shape of their cross sections: a trapezoidal the pictorial data presented in monumental Egyptian and 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 617

Neo-Assyrian reliefs, since they were governed by politi- and a throne, the latter reminiscent of the sphinx throne cal and other propagandistic purposes. The Egyptian re- omnipresent in the art of the Levant. In spite of the liefs of Qadesh showing a city surrounded by channels pronounced local style of some small wooden animals, may have depicted a winding river. the very choice of iconographical motifs equally betrays a I note only one technical shortcoming. The separation Levantine inspiration, as does the composition of the of the references into two lists (references that also re- “household” objects (saucers, spoons, a pyxis, a fan-han- ceive abbreviations, and references given in full) is con- dle, and the top knob of a parasol). These finds add new fusing and old-fashioned. All the works of a single author light to the question of Phrygian contacts with Cilicia, should be grouped together. An abbreviation list could North Syria, and Assyria, as recently evidenced by the include only the abbreviated journal names mentioned in spouted gold jug from a ninth-century B.C. royal grave at the references. Even so, the separation is not consistent. Nimrud (M.S.B. Damerji, Gräber assyrischer Königinnen aus While some excavation reports are abbreviated, other re- Nimrud [Mainz 1999] 1, figs. 48–52). ports, like Beer-sheba I by Y. Aharoni, are not. Finally, a wooden screen and five plates were recov- To sum up, this book is an important contribution to ered from Tumulus W. In spite of the meticulous recon- the study of ancient culture in Palestine. It presents stu- struction of the surviving fragments, the function of dents of history and architecture a unique collection of the former is not yet fully understood. The unprece- data on a neglected aspect of city planning. Archaeolo- dented abstraction of form in the repertoire of Phry- gists will be challenged by this research to investigate gian woodworkers, as well as the astonishing complexity also the outer slopes of mounds and uncover valuable of the inlaid patterns they so skillfully mastered, indeed information. A traditional “biblical archaeologist” should not only contributes to our admiration for this major be alarmed by the lack of harmony between the archae- tradition of woodworking, but at the same time to our ological material and the literary and pictorial sources. frustration because of the lack of parallels from neigh- The two fields of inquiry are presented in this book as boring cultures. separate topics. The contrast between the rich informa- As for the eighth-century B.C. date and the suggested tion drawn from the excavated data and the limited and identification of Tumulus MM as the last resting place of questionable information provided by the documents the illustrious King Midas (Mita), it should be remem- points to their relative importance for the reconstruc- bered that a recent refinement of the radiocarbon data tion of ancient ways of life. would imply a date of about 740 B.C. for Gordion’s wooden furnishings, thus suggesting some dynastic forerun- Zeev Herzog ner of the fabled king as the owner of the lavish burial department of archaeology and (e.g., New York Times 25.12.2001). ancient near eastern cultures The spectacular finds from the Gordion tumuli have tel aviv university amazed archaeologists and students of eastern Mediter- p.o.b. 39040, ramat aviv ranean cultures alike ever since the publication of the 69978 tel aviv preliminary reports. Since 1993, the presentation of the israel objects in the context of the London conference on [email protected] ancient western Asian furniture has broadened this read- ership well beyond a group of specialists in this yet ill- Gordion: Ahs¸ap Eserler/Wooden Furniture, by known traditional handicraft (cf. E. Simpson, “Phrygian Elizabeth Simpson and Krysia Spirydowicz. Pp. 174, Furniture from Gordion,” in G. Herrmann, ed., The Furni- b&w figs. 15, color pls. 105. Museum of Anatolian ture of Western Asia Ancient and Traditional [Mainz 1996] Civilizations, Ankara 1999. $20. ISBN 975-7558- 187–209). Thanks to the wealth of information on restoration products and techniques supplied by the authors, 21-4 (paper). the publication on hand already stands out as a required E. Simpson and K. Spirydowicz, respectively director resource for all museum curators and technicians respon- and senior conservator of the “Gordion Furniture Project,” sible for artifact conservation worldwide. present a study and reconstruction of approximately 37 Eric Gubel pieces of furniture and 56 wooden objects from Gordion in this lavishly illustrated volume sponsored by the “Ziraat antiquity department Bankasi,” Turkey’s leading international bank. Found in royal museum for art and history the course of excavations directed by R.S. Young, the 1000 brussels artifacts in question illustrate the wealth of three eighth- belgium century B.C. royal Phrygian Tombs (tumuli P, MM, and [email protected] W), besides additional samples unearthed in the city mound. The Archaeology of Athens, by John M. Camp. The “Big” Tumulus, MM, was found to contain tables Pp. xii + 340, b&w figs. 259, color figs. 18. Yale and serving stands made of boxwood and inlaid with juni- University Press, New Haven and London 2001. per, “plain” banquet tables in boxwood, walnut, and ma- ple as well as three sets of legs and a carved stretcher. For $39.95. ISBN 0-300-08197-9 (paper). the king’s coffin, cedar, pine, boxwood, and yew were In this volume John Camp, current director of the used. In addition to an inlaid stand, (foot)stools, and American excavations in the Athenian Agora, provides tables, the excavation of Tumulus P yielded a child’s bed an up-to-date survey of the archaeological remains of 618 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106

Athens and its countryside that will surely become the sical Studies is reflected throughout the book in ways standard textbook and reference. As in his earlier work, that are often understated. Although this book provides The Athenian Agora (London 1986), Camp organizes his a wonderful introduction and overview for students and narrative in chronological order. The presentation, there- nonspecialists, graduate students and specialists will rec- fore, differs significantly from that in R.E. Wycherley’s ognize and appreciate the judicious selection and the The Stones of Athens (Princeton 1976), the last general authoritative presentation of material and scholarship. overview of Athenian monuments in the English lan- The decision not to include footnotes, however, fre- guage, where the different archaeological zones were quently leaves the reader wishing for more specific bib- treated in topographical order. The chief advantage of liographic information and discussion of the strengths Camp’s approach is that the monuments can be discussed and weaknesses of various interpretations. In this regard, in their historical contexts, and changes and modifica- The Archaeology of Athens differs from J. Hurwit’s recent tions to sites and buildings can be appreciated as part of work, The Athenian Acropolis (Cambridge 1999), where the growth and living history of the city and its country- the author explores nearly every possible argument beside, its people, and its leaders. fore offering his own conclusions. But while Hurwit fo- Beginning with a brief overview of the physical land- cused on a single site throughout time, Camp covers all scape of Athens and Attica, the author divides the first, of Athens and substantial parts of Attica, and it would and largest, section of his book into several chapters cor- take several volumes of this size to cover each monu- responding to traditional chronological periods (Prehis- ment and site in the same detail. toric, Archaic, Hellenistic, Roman, and Late Roman), down One criticism is the almost exclusive focus on monu- to the sixth century A.D. The later historical phases of mental and public architecture. Private houses are men- the city (Byzantine, Frankish, and Turkish Athens) are tioned only in passing, despite numerous recent studies discussed briefly, primarily for their impact on the preser- of household analysis, domestic activities, and the prob- vation, destruction, and recovery of the earlier remains, lems of identifying male/female space. There is very lit- but also to highlight how the various cultural shifts and tle discussion of art as archaeological evidence, either in political fortunes (e.g., paganism to Christianity, incor- terms of production and exchange, or as social and polit- poration into the Ottoman empire in the 15th century, ical documents. For example, the Archaic korai from the Venetian occupation in the 17th, the Greek War of Inde- Acropolis are mentioned (44) as votive offerings, but pendence, and the establishment of the modern Greek important social issues raised by these statues are not state in the 19th) transformed the urban area and its explored in detail (e.g., aristocratic versus “business class” antiquities. Incorporating the latest discoveries from ex- dedicatory patterns in the late tyranny/early democra- cavations and other investigations, Camp masterfully cy). Camp dates the “H-architecture” and its sculptures weaves together historical accounts, literary works, and (“Bluebeard,” Herakles/Triton) to the “mid-6th century” epigraphic testimonia with the archaeological and archi- (30) and attributes the temple to the influence of Peisis- tectural record to create an excellent illustrated history tratos, but does not discuss the controversial iconograph- of the physical development of the city and its buildings. ic and political interpretations of such a date (i.e., Her- In the second part of the book, Camp provides a survey akles as a symbol for the tyrant—an interpretation that of individual archaeological zones within the city and loses some strength if the building is dated earlier). major sites in Attica. The site summaries are intentional- Although burials and grave monuments are included ly brief and are designed to provide the reader with a at several appropriate points, there is no overall discus- basic overview (description, history, significance), a his- sion of Athenian burial practices and the role mortuary tory of the excavations, and a short bibliography of the analysis plays in current archaeological theory. This is most important and recent research. For more detailed especially surprising given Camp’s own argument (24) bibliography on Athens specifically, readers will want to for a severe drought late in the eighth century B.C. caus- consult the forthcoming monograph by J. Binder, The ing an apparent drop in population. Although this theo- Monuments and Sites of Athens: A Sourcebook. The inclusion ry has been heavily criticized by I. Morris and others, it of sites in Attica and border regions is especially wel- has always seemed to me that Camp’s argument, based on come, since these remains have often been overlooked several other pieces of archaeological and literary evi- in previous studies. While not duplicating J. Travlos’s dence, is the one current hypothesis that could actually monumental works, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens be tested by archaeological means (e.g., pollen core anal- (London 1971) and Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antik- ysis), at least until a new and well-preserved Attic Geo- en Attika (Tübingen 1988), Camp also includes important metric cemetery can be found and systematically exca- notes to current controversies and recent discoveries that vated using modern techniques designed to recover all may change the interpretation of the monuments. Note- human remains and artifact types. As all field archaeolo- worthy are the sections on Marathon, the sanctuary of gists know, “archaeologically visible” does not necessarily Artemis at Brauron, and the temples at Sounion (the mean “archaeologically recovered,” and theoretical con- latter two sites still incompletely published). Camp makes structs must recognize questions of variability not only in special note of the rectilinear, fifth-century B.C. the- ancient mortuary practices but also in other processes aters at the deme sites of Thorikos, Ikaria, Rhamnous, (including excavation techniques) that can affect pres- and Euonymon as possible parallels for the classical form ervation. Since this controversy has important implica- of the Theater of Dionysos in Athens. tions for questions concerning the rise of the city-state, Camp’s first-hand experience as director of the Agora social stratification, and even the development of de- excavations and professor at the American School of Clas- mocracy, the absence of discussion (in either part of the 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 619 book) by one of the most distinguished excavators work- and unconvincing theories which occasionally have even ing in Athens today is regrettable. been thought convincing (7). The present publication One other controversy receives surprisingly little aims to present the historical and archaeological material treatment in this book—the formal development of the in an objective and factual way and set the standard for “Agora” as the center of Athenian political life. Camp’s the following volumes in the series dedicated to the cit- own position is clear: the area was laid out as a public ies of Magna Graecia, Guide: Temi e luoghi del mondo anti- space during the reign of Peisistratos and his sons (32– co. This is an initiative we can look forward to, since up- 5), during which the Altar of the Twelve Gods, the S.E. dated manuals on this subject are rare. Fountainhouse, and Building F (possibly the headquar- All relevant aspects of ancient Taranto are dealt with in ters for the tyrants) were created. At the same time, seven chapters: (1) the origins (9–18); (2) history (19– Camp acknowledges (261) a recent study by L. Gadbery 34), (3) the coins (35–6); (4) the territory (37–49); (5) (Hesperia 61 [1992]) lowering the date of the Altar to the city and cemeteries (51–72); (6) the monuments (73– the fifth century, but does not address the arguments 9); and (7) economy and art (81–145). The bibliography, raised by J. Papadopoulos (GRBS 37 [1996] and forth- a glossary, and a plate of the most common vase shapes coming as Hesperia Suppl. 31) that the entire area func- supplement the text. The book is easily and pleasantly tioned as the main potter’s quarter of the city (the orig- read; discussions are few, but included when relevant for inal Kerameikos) throughout the Archaic period and the most complex and debated problems. Some topics became the civic center only after the Persian destruc- could have been treated in more depth, but the reviewer tion of Athens in 480 B.C. Certainly this is a very com- realizes what a difficult task it is to limit an account of plicated and controversial issue, intertwined with the Taranto, with such a vast chronological span and huge problems of the “Old Agora” and the location of Aglau- collection of archaeological material, into a readable book reion, and a full treatment would require a separate book limited to 158 pages. The book provides a good outline of of it own. At the same time, controversial and current the main arguments regarding Taranto, its history and issues such as these are fascinating and important re- archaeology, and the following comments which could be minders that the process of archaeological (and histor- useful for the reader are thus mainly of a general nature. ical) interpretation is complex and worthy of discussion Not surprisingly, chapter 7 is the longest, given the and periodic reconsideration. importance of Taranto as the economic, commercial, and This “wish-list” of specialized topics and problems, how- cultural center of Puglia as is evident from the archaeo- ever, should not detract from the significant contribu- logical material and from the written sources. When tions of this book. The Archaeology of Athens offers a clear, Taranto was sacked by the Romans in 209 B.C. a huge up-to-date, and engaging narrative of the archaeological amount of silver and gold plates, statues, and paintings remains and physical development of one the great cit- were taken to Rome (Livy 27.16.7). ies of the ancient world. The extremely high quality of The following arguments will therefore mainly take the maps, plans, and photographs, many of which come their cue from this chapter. Most of the archaeological from the Agora Excavations and the Alison Frantz Ar- material discussed in chapter 7 has been found in votive chives of the American School of Classical Studies, great- deposits and the necropolis. Unfortunately, De Juliis has ly enhance the text. In particular, the exquisite water- devoted very little space to a description of the necropo- color reconstructions by Peter Connolly make the an- lis in chapter 5 (64–70, although richly illustrated) and it cient city come alive in a way that will immediately appeal would have been fruitful to include there the interest- to all students, teachers (and slide librarians!). John Camp ing information from chapter 7 (125–6) regarding the has produced a valuable resource that will inspire inter- physical appearance of the necropolis. est in Athenian archaeology and history for many years Nearly nothing from the Archaic period has survived, to come. since habitation covered the necropolis already in antiquity partly because an oracle led to the necropolis being Kevin Glowacki established inside the town walls. Only from the fourth department of classical studies century B.C. do we have solid documentation partly from indiana university graves and partly from Apulian vase painting depicting 547 ballantine hall temple-like structures (naiskoi) situated over graves. Re- 1020 east kirkwood avenue lief fragments from these small naiskoi found in the necrop- bloomington, indiana 47405 olis give an idea of their decoration. Apulian vases (dated [email protected] 370 to 340 B.C.) depicting naiskoi anticipate the actual finds from the necropolis by about 50 years (126). De Taranto, by Ettore M. De Juliis. Pp. 158, figs. 48. Juliis explains this with a theory that Athenian monuments Edipuglia, Bari 2000. €18.59. ISBN 88-7228-270- first influenced Apulian vase painting, which in turn influenced the workshops in Taranto to produce naiskoi. This 5 (cloth). theory was first developed by E. Lippolis (“La tipologia dei The scope of this book is stated clearly in the author’s semata,” in Catalogo del Museo Nazionale Archeologico di foreword. In the past decades Taranto, together with oth- Taranto 3.1 [1994] 112), who also admitted that the Taran- er cities of Magna Graecia, has been the focus of an tine naiskoi in general are difficult to date because they immense amount of research and publications of varied have no secure context. The insecure dating and the lack quality. Not only has this resulted in a huge amount of of direct Athenian evidence makes this a very speculative archaeological data, but it has also encouraged tentative theory and altogether not very convincing. 620 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106

De Juliis has chosen not to deal with imported and dividual chapters on the emergence of the Doric and Greek influenced finds as this would have increased the Ionic orders. The final sections present Barletta’s con- size of the book considerably, but has concentrated pri- clusions on the structural and decorative origins of the marily on objects of local production and style: terracot- orders. The book employs endnotes listed in chapter se- ta, pottery, funerary sculpture, and jewelry (83). This may quence. The bibliography is current and extensive, in- be a reasonable decision, but it is difficult to follow it cluding colloquia and dissertations. completely since Attic red figured pottery and the gen- In her first chapter, Barletta conscientiously takes eral cultural interaction in the Hellenistic period played the reader through the passages in Vitruvius’s De archi- a fundamental role in the development of local Taren- tectura regarding the origins of the architectural orders. tine products. The description of Apulian vase painting is Vitruvius relied heavily upon Greek sources and was in- somewhat traditional and the reader would have benefit- fluenced by the “intellectual climate of the late Helle- ed from a richer understanding of Apulian vase motifs nistic period” (1). Thus his chronological progression beyond just an account of the development of Apulian from simple, perishable materials to the decorative stone vase painters and their style (106–19). orders parallels the development of other areas of hu- The economy of Taranto was mainly based on the pro- man achievement which progress from rustic simplicity duction of grain, grapes, and olives, but also horse and to civilized order (invention, innovation, and perfec- sheep breeding played a role. Trade, however, provided tion). The limitations of his contribution are framed much of the income of the people, though it is not sub- with reference to his purpose: not to write a history of ject to any further investigation in this book and only architecture, but to provide rules for the evaluation of briefly referred to when dealing with the pottery (105). buildings using concepts of proportion and symmetry. In explaining why Apulian pottery became so popular so His discussion of Greek architecture is meant to demon- fast, the author remarks that Athens was in such political strate his own awareness of the past (and the impor- and economic crisis after 450 B.C. that export to Puglia tance of architecture to the intellectual training of an was drastically reduced in the last quarter of the fifth educated man) and not a detailed, developmental his- century. This situation eventually led to a flourishing of tory. Despite the fact that Vitruvius is much closer in local pottery production. The changes of trade patterns time to the formative stages of Greek architecture, it is could, however, also be found in the fact that Athens, unlikely that he himself could have examined many despite its crisis, appears to have sought other markets ancient remains. Ironically, we may have a clearer pic- especially in northern Italy at the port of Spina and in ture of the architectural evidence today than would have the Black Sea area where large amounts of pottery from been available 2,000 ago. Understanding the language this period have been found. It would be interesting to of Vitruvius, as it has been transmitted to us today learn more about the reasons for this change in trade through the writing of Renaissance theorists, empha- patterns. sizes how each generation of scholars has used Vitruvius The weight of the book is primarily on the archaeolo- as a mirror to reflect their own interests and goals. For gy of Taranto, and undergraduates and graduate students the reader who is not familiar with Renaissance archi- (who read Italian) will find this book a fine introduction tectural tradition, Barletta offers a valuable summary of to the subject, with an up-to-date bibliography for search- the most prominent writers (L.B. Alberti, G. Vasari), ing for more specific literature. their theories of architecture, and their particular political or philosophical viewpoint. One example of how Alexandra Nilsson this perspective can distort the original intention of fredericiagade 79 st. th. Vitruvius is the use of the term “order.” Vitruvius uses 1310 kbh. k. the word genus, not ordo, to define distinct architectur- denmark al systems on the basis of column and entablature. The [email protected] appearance of the word ordo in the 16th century results from “Renaissance, particularly papal, interest in the The Origins of the Greek Architectural Or- more absolute or ‘eternal’ truths that reflected the di- ders, by Barbara A. Barletta. Pp. xi + 220, figs. 87. vine” (2). Our use of the word “order” and the accompa- Cambridge University Press, New York 2001. $70. nying implication of a system that is fixed and established may not have been Vitruvius’s intention, but that ISBN 0-521-79245-2 (cloth). is how many readers understand it today. Chapter 1 con- The history of scholarship on Greek architectural ori- cludes with a discussion of recent scholarship on the gins is extensive, but it has been a very long time since history of Greek architecture. The recognition of Egyp- anyone has attempted to discuss the literary and archae- tian influence on the Classical orders began in the 18th ological evidence documenting the rise of the Doric and century, while the definition of an architectural ideal, Ionic orders. Barletta’s book makes a fundamental con- based upon fifth-century Athenian architecture, devel- tribution to this subject. Her critical approach to the ar- oped in the 19th century and has had a lasting impact chaeological evidence and her command of post-Classical to this day. While the achievement of Athens is not in views on ancient architecture offer an informed assess- question, this predilection led many authors, such as ment that will be of interest to scholars in many fields. W.B. Dinsmoor and A.W. Lawrence (authors of the most The book opens with a chapter on the literary evidence widely read handbooks on Greek architecture), to dis- (Vitruvius), followed by a survey of the earliest architec- parage the achievement of the exuberant and unortho- ture (proto-Geometric to seventh century B.C.) and in- dox Western Greek temple builders. 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 621

Barletta’s second chapter on the architecture of the Barletta begins her assessment of both the Doric and Proto-Geometric period to the seventh century B.C. be- the Ionic orders by examining individual elements. She gins with a series of definitions and descriptions. She does this, in part, to test the assumption that each ele- defines a temple as “a freestanding structure that served vation with its distinctive elements developed in a sin- in the worship of a deity.” This serves to distinguish it gle place and time. She concludes that “the canonical from both the Bronze Age megaron (at the heart of a elements often appear for the first time in isolation” palace) and the Dark Age ruler’s houses (with a com- and “the pre-canonical form of several of these mem- bined domestic and cultic function). The temple func- bers points to an evolutionary process and a piecemeal tions as a focus for religious activities, as a home for the development” (54). This approach also illustrates the god (but not necessarily a cult statue), and as a place of manner in which we evaluate each element. For exam- display for votive offerings. Descriptions of Doric and ple, Doric column capitals are dated according to style Ionic elements allow the author to discuss the early ar- (tautness of profile) and proportion. But a study by J.J. chitectural remains on the basis of structural versus dec- Coulton (BSA 74 [1979] 81–153) has already disproved orative grounds and establish what may or may not be a steady progression of change, and Barletta points out “antecedents to the more canonical forms” (25). A chro- that regional preferences may also play a role in both nological evaluation of early Iron Age architecture offers profile and decoration. a concise summary of the principal monuments followed Analysis of the appearance and form of the Doric enta- by an inquiry into the use of stone and wood. blature also offers some compelling new evidence. Deco- In her survey of early stone architecture on Crete, Bar- rative panels, including the terracotta slabs from Ther- letta cites buildings at Karphi, Smari, and Prinias as evi- mon and Kalydon and the stone reliefs from Mycenae, dence for a tradition of stone-built architecture through- appear in non-Doric temples. An early and unusual frieze out the island, which may be a continuation of Bronze from Selinus (Temple E1) has alternating trapezoidal Age techniques. Her argument can be strengthened by panels at the top of the wall. Terracotta (Thermon, Olym- the inclusion of the shrine (Building G) from the Late pia, Elis) and stone (Corfu, Mon Repos) triglyphs appear Minoan IIIC settlement at Kavousi Vronda; a freestanding in the seventh century, but not in association with me- stone built structure with exclusively religious function topes. Even when the completely stone triglyph and (N. Klein, “The Architecture of the Late Minoan IIIC metope frieze does appear at Delphi (Old Tholos, Shrine (Building G) at Kavousi Vronda,” in Crete beyond the Monopteros) and Syracuse (Temple of Apollo) in the Palaces: Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference [Philadel- first half of the sixth century, there is no correlation phia forthcoming]). Barletta points out that the materials between the spacing of the triglyphs and the colonnade used in the early Iron Age (stone, mudbrick, and wood) below. This evidence suggests that the triglyph and me- show certain regional trends as well as an increase in dura- tope are originally decorative, rather than structural, and bility and workmanship. Following in the footsteps of A. contradicts a strict Vitruvian interpretation of the frieze Mallwitz, Barletta tackles the evidence for the appearance as a reflection of wooden roofing or ceiling beams. The of the peristyle. New research at Thermon argues against mutular stone geison demonstrates a similar concern with the existence of a peristyle, as is also the case for Samos decoration and experimentation throughout the first (Hekatompedon I and II), Eretria, and Delos. Early peri- three quarters of the sixth century. All of these observa- styles are documented in the 10th century at Lefkandi, in tions suggest that the Doric entablature is the result of the eighth century at Ephesos and Ano Mazarakis, and in development and innovation over several generations, the seventh century Argive Heraion. The first temple of and it cannot be understood as a direct translation from Poseidon at Isthmia also comes under scrutiny with re- a structural wooden prototype. gards to both the peristyle and the entablature. Barletta Recent research in the Cyclades (especially the work presents a thorough analysis of the various reconstruc- of G. Gruben and V. Lambrinoudakis) and Asia Minor has tions proposed by O. Broneer (with W.B. Dinsmoor Jr.), R. revised our understanding of the formative stages of Ion- Rhodes, E. Gebhard, and F. Hemans. She cites Broneer’s ic architecture. Barletta’s systematic approach to each restoration of the proportions and spacing of the colon- element of the Ionic elevation draws attention to these nade as structurally implausible (exterior columns with a new developments and provides a structure for evaluat- lower diameter of 70 cm and an interaxial of 2.2 m, interi- ing all of the forms. While it too develops over a long or columns with a lower diameter of 35 cm and twice as far period and shows a variety of forms, the Ionic order apart). Barletta questions other parts of Broneer’s recon- evolved into two main regional styles, the Island-Ionic struction including the hypothetical stylobate blocks (bet- and the Eastern-Ionic. The latter has two different types ter understood as a wall base) and his use of wooden sheath- of base, the Samian (with horizontal grooves on spira ing on the Group 10 geison blocks (unnecessary). Despite and torus) and the Ephesian (a horizontally grooved torus more recent arguments in favor of a peripteros (Gebhard above a spira with two deep scotiae). In the face of a and Hemans), Barletta concludes that there is no strong potentially bewildering variety of architectural elements, evidence for a peristyle and nothing about the remains Barletta comforts us with the observation that “these early that is recognizably Doric by itself. While some elements architects were certainly not striving for the formation of the superstructure such as the painted wall panels may of a canon, but that, on the contrary, they intentionally have had an influence on the use of decorative elements sought variety in their buildings” (95). For the Ionic cap- in monumental architecture, the earliest uses of stone ital she considers the role of the short-lived Aeolic capi- and wood suggest a structural role that had little to do with tal which, like the Ionic, had a leaf torus crowned by a later canonical forms. rectilinear member with volutes. Studies of the Ionic 622 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 column and capital by E.P. MacGowen and A. Ohnesorg when did they begin to be used, and how long did they suggest the importance of votive columns during the for- last? Which types are demonstrably old-fashioned and mative stages. Other distinguishing Ionic features which brand new? Did particular workshops specialize in emerged over a relatively long period of time. Dentils are certain treatments, and were workshop traits borrowed perhaps documented in seventh-century architectural by others? models, while the triple-fascia architrave, the frieze, and Transitions, whether from long hair to short, or from elaborate moldings appear over the course of the sixth the Archaic to the Classical period, are of special inter- century. Finally, while Vitruvius and Pliny saw Asia Minor est. There are no Archaic forerunners to the plaits that as the cradle of Ionic architecture, new evidence gives the Blond Boy wears; these, therefore, are one of the precedence to the Cyclades. markers of the switch from Archaic to Classical fashion. There are only minor criticisms to be made of this Long hair is favored everywhere down to ca. 540–530 book. An appendix at the end of chapter 3 presents a B.C.; at this point, shorter cuts come into vogue in Atti- chronological list of the Doric buildings. While this is ca, though in the East sculptors continued to prefer useful, its leads the reader to expect a similar appendix hair worn long. The style in which the types of coiffure for the Ionic temple, which is lacking. There are few are rendered mirrors that of the anatomy: abstract, or- editorial flaws (“It fact” instead of “In fact,” 17; “latter” namental, and linear at first, becoming less additive, instead of “former,” 163 n. 2; and fig. 85 [147] duplicates more plastic, and more coherent by the turn of the the first temple of Poseidon at Isthmia, fig. 21 [50]). century. This book makes a fundamental contribution to the The iconological inquiry identifies hairstyles worn by study of Greek architecture. It offers a clear and concise deities and mythological figures and the settings in which introduction to the subject that will be welcomed by the they are worn. Apollo appears sometimes with short hair, nonspecialist. Barletta’s formulation of pertinent ques- sometimes with the krobylos (long, gathered); Zeus ap- tions and assessment of the evidence will shape the dis- pears with the krobylos sometimes, sometimes with hair cussion of the origins of the architectural orders for years worn long. The abstract and linear treatment of the hair to come. Her conclusion challenges us to reevaluate our of early kouroi is taken as code for individual youth, beau- understanding of Greek architectural origins by allowing ty, and fame; at the same time, it signals status and supe- the architecture to speak for itself. “The orders were not riority, privilege and power. The switch to short hair in at any stage the frozen, rigid systems that Vitruvius, or Attica is correlated with the advent of the Panathenaia his interpreters, imply. For the Greeks, they remained and the games at Nemea, with agonistic activity and con- always capable of change and thus a living, rather than venience; gathered hair is associated with komasts (revel- an academic, tradition” (156). ers), warriors, and symposiasts. The author has presented a well argued and coherent Nancy L. Klein picture. In spite, however, of the helpful use of parallels department of classical studies from vase painting and small bronzes, the body of evi- indiana university dence may be too small for consistent patterns of sculp- 547 ballantine hall tural use to be unarguably discerned. The difficulty of 1020 east kirkwood avenue representing human (or heroic or divine) hair, whether bloomington, indiana 47405 in stone or paint, induced artists to fall back on conven- [email protected] tional stylizations, and few will doubt that these conventions took on social meanings. There seems always to Männerfrisuren der Spätarchaik, by Jacky Strenz. have been borrowing and therefore typological and sty- Pp. vii + 133, pls. 75. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz listic overlaps. Whether or not we can be as sure of the kinds of chronological and regional groupings that the 2001. DM 90. ISBN 3-8053-2779-X (cloth). author proposes may be subject to doubt. This elegantly produced book, intended for specialist Text and illustrations are of the high quality always consumption, analyzes male hairstyles in the Greek world associated with von Zabern. Didier Viviers’ important from ca. 530 to ca. 480 B.C. It concentrates on large- book, Recherches sur les ateliers de sculpteurs et la cité d’Athènes scale sculpture in the round and reliefs, of which 135 à l’époque archaïque (Brussells 1992) is absent from the are catalogued, and uses small bronzes and vase paint- bibliography (though mentioned in the catalogue); and ing figures for comparisons. There are two major sec- the second edition of B.S. Ridgway’s The Archaic Style in tions, the first addressing questions of typology, the Greek Sculpture should be preferred to the first. Side by second dealing with iconology. Typological gathering is side with this study, readers may wish to consult the un- the method used, with detailed description of the vari- published Ph.D. dissertation by D. Dvorsky Rohner, “A ous types of hairstyles. Within three major groups (long Study of the Hairstyles on Greek Korai and Other Fe- hair, short hair, long hair gathered up) the author iso- male Figures from 650–480 B.C.” (University of Colo- lates shapes (waves, pearls, ribbons) and placements (on rado, Boulder, 1993). the forehead, at the temples, over the chest, down the John Griffiths Pedley back ) of strands, locks, and curls, collects examples of similar treatments, proposes a time for the first appear- department of classical studies ance of a type and its longevity, and identifies periods university of michigan of fashionability. Among major questions addressed are: ann arbor, michigan 48109 What types were represented in the late Archaic period, [email protected] 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 623 L’Oreficeria nell’impero di Constantinopoli provenance is superficial (more about this later). Trea- tra IV e VII secolo, by Isabella Baldini Lippolis. sures from the empire’s northern fringes (Varna, Olbia, Malaia Perescepina) do not make the list, presumably (Bibliotheca archaeologica 7.) Pp. 283, b&w figs. because they are outside the Mediterranean ambit, 356, color figs. 39. Edipuglia, Bari 1999. Lit 90,000. though individual pieces from them are included in the ISBN 88-7228-222-5 (cloth). catalogue. Ostrogoth and Langobard finds from Italy (Reggio Emilia, Trivolzio) showcase the mingling of This is an admirably fastidious work, well researched, Roman craft traditions with those of immigrant popula- which addresses a specialized but diverse audience of tions. Chapter 1 ends with a perceptive discussion of jewelry scholars, students, researchers, museum cura- the “Continuity of the Artisan Tradition and Disconti- tors, and collectors. As a researcher of jewelry myself, nuity of Models,” which would have benefited, howev- working with the Burton Y. Berry Collection, I find I er, from an analysis of craftsmanship and techniques, so could use Baldini Lippolis’s typology to place individual important for the art of jewelry making. early Byzantine pieces of uncertain provenance in a size- Chapter 2 constitutes the author’s primary contribu- able framework of comparable examples. Baldini Lippo- tion. Arranged in catalogue format, each jewelry class is lis’s typological study is also timely. It broaches the sub- prefaced by a discussion of types, which are distinguished ject at a stage when the first requirements necessary for by features of construction and design. The typology of the development of a typology have been accomplished: early Byzantine jewelry, when concerned with chronolo- terminology, unambiguous descriptions that enable the gy and centers of production, is notoriously ambiguous. researcher to make an immediate comparison, good il- Although illustrating chronological and geographic trends lustrations of individual pieces, studies of particular jew- is not an explicit purpose, Baldini Lippolis uses typology elry types, iconographic and written evidence, and anal- boldly to suggest such possibilities. She cross-references yses of techniques. typological and chronological characteristics and points The penury of finds from the Constantinopolitan area out geographical distinctions—for example, basket ear- proper is frustrating, as the author repeatedly emphasiz- rings appear to be of Roman origin. es. However, the capital, long recognized as the political In the first class of jewelry—crowns and diadems—the and artistic center of the empire between the sixth and author does a fine job of tracing the development of seventh centuries, is now believed to have also been the crown types by bringing in representations on sculpture, production place of fine, high quality jewelry and to have mosaics, and other artistic expressions (e.g., the missori- played a decisive role in the dissemination of various um of Theodosius). In the case of earrings, the largest jewelry types. category, and the richest typologically as well as icono- Baldini Lippolis sets out from this general premise. graphically, the author discriminates between 9 morpho- The book is divided into two broadly defined parts: chap- logical types, 32 subtypes, and 43 variations. On occa- ter 1, “The Byzantine Jewelry,” and chapter 2, “Typology sion, the detailed classification helps to correct previous and Decorative Motifs.” Chapter 1 seeks to connect vari- interpretations: the great variety of crescent earrings, a ous forms of jewelry production and consumption to his- type Marvin C. Ross thought originated in Constantino- torical, social, and cultural changes, with Constantinople ple, suggests instead a polycentric production; earrings the central player in the formation of a Byzantine jewel- with embossed crescents, dated stylistically from the ninth ry style, in creating a new social significance of jewelry as to the 13th centuries most likely appear in the seventh a status symbol, and in the diffusion of Eastern products century. to Mediterranean territories under its domination or in- Necklaces, single pendants, and pendant crosses are fluence. Chapter 2 is a catalogue of jewelry types listed discussed together; coin necklaces, type of chain, and from the center (Constantinople), with east preceding type of fastening serve as chronological indicators. One west; jewelry with known provenance precedes pieces disadvantage of a complex typology is that related forms with “said to be from” associations; examples of unknown get separated. The round and hexagonal medallions (type provenance are listed if no documented pieces exist or if 6) with solidi of Constantine at Dumbarton Oaks (6.c.2 they exhibit special morphological features. and 7.3), and in the Louvre (6.c.3) and the British Muse- Chapter 1 is partially successful. Following an ade- um (7.2, which is the same piece as 7.1 from “Sidibu Zeid, quate but parsimonious assessment of the leading schol- Libya, private collection”) probably belonged to the same arship to date, the author usefully compiles written and necklace and were part of the treasure 1.3.2 of unknown iconographic sources that attest to the existence of jew- provenance. To these should be added a fifth pendant elry production in the period. Interesting is the section (and following Baldini Lipoldi’s proposed typology, a new “The Archaeology of the Treasures,” which addresses variety): the octagonal medallion with a solidus of Con- difficulties of research, and reviews 25 so-called trea- stantine in the Cleveland Museum, inv. 1994.101 (see sures (10 from Italy); the treasures are arranged chro- Barbara Deppert-Lippitz’s proposed reconstruction of the nologically by probable date of deposition. Alongside necklace and her attribution of it to a workshop from the closed finds such as from Tenes (Algeria), Carthage, Trier area, “Late Roman Splendor,” Cleveland Studies in the and Mytilene (Lesbos), several open hoards with alleged History of Art 1 [1996] 30–71). I would like to mention or attributed origin, many dispersed in museums (e.g., another class, the fibula, whose type 1, the crossbow fib- the Assiut hoard) make the list, based on internal chro- ula, stands out as a sign of prestige (like the sumptuous nological indicators such as associated coins or inscrip- “lyre” belt buckle dealt with later in the catalogue) as tions. The discussion of the treasure (1.3.2) of unknown military insignia or as imperial gift; the variant with pierced 624 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106

(openwork) decoration is the rarest. For this reason it is that identified the structures as an urban villa; in light of unfortunate that the catalogue omits the two important the more recent excavations, it is now assumed that the gold fibulae with openwork decoration found together remains belonged to a large bath complex that was built with Germanic jewelry in the safely dated contexts of under the Principate and thoroughly restored in the Lat- the tombs of the Frankish king Childeric (Tournai, Bel- er Empire. gium) and the Goth Omharus (Apahida, Romania), in The book begins with a general introduction on the the northern radius of diffusion of Constantinopolitan city, its location, and history from the Bronze Age to the products. Middle Ages, with a strong focus on the six centuries Plaques, bracelets, rings, and belt buckles constitute during which it was under Roman rule (1–34). This sum- the last sections of the catalogue. The briefness of the mary is sometimes precise and useful as it takes advan- entries makes the catalogue manageable but with occa- tage of the wealth of literary material about the town, sional loss of important craft information; there is no but the authors have a tendency to want the archaeolog- mention, for instance, of the extensive use of the screw ical evidence to correspond with the historical frame pro- as a fastening device for crossbow fibulae and a number vided by the written sources (e.g., the reign of Diocletian of bracelets (see Barbara Deppert-Lippitz et al., Die is described as a time of splendid civic constructions de- Schraube zwischen Macht und Pracht [Sigmaringen 1995]). pendent solely on the word of Lactantius!). Of great help in finding one’s way through Baldini Lip- The main body of the text follows and consists of the polis’s rather complex classifications are the indices of archaeological report itself: after a presentation of the collections, provenances, subjects, coins, jewelry types and previous excavations and a general view of the stratigra- variants, and iconographic references; the latter are pro- phy (35–49), it gives an accurate and detailed descrip- fusely illustrated in color, while only a few assemblages of tion of the structures that were discovered within each jewelry are fortunate to have been similarly illustrated. zone (a box-grid system was chosen for the excavation; Small black-and-white photos serve to identify individual 50–139). Finally, a summary gives an overview of the se- pieces in the catalogue. The bibliography is solid; one quence of occupation of the area, period by period (140– should add the excellent recent analytical study of the 66) with a few plans that ascribe the different structures pierced technique by Aimilia Yeroulanou, Diatrita: Gold to each phase (figs. 23–29). Pierced-Work Jewellery from the 3rd to the 7th Century (Athens The Late Bronze Age and Iberian phases are only at- 1999). tested by ceramics, coins, and a few stretches of some Since no monograph of early Byzantine jewelry com- walls. The remains from the Roman period that seem to parable to Reynold Higgins’s Greek and Roman Jewellery, predate the bath complex (some structures and canaliza- 2nd ed. (London 1980) has been written yet, Baldini tions) do not seem to belong to a large building. The Lippolis’s book will certainly be of significant help to monumental baths would then have been built during such a future scholarly attempt. the Flavian period, with a natatio, open spaces, probable gardens, and well preserved suspensurae. In the first half Adriana Calinescu of the fourth century, these spaces were reused and re- indiana university art museum stored, but soon abandoned as can be deduced from two 1133 east 7th street coin hoards from the late fourth century that were dis- bloomington, indiana 47405-7509 covered within these “public” places. Despite the pres- [email protected] ence of a Christian community in Castulo (according to the Council of Elvira), there are few structures that can Castulo, Jaén, España. Vol. 2, El conjunto arqui- be ascribed to the new cult, and during the Arab occupation of the site, most of the buildings were covered with tectónico del Olivar, by José María Blázquez sand to level the ground. Martínez and María Paz García-Gelabert Pérez. (BAR- The book ends with five appendices (167–219) about IS 789.) Pp. viii + 335, figs. 53, pls. 80. John and the coins that were found during the excavations, a study Erica Hedges, London 1999. $118. ISBN 1-84171- of the ancient fauna, and a catalogue of the different types of ceramics from the site. These are then followed 106-3 (paper). by five chapters of varia that have nothing to do with the The city of Castulo played an important part in the excavations of the Olivar complex (221–308): an archae- history of Roman Spain; located within a leading mining ological report from excavations in a necropolis, a few district, the city is often mentioned in the literary sourc- notes on coins, inscriptions or artifacts that were found es. Excavations have been carried out irregularly on the in Castulo, and a catalogue and study of the epigraphy site since the late 1960s until the early 1990s, and re- from Castulo. Eventually, there are indexes to the fig- ports were published first in Spain (five volumes between ures, plates and tables, and a bibliography (309–34). 1975 and 1985), and then in the B.A.R. International In general, the archaeological report on the Olivar Series 425 in 1988. Even if they sometimes dealt with structures is commendably precise, and these excavations Iberian or Roman buildings, most of these excavations must have been very hard to carry out in the absence of focused on the many necropoleis of the site. any clear stratigraphy; the main author (M.P. García-Ge- This volume is mainly concerned with the “Olivar” com- labert) is aware of the difficulties but bravely tries to plex, located on the eastern side of town, first excavated interpret the finds in a coherent fashion. However, even in 1971 (and published in 1979), and again in 1985, if the report enables us to have a good understanding of 1986, and 1991. It is partly a revision of the 1979 report the phases of construction, their precise dating does not 2002] BOOKS RECEIVED 625 seem well grounded: for instance, the Flavian dating of de Inscripciones Latinas de Andalucía, published in 1991. the main phase is based only on a few ceramics that were To sum up, this report is a very welcome addition to found in the foundation trench of a wall. But these are the bibliography on Castulo, especially because of the not described and are vaguely presented as sigillata with- special care the authors took in describing the structures, out any mention of their origin, and there seems to be although the dating might have been improved by a more only one recognizable form which is not even identified careful treatment of the finds. Let us hope that the ad- in the text (according to the drawing, it looks like a ministrative problems surrounding these excavations will Drag. 37): this is certainly not enough to speak of a Flavi- be solved and that we will be able to learn more about the an construction! Moreover, instead of bringing the fa- buildings of this important native town that became a mous but undated “Q. Torius Culleo” inscription (CIL municipium in Roman times. 2.3270) into the picture, it would have been more useful Bertrand Goffaux to cross-reference the main text to the catalogue of ceramics that is present in the appendices (182–204), as it département d’archéologie et has been successfully done for the coins. Lastly, it must d’histoire de l’art be pointed out that among the Varia chapters, the long université catholique de louvain one about the epigraphy of Castulo (256–308) is not collège erasme, place blaise pascal really needed since a more complete presentation of these b-1348 louvain-la-neuve inscriptions (and others that are not included here) can belgium be found in the province of Jaén volumes of the Corpus [email protected]

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Adams, E. Charles. Homol’ovi: An Ancient Hopi Settlement sity Press, Oxford 2001. $74. ISBN 0-19-924440-5 (cloth). Cluster. Pp. xviii + 304, figs. 30, tables 28, maps 18. The Barringer, Judith M. The Hunt in Ancient Greece. Pp. xiii + University of Arizona Press, Tucson 2002. $50. ISBN 0- 296, figs. 110, tables 3. Johns Hopkins University Press, 8165-2221-9 (cloth). Baltimore 2001. $48. ISBN 0-8018-6656-1 (cloth). Åström, Paul, ed. The Chronology of Base-Ring Ware and Bentz, Martin, ed. Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum 1: Vasen- Bichrome Wheel-Made Ware: Proceedings of a Colloquium Held forschung und Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum: Standort- in the Royal Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities, bestimmung und Perspektiven. Pp. 144, figs. 159. H. Beck, Stockholm, May 18–19 2000. (The Royal Academy of Let- Munich 2002. €51.30. ISBN 3-406-49043-3 (cloth). ters, History and Antiquities Conferences 54.) Pp. 251, Betancourt, Philip P., and Costis Davaras, eds. Pseira. b&w figs. 51, color pls. 15, tables 7, maps 2. Kungl. Vol. 2, Building AC (the “Shrine”) and Other Buildings in Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, Area A (University Museum Monograph 94.) Pp. xvi + Stockholm 2001. SEK 239. ISSN 0348-14433; ISBN 91- 151, b&w figs. 18, b&w pls. 48, color pls. 9. The Univer- 7402-320-9 (paper). sity Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Augier, L., P. Bailly, C. Batardy, C. Barthélémy, R. 1998. $60. ISBN 0-924171-44-8 (cloth). Benarrous, O. Buchsenschutz, M. Caron, F. Duceppe- Boppert, Walburg. Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani 2: Lamarre, F. Dumasy, R. Durand, C. Gandini, L. Laüt, Deutschland 9: Römische Steindenkmäler aus dem Landkreis A. Maussion, M. Menu, P.Y. Milcent, B. Pradat, I. Bad Kreuznach. Pp. vii + 161, figs. 16, pls. 96, maps 2. Verlag Ralston, and B. Vannière (with a preface by M. Sapin). des Römish-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, Rudolf Le Berry Antique: Atlas 2000. (Revue Archéologique du Cen- Habelt, Mainz 2001. €58.00. ISBN 3-88467-055-7 (cloth). tre de la France Suppl. 21.) Pp. 190, b&w ills. 4, color ills. Bottero, Jean (translated by Antonia Nevill). Everyday 11, charts 24, tables 5, maps 181. Ferac-Adel, Tours 2000. Life in Ancient Mesopotamia. Pp. xii + 276, figs. 2, map 1. €36.59, FF 240. ISSN 1159-7151; ISBN 2-913272-04-3 Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 2001. $18.95. (paper). ISBN 0-8018-6864-5 (paper). Aupert, Pierre, Raymond Monturet, and Christine Bresson, Alain, and Raymond Descat. Les Cités d’Asie Dieulafait. Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges. Vol. 2, Les Mineure occidentale au IIe siècle a.C. (Ausonius Publications Thermes du Forum. Pp. 333, fig. 1, b&w pls. 396, color pls. Études 8.) Pp. 294, figs. 29, charts 5, tables 5, maps 8. 4, plans 20, table 1. Fedération Aquitania, Pessac 2001. Ausonius, Diffusion De Boccard, Bordeaux 2001. ISSN ISSN 2295-7989 (cloth). 1283-2200; ISBN 2-910023-13-3 (cloth). Balmelle, Catherine. Les Demeures aristocratiques d’Aqui- Brewer, Douglas, Terence Clark, and Adrian Philipps. taine: Société et culture de l’antiquité tardive dans le sud-ouest Dogs in Antiquity, Anubis to Cerberus: The Origins of the Do- de la Gaule. (Collection Memoires 5, Suppl. 10, Aquitania.) mestic Dog. Pp. v + 113, b&w figs. 74, color figs. 4. Aris and Pp. 497, b&w figs. 238, color pls. 73, tables 3, maps 3. Philipps, Warminster 2001. $35. ISBN 0-85668-704-9 (pa- Ausonius, Bordeaux 2001. €95. ISBN 2-910023-25-7 per). (cloth). Briant, Pierre. Alexandre le Grand. Pp. 125. Presses Univer- Banaji, Jairus. Agrarian Change in Late Antiquity: Gold, sitaires de France, Paris 2002. ISBN 2-13-052532-6 (paper). Labour, and Aristocratic Dominance. (Oxford Classical Mono- Brown, Michelle P., and Carol A. Farr, eds. Mercia: An graphs.) Pp. xvii + 286, tables 12, map 1. Oxford Univer- Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in Europe. (Studies in the Early His- 626 BOOKS RECEIVED [AJA 106

tory of Europe.) Pp. xiii + 366, figs. 36, maps 10. Leices- Feuerstein, Georg, Subhash Kak, and David Frawley. In ter University Press, London 2001. £75. ISBN 0-7185- Search of the Cradle of Civilization. Pp. xxv + 341, figs. 47, 0231-0 (cloth). tables 4, maps 6. Quest, Wheaton, Ill. 2001. $18.95. ISBN Burgess, Jonathan S. The Tradition of the Trojan War in Homer 0-8356-0741-0 (paper). and the Epic Cycle. Pp. xvi + 295, figs. 24. Johns Hopkins Francis, Julie E., and Lawrence L. Loendorf. Ancient University Press, Baltimore 2001. $45. ISBN 0-8018-6652-9 Visions: Petroglyphs and Pictographs of the Wind River and (cloth). Bighorn Country Wyoming and Montana. Pp. xv + 239, b&w Chauveau, Michel (translated by David Lorton). Cleopatra: figs. 99, color pls. 24. The University of Utah Press, Salt Beyond the Myth. Pp. vii + 104, figs. 7, maps 2. Cornell Uni- Lake City 2002. $35. ISBN 0-87480-692-5 (cloth). versity Press, Ithaca 2002. $22.50. ISBN 0-8014-3867- Frankel, David, and Jennifer M. Webb. Eight Middle Bronze 5(cloth). Age Tomb Groups from Dhenia in the University of New England Christie-Mallowan, Agatha (with an introduction by Museum of Antiquities. (SIMA 20:21; Corpus of Cypriote David Pryce-Jones). Come, Tell Me How You Live. Pp. xiii Antiquities 21.) Pp. iv + 50, figs. 22, maps 2. Paul Åströms, + 207, pls. 8. Akadine Press Common Reader, London Jonsered 2001. $19. ISBN 91-7081-183-0 (paper). 2002. $18.95. ISBN 1-58579-010-9 (paper). Gabucci, Ada, ed. (with contributions by Stefano Peccatori Clark, J.D. Kalambo Falls Prehistoric Site. Vol. 3, The Earlier and Stefano Zuffi, translated by T.M. Hartmann). An- Cultures: Middle and Earlier Stone Age. Pp. xix + 701, figs. cient Rome: Art, Architecture, and History. Pp. 144, color figs. 279, tables 120. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 200. J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles 2002. $14.95. 2001. $375. ISBN 0-521-20071-7 (cloth). ISBN 0-89236-656-7 (paper). Conan, Michael, ed. Bourgeois and Aristocratic Cultural En- Garrison, Mark B., and Margaret Cool Root, with counters in Garden Art, 1550–1850. (Dumbarton Oaks Charles E. Jones. Seals on the Persepolis Fortification Tab- Colloquium on the History of Landscape Architecture lets 1: Images of Heroic Encounter. 2 vols. (Oriental Insti- 23.) Pp. 384, figs. 169. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, tute Publications 117.) Vol. 1, Text: pp. xxxiii + 562, figs. D.C. 2002. $35. ISBN 0-88402-287-0 (cloth). 5, line drawings 325, map 1. Vol. 2, Plates: pp. xxiv + 291, Cosmopoulos, Michael B. The Rural History of Ancient Greek pls. 291. The Oriental Institute of the University of Chi- City-States: The Oropos Survey Project. (BAR-IS 1001.) Pp. cago, Chicago 2001. $140. ISSN 0069-3367; ISBN 1- xiv, figs. 87, tables 14, map 1. Archeopress, Oxford 2001. 885923-12-0 (cloth). £34. ISBN 1-84171-282-5 (paper). Gaugler, William M. (with contributions by William J. Cunliffe, Barry. The Extraordinary Voyage of Pytheas the Greek. Venuti and Peter A.J. Englert). The Tomb of Lars Pp. ix + 195, figs. 15, maps 9. Walker and Co., New York Porsenna at Clusium, and Its Religious and Political Implica- 2002. $23. ISBN 0-8027-1393-9 (cloth). tions. Pp. xxviii + 206, figs. 137, table 1. Laureate, Bangor, D’Altroy, Terence N. The Incas. (The Peoples of America Maine 2002. $44.95. ISBN 1-884528-25-2 (paper). Series.) Pp. xv + 391, figs. 34, pls. 29, tables 14. Blackwell, Getz-Gentle, Pat. Personal Styles in Early Cycladic Sculpture. Malden, Mass. 2002. $29.95. ISBN 0-631-17677-2 (cloth). Pp. xxiii + 190, figs. 44, pls. 98, maps 2. The University of De Juliis, Ettore M. Metaponto: Città della Magna Grecia. Wisconsin Press, Madison 2002. $45. ISBN 0-299-17200- (Temi e luoghi del mondo antico, 12.) Pp. 236, b&w figs. 7 (cloth). 50, color figs. 4, maps 16. Edipuglia, Bari 2001. ISBN 88- Gori, Barbara, and Tiziana Pierini. La Ceramica commune. 7228-300-0 (cloth). 2 vols. (Gravisca 12.) Vol. 1, Ceramica comune di impasto: Diehl, Michael W., and Steven A. LeBlanc. Early Pithouse pp. 277, pls. 58, charts 13, tables 125, map 1. Vol. 2, Villages of the Mimbres Valley and Beyond: The McAnnally and Ceramica comune di argilla figulina: pp. xii + 431, pls. 76, Thompson Sites in their Cultural and Ecological Contexts. (Pa- charts 11, tables 79, map 1. Edipuglia, Bari 2001. Lit pers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnol- 100,000, €51.65. ISBN 88-7228-286-1 (paper). ogy 83.) Pp. xi + 144, figs. 29, tables 47. Peabody Musuem Grasso, Lorenza. Stipe votiva del Santuario di Demetra a of Archaeology and Ethnology, Cambridge, Mass. 2002. Catania: Kotylaie, coppe, corinzie figurate. (Studi e Materiali $30. ISBN 0-87365-211-8 (paper). di Archeologia Greca 4/1.1.) Pp. 141, figs. 12, pls. 52, Duff, Andrew I. Western Pueblo Identities: Regional Interac- table 1. Università di Catania Istituto di Archeologia, tion, Migration, and Transformation. Pp. xvii + 233, figs. Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Centro di Studio 17, tables 23, map 1. The University of Arizona Press, sull’Archeologia Greca, Catania (cloth). Tucson 2002. $48. ISBN 0-8165-2218-9 (cloth). Grumet, Robert S. Voices from the Delaware Big House Cer- Earle, Timothy. Bronze Age Economics: The Beginnings of Po- emony. (The Civilization of the American Indian Series litical Economies. Pp. xi + 452, figs. 28, tables 22. Westview, 239.) Pp. xxv + 213, figs. 16, maps 4. University of Okla- Boulder 2002. $42. ISBN 0-8133-3969-3 (paper). homa Press, Norman 2002. $29.95. ISBN 0-8061-3360-0 Easterling, Pat, and Carol Handley, eds. Greek Scripts: An (cloth). Illustrated Introduction. Pp. vii + 72, b&w figs. 110, color Hamilakis, Yannis, ed. Labyrinth Revisited: Rethinking “Minoan” figs. 7, tables 2. Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Archaeology. Pp. x + 237, figs. 36, tables 3, maps 4. Oxbow, Studies, London 2001. £20. ISBN 0-902984-17-9 (paper). Oxford 2002. $45. ISBN 1-84217-061-9 (paper). Eidem, Jesper, and Jørgen Læssøe. The Shemshara Archives. Hermary, Antoine. Amathonte. Vol. 5, Les Figurines en terre Vol. 1, The Letters. (Historisk-Filosofiske Skrifter 23.) Pp. cuite, archaïques et classiques: Les sculptures en pierre. (Études 185, pls. 88, chart 1. Det Kongelige Danske Videns- chypriotes 15.) Pp. 183, pls. 95, b&w maps 3, color map 1, kabernes Selskab (The Royal Danish Academy of Sci- foldout plan 1. École française d’Athènes, Fondation A.G. ences and Letters), Copenhagen 2001. Dkr 400. ISBN Leventis, Athens 2000. ISBN 2-86958-156-4 (ÉFA); 9963- 87-7876-245-6 (cloth). 560-41-5 (Leventis) (cloth). 2002] BOOKS RECEIVED 627

Herr, Sarah A. Beyond Chaco: Great Kiva Communities on the sity of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa 2002. $29.95. ISBN 0- Mogollon Rim Frontier. (Anthropological Papers of the 8173-1129-7 (paper). University of Arizona 66.) Pp. ix + 134, figs. 37, tables 29. Julien, Catherine. Reading Inca History. Pp. xii + 338, tables The University of Arizona Press, Tucson 2001. $16.95. 33, maps 4. The University of Iowa Press, Iowa City 2002. ISBN 0-8165-2156-5 (paper). $24.95. ISBN 0-87745-797-2 (paper). Hill, Fred James. Egypt: An Illustrated History. Pp. 160, figs. Kanawati, Naguib. The Tomb and Beyond: Burial Customs of 62, maps 3. Hippocrene, New York 2001. $14.95. ISBN 0- Egyptian Officials. Pp. viii + 134, b&w figs. 148, b&w pls. 7818-0911-8 (paper). 45, color pls. 20, map 1. Aris and Philipps, Warminster Hingley, Richard, ed. (with contributions by S. Babic, 2001. $60. ISBN 0-85668-734-0 (paper). S.L. Dyson, W. Hessing, R. Hingley, A. King, G. Mora, Karantzali, Efi. The Mycenaean Cemetery at Pylona on M. Struck, and N. Terrenato). Images of Rome: Percep- Rhodes. (BAR-IS 988.) Pp. 251, figs. 42, pls. 51, maps 2. tions of Ancient Rome in Europe and the United States in the Archeopress, Oxford 2001. £45. ISBN 1-84171-273-6 (pa- Modern Age. (JRA Suppl. 44, International Roman Con- per). ference Series.) Pp. 190, figs. 32, tables 4, maps 3. Jounal Khader, A. Ben Abed-Ben, C. Balmelle, J.-P. Darmon, M. of Roman Archaeology, Portsmouth, R.I. 2001. $39.75. Ennaifer, S. Gozlan, N. Jeddi, S. Ben Mansour, W. ISSN 1063-4304; ISBN 1-887829-44-X (paper). Ben Osman, H. Slim Dessins R. Prudhomme, and M.-P. Holloway, R. Ross, and Susan Lukesh (with contribu- Raynaud. Recherches Franco-Tunisiennes sur la mosaïque de tions by Kathryn Cruz-Uribe, Owen P. Doonan IV, l’Afrique antique. Vol. 2, Frames geometriques vegetalisées. Clarence H. Gifford III, and Robert H. Tykot). Ustica. (CÉFR 288.) Pp. x + 152, b&w figs. 179, color pls. 16. Vol. 1, Excavations of 1990 and 1991. (Archaeologia École Française de Rome, Rome 2001. €39. ISSN 0223- Transatlantica 14; Publications d’Histoire de l’Art et 5099; ISBN 2-7283-055-4 (paper). d’Archéologie de l’Université Catholique de Louvain 78.) Kirsch, Annette. Antike Lampen im Landesmuseum Mainz. Pp. 101, figs. 135, tables 17. Center for Old World Ar- Pp. 210, figs. 118, pls. 30. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz chaeology and Art, Brown University and Departement 2002. €39.90. ISBN 3-8053-2864-8 (cloth). d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art, Collège Erase, Provi- Klein, Cecelia F., ed. Gender in Pre-Hispanic America: A dence and Louvain-la-Neuve 1995. $30 (paper). Symposium at Dumbarton Oaks, 12 and 13 October 1996. Pp. Holloway, R. Ross, and Susan Lukesh (with collabora- viii + 397, figs. 116, table 1, maps 2. Dumbarton Oaks, tion by Spencer A. Pope). Ustica. Vol. 2, Excavations of Washington, D.C. 2001. $40. ISBN 0-88402-279-X 1994 and 1999. (Archaeologia Transatlantica 14; Publica- (cloth). tions d’Histoire de l’Art et d’Archéologie de l’Université Konrad, Michaela (with contributions by H.R. Baldus and Catholique de Louvain 78.) Pp. 84, figs. 90, tables 8. T. Ulbert). Der spätrömische Limes in Syrien: Archäologische Center for Old World Archaeology and Art, Brown Uni- Untersuchungen an den Grenzkastellen von Sura, Terapyrgium, versity and Departement d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de Cholle und in Resafa. (Resfa 5.) Pp. xiv + 158, figs. 41, pls. l’Art, Collège Erase, Providence and Louvain-la-Neuve 117, Beilagen 10. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz 2001. DM 2001. $30 (paper). 198; €101.24. ISBN 3-8053-2600-9 (cloth). Hoppa, Robert D., and James W. Vaupel, eds. Paleodemo- Kurtz, Donald V. Political Anthropology: Paradigms and graphy: Age Distributions from Skeletal Samples. (Cambridge Power. Pp. vii + 250, figs. 9. Westview, Boulder 2001. $79 Studies in Biological and Evolutionary Anthropology 31.) (cloth); $23 (paper). ISBN 0-8133-3804-2 (paper). Pp. xiii + 259, figs. 27, tables 30. Cambridge University Lapatin, Kenneth. Mysteries of the Snake Goddess: Art, Desire Press, Cambridge 2002. $80. ISBN 0-521-80063-3 (cloth). and the Forging of History. Pp. 274, figs. 113, map 1. Hume, Ivor Noel. If These Pots Could Talk: Collecting 2,000 Houghton Mifflin, Boston 2002. $24. ISBN 0-6181-4475- Years of British Household Pottery. Pp. xix + 453, b&w figs. 7 (cloth). 60, color figs. 540. The Chipstone Foundation, Milwau- Lavan, Luke, ed. (with contributions by W. Bowden, Averil kee 2001. $75. ISBN 1-58465-161-X (cloth). Cameron, N.J. Christie, S.A. Kingsley, O. Karagiorgou, Iakovidis, Spyros E. Gla and the Kopais in the 13th Century L. Lavan, A. Lewin, J.H.W.G. Liebeschuetz, G. Poccardi, B.C. (Library of the Archaeological Society at Athens S. Provost, F.K. Trombley, B. Ward-Perkins, M. Whittow, 221.) Pp. xv + 172, b&w figs. 93, b&w pls. 187, color pls. and J.-B. Yon). Recent Research in Late-Antiqe Urbanism. (JRA 19, maps 2. The Archaeological Society at Athens, Ath- Suppl. 42) Pp. 245, figs. 67, maps 3. Journal of Roman Ar- ens 2001. ISSN 1105-7785; ISBN 960-8145-30-9 (paper). chaeology, Portsmouth, R.I. 2001. $79.50. ISSN 1063-4304; Jenkins, Ian. Cleaning and Controversy: The Parthenon Sculp- ISBN 1-887829-42-3 (cloth). tures 1811–1939. (The British Museum Occasional Paper Leclant, Jean, Catherine Berger-El Naggar, Bernard 146.) Pp. v + 65, fig. 1, b&w pls. 12, color pls. 21. The Mathieu, and Isabelle Pierre-Croisiau. Les Textes de British Museum Press, London 2002. £25. ISBN 0-86159- la pyramide de Pepy 1er. Vol. 1, Description et analyse.(Mission 146-1 (cloth). Archéologique Française de Saqqara.) Pp. 325, figs. 63, Jettmar, Karl. Beyond the Gorges of the Indus: Archaeology pls. 40. Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo before Excavation. Pp. xix + 248, b&w figs. 14, color pls. 27, 2001. ISSN 0257-411X. ISBN 2-7247-0282-4 (paper). map 1. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2002. $35. ISBN Lefevre, François, with Didier Laroche, and Olivier 0-19-577979-7 (cloth). Masson. Documents Amphictioniques. (Corpus des Inscrip- Joseph, J.W., and Martha Zierden, eds. (with a foreword tions de Delphes, 4.) Pp. 481, pls. 25, tables 3. École by Julia A. King). Another’s Country: Archaeological and Française d’Athènes, Athens 2002. €135. ISBN 2-86958- Historical Perspectives on Cultural Interactions in the South- 142-4 (paper). ern Colonies. Pp. xvii + 282, figs. 67, tables 4. The Univer- Lefevre, François. L’Amphictionie Pyléo-Delphique: L’Histoire 628 BOOKS RECEIVED [AJA 106

et institutions. (BÉFAR 298.) Pp. 359, table 1, maps 2. Ancient Israel’s Faith and History: An Introduction to the École Française d’Athènes, Athens 1998. FF 450. ISBN Bible in Context. Pp. xx + 284, figs. 28, tables 7, maps 7. 2-86958-095-9 (paper). Westminster John Knox, Louisville 2001. ISBN 0-664- Levine, Lee I., and Ze’ev Wiess, eds. (with contributions 22313-3 (paper). by D. Amit, B.J. Brooten, S. Fine, L. Habas, R. Jacoby, Meskell, Lynn. Private Life in New Kingdom Egypt. Pp. xvii + E. Kessler, H.L. Kessler, B. Kuhnel, L.I. Levine, E. 238, figs. 60, maps 6. Princeton University Press, Princeton Revel-Neher, S. Sabar, S. Schwartz, G. Sed-Rajna, R. 2002. $29.95. ISBN 0-691-00448-X (cloth). Talgam, Z. Weiss, A. Wharton, and J. Yahalom). From Miller, Naomi F. Drawing on the Past: An Archaeologist’s Dura to Sepphoris: Studies in Jewish Art and Society in Late Sketchbook. Pp. xviii + 85, figs. 15, pls. 64. University of Antiquity. (JRA Suppl. 40) Pp. 238, b&w figs. 101, color Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropol- pls. 9. Journal of Roman Archaeology, Portsmouth, R.I. ogy, Philadelphia 2002. $19.95. ISBN 1-931707-27-8 2000. $84.50. ISSN 1063-4304; ISBN 1-887829-40-7 (cloth). (cloth). Mills, Peter R. Hawaii’s Russian Adventure: A New Look at Lindblom, Michael. Marks and Makers: Appearance, Distri- Old History. Pp. xi + 295, figs. 24, tables 8. University of bution and Function of Middle and Late Helladic Manufac- Hawaii Press, Honolulu 2002. $39. ISBN 0-8248-2404-0 turers’ Marks on Aeginetan Pottery. (SIMA 128.) Pp. 153, (cloth). figs. 28, pls. 64, tables 22. Paul Åströms, Jonsered 2001. Moiso, F., M. Cipolloni, and J.-C. Leveque, eds. Ortega y $28.50. ISBN 91-7081-179-2 (paper). Gasset pensatore e narratore dell’Europa. (Quaderni di Acme Lovell, Jaimie L. The Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic Periods 48.) Pp. 347. Cisalpino, Monduzzi 2001. ISBN 88-323- in the Southern Levant: New Data from the Site of Teleilat 4601-X (paper). Ghassul, Jordan. (BAR-IS 974; Monographs of the Sydney Morelli, Giuseppe. Teatro attico e pittura vacolare. (Spudasmata University Teleilat Ghassul Project 1.) Pp. viii + 259, figs. Olms 84.) Pp. 179, pls. 7. Georg Olms, Hildesheim 2001. 102, pls. 38, table 1, maps 3. Archeopress, Oxford 2001. €32.80. ISSN 0548-9705; ISBN 3-487-11494-1 (paper). £35. ISBN 1-84171-263-9 (paper). Nabokov, Peter. A Forest of Time: American Indian Ways of Mattern, Marion. Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani 2: History. Pp. x + 246, Cambridge University Press, Cam- Deutschland, 12: Römische Steindenkmäler vom Taunus- und bridge 2002. $20. ISBN 0-521-56874-9 (paper). Wetteraulimes mit Hinterland zwischen Heftrich und Nielsen, Anne Marie, Lone Wriedt Sorensen, Karin Grosskrotzenburg. Pp. vii + 165, figs. 8, pls. 127, table 1, Nys, and Paul Åström. The Vase Collection in the Odense maps 3. Verlag des Römish-Germanischen Zentralmuse- University. (SIMA 20:22; Corpus of Cypriote Antiquities ums Mainz, Rudolf Habelt, Mainz 2001. €58. ISBN 3- 22.) Pp. 45, pls. 73. Paul Åströms, Jonsered 2001. $28.50. 88467-056-5 (cloth). ISBN 91-7081-185-7 (paper). Mayne, Alan, and Tim Murray, eds. The Archaeology of Nielsen, Inge. The Royal Palace Institution in the First Millen- Urban Landscapes: Explorations in Slumland. (New Direc- nium BC: Regional Development and Cultural Interchange tions in Archaeology.) Pp. xi + 192, figs. 59. Cambridge between East and West. (Monographs of the Danish Insti- University Press, Cambridge 2001. $25. ISBN 0-521-7795- tute at Athens 4.) Pp. 317, figs. 154. The Danish Insti- 8 (paper). tute at Athens, Athens 2001. $39.95. ISSN 1397-1433; Mayor, Adrienne. The First Fossil Hunters: Paleontology in ISBN 87-7934-004-0 (paper). Greek and Roman Times. Pp. xii + 361, figs. 77, maps 7. Nolan, Riall. Development Anthropology: Encounters in the Princeton University Press, Princeton 2001. $17.95. ISBN Real World. Pp. xvii + 345, figs. 28, tables 37. Westview, 0-691-08977-9 (paper). Boulder 2002. $90 (cloth); $35 (paper). ISBN 0-8133- Mazar, Amihai, and Nava Panitz-Cohen (with contribu- 0983-0 (cloth); 0-8133-0984-0 (paper). tions by N. Applbaum, D.T. Ariel, B. Brandl, D.C. Nunnerich-Asmus, Annette, ed. Traian: Ein Kaiser der Su- Browing, J.M. Cahill, A. Cohen Weinberger, A. Eran, perlative am Beginn einer Umbruchzeit? Pp. 184, b&w figs. Y. Goren, B.L. Johnson, J. Magness, O. Shamir, and A. 77, color figs. 138, maps 7. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz Sheffer. Timnah (Tel Batash) 2: The Finds from the First 2002. €41. ISBN 3-8053-2780-3 (cloth). Millennium BCE. 2 vols. (Qedem 42.) Pp. xi + 521, figs. Oates, David, Joan Oates, and Helen McDonald. Exca- 33, pls. 106, tables 55. Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew vations at Tell Brak. Vol. 2, Nagar in the Third Millennium University, Jerusalem 2001. $64. ISSN 0333-5844 (cloth). BC. (McDonald Institute Monographs.) Pp. xxxii + 643, McCoy, Floyd W., and Grant Heiken, eds. Volcanic Haz- figs. 493, tables 60, map 1. McDonald Institute for Ar- ards and Disasters in Human Antiquity. (The Geological chaeological Research, Cambridge, and British School of Society of America, Special Paper 345.) Pp. vi + 99, figs. Archaeology in Iraq, London 2001. $150. ISSN 1363- 50, tables 6, map 1. The Geological Society of America, 1349; ISBN 0-9519420-9-3 (cloth). Boulder 2000. ISBN 0-8137-2345-0 (paper). Oates, Joan, and David Oates. Nimrud: An Assyrian Impe- McGowan, Christopher. The Dragon Seekers: How an Ex- rial City Revealed. Pp. ix + 309, b&w figs. 172, color pls. 12, traordinary Group of Fossilists Discovered the Dinosaurs and maps 2. British School of Athens in Iraq, London 2001. Paved the Way for Darwin. Pp. xvi + 254, figs. 57. Perseus, $35.95. ISBN 0-903472-25-2 (paper). Cambridge, Mass. 2002. $17. ISBN 0-7382-0673-3 (pa- Ohlig, Christoph P.J. De Aquis Pompeiorum: Das Castellum per). Aquae in Pompeji: Herkunft, Zuleitung und Verteilung des McGrail, Sean. Boats of the World: From the Stone Age to Medi- Wassers. (Circumvesuviana 4.) Pp. xii + 483, figs. 418, pls. eval Times. Pp. xvi + 480, figs. 352, maps 19. Oxford Univer- 283, CD-ROM 1. Books on Demand, Norderstedt 2001. sity Press, Oxford 2001. $135. ISBN 0-19-814468-7 (cloth). €50 (book), €12.50 (CD-ROM, available from the au- Mendenhall, George E., and edited by Gary A. Herion. thor). ISBN 3-8311-2614-3 (paper). 2002] BOOKS RECEIVED 629

Olsson, Birger, Dieter Mitternacht, and Olof Brandt, Powell, Dilys. The Villa Ariadne. Pp. 252, map 1. Alkadine, eds. The Synagogue of Ancient Ostia and the Jews of Rome, Pleasantville, N.Y. 2002. $18.95. ISBN 1-888173-66-1 (pa- Interdisciplinary Studies. (SkrRom.4o.57) Pp. 202, figs. 127, per). tables 2. Svenska Institutet i Rom, Stockholm 2001. Powell, Shirley, and Francis E. Smiley, eds. Prehistoric $42.80. ISSN 0081-993X; ISBN 91-7042-165-X (paper). Culture Change on the Colorado Plateau: Ten Thousand Years Oren, Eliezer D., ed. The Sea Peoples and Their World: A on Black Mesa. Pp. xi + 221, figs. 78. The University of Reassessment. (University Museum Monograph 108, Uni- Arizona Press, Tucson 2002. $50. ISBN 0-8165-1439-9 versity Museum Symposium Series 11.) Pp. xx + 360, figs. (cloth). 146, tables 5. The University Museum, Philadelphia 2000. Prevas, John. Xenophon’s March: Into the Lair of the Persian $59. ISBN 0-924171-80-4 (cloth). Lion. Pp. 236, pls. 16. Da Capo, Cambridge, Mass. 2002. Ovidiah, Asher, and Nurit Kenaan-Kedar, eds. Assaph: $27.50. ISBN 0-306-81117-0 (cloth). Studies in Art History 6. Pp. 284, figs. 163. The Yolanda Redford, Susan. The Harem Conspiracy: The Murder of Ramesses and David Katz Faculty of Arts, Department of History, III. Pp. xxiv + 176, figs. 26, tables 2, map 1. Northern Illinois Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv 2001. ISSN 0333-6476 (pa- University Press, DeKalb 2002. $32. ISBN 0-87580-295-8 per). (cloth). Painter, Kenneth S. The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii. Reid, Donald Malcom. Whose Pharaohs?: Archaeology, Mu- Vol. 4, The Silver Treasure. Pp. xiii + 89. figs. 8, pls. 31, seums, and Egyptian National Identity from Napoleon to World tables 10. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2001. $65. War I. Pp. xvii + 409, figs. 46, tables 14, maps 2. The ISBN 0-19-924-236-4 (cloth). University of California Press, Berkeley 2002. $35. ISBN Panos Balabanes. Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum: Greece, 7: The 0-520-22197-4 (cloth). Marathon Museum. (Union Academique Internationale.) Reusser, Christoph, ed. Griechenland in der Kaiserzeit: Neue Pp. 86, figs. 59, pls. 44. Research Centre for Antiquity of the Funde und Forschungen zu Skulptur, Architektur und Topo- Academy of Athens, Athens 2001. ISSN 1108-3670; ISBN graphie. (Heft des Archäologischen Seminars der Univer- 960-7099-94-X (cloth). sität Bern 4. Beiheft.) Pp. 145, figs. 34, pls.137. Institut Parrish, David, ed. (with H. Abbasoglu, L. Cavalier, J. fur Klassische Archäologie der Universität Bern, Bern des Courtils, F. D’Andria, D. Parrish, W. Radt, C. 2001. ISBN 3-905046-24-5 (paper). Ratte, and P. Scherrer.) Urbanism in Western Asia Minor: Rizza, Salvatore (with appendices by Giacomo Biondi New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, and Annalisa Montironi). Studi sulle fortificazioni Greche Perge and Xanthos. (JRA Suppl. 45.) Pp. 191, b&w figs. 139, di Leontini. (Studi e Materiali di Archeologia Greca 7.) color fig. 1, map 1. Journal of Roman Archaeology, Ports- Pp. 128, figs. 79, pls. 28. Università di Catania Istituto di mouth, R.I. 2001. $119.50. ISSN 1063-4304; ISBN 1- Archeologia, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Centro 887829-45-8 (cloth). di Studio sull’Archeologia Greca, Catania (cloth). Pautasso, Antonella. Terracotte archaiche e classiche del Robinson, Andrew. The Man Who Deciphered Linear B: the Museo Civico di Castello Ursino a Catania. (Studi e Materiali Story of Michael Ventris. Pp. 168, figs. 44, tables 2. Thames di Archeologia Greca.) Pp. 174, figs. 22, pl. 1, table 1. and Hudson, New York 2002. $19.95. ISBN 0-500-51077- Università di Catania Istituto di Archeologia, Consiglio 6 (cloth). Nazionale delle Ricerche, Centro di Studio Roodenberg, J.J., and L.C. Thissen, eds. The Ilipinar Exca- sull’Archeologia Greca, Catania (cloth). vations, vol. 2. (Uitgaven Van Het Nederlands Historisch- Peachin, Michael, ed. (with contributions by M.L. Archaeologisch Institut te Istanbul 93.) Pp. 350, b&w Cladelli, E. Champlin, L. de Blois, G.L. Gregori, L. figs. 181, color fig. 1, tables 28, maps 2. Nederlands Mrosewicz, J. Nichols, S. Orlandi, S. Panciera, M. Instituut voor Het Nabije Oosten, Leiden 2001. €85. Peachin, F. Pina Polo, C. Ricci, H. Solin, V. Alonso ISBN 90-6258-094-7 (paper). Troncoso, and C. Veligianni). Aspects of Friendship in Rouet, Philippe. Approaches to the Study of Attic Vases: Beazley the Greco-Roman World. (JRA Suppl. 43.) Pp. 160, figs. 5, and Pottier. (Oxford Monographs on Classical Archaeol- tables 2. Journal of Roman Archaeology, Portsmouth, R.I. ogy.) Pp. xiii + 167, pls. 21. Oxford University Press, Ox- 2001. $69.50. ISSN 1063-4304; ISBN 1-887829-43-1 ford 2001. $74. ISBN 0-19-815272-8 (cloth). (cloth). Scanlon, Thomas F. Eros and Greek Athletics. Pp. viii + 466, Perlès, Catherine. The Early Neolithic in Greece. (Cambridge figs. 56, tables 3. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2002. World Archaeology.) Pp. xiv + 356, figs. 63, tables 10, $35. ISBN 0-19514985-8 (paper). maps 6. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2001. Scarre, Christopher, and Brian M. Fagan. Ancient Civili- $33. ISBN 0-521-00027-0 (paper). zations. Pp. xiii + 466, figs. 110, tables 13, maps 21. Piekarski, Dirk. Die Keramik aus Naukratis im Akademischen Longman, New York 1997. $58.67. ISBN 0-673-99769-3 Kunstmuseum Bonn. (Bonner Sammlung von Aegyptiaca (paper). 4.) Pp. 60, pls. 29. Otto Harrassowitz, Weisbaden 2001. Schloen, J. David. The House of the Father as Fact and Sym- €34. ISSN 0947-1200; ISBN 3-447-04443-8 (paper). bol: Patrimonialism in Ugarit and the Ancient Near East. (Stud- Platon, Nikolaos, Walter Müller, and Ingo Pini. Cor- ies in the Archeology and History of the Levant 2.) Pp. pus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel 2: Iraklion xv + 414, figs. 25, photos 5, tables 17. Eisenbrauns, Archäologischenes Museum, 6: Die Siegelabdrüke von Aj. Triada Winona Lake, Ind. 2001. $57.50. ISBN 1-57506-907-5 und anderen zentral- und ostkretischen Fundorten. Pp. xlviii + (cloth). 519, ills. 843, figs. 37, charts 8, tables 3, plans 14, map 1. Schubart, Hermanfrid, Volker Pingel, and Oswaldo Gebrüder Mann, Berlin 1999. ISBN 3-7851-2292-X Arteaga (with contributions by H-G. Bachmann, P. (cloth). Cressier, L. Delgado Castilla, A. von den Driesch, I. 630 BOOKS RECEIVED

Flores Escobosa, M. García Sánchez, M. Kunter, C. Van Ess, Margarete. Uruk: Architektur 2: Von der Akkad bis Liesau, H. Manhart, R. Pozo Marín, I. Ma, Rueda Cruz, zur mittelbabylonischen Zeit, 1: Das Eanna-Heiligium zur Ur H. Siret, L. Siret, and H.-P. Stika). Fuente Álamo. Vol. 1, III und altbabylonischen Zeit, in 2 vols. (Deutsches Arch- Die Grabungen von 1977 bis 1991 in einer bronzezeitlichen äologisches Institut Orient-Abteilung 15.1.) Pp. xv + 388, Höhensiedlung Andalusiens. Pp. xii + 461, figs. 155, pls. 42, figs. 338, pls. 67, tables 55, map 1, Beilage 40. Philipp tables 51, Beilagen 14. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz 2001. von Zabern, Mainz 2001. €144.00. ISBN 3-8053-2812-5 DM 288; €127.45. ISSN 0179-2873; ISBN 3-8053-2453-7 (cloth). (cloth). Van Loon, Maurits N. Selenkahiye: Final Report on the Uni- Starbuck, David R. Massacre at Fort William Henry. Pp. xiii versity of Chicago and University of Amsterdam Excavations in + 131, figs. 83, tables 5. University Press of New England, the Tabqa Resevoir, Northern Syria, 1967–1975. Pp. 672, Hanover, N.H. 2002. $16.95. ISBN 1-58465-166-0 (pa- b&w figs. 89, b&w pls. 286, color pls. 4, tables 36, maps 4. per). Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Stein, Susan R. The Worlds of Thomas Jefferson at Monticello. Instanbul, Leiden 2001. ISSN 0926-9568-91; ISBN 90- Pp. 472, b&w figs. 220, color figs. 107. Harry N. Abrams, 6258-092-0 (paper). New York 2002. $65. ISBN 0-8109-3967-3 (cloth). von der Hoff, Ralf, and Stefan Schmidt. Konstruktionen Stirling, L.M., D.J. Mattingly, and N. Ben Lazreg. von Wirklichkeit: Bilder im Griechenland des 5. und 4. Jahr- Leptimus (Lamta). Vol. 2, The East Baths, Cemeteries, Kilns, hunderts v. Chr. Pp. 317, figs. 59. Franz Steiner, Stuttgart Venus Mosaic, Site Museum, and Other Studies. (JRA Suppl. 2001. €44. ISBN 3-515-07859-2 (cloth). 41; The Kelsey Museum Fieldwork Series.) Pp. 464, b&w Webb, Jennifer M. Cypriote Antiquities in the Nicholson Mu- figs. 401, color pls. 21, tables 50. Journal of Roman Ar- seum at the University of Sydney. (SIMA 20:20, Corpus of chaeology, Portsmouth, R.I. 2001. $129. ISSN 1063-4304; Cypriote Antiquities 20.) Pp. 132, figs. 372. Paul Åströms, ISBN 1-887829-41-5 (cloth). Jonsered 2001. $28.50. ISBN 91-7081-175-X (paper). Todd, Jan A., Dora Kominii-Dialeti, and Despina Webster, Gary S. Duos Nuraghes: A Bronze Age Settlement in Hatzivassiliou, eds. Greek Archaeology without Frontiers. Sardinia. Vol. 1, The Interpretive Archaeology. (BAR-IS 949.) (Open Science Lecture Series.) Pp. 258, b&w figs. 74, Pp. viii + 132, figs. 110, tables 13, maps 2. Archeopress, color figs. 64, maps 2. The National Hellenic Research Oxford 2001. £28. ISBN 1-84171-241-8 (paper). Foundation and the A. G. Leventis Foundation, Athens Whitley, James. The Archaeology of Ancient Greece. (Cam- 2002. Cypriot £48. ISBN 960-7998-11-1 (paper). bridge World Archaeology.) Pp. xvii + 484, figs. 162, tables True, Marion, and Mary Louise hart, eds. Studia Varia 2, maps 9. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2002. from the J. Paul Getty Museum 2. (Occasional Papers on $32. ISBN 0-521-62733-8 (paper). Antiquities.) Pp. 166, figs. 191. J. Paul Getty Museum, Wineland, John D. Ancient Abila: An Archaeological History. Los Angeles 2001. $50. ISBN 0-89236-634-6 (paper). (BAR-IS 989.) Pp. vi + 216, figs. 83, tables 9, maps 4. Tushingham, Shannon, Jane Hill, and Charles McNutt, Archeopress, Oxford 2001. £32. ISBN 1-84171-274-4 (pa- eds. Histories of Southeastern Archaeology. Pp. xiii + 384, per). figs. 23, maps 3. The University of Alabama Press, Chlepa, Elene-Anna. Τ Αρτεµσει και ι ικι της δυτικς Tuscaloosa 2002. $29.95. ISBN 0-8173-1139-4 (paper). πτεργας τυ Ασκληπιευ. (Η Βιλιθ κη τ ς ν Αθ ναις Ungar, Peter S., and Mark F. Tearford, eds. Human Diet: Αραιλγικ ς Εταιρεας 211.) Pp. 100, b&w figs. 66, Its Origin and Evolution. Pp. viii + 206, figs. 13, tables 31, b&w pls. 2, color figs. 2. The Archaeological Society at maps 2. Bergin and Garvey, Westport, Conn. 2002. $58.95. Athens, Athens, 2001. ISSN 1105-7785; ISBN 960-8145- ISBN 0-89789-736-6 (cloth). 17-1 (paper). AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY

THE JOURNAL OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA

Volume 106 2002 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA 2002

HONORARY PRESIDENTS Frederick R. Matson, Robert H. Dyson, Jr., Machteld J. Mellink, James R. Wiseman, Martha Sharp Joukowsky, James Russell

TRUSTEES EMERITI

Richard H. Howland Norma Kershaw

PAST PRESIDENT

Stephen L. Dyson

Jacqueline Rosenthal, Executive Director Leonard V. Quigley, of Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, General Counsel

THE JOURNAL OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA

Naomi J. Norman, ex officio University of Georgia

EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS

Kathryn Armstrong, Trina Arpin, David Rich, Krithiga Sekar THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY, the journal of the Archaeological Institute of America, was founded in 1885; the second series was begun in 1897. Indexes have been published for volumes 1–11 (1885–1896), for the second series, volumes 1–10 (1897–1906) and volumes 11–70 (1907–1966). The Journal is indexed in the Humanities Index, the ABS International Guide to Classical Studies, Current Contents, the Book Review Index, the Avery Index to Architectural Periodicals, Anthropological Literature: An Index to Periodical Articles and Essays, and the Art Index.

The opinions expressed in the articles and book reviews published in the American Journal of Archaeology are those of the authors and not of the editors or of the Archaeological Institute of America.

The American Journal of Archaeology is composed in ITC New Baskerville at the offices of the Archaeological Institute of America, located at Boston University.

PAGES

Adams, C.E.P., Rev. of Bowman and Rogan, eds., Agriculture in Egypt from Pharaonic to Modern Times 125–6 Allen, S.H., Rev. of MacGillivray, Minotaur: Sir Arthur Evans and the Archaeology of Minoan Myth 601–2 Amiet, P., Rev. of Potts, The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State 126–7 Anderson, J.C., jr., Rev. of Fentress, ed., Romanization and the City: Creation, Transformations, and Failures 501–2 ———, Rev. of Hoff and Rotroff, eds., The Romanization of Athens 501–2 Anderson-Stojanovic, V.R., Rev. of Cabanes, ed., L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Épire dans l’antiquité. Vol. 3, Actes du 3e colloque international de Chantilly (16–19 octobre 1996) 142–4 Arnold, B., Rev. of Rautman, ed., Reading the Body: Representations and Remains in the Archaeological Record 476–7 Ault, B.A., Rev. of Radt, Pergamon: Geschichte und Bauten einer antiken Metropole 132–4 ———, Rev. of Wulf, Altertümer von Pergamon. Vol. 15, Die Stadtgrabung, pt. 3, Die hellenistischen und römischen Wohnhäuser von Pergamon: Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Anlagen zwischen der Mittel- und der Ostgasse 132–4

Ball, L.F., How Did the Romans Install Revetment? 551–73 ———, Rev. of Haselberger, ed., Appearance and Essence: Refinements of Classical Architecture: Curvature 492–4 Ballard, R.D., L.E. Stager, D. Master, D. Yoerger, D. Mindell, L.L. Whitcomb, H. Singh, and D. Piechota, Iron Age Shipwrecks in Deep Water off Ashkelon, Israel 151–68 Barkova, L. See Murphy et al. Barrett, J.C., Rev. of Schiffer, ed., Social Theory in Archaeology 317–8 Barringer, J.M., Rev. of Damaskos, Untersuchungen zu hellenistischen Kultbildern 491–2 Bass, G.F., Michael Lazare Katzev, 1939–2001 229–30 Begg, D.J.I., Rev. of Evans, Scholars, Scoundrels, and the Sphinx: A Photographic and Archaeological Adventure Up the Nile 317 Bell, T., A. Wilson, and A. Wickham, Tracking the Samnites: Landscape and Communications Routes in the Sangro Valley, Italy 169–86 Bernbeck, R., Rev. of Härke, ed., Archaeology, Ideology and Society: The German Experience 116–8 Biagi, P., Rev. of Gilli, I materiali archeologici della raccolta Nyáry del Museo Civico Correr di Venezia 141–2 Brody, L.R., Rev. of Ridgway, Serra Ridgway, Pearce, Herring, Whitehouse, and Wilkins, eds., Ancient Italy in Its Mediterranean Setting: Studies in Honour of Ellen Macnamara 497–8 Bundrick, S.D., Rev. of Invernizzi, Sculture di metallo da Nisa: Cultura greca e cultura iranica in Partia 485 Burrell, B., Out-Heroding Herod 107–10

Calder W.M., III, Rev. of Borbein, Hölscher, and Zanker, eds., Klassische Archäologie: Eine Einführung 115–6 Calinescu, A., Rev. of Lippolis, L’Oreficeria nell’impero di Constantinopoli tra iv e vii secolo 623–4 Campbell, S., Rev. of de Contenson, Ramad: Site néolithique en damsacène (Syrie) aux VIIIe et VIIe millénaires avant l’ère chrétienne 606 Carpenter, T.H., Rev. of Tempesta, Le Raffigurazioni mitologiche sulla ceramica greco-orientale arcaica 332 Carstens, A.M., Rev. of Held, Milesische Forschungen. Vol. 2, Das Heiligtum der Athena in Milet 487–8 ———, Rev. of Jeppesen, The Maussolleion at Halikarnassos. Reports of the Danish Archaeological Expedition to Bodrum. Vol. 4, The Quadrangle: The Foundations of the Maussolleion and Its Sepulchral Compartments 336–7 vi CONTENTS OF VOLUME 106 (2002) [AJA 106 ———, Tomb Cult on the Halikarnassos Peninsula 391–409 Cerutti, S.M., Rev. of Junkelmann, Das Spiel mit dem Tod: So kämpften Roms Gladiatoren 343–4 Chapman, B., Rev. of Guerrero Ayuso, Arquitectura y poder en la prehistoria de Mallorca 503–4 Chistov, Y. See Murphy et al. Cunliffe, B., Rev. of Freeman, Ireland and the Classical World 348

Davies, P.J.E., Rev. of Oliver, ed., The Epigraphy of Death: Studies in the History and Society of Greece and Rome 494–6 Day, L.P., Rev. of Hallager and Hallager, eds., The Greek-Swedish Excavations at the Agia Aikaterini Square Kastelli, Khania 1970–1987. Vol. 2, The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement 124–5 De Angelis, F., Rev. of Brunet, ed., Territoires des cités grecques. Actes de la table ronde internationale organisée par l’École Française d’Athènes, 31 Octobre–3 Novembre 1991 329–31 de Grummond, N.T., Etruscan Mirrors Now 307–11 Díaz-Andreu, M., Rev. of Martínez, Arte prehistórico en la península Ibérica 324–5

Emberling, G., Rev. of Gut, Das prähistorische Nineve: Zur relativen Chronologie der frühen Perioden Nordmesopotamiens 325–6

Ferrara, E., Rev. of Henderson, The Science and Archaeology of Materials: An Investigation of Inorganic Materials 472–3 Ferrari, G., The Ancient Temple on the Acropolis at Athens 11–35 Fewster, K.J., Rev. of Price, ed., Europe’s First Farmers 120–1 Flint-Hamilton, K., Rev. of Hather, Archaeological Parenchyma 473–4 ———, Rev. of Hather, The Identification of the North European Woods: A Guide for Archaeologists and Conservators 323–4 Futrell, A., Rev. of Bomgardner, The Story of the Roman Amphitheater 342–3

Gero, J., Rev. of Donald and Hurcombe, eds., Gender and Material Culture in Archaeological Perspective 118–20 ———, Rev. of Donald and Hurcombe, eds., Gender and Material Culture in Historical Perspective 118–20 Gesell, G.C., Rev. of Huxley, ed., Cretan Quests: British Explorers, Excavators and Historians 316–17 Glowacki, K., Rev. of Camp, The Archaeology of Athens 617–9 Goffaux, B., Rev. of Blázquez, Los pueblos de España y el Mediterráneo en la antigüedad: Estudios de arqueología, historia y arte 502–3 ———, Rev. of Martínez and Pérez, Castulo, Jaén, España.Vol. 2, El conjunto arquitectónico del Olivar 624–5 Gokhman, I. See Murphy et al. Goldberg, P., Rev. of Pye and Allen, Coastal and Estuarine Environments: Sedimentology, Geomorphology and Geoarchaeology 114–5 Griffith, A.B., Rev. of Bejor, Vie colonnate: Paesaggi urbani del mondo antico 139–40 Gubel, E., Rev. of Simpson and Spirydowicz, Gordion: Ahs¸ap Eserler/Wooden Furniture 617

Hannestad, N., Rev. of Bergmann, Chiragan, Aphrodismas, Konstantinopel: Zur mythologischen Skulptur der Spätantike 140–1 Herzog, Z., Rev. of Oredsson, Moats in Ancient Palestine 616–7 Hoffman, G.L., Painted Ladies: Early Cycladic II Mourning Figures? 525–50 Hollinshead, M.B., Rev. of Mattusch, Brauer, and Knudsen, eds., From the Parts to the Whole. Vol. 1, Acta of the 13th International Bronze Congress, Held at Cambridge, Massachusetts, May 28–June 1, 1996 337–8 Housley, R.A., Rev. of Gove, From Hiroshima to the Iceman: The Development and Applications of Accelerator Mass Spectrometry 112–3

Joffe, A.H., Rev. of Burns, Monuments of Syria: An Historical Guide 127–8 2002] CONTENTS OF VOLUME 106 (2002) vii Jones-Bley, K., Rev. of Barclay and Harding, eds., Pathways and Ceremonies: The Cursus Monuments of Britain and Ireland 121–3 ———, Rev. of Burl, Great Stone Circles 121–3 ———, Rev. of Ruggles, Astronomy in Prehistoric Britain and Ireland 121–3

Keller, D.R. See Savage et al. Killick, D., Rev. of Ramage and Craddock, King Croesus’ Gold: Excavations at Sardis and the History of Gold Refining 113–4 Klein, N.L., Rev. of Barletta, The Origins of the Greek Architectural Orders 620–22 Knapp, A.B., Rev. of Bailey, ed., The Archaeology of Value: Essays on Prestige and the Process of Valuation 321–2 Kosmetatou, E., Rev. of de Grummond and Ridgway, eds., From Pergamon to Sperlonga: Sculpture and Context 489–91 Krzyszkowska, O.H., Rev. of Dickers, Die spätmykenischen Siegel aus weichem Stein: Untersuchungen zur spätbronzezeitlichen Glyptik auf dem griechischen Festland und in der Ägäis 483–4

Lapatin, K.D.S., Rev. of MacGillivray, Driessen, and Sackett, eds., The Palaikastro Kouros: A Minoan Chryselephantine Statuette and Its Aegean Bronze Age Context 326–8 Lerner, J.D., Rev. of Litvinsky and Pichikian, The Hellenistic Temple of the Oxus in Bactria (South Tajikistan). Vol. 1, Excavations, Architecture, Religious Life (in Russian) 486–7 Lowe, A. See Shaw and Lowe.

Magness, J., Rev. of Fischer, Gichon, and Tal, En Boqeq: Excavations in an Oasis on the Dead Sea. Vol. 2, The Officina, An Early Roman Building on the Dead Sea Shore 346–7 Malkin, I., Rev. of Coleman and Walz, eds., Greeks and Barbarians: Essays on the Interactions between Greeks and Non-Greeks in Antiquity and the Consequences for Eurocentrism 128–30 Master, D. See Ballard, Stager, et al. Mathiesen, T.J., Rev. of Hickmann and Eichmann, eds., Studien zur Musikarchäologie. Vol. 1, Saiteninstrumente im archäologischen Kontext 479–81 ———, Rev. of Hickmann, Laufs, and Eichmann, eds., Studien zur Musikarchäologie. Vol. 2, Musikarchäologie früher Metallzeiten 479–81 Mcenroe, J.C., Rev. of Hitchcock, Minoan Architecture: A Contextual Analysis 123–4 Midgley, M.S., Rev. of Levine, Rassamakin, Kislenko, and Tatarintseva, Late Prehistoric Exploitation of the Eurasian Steppe 604–5 Mindell, D. See Ballard, Stager, et al. Moore, J.P., Straight from the Bottle: Rural Life in Roman Africa 313–5 Moser, S., Rev. of McManus, ed., Archaeological Displays and the Public, 2nd ed. 481–2 Murphy, E., I. Gokhman, Y. Chistov, and L. Barkova, Prehistoric Old World Scalping: New Cases from the Cemetery of Aymyrlyg, South Siberia 1–10 Myers, J.W., Rev. of Piccarreta and Ceraudo, Manuale di aerofotografia archeologica: Metodologia, tecniche e applicazioni 482–3

Nakhai, B.A., Rev. of MacDonald, “East of the Jordan”: Territories and Sites of the Hebrew Scriptures 614–6 Nilsson, A., Rev. of De Juliis, Taranto 619–20 Noack-Haley, S., Rev. of Sasse, “Westgotische” Gräberfelder auf der iberischen Halbinsel am Beispiel der Funde aus El Carpio de Tajo (Torrijos, Toledo) 145–6

Orejas, A., and F.J. Sánchez-Palencia, Mines, Territorial Organization, and Social Structure in Roman Iberia: Carthago Noua and the Peninsular Northwest 581–99

Packer, J.E., Rev. of Wilson Jones, Principles of Roman Architecture 344–5 Padgett, J.M., Rev. of Neils and Walberg, Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. USA 35: The Cleveland Museum of Art 2 135–7 viii CONTENTS OF VOLUME 106 (2002) [AJA 106 Palmer, C., Rev. of Dietler and Hayden, eds., Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics and Power 477–9 Papadopoulos, J.K., and D. Ruscillo, A Ketos in Early Athens: An Archaeology of Whales and Sea Monsters in the Greek World 187–227 Pedley, J.G., Rev. of Strenz, Männerfrisuren der Spätarchaik 622 Piechota, D. See Ballard, Stager, et al. Pinto-Guillaume, E.M., Mollusks from the Villa of Livia at Prima Porta, Rome: The Swedish Garden Archaeological Project, 1996–1999 37–58 Pollitt, J.J., Rev. of Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought 331–2 Possehl, G.L., Rev. of Palaima, Unlocking the Secrets of Ancient Writing: The Parallel Lives of Michael Ventris and Linda Schele and the Decipherment of Mycenaean and Mayan Writing. Catalogue of an Exhibition Held at the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection, March 9–August 1, 2000 (Austin 2000) 602–4 ———, Rev. of Parkinson, Cracking Codes: The Rosetta Stone and Decipherment 602–4

Richardson, L., jr, Rev. of de Waele, D’Agostino, Lulof, Scatozza Höricht, and Cantilena, Il tempio dorico del Foro Triangolare di Pompei 341–2 ———, Rev. of Steinby, ed., Lexicon topographicum urbis Romae. Vol. 5, T–Z. Addenda et corrigenda 138–9 ———, Rev. of Tomei, Scavi francesi sul Palatino: Le indagini di Pietro Rosa per Napoleone III (1861–1870) 137–8 ———, Rev. of Coralini, Hercules Domesticus: Imagini di Ercole nelle case della regione vesuviana (I secolo a.c.–79 d.c.) 500–1 Rife, J.L., Rev. of Themelis, ed., Πρωτυαντιν Ελεθερνα, Τµας I, 2 504–6 Riggs, C., Facing the Dead: Recent Research on the Funerary Art of Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt 85–101 Roller, D.W., Rev. of Clarke, ed., Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean in Antiquity: Proceedings of a Conference Held at the Humanities Research Centre in Canberra, 10–12 November, 1997 322–3 ———, Rev. of Fossey, ed., Boeotia Antiqua. Vol. 6, Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Boiotian Antiquities (Loyola University of Chicago, 24–26 May 1995) 130–1 Rosen, A.M., Rev. of Pollard, ed., Geoarchaeology: Exploration, Environments, Resources 474–5 Rosenthal-Heginbottom, R., Rev. of Herfort-Koch, Mandel, and Schädler, eds., Hellenistische und kaiserzeitliche Keramik des östlichen Mittelmeergebietes: Kolloquium Frankfurt 24.25. April 1995 340–1 Ruscillo, D. See Papadopoulos and Ruscillo.

Sánchez-Palencia. See Orejas and Sánchez-Palencia. Savage, S.H., K. Zamora, and D.R. Keller, Archaeology in Jordan, 2001 Season 435–58 Schmid, S.G., Rev. of Lichtenberger, Die Baupolitik Herodes des Grossen 484–5 Schofield, E., Rev. of Broodbank, An Island Archaeology of the Early Cyclades 609–11 Schwarz, S.J., Rev. of Camporeale, Gli Etruschi: Storia e civiltà 498–500 ———, Rev. of Haynes, Etruscan Civilization: A Cultural History 498–500 Shaw, I., Rev. of Bourriau, Smith, and Nicholson, New Kingdom Pottery Fabrics: Nile Clay and Mixed Nile/Marl Clay Fabrics from Memphis and Amarna 608–9 Shaw, J.W., with A. Lowe, The “Lost” Portico at Knossos: The Central Court Revisited 513–23 Shea, J.J., Synthesizing the Paleolithic 459–62 Sheedy, K., Rev. of Fischer-Bossert, Chronologie der Didrachmenprägung von Tarent 338–9 Singh, H. See Ballard, Stager, et al. Smith, J.S., Rev. of Blench and Spriggs, eds., Archaeology and Language. Vol. 1, Theoretical and Methodological Orientations 111–2 Smith, S.T., Rev. of Leahy and Tait, eds., Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of H.S. Smith 611–3 2002] CONTENTS OF VOLUME 106 (2002) ix Snape, S., Rev. of Eddy and Wendorf, An Archaeological Investigation of the Central Sinai, Egypt 607–8 Spivey, N., Rev. of Lissarrague, Greek Vases: The Athenians and Their Images 334–5 Stager, L.E. See Ballard, Stager, et al. Stansbury-O’Donnell, M.D., Rev. of Splitter, Die “Kypseloslade” in Olympia: Form, Funktion und Bildschmuck. Eine archäologische Rekonstruktion. Mit einem Katalog der Sagenbilder in der korinthischen Vasenmalerei und einem Anhang zur Forschungsgeschichte 131–2 Stern, E.M., Glass Is Hot 463–71 Storey, G.R., Regionaries-Type Insulae 2: Architectural/Residential Units at Rome 411–34 Strasser, T.F., Rev. of Hodder, ed., Towards Reflexive Method in Archaeology: The Example at Çatalhöyük 320–1 Szegedy-Maszak, A., Rev. of Chamay, Courtois, and Rebetez, Waldemar Deonna: Un archéologue derrière l’objectif de 1903 à 1939 118

Taylor, R., Temples and Terracottas at Cosa 59–83 Thomas, P., Rev. of Voutsaki and Killen, eds., Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States. Proceedings of a Conference held on 1–3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics, Cambridge 328–9 Thomasen, H., Rev. of Bentz and Dehl-von Kaenel, Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Deutschland 73: Göttingen, Archäologisches Instituts der Universität 2: Korinthische und etruskische Keramik 488–9 Tomlin, R.S.O., Rev. of Wacher, A Portrait of Roman Britain 347–8 Trigger, B.G., Rev. of Renfrew and Scarre, eds., Cognition and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Symbolic Storage 318–20 van der Meer, L.B., Travertine Cornerstones in Ostia Antica: Odd Blocks 575–80

Waywell, G., Rev. of Vlizos, Der thronende Zeus: Eine Untersuchung zur statuarischen Ikonographie des Gottes in der spätklassischen und hellenistischen Kunst 134–5 Westgate, R., Rev. of Moreno, Apelle: La battaglia di Alessandro 335–6 Whitcomb, L.L. See Ballard, Stager, et al. Wicker, N.L., Rev. of Davidson, Roles of the Northern Goddess 144 Wickham, A. See Bell et al. Wilfong, T.G., Rev. of Mysliwiec, The Twilight of Ancient Egypt: First Millennium B.C.E. 613–4 Wilkie, N.C., William Donald Edward Coulson, 1942–2001 103–5 Williams, H., Rev. of Chrzanovski and Zhuravlev, Lamps from Chersonesos in the State Historical Museum Moscow 496–7 ———, Rev. of Larese and Sgreva, Le lucerne fittili del museo archeologico di Verona 496–7 Wilson Jones, M., Tripods, Triglyphs, and the Origin of the Doric Frieze 353–90 Wilson, A. See Bell et al. Wright, K.I., Rev. of French, Canhasan Sites. Vol. 1, Canhasan I: Stratigraphy and Structures 609

Yoerger, D. See Ballard, Stager, et al. Young, R., Rev. of Bawden and Reycraft, eds., Environmental Disaster and the Archaeology of Human Response 475–6

Zamora, K. See Savage et al.

NEWSLETTERS Archaeology in Jordan, 2001 Season (S.H. Savage, K. Zamora, and D.R. Keller) 435–58

PROCEEDINGS The 103rd Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America 231–306 x CONTENTS OF VOLUME 106 (2002) [AJA 106 BOOK REVIEWS

Allen. See Pye and Allen.

Bailey, ed., The Archaeology of Value: Essays on Prestige and the Process of Valuation (A.B. Knapp) 321–2 Baldini Lippolis, L’Oreficeria nell’impero di Constantinopoli tra IV e VII secolo (A. Calinescu) 623–4 Barclay and Harding, eds., Pathways and Ceremonies: The Cursus Monuments of Britain and Ireland (K. Jones-Bley) 121–3 Barletta, The Origins of the Greek Architectural Orders (N.L. Klein) 620–2 Bawden and Reycraft, eds., Environmental Disaster and the Archaeology of Human Response (R. Young) 475–6 Bejor, Vie colonnate: Paesaggi urbani del mondo antico (A.B. Griffith) 139–40 Bentz and Dehl-von Kaenel, Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Deutschland 73: Göttingen, Archäologisches Instituts der Universität 2: Korinthische und etruskische Keramik (H. Thomasen) 488–9 Bergmann, Chiragan, Aphrodismas, Konstantinopel: Zur mythologischen Skulptur der Spätantike (N. Hannestad) 140–1 Blázquez, Los pueblos de España y el Mediterráneo en la antigüedad: Estudios de arqueología, historia y arte (B. Goffaux) 502–3 Blench and Spriggs, eds., Archaeology and Language. Vol. 1, Theoretical and Methodological Orientations (J.S. Smith) 111–2 Bomgardner, The Story of the Roman Amphitheater (A. Futrell) 342–3 Borbein, Hölscher, and Zanker, eds., Klassische Archäologie: Eine Einführung (W.M. Calder III) 115–6 Bourriau, Smith, and Nicholson, New Kingdom Pottery Fabrics: Nile Clay and Mixed Nile/Marl Clay Fabrics from Memphis and Amarna (I. Shaw) 608–9 Bowman and Rogan, eds., Agriculture in Egypt from Pharaonic to Modern Times (C.E.P. Adams) 125–6 Brauer. See Mattusch et al., eds. Broodbank, An Island Archaeology of the Early Cyclades (E. Schofield) 609–11 Brunet, ed., Territoires des cités grecques. Actes de la table ronde internationale organisée par l’École Française d’Athènes, 31 Octobre–3 Novembre 1991 (F. De Angelis) 329–31 Burl, Great Stone Circles (K. Jones-Bley) 121–3 Burns, Monuments of Syria: An Historical Guide (A.H. Joffe) 127–8

Cabanes, ed., L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Épire dans l’antiquité. Vol. 3, Actes du 3e colloque international de Chantilly (16–19 octobre 1996) (V.R. Anderson-Stojanovic) 142–4 Camp, The Archaeology of Athens (K. Glowacki) 617–9 Camporeale, Gli Etruschi: Storia e civiltà (S.J. Schwarz) 498–500 Cantilena. See de Waele et al. Ceraudo. See Piccarreta and Ceraudo. Chamay, Courtois, and Rebetez, Waldemar Deonna: Un archéologue derrière l’objectif de 1903 à 1939 (A. Szegedy-Maszak) 118 Chrzanovski and Zhuravlev, Lamps from Chersonesos in the State Historical Museum Moscow (H. Williams) 496–7 Clarke, ed., Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean in Antiquity: Proceedings of a Conference Held at the Humanities Research Centre in Canberra, 10–12 November, 1997 (D.W. Roller) 322–3 Coleman and Walz, eds., Greeks and Barbarians: Essays on the Interactions between Greeks and Non-Greeks in Antiquity and the Consequences for Eurocentrism (I. Malkin) 128–30 Coralini, Hercules Domesticus: Imagini di Ercole nelle case della regione vesuviana (I secolo a.c.–79 d.c.) (L. Richardson, jr) 500–1 Courtois. See Chamay et al. Craddock. See Ramage and Craddock.

D’Agostino. See de Waele et al. Damaskos, Untersuchungen zu hellenistischen Kultbildern (J.M. Barringer) 491–2 2002] CONTENTS OF VOLUME 106 (2002) xi Davidson, Roles of the Northern Goddess (N.L. Wicker) 144 de Contenson, Ramad: Site néolithique en damsacène (Syrie) aux VIIIe et VIIe millénaires avant l’ère chrétienne (S. Campbell) 606 de Grummond and Ridgway, eds., From Pergamon to Sperlonga: Sculpture and Context (E. Kosmetatou) 489–91 De Juliis, Taranto (A. Nilsson) 619–20 de Waele, D’Agostino, Lulof, Scatozza Höricht, and Cantilena, Il tempio dorico del Foro Triangolare di Pompei (L. Richardson, jr) 341–2 Dehl-von Kaenel. See Bentz and Dehl-von Kaenel. Dickers, Die spätmykenischen Siegel aus weichem Stein: Untersuchungen zur spätbronzezeitlichen Glyptik auf dem griechischen Festland und in der Ägäis (O.H. Krzyszkowska) 483–4 Dietler and Hayden, eds., Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics and Power (C. Palmer) 477–9 Donald and Hurcombe, eds., Gender and Material Culture in Archaeological Perspective (J. Gero) 118–20 ———, Gender and Material Culture in Historical Perspective (J. Gero) 118–20 Driessen. See MacGillivray et al., eds.

Eddy and Wendorf, An Archaeological Investigation of the Central Sinai, Egypt (S. Snape) 607–8 Eichmann. See Hickmann and Eichmann, eds. ———. See Hickmann et al., eds. Evans, Scholars, Scoundrels, and the Sphinx: A Photographic and Archaeological Adventure Up the Nile (D.J.I. Begg) 317 Fentress, ed., Romanization and the City: Creation, Transformations, and Failures (J.C. Anderson, jr.) 501–2

Fischer, Gichon, and Tal, En Boqeq: Excavations in an Oasis on the Dead Sea. Vol. 2, The Officina, An Early Roman Building on the Dead Sea Shore (J. Magness) 346–7 Fischer-Bossert, Chronologie der Didrachmenprägung von Tarent (K. Sheedy) 338–9 Fossey, ed., Boeotia Antiqua. Vol. 6, Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Boiotian Antiquities (Loyola University of Chicago, 24–26 May 1995) (D.W. Roller) 130–1 Freeman, Ireland and the Classical World (B. Cunliffe) 348 French, Canhasan Sites. Vol. 1, Canhasan I: Stratigraphy and Structures (K.I. Wright) 609

Gichon. See Fischer et al. Gilli, I materiali archeologici della raccolta Nyáry del Museo Civico Correr di Venezia (P. Biagi) 141–2 Gove, From Hiroshima to the Iceman: The Development and Applications of Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (R.A. Housley) 112–3 Guerrero Ayuso, Arquitectura y poder en la prehistoria de Mallorca (B. Chapman) 503–4 Gut, Das prähistorische Nineve: Zur relativen Chronologie der frühen Perioden Nordmesopotamiens (G. Emberling) 325–6

Hallager and Hallager, eds., The Greek-Swedish Excavations at the Agia Aikaterini Square Kastelli, Khania 1970–1987. Vol. 2, The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement (L.P. Day) 124–5 Harding. See Barclay and Harding, eds. Härke, ed., Archaeology, Ideology and Society: The German Experience (R. Bernbeck) 116–8 Haselberger, ed., Appearance and Essence: Refinements of Classical Architecture: Curvature (L.F. Ball) 492–4 Hather, Archaeological Parenchyma (K. Flint-Hamilton) 473–4 ———, The Identification of the North European Woods: A Guide for Archaeologists and Conservators (K.B. Flint-Hamilton) 323–4 Hayden. See Dietler and Hayden, eds. Haynes, Etruscan Civilization: A Cultural History (S.J. Schwarz) 498–500 Held, Milesische Forschungen. Vol. 2, Das Heiligtum der Athena in Milet (A.M. Carstens) 487–8 Henderson, The Science and Archaeology of Materials: An Investigation of Inorganic Materials (E. Ferrara) 472–3 xii CONTENTS OF VOLUME 106 (2002) [AJA 106 Herfort-Koch, Mandel, and Schädler, eds., Hellenistische und kaiserzeitliche Keramik des östlichen Mittelmeergebietes: Kolloquium Frankfurt 24.25. April 1995 (R. Rosenthal- Heginbottom) 340–1 Herring. See Ridgway et al., eds. Hickmann and Eichmann, eds., Studien zur Musikarchäologie. Vol. 1, Saiteninstrumente im archäologischen Kontext (T.J. Mathiesen) 479–81 Hickmann, Laufs, and Eichmann, eds., Studien zur Musikarchäologie. Vol. 2, Musikarchäologie früher Metallzeiten (T.J. Mathiesen) 479–81 Hitchcock, Minoan Architecture: A Contextual Analysis (J.C. Mcenroe) 123–4 Hodder, ed., Towards Reflexive Method in Archaeology: The Example at Çatalhöyük (T.F. Strasser) 320–1 Hoff and Rotroff, eds., The Romanization of Athens (J.C. Anderson, jr.) 501–2 Hölscher. See Borbein et al., eds. Hurcombe. See Donald and Hurcombe, eds. Huxley, ed., Cretan Quests: British Explorers, Excavators and Historians (G.C. Gesell) 316–7

Invernizzi, Sculture di metallo da Nisa: Cultura greca e cultura iranica in Partia (S.D. Bundrick) 485

Jeppesen, The Maussolleion at Halikarnassos. Reports of the Danish Archaeological Expedition to Bodrum. Vol. 4, The Quadrangle: The Foundations of the Maussolleion and Its Sepulchral Compartments (A.M. Carstens) 336–7 Junkelmann, Das Spiel mit dem Tod: So kämpften Roms Gladiatoren (S.M. Cerutti) 343–4

Killen. See Voutsaki and Killen, eds. Knudsen. See Mattusch et al., eds.

Larese and Sgreva, Le lucerne fittili del museo archeologico di Verona (H. Williams) 496–7 Laufs. See Hickmann et al., eds. Leahy and Tait, eds., Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of H.S. Smith (S.T. Smith) 611–3 Levine, Rassamakin, Kislenko, and Tatarintseva, Late Prehistoric Exploitation of the Eurasian Steppe (M.S. Midgley) 604–5 Lichtenberger, Die Baupolitik Herodes des Grossen (S.G. Schmid) 484–5 Lissarrague, Greek Vases: The Athenians and Their Images (N. Spivey) 334–5 Litvinsky and Pichikian, The Hellenistic Temple of the Oxus in Bactria (South Tajikistan). Vol. 1, Excavations, Architecture, Religious Life (in Russian) (J.D. Lerner) 486–7 Lulof. See de Waele et al.

MacDonald, “East of the Jordan”: Territories and Sites of the Hebrew Scriptures (B.A. Nakhai) 614–6 MacGillivray, Minotaur: Sir Arthur Evans and the Archaeology of Minoan Myth (S.H. Allen) 601–2 MacGillivray, Driessen, and Sackett, eds., The Palaikastro Kouros: A Minoan Chryselephantine Statuette and Its Aegean Bronze Age Context (K.D.S. Lapatin) 326–8 Mandel. See Herfort-Koch et al., eds. Martínez, Arte prehistórico en la península Ibérica (M. Díaz-Andreu) 324–5 Martínez and Pérez, Castulo, Jaén, España.Vol. 2, El conjunto arquitectónico del Olivar (B. Goffaux) 624–5 Mattusch, Brauer, and Knudsen, eds., From the Parts to the Whole. Vol. 1, Acta of the 13th International Bronze Congress, Held at Cambridge, Massachusetts, May 28–June 1, 1996 (M.B. Hollinshead) 337–8 McManus, ed., Archaeological Displays and the Public, 2nd ed. (S. Moser) 481–2 Moreno, Apelle: La battaglia di Alessandro (R. Westgate) 335–6 Mysliwiec, The Twilight of Ancient Egypt: First Millennium B.C.E. (T.G. Wilfong) 613–4

Neils and Walberg, Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. USA 35: The Cleveland Museum of Art 2 (J.M. Padgett) 135–7 2002] CONTENTS OF VOLUME 106 (2002) xiii Nicholson. See Bourriau et al.

Oliver, ed., The Epigraphy of Death: Studies in the History and Society of Greece and Rome (P.J.E. Davies) 494–6 Oredsson, Moats in Ancient Palestine (Z. Herzog) 616–7

Palaima, Unlocking the Secrets of Ancient Writing: The Parallel Lives of Michael Ventris and Linda Schele and the Decipherment of Mycenaean and Mayan Writing. Catalogue of an Exhibition Held at the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection, March 9–August 1, 2000 (Austin 2000) (G.L. Possehl) 602–4 Parkinson, Cracking Codes: The Rosetta Stone and Decipherment (G.L. Possehl) 602–4 Pearce. See Ridgway et al., eds. Pérez. See Martínez and Pérez. Piccarreta and Ceraudo, Manuale di aerofotografia archeologica: Metodologia, tecniche e applicazioni (J.W. Myers) 482–3 Pichikian. See Litvinsky and Pichikian. Pollard, ed., Geoarchaeology: Exploration, Environments, Resources (A.M. Rosen) 474–5 Potts, The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State (P. Amiet) 126–7 Price, ed., Europe’s First Farmers (K.J. Fewster) 120–1 Pye and Allen, Coastal and Estuarine Environments: Sedimentology, Geomorphology and Geoarchaeology (P. Goldberg) 114–5

Radt, Pergamon: Geschichte und Bauten einer antiken Metropole (B.A. Ault) 132–4 Ramage and Craddock, King Croesus’ Gold: Excavations at Sardis and the History of Gold Refining (D. Killick) 113–4 Rautman, ed., Reading the Body: Representations and Remains in the Archaeological Record (B. Arnold) 476–7 Rebetez. See Chamay et al. Renfrew and Scarre, eds., Cognition and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Symbolic Storage (B.G. Trigger) 318–20 Reycraft. See Bawden and Reycraft, eds. Ridgway, Serra Ridgway, Pearce, Herring, Whitehouse, and Wilkins, eds., Ancient Italy in Its Mediterranean Setting: Studies in Honour of Ellen Macnamara (L.R. Brody) 497–8 Ridgway. See de Grummond and Ridgway, eds. Rogan. See Bowman and Rogan, eds. Rotroff. See Hoff and Rotroff, eds. Ruggles, Astronomy in Prehistoric Britain and Ireland (K. Jones-Bley) 121–3

Sackett. See MacGillivray et al., eds. Sasse, “Westgotische” Gräberfelder auf der iberischen Halbinsel am Beispiel der Funde aus El Carpio de Tajo (Torrijos, Toledo) (S. Noack-Haley) 145–6 Scarre. See Renfrew and Scarre, eds. Scatozza Höricht. See de Waele et al. Schädler. See Herfort-Koch et al., eds. Schiffer, ed., Social Theory in Archaeology (J.C. Barrett) 317–8 Serra Ridgway. See Ridgway et al., eds. Sgreva. See Larese and Sgreva. Simpson and Spirydowicz, Gordion: Ahs¸ap Eserler/Wooden Furniture (E. Gubel) 617 Smith. See Bourriau et al. Spirydowicz. See Simpson and Spirydowicz. Splitter, Die “Kypseloslade” in Olympia: Form, Funktion und Bildschmuck. Eine archäologische Rekonstruktion. Mit einem Katalog der Sagenbilder in der korinthischen Vasenmalerei und einem Anhang zur Forschungsgeschichte (M.D. Stansbury-O’Donnell) 131–2 xiv CONTENTS OF VOLUME 106 (2002) Spriggs. See Blench and Spriggs, eds. Steinby, ed., Lexicon topographicum urbis Romae. Vol. 5, T–Z. Addenda et corrigenda (L. Richardson, jr) 138–9 Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (J.J. Pollitt) 331–2 Strenz, Männerfrisuren der Spätarchaik (J.G. Pedley) 622

Tait. See Leahy and Tait, eds. Tal. See Fischer et al. Tempesta, Le Raffigurazioni mitologiche sulla ceramica greco-orientale arcaica (T.H. Carpenter) 332–3 Themelis, ed., Πρωτυαντιν Ελεθερνα, Τµας I, 2 (J.L. Rife) 504–6 Tomei, Scavi francesi sul Palatino: Le indagini di Pietro Rosa per Napoleone III (1861–1870) (L. Richardson, jr) 137–8

Vlizos, Der thronende Zeus: Eine Untersuchung zur statuarischen Ikonographie des Gottes in der spätklassischen und hellenistischen Kunst (G. Waywell) 134–5 Voutsaki and Killen, eds., Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States. Proceedings of a Conference held on 1–3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics, Cambridge (P. Thomas) 328–9

Wacher, A Portrait of Roman Britain (R.S.O. Tomlin) 347–8 Walberg. See Neils and Walberg. Walz. See Coleman and Walz, eds. Wendorf. See Eddy and Wendorf. Whitehouse. See Ridgway et al., eds. Wilkins. See Ridgway et al., eds. Wilson Jones, Principles of Roman Architecture (J.E. Packer) 344–5 Wulf, Altertümer von Pergamon. Vol. 15, Die Stadtgrabung, pt. 3, Die hellenistischen und römischen Wohnhäuser von Pergamon: Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Anlagen zwischen der Mittel- und der Ostgasse (B.A. Ault) 132–4

Zanker. See Borbein et al., eds. Zhuravlev. See Chrzanovski and Zhuravlev.

BOOKS RECEIVED 146–50, 349–52, 507–11, 625–30

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY

The Archaeological Institute of America seeks applications and nominations for the position of Editor-in-Chief of the American Journal of Archaeology. Candidates must have a distinguished record of research and publication in one of the fields covered by the journal as well as prior editorial experience. The duties of the EIC include the solicitation and editing of manuscripts accepted for publication, the appointment of Book Review Editor(s) and an Editorial Advisory Board, and fundraising for the Society for the AJA. Compensation will be in the form of release time from the EIC’s home institution (or in the case of an independent scholar, an equivalent dollar amount). The home institution will be expected to provide additional support, the amount and nature of which is subject to negotiation. The appointment will be for an initial term of three years, renewable once. The AIA plans to announce the appointment of the new editor in October 2003. She/he will succeed the present editor on 1 July 2004, but there will be a period of shared responsibility beginning in January 2004 in order to ensure a smooth transition. Although the position is based at the home institution of the EIC, the EIC travels to Institute headquarters in Boston on a regular basis. The EIC reports to the Vice President of Publications on policy and editorial matters and consults with the Director of Publications and New Media on operational matters. Interested applicants should submit a letter of application, curriculum vitae, and the names of three references to the search committee by 1 November 2002. Interviews for the position will take place at the January 2003 Annual Meeting of the AIA in New Orleans. All applications, nominations, inquiries, and supporting materials should be sent to: AJA Search Committee, Archaeological Institute of America, 656 Beacon Street, Boston, Massachusetts 02215-2006, tel. 617-353-9361, fax 617-353-6550, email [email protected]. The Archaeological Institute of America is an equal opportunity employer. THE SOCIETY FOR THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY

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CONTRIBUTORS Elie Abemayor and Harvard University Judy Shandling Ira Haupt, II Ray B. and Jean Auel New York University Elizabeth Bartman and Princeton University Andrew P. Solomon Leonard V. Quigley Marshall Joseph Becker Rhode Island School of Emmett L. Bennett, Jr. Design Museum of Art Eugene N. Borza and William H. Richman Kathleen A. Pavelko Jacob Ringle, Jr. Bryn Mawr College Jeremy B. Rutter Center for Old World University of St. Thomas Archaeology and Art, Jane Ayer Scott Brown University Valerie Smallwood Joseph C. Carter, Jr. Smith College Colgate University Andrew P. Solomon Lucinda Dickinson University of Southern Conger California Dartmouth College Toledo Museum of Art Harrison Eiteljorg, II Vassar College Frank J. Frost for Cornelius C. Vermeule, III University of California, Yale University Santa Barbara