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A joint venture to

A joint venture to document our leaders before they are forgotten. H istoy u bukhosi eenvkl

Ubukhosi neenkokeli rectory of Black leaders, from c. 1700 to 1990 David R Owen Albany Museum - Grahamstown Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 1 Adi

Ubukhosi neenkokeli

Table of Contents Foreword 5 Preface 7 The Albany Museum's 'New History' Series 9 Introduction to the directory 11 How to use this book 13 Acknowledgements 15 Timeline 17 Biographical directory 23 General historical directory 8-2 Reading List 9"5 4t3 Photo Credits 9-6 q Le Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 3

Design and Layout: Harold Gess Cover design Sheila Coutouvidis Ubokosi neenkokeli: A dictionary of Eastern Cape Black Leaders, from c. 1700 to 1990 Cover photograph: Albertina Sizulu courtesy Times Media Ltd Printed by: Cadar ©1994 Trustees of the Albany Museum Somerset Street, Grahamstown, 6140 New History Series Two ISBN 0-9583206- 3-2 4 Ubukhosi neenkokeli FOREWORD The separation of the different sections of our people from one another, and the selective demonizing and deification of some of their leaders to the growing mind of our children have been an unfortunate and painful reality of our life in this land. Going along with this has been a school history that has been intensely Euro-centric and pro-colonialist, leading to a total ignorance about royalty and leadership within our people. This has caused a deep wound. This book achieves the rare objective of healing that wound in a presentation that blends together the supreme qualities of being concise as it is precise. The work commends itself as a successful attempt at linked studies of the total history of our people, through a linked study of the royalty and leadership that they have generated, which can only be beneficial in bridging the gap of understanding between the known leadership and the royalty and leadership of yester-year. This work will be a valuable source of reference for many years to come on the subject. RA'YMOND M MHLABA BISHO July 1994 Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders

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Preface For the last 100 years at least, the majority of South Africans have been forced to grow up in a world where they were kept largely ignorant of each other. In more recent times forced people to live in an artificially separated environment where people might meet in the Work place or commercially, only to return to entirely separate domestic and social spheres. The result has been the development of totally different worlds. On 2 February 1990, FW De Klerk the then State President, unbanned the various political and revolutionary movements long silenced through legislation, states of emergency and countless other measures. Thus people began appearing on the television and in newspapers, that many people new nothing about. I was then Head of the History Division at the Albany Museum in Grahamstown. Wouter Holleman, the Deputy Director, suggested that I compile a directory of biographical sketches of these 'new' actors on the public political stage. As work progressed, itbecame evident that the grossly biased history syllabi used in South African schools had also left most people ignorant about the earlier history of the black peoples of this , e.g. people did not know why there was a and a . There was therefore a need to address this problem as well - hence the timeline directory begins with the Iron Age and ends at 1990. Some people suggest that it be brought up to 1994. This has not been done for the following reasons. First, I believe that the situation at 1990 needs to be recorded. What was deemed necessary to know at that specific time is in itself part of the evidence of our past. Second, the New History Series is meant to stimulate a process. There is never a last word on any subject. Many different approaches provide important glimpses which make up our history. It is hoped that this book will therefore stimulate another on the same subject but with a different emphasis. Third, the situation in South is in such a state of flux that any attempt to bring the information up to the present is doomed to failure. People's positions are constantly changing. Some time will have to elapse before the situation in settles down to the point where people will hold positions for enough time to record their progress accurately. The compiler and publisher regret the violence that ravishes South Africa and hope that this information will go some way to promoting understanding and therefore peace. In addition to the loss of prominent people like , we also mourn the many thousands important though little known people who have died in this process. David R Owen , South Africa, 1994 Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 7

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The Albany Museum's 'New History Series' One of the many problems facing South Africans is that the apartheid system so long practised in the country has forced people to live apart. As a result few people understand and value histories and cultures of the many other peoples living here. It is also true that many people do not understand the reality of their own heritage. This ignorance stems from the belief that a people can live in isolation, without any other culture influencing their own. The Eastern Cape is a microcosm of South African society. It was here that the different cultures of this country first came into real contact with each other: and Black, Black and White. Itwas here that conflict between the groups erupted, and it was here also where peaceful interaction between the different peoples took place and where attitudes were formed, evaluated and reformed. Until fairly recently South African history has tended to over-emphasise the role of White people in society. The study of Black South Africans was left to anthropologists and archaeologists and they were studied as separate and isolated entities. In the 1960s and 1970s historians began to understand that the study of people in isolation tended to distort the history. Such bias led to the glorification of one group and its heroes at the expense of others. The reality was contact and interaction between all the peoples of the region. And so the study of the total provides a more balanced, fair and more realistic picture of what life was like in the past. The Albany Museum's New History series has been designed to provide an introduction to the linked histories of all of the people of the eastern Cape. The authors and editors hope that these books will help people find out more about their own and other's histories. A basis of understanding will better equip us to negotiate an equitable future for all South Africans and to live together in peace. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders

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Introduction to the Directory The people included in this dictionary have been selected from the earliest known history of amaXhosa to 1990. However, because so many of them have until fairly recently been banned or silenced in some way by the South African government the general public knows little about them. This relative lack of information has made it difficult to compile this dictionary. Furthermore, the apartheid system in general and the migrant labour system and forced removals in particular have successfully alienated people from their roots. The purpose of this dictionary is to provide basic information about some of the who have made a major contribution to South African society and who hail from the eastern Cape. Many of these people are part of the fabric of amaXhosa. However, neither the list nor the information about the people is complete. Readers are consequently invited to submit information about people already listed or names and information about people not listed to be considered for inclusion in future editions. A special form and an address is provided at the end of the dictionary. The reason why people of Xhosa origins have been chosen is a practical one. The Albany Museum is situated in the Eastern Cape and has a responsibility first and foremost to the people of this region. Because the majority of the people living here are of Xhosa origin we have decided to examine Xhosa leadership in this book. The finest works on the history of amaXhosa are those of JB Peires: The House of Phalo and The Dead Will Arise. These two books provide a refreshingly new perspective and understanding of the history of the Eastern Cape by giving us glimpses into Xhosa history from a Xhosa perspective. In addition to this they provide scholars of the history of this region with a compass whereby they can navigate their way through the sometimes difficult terrain of Xhosa historical sources. They are vital works because they reinforce an important move by many professional historians away from the belief that the results of historical research lead to the discovery of 'truth'. Peires suggests in his preface to The House of Phalo: Just as no two people visiting a foreign country will form exactly the same opinion of it, so each person who approaches the past finds different aspects of it significant. No history book can recreate the past as it actually was: it can only record the impressions of a particular observer, and what an observer sees depends to a considerable extent on what sort of person he is. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 11 While it may be thought that the writing of biographical sketches would be easier than trying to recreate the past of entire communities, the inclusion in this dictionary some of the earliest known Xhosa leaders has produced many of the same problems associated with a study of the 'distant' past. Peires, again, writes about this: One of the great barriers to historical understanding is that the more distant the event, the harder it is to grasp, partly because our sources of information deteriorate and partly because our sources of information from the earliest times are least like our own. There are some profound discrepancies in the information recorded about many of the people included in the directory and it has been difficult to decide what information is correct. In time we hope that the information will become more accurate. By going back as far as possible, this bookwill also reinforce the fact that the history of the eastern Cape, as with the rest of South Africa, began long before the arrival of tie Europeans. 12 Ubukhosi neenkokeli

How to use this book Although the major emphasis of this directory is on biographies of people, it is important that the people are placed into some form of time framework and context. This is especially true in the 'modem' period. Unless one has at least a rudimentary grasp of the organisations that the people were involved in, some of the principles they fought for and the aspects of life in South Africa that they opposed, it is difficult to appreciate their contributions to the South African society. Consequently, a number of non-biographical entries about the major organisations and ideologies that are referred to in the biographies have been included. These are placed in a separate section after the biographical entries. Before the biographies is a timeline showing the major historical and political events from c. 600 AD to 2 February 1990. In all cases if a word appears with a superscript* it means that there is another entry dealing with that person, organisation, ideology or event. At the end of the book is a special form the reader can use to correct or provide additional information for future editions of the Directory. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders

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Acknowledgements A great deal of fine scholarship has been done on the history of the Eastern Cape and amaXhosa people. As this work relies totally on a selection of freely available secondary sources, I hereby record my gratitude to those who have done this work. As most of these entries merely provide a glimpse into the people and events recorded here, I commend the works detailed in the 'Reading List' to readers who wish to know more. I would like to offer a special word of thanks to the people who painstakingly read this manuscript and made suggestions as to how to improve its readibility and who should be included in the biographical sketches, especially Thami and Ezra Tisani of the Eyethu Project, Dr Cecil Manona of theInstitute of Social and Economic Research () and Professor Chris Hummel of the History. Department (Rhodes University). The staff of the Cory Library for Historical Research (Rhodes University) and especially Sandra Rowoldt (Chief Librarian) did a great deal to expose me to the most current material available for this study, for which I am most grateful. This work would never have materialised if it were not for Wouter Holleman (Albany Museum) who suggested that I should do this study. He has encouraged me through the process of researching and writing this monograph and has also given up many valuable hours to proof-read the final draft. Wouter has also been responsible for the collection of most of the photographs and for making all the arrangements for the printing and final publication of this book. DAVID R OWEN, Grahamstown, 1990 Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 15

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Timeline Most of the information in this timeline has been taken from those compiled by Christopher Saunders (see 'Reading List'). Only the information that relates directly to the people and events in this dictionary has been included. For more detailed timelines it is suggested that the reader consult the books by Saunders. Date AD Event c. 600 c. 1300 1488 1497 1590s 1652 1657 1658 1659 1673-77 1688 1702 1713 1795 1799-1802 1803 1806 1807 1811-12 1816 1818 1819 1820 c. 1821-c. 1831 1829 1834-1835 1846-1847 Earliest known Iron Age site in the Transkei* at Mpame. According to oral tradition, Nguni* people were living in the foothills of the Drakensburg at this time. Portuguese ships under Bartholomeu Dias first sail around the Cape. Portuguese ships under Vasco da Gama sail along the South African coastlines on their way to India, Sailors provide detailed information about the indigenous people. Dutch and English ships stop regularly at and begin trading with the KhoiKhoi. Van Riebeeck arrives in Table Bay to establish a settlement. Khoi dispossession begins. First European allocated farms by a colonial power. Birth of Cape slavery. First Frontier War* (European-Khoi). Second Frontier War* (European-Khoi). Arrival of the French Huguenots. Whites travelling east from the Cape first meeting with Bantu*-speaking (Xhosa) Blacks near . Smallpox epidemic. The First British occupation of the Cape. Third Frontier War* between the Cape and the Khoikhoi, the "Great KhoiKhoi Rebellion". Cape handed back to the Batavian Republic. Second British Occupation of the Cape. British abolition of the slave-trade. Fourth Frontier War*; Blacks expelled from the Zuurveld*. Registration of Cape slaves enforced. Battle of Amalinde. Fifth Frontier War* ,the "The Battle of Grahamstown". Arrival of the 5 000 British settlers. Wars of the . Establishment of the Kat River Settlement. Sixth Frontier War* - Cape-Xhosa. Seventh Frontier War* ,the "War of the Axe". Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders

1847 British * annexed. 1850-1853 Eighth Frontier War* ,the "Mlangeni* War"; Kat River Settlement rebellion. 1856-1857 Xhosa Cattle-Killing* Movement. 1867 Discovery of diamonds. 1871 British annexation of the Diamond Fields. 1877-1878 Ninth Frontier War* - Cape-Xhosa. 1880 Transkei* rebellion and gun war. 1884 First publication of Jabavu's* lInvo Zabantsundu. 1885 Discovery of gold on the Witwatersrand. 1887 Cape Parliamentary Voters Registration Act. 1892 Ethiopian* Church founded. 1894 CapeGlenGreyAct;Cape annexation of Pondoland; founded. 1896 Ethiopian* Church joins African Methodist Episcopal Church. 1899 Anglo-Boer War begins. 1910 . 1911 Mines and Works Act (job reservation); Native Labour Regulation Act (made it a crime for Blacks to leave their jobs). 1912 South African Native National Congress (SANNC) (later the ANC) formed in ; South African Races Congress formed under Jabavu*. 1913 Natives Land Act. 1913-1914 White labour unrest. 1914 National Party formed under Hertzog; SANNC delegation goes to England to protest Natives Land Act. 1919 Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU) founded (ICU); SANNC delegation attends Versailles Conference. 1920 Black* mineworkers' strike. 1921 Communist Party of South Africa founded. 1923 Native Urban Areas Act; SANNC renamed African National Congress* (ANC). 1924 Victory of National Party-Labour Party Pact in elections. 1926 Mines and Works Amendment (Colour Bar) Act 1927 ; Native Administration Act. 1929 General election: National Party wins 81 seats. 1930 Native (Urban Areas) Amendment Act; Franchise given to White women; Seme elected president of the ANC. 1931 Franchise Laws Amendment Act (removes property and literacy qualifications for White* voters) 1933 Hertzog and Smuts form a coalition - victory in the general election; Smuts becomes Deputy-Prime Minister. 1934 formed under Malan; formation of the United Party. 1935 First meeting of the All African Convention in Bloemfontein. 1936 Representation of Natives Bill (removing Blacks from the voters role in the Cape); Natives Trust and Land Act. 1937 Natives (Urban Areas) Amendment Act; Native Laws Amendment Act (enforces influx control); Natives Representative Council begins work. 1938 General election - United Party (UP) wins. 1939 War is declared on . 18 Ubukhosi neenkokeli

1940 Hertzog's followers join with Malan in the new National Party; Xuma* elected ANC President. 1943 General Election - UP wins; ANC authorises the formation of a Youth League. 1945 Natives (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act; End of World War II. 1946 Black* mineworkers' strike; adjournment of the Natives Representative Council. 1948 General Election - National Party and win with a majority of five seats; suburban railroad Apartheid* in the introduced. 1949 Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act; Programme of Action adopted by the ANC. 1950 ; Population Registration Act; Immorality Amendment Act; Suppression of Communism Act; Stayaway in the Transvaal; 18 killed by police; National day of protest and mourning, 1951 Bantu* Authorities Act; Separate Representation of Voters Act (to remove '' from the common voters' roll - found to be invalid in 1952). 1952 * begins; people arrested for participating in the Defiance Campaign*; riots in various cities. 1953 Criminal Law Amendment Act; Public Safety Act; Bantu Education* Act; Native Labour Act; strikes by Blacks made illegal; General election - National Party wins 94 of 156 seats. 1954 Retirement of D F Malan; J G Strijdom becomes Prime Minister. 1955 Congress of the People at (see *); adoption of the . 1956 ANC accepts the Freedom Charter*; countrywide arrests for treason. 1957 Natives Laws Amendment Act (grants the government the power to forbid Black-White contact); Alexandria Bus Boycott; stayaway protest. 1958 General election - NP wins 103 of the 163 seats; Strijdom dies and is succeeded by HF Verwoerd; Africanists break away from the ANC. 1959 Promotion of Bantu* Self-Government Act; Extension of University Education Act (introducing Apartheid* into all higher education institutions); formation of the Pan Africanist Congress*; eleven UP members resign to form the Progressive Party; ANC decides on an anti-pass campaign. 1960 Representation for Blacks in parliament abolished; 21 March - police open fire on the crowd at Sharpeville - 69 killed; police announce that are suspended; ANC week-long strike to mourn the Sharpeville dead; State of Emergency proclaimed; 9 April - ANC and PAC banned; 20 000 people detained; Pass Laws reinforced; attempted assassination of Verwoerd; Pondoland revolt; 31 August - end of the State of Emergency; Republican referendum. 1961 Treason trial ends with acquittal for all accused; State of Emergency - 10 000 detained; poor response to Stay-away; General election - NP victory; wins Nobel Peace Prize; sabotage campaign of begins. 1962 Sabotage Act makes sabotage a capital offence; introduction of 'house-arrest'; Banning* powers extended; United Nations General Assembly votes for economic and diplomatic sanctions against South Africa. 1963 90 day detention without trial introduced; mass arrests and detentions; arrest of Umkhonto we Sizwe leaders at ; Transkei* self-government. 1964 Sabotage trials; eight Rivonia accused sentenced to life imprisonment. 1965 Members of the South Party* jailed; 180 day detention without trial introduced; Brain Fischer goes underground and is captured after ten months; harsh repression used in attempt to liquidate underground ANC members in the Eastern Cape. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 19

1966 General election - NP wins; Verwoerd assassinated; B J Vorster becomes Prime Minister; becomes independent. 1967 Terrorism Act (provides for indefinite detention without trial); Physical Planning Act tightens influx control. 1968 Prohibition of Political Interference Act; representation of 'Coloureds' in parliament abolished. 1969 South African Students Organisation (SASO) formed. 1972 Black* People's Convention formed. 1974 General election - NP wins. 1976 Revolt begins; Transkeian 'independence'. 1976-1977 Unrest persists - over 700 deaths; many detentions, stayaways and school boycotts. 1977 12 September- SteveBiko* killed in detention; Banning* ofmany organisations including SASO and the BPC; General Election - NP wins; 'independence' of . 1979 becomes 'independent'; government announces that tradeunion activity to be legal; Butlhelezi and the ANC meet in London. 1980 becomes independent; 55 000 Black* pupils boycott classes; 45 shot by police in ; sabotage attack on Sasol plant. 1981 South African forces raid ANC headquarters in Matola, Mozambique; General Election - NP looses seats to both right and left wings - still maintains a majority; government agrees in principle to end the 'Colour Bar' in mining; Ciskei gains 'independence'. 1983 United Democratic Front* (UDF) formed outside Cape Town; referendum for the proposed Tri-Cameral Parliament to include separate houses for 'Indians' and 'Coloureds'. 1984 Violent Black* response to 'New Constitution' proposals; National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) founded; 'Coloured and 'Indian' elections; New Constitution comes into force. 1985 State of Emergency declared in 36 magisterial districts; Congress of Trade Unions launched; formation of 'Street Committees' in the townships; ; P W Botha's 'Rubicon' speech leads to economic crisis. 1986 Pass Laws abolished; the following Apartheid* laws were repealed: Prohibition of Political Interference Act; Mixed Marriages Act; and Section 16 of the Immorality Act. 1986-1987 Kwa-Natal Indaba makes proposals for a multiracial dispensation. 1987 Conservative Party (CP) becomes the official opposition; release of *. 1988 Government clamps down on opposition organisations. 1989 General Election - NP wins, F W de Klerk becomes State President; the newly formed Democratic Party (DP) recovers ground lost by the Progressive Federal Party - the CP looses seats but remains the official opposition; ANC leaders are released from prison. 1990 2 February - ANC, PAC, Communist party and other political organisations unbanned; released from prison (February); Mandela appointed Vice-President of the ANC; increased unrest in the townships in Natal; coups d'etat in the Ciskei and Venda. (Refs.: Saunders 1983; Oakes (Ed.) 1988) 20 Ubukhosi neenkokeli

Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 21

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BAARD B 11(0 Biographical Directory BAARD, Frances (1901-present) worked as a domestic servant and teacher and later became involved in trade union organisation. She was one of the organisers of the African National Congress* (ANC) Women's League during the Defiance Campaign* of 1952. She became the Secretary and Treasurer of the branch of the League and rose to the position of National Treasurer. In the 1950s Baard served on the Executive Committee of the Federation of South African Women. In 1956 she became a member of the Executive Committee of the South African Congress of Trade Unions* (SACTU). Baard was detained in 1960 and 1963 and was held in solitary confinement for 12 months. She was sentenced to five years imprisonment in 1964 for her activities in the ANC and was released in 1969. (Ref: Gerhart and Karis 1977) BARAYI, Elijah (1930-present) was born in Cradock in the Eastern Cape on 15 April 1930. He attended Lwana Primary School and completed his Junior Certificate at Nuwell High School. He matriculated at the Heald town Institute in 1951. Barayi joined the ANC Youth League*' while still a teenager and became known as an efficient organiser and articulate speaker. He worked for the Department of Native Affairs fora short time but resigned because he felt that it was administering apartheid*. Barayi then held various jobs until 1960 when he left the Eastern Cape to take up employment as a clerk at State Mines, . By this stage he was an organising secretary for the ANC. During the 1960 State of Emergency he was detained and held for six months. In 1973 Barayi moved to Carltonville and three years later became a personnel assistant on the mines. In 1979 Barayi became active in establishing the trade union movement on the mines and, in 1982, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) was formed with Barayi as Vice-President. In December 1985, at the launch of the Congress of South African Trade Unions* (COSATU), Barayi was elected President. On this occasion he called for the abolition of the pass laws and later initiated the Cosatu passburning campaign. He advocated the abolition of the State of Emergency, the unbanning of the Congress of South African Students* (COSAS), the withdrawal of troops from the townships, the release of political prisoners and called for disinvestment. During the State of Emergency in 1986, Barayi was detained for two weeks and released with orders restricting him to the district of Carltonville in the Transvaal. (Ref.: Gastrow 1987) , Steven Bantu (1947-1977) was born in King William's Town in the eastern Cape. He was introduced to politics at an early age as an older brother had been jailed for nine months for his political activities. Biko was expelled from because of his brother's political activities and subsequently studied at St Francis College, Marianhill, in Natal. He proceeded to the University of Natal where he studied medicine. He was elected to the Student's Representative Council (SRC) which was affiliated to the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS). At a Nusas congress he met Black* students who felt the need to form a Black only students' movement. At a later meeting of the Students' Christian Movement (SCM) in , he began to actively promote this idea. In July 1969 the South African Students' Organisation (SASO) was established with Biko as its first President. SASO was committed to aphilosophy Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 23 The ANC Youth League was referred to as the Congress Youth League (CYL), However, it has been decided to refer to it as the ANC Youth League in order to ensure that this body is specifically associated with the ANC for readers who are not acquainted with the politics of this country. BAARD B IKO

BOKWE BOTOMANI of 'Black Consciousness'*, but initially did not totally reject the liberalism of NUSAS, as many of the early followers of SASO still had sympathy with the idea of a non-racial union of students. By 1970 Biko felt confident enough to launch scathing attacks on White* liberalism in the Sase Newsletter. He also attacked Blacks who were accepting (in his opinion) the patronising advances of White liberals. According to Biko White liberals should devote their energies to educating other Whites to accept majority rule in South Africa. Black Consciousness itself was not an organisation, but a philosophy that was adopted by many Black organisations. By 1972 the Black Peoples' Convention (BPC) had been established to act as an umbrella body to co-ordinate its adherents. The leaders of the BPC were jailed in 1974 in terms of the Terrorism Act forallegedly encouraging student unrest on Black campuses at the time of the Frelimo victory in Mozambique. Biko died in in 1977 after 26 days in the custody of the Security Police, first in Port Elizabeth and then in Pretoria. There were many questions asked concerning the circumstances leading to his death, but none of them was satisfactorily answered. The news of his death brought both national and international reaction. At the inquest into the events leading to Biko's death no satisfactory answers were given either. (Ref.: Cameron and Spies 1986; Oakes (Ed.) 1988) BOKWE, John Knox (1855-1922) was born near Lovedale. After completing his schooling at Lovedale he became the bookkeeper-cashier at the institution. He assisted in the publication of Isigidimi and the mission's journal the Kafir Express which was the forerunner of South African Outlook. He was a gifted musician and composer and, in 1885, published a book of original hymns and songs entitled Amaculo ase Lovedale. In 1898 he resigned from Lovedale and went into partnership with * in thepublication oflmvoZabantsundu. In 1900 Bokwe decided to enter the ministry. He was ordained in the United Free Church of Scotland in 1906 and took charge of the Ugie Mission where he remained until his retirement in 1920. He died in 1922. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) BOKWE, Roseberry Tandwefika (19001963) was born in the district of the Transkei*. He received a missionary education at a mission run by his father, John Knox Bokwe*, at Ugie and completed his school education at Lovedale. Bokwe entered * and received a teachers diploma in 1918. He taught at the Ohlange Institute near where he was Headmaster from 1922-1927. In 1928 he began medical studies at the University of Edinburgh and qualified in 1933. On his return to South Africa he established a medical practice at Middeldrift and later served as the District Surgeon in this region. Hewas a memberof theAfrican National Congress*, served on Xuma*'s National Executive Committee during the 1940s and was the Cape Treasurer of the ANC until 1954. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis) BOTOMANI (Botumane, Botman) (17671867) was born near the Fish River. He was a chief of the imiDange, the son of Matla and grandson of Mdange. Botomani probably succeeded to the chieftainship in the second decade of the 19th century, when the imiDange seem to have acknowledged the headmanship of Ngqika* of the *. Botomani was originally on reasonably terms with the Cape authorities, but the relationship deteriorated in the late 1820s. It was alleged that his people were illegally occupying the Neutral Territory (the land between the Fish and Keiskamma Rivers) and werecontinually raiding the cattle oftheWhite* frontier farmers. In 1827 he joined Nqeno* under the chief Hintsa* and in 1829 sided with * who was exiled to the Kat River region. Botomani and Nqeno decided to avenge Maqoma's exile. This contributed to what eventually culminated in the Sixth Frontier War* (1834-1835) in which Botomani played an active part. In the terms of the peace treaty of 17 September 1835 Botomani and his peoplewere entitled to resettle as British subjects in what became the Province of Queen Adelaide*. 24 Ubukhosi neenkokeli BOTOMANI BOKWE

DALINDYEBO It was oneofBotomani's peoplewho allegedly stole the axe that precipitated the Seventh Frontier War* of 1846-1847. A party of his people rescued the alleged thief, killing the Khoi escorts. Botomani refused to deliver up the accused to the Cape authorities. On 30 September 1846 Lt-Col Johnstone, military commander of the Eastern Districts, met the Ngqika chiefs and Botomani on the slope of Sandileskop near where Fort Hare was established a few months later. Botomani refused to give up any guns that he had captured during the war. Sir Peregrine Maitland decided that hostilities were therefore to continue. Sir Harry Smith concluded the war by annexing Kaffraria* as as the Kei on 23 December 1847. On 7 January 1848 Botomani attended a meeting of chiefs at King William's Town where he took an oath of allegiance to the Queen of England. The imiDange were expelled from Mxhelo (near Victoria East) and a portion under Botomani moved with the Rev. Richard Birt of the London Missionary Society to the Yellowwoods River Valley where Birt established a station called Peelton. Botomani appeared to have remained loyal to the British during the war of 1850- 1853. The imiDange were decimated during the Cattle Killing* of 1857 after which many people migrated to the Colony. Botomani died at Peelton, near King William's Town in 1867. He was succeeded by his eldest son Fandala under whose leadership the imiDange appear to have disintegrated. (Ref.: DSAB III) CALATA, Fort (1956-1985) was born in on 5 November 1956. When he was two months old he was taken to Cradock where he grew up. In his Std 9 year he went to the Transkei* to matriculate. After school he attended Lovedale in Alice to do a Teachers' Training Diploma. Calata taught in in the Ciskei in 1979, but returned to Cradock in 1981, where, in August 1983, he was elected chairman of the Cradock Youth Organisation (CRADOYA). On 31 March 1984 Calata was detained under Section 28 of the Internal Security Act and held in solitary confinement at until February 1985. He was stabbed and burned to death in June 1985. (Ref.: Sash (28) 2, August 1985) CALATA, James Arthur (n.d.) was born into a peasant family at near King William's Town. He received no formal schooling but trained asa teacher at St Matthew's College and then as a priest in the Anglican Church. He ministered at St James Mission at Cradock. Calata believed that Christianity would never develop genuine roots in South Africa until Black* political aspirations were adequately met. Hejoined the African National Congress* (ANC) in 1930 and was elected Provincial President of the Cape branch. He was instrumental in opening an ANC office in Port Elizabeth which was to become one of the most activecentres of Black resistance in the country. In 1936 he became Secretary General of the ANC and was instrumental in replacing Seine first by Mahabane (1937) and then by Xuma (1940) as President of the Congress. Calata was a moderate who had faith in the future. In his opinion, reconciliation through a process of consultation was possible in South Africa. By 1948 he was the target of attacks from the ANC Youth League who favoured a more militant approach. In 1949 he resigned from office but continued to serve on the Executive Committee where he sought to have a moderating influence. Calata became the senior chaplain of the Congress in 1950 and later acted as the Congress Speaker. Calata was banned during the Defiance Campaign* of 1952 but was eventually allowed to continue his church work. He was jailed during the 1960 State of Emergency following the , receiving a six months suspended sentence under the Unlawful Organisations Act for possessing photographs of members of the ANC. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) DALINDYEBO (1865-1920) was a Thembu* from 1884 to 1920. He was educated at a Wesleyan Methodist mission school and professed Christianity, but was never baptised. He succeeded his father, Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 25 CALATA

DWANE FAKU Ngangelizwe*, as paramount chief of the , eight months before Thembu country was annexed to the in 1884. Dalindyebo was originally called 'Aliva' (Oliver) and only assumed the name Dalindyebo when he became chief. In contrast to his father's rule, he enjoyed a time of peace. He promoted education amongst his people and allowed missionaries to work in his area. The nonChristians in his territory opposed him as they were against his progressive policies. Dalindyebo was an outstanding personality and was popular amongst most of his people. He is believed to have ruled wisely and well and is described and an excellent chief. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; DSAB Vol. I1) DWANE, James Mata (?1848-1916) wasborn near Queenstown in about 1848. He was converted to Christianity under the ministry of the Rev. James Lamplough. He trained as a teacher at and was ordained as a Wesleyan Methodist minister in 1875. Dwane argued with his Methodist Church leaders on the use of funds he had raised for the church while in England. He left the Wesleyan Methodist Church and joined the Ethiopian* Church of Mangena Mokone. After a disagreement with Mokone in 1896 Dwane travelled to America and established a link between the Ethiopian Church and the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AMEC) - aB]ack* church founded in Philadelphia in 1816. The AMEC madeDwanethe superintendent of their church in South Africa. When the AMEC Bishop H M Turner visited the country in 1898, Dwane was consecrated a Vicar-Bishop. Disillusionment followed and he broke away from the AMEC to join the Anglican Church in 1900 as a separate Order of Ethiopia. As a result of disagreements with the Anglican bishops over thejurisdiction of theEthiopian clergy and those of the G rahamstown Diocese, Dwane was replaced as Provincial by Bishop W M Cameron in 1909. Dwane was however reinstated as Provincial and kept the position until his death in 1911. (Ref.: Saunders 1983; Oakes (Ed.) 1988; DSAB VoL IV) ENO (see NQENO) FAKU (c. 1780-1867) was the paramount chief of the Mpondo*. His early years as chief were difficult as he was not a member of the 'great house' and was opposed by some tribesmen. He had hardly established his authority when his people came under threat from amaZulu under . Refugees from Shaka's wars flocked to Pondoland and were followed by Zulu impis. As a result, the Mpondo were forced to move west of the Umzimvubu river in the early 1820s. The situation for the Mpondo improved after the death of Shaka in 1828. With the coming of peace, Faku was able to consolidate his power. He successfully defeated the Qwabe and gained the respect of many people as an able warrior, The Rev. William Shaw of the Wesleyan Methodist Church visited Faku in 1829 with a view to establishing a mission station in his territory. Faku agreed and the Rev. WB Boyce established the Buntingville station in 1830. It is believed that Faku agreed to the establishment of a mission station as the presence of a White* man in his region would enhance his status and provide him with a link with the Cape Government. He became very good friends with the Rev. T Jenkins who worked in his area from 18381868. This friendship ensured the safety of the mission but never led to Faku's conversion to Christianity. Faku was the first Mpondo chief to have dealings with the Cape Government, especially after the Voortrekkers attacked Ncaphayi in December 1840. Faku feared that he might be the next to be attacked and appealed (through the missionaries) for protection. A Colonial force was sent to Pondoland to protect Faku. After the annexation of Natal the British Government signed a treaty of amity with Faku in 1844. However this treaty was not without problems: Faku was made responsible for a large area including lands he did not occupy and tribes he did not govern and no provision was made for communication with the Cape Government. This caused conflict between the Mpondo and the other tribes in the area. In the 26 Ubukhosi neenkokeli DWANE FAKU

FAZZIE Frontier Wars of 1846-1847 and 1850-1853 it became evident to the Colony that Faku was not a worthwhile military ally. In the 1860s Faku suggested a modi-fication of the treaty in which he would hand over to the Cape Government all territory not actually occupied by the Mpondo. He intended his suggestion to open up discussions. Sir Walter Currie regarded this as a firm offer and when Faku wanted to begin negotiations, he was dismissed. This made the Mpondo suspicious and, as a result, they refused to cede Port St Johns to the Colony in 1866. By the time of Faku's death the earlier good relationship with the goverm-nent was beginning to break down and the Mpondo faced many difficulties with the Cape Government. (Ref.: DSAB Vol. I) FAZZE, Henry Mutile (1924-present) was born in Stutterheim in the eastern Cape. He attended school briefly and, from the age of 19, worked as a gardener in Stutterheim. Later he worked at a hotel as a cook and, under the headwaiter, was responsible for inspecting the hotel, locking up, checking staff and dealing with groceries. In 1943 Fazzie moved to King William's Town where he worked in a shoe shop for two years and later in a cloth manufacturing concern where he was taught how to operate a loom. He became a foreman and, in 1950, helped establish a union, becoming a shop steward. In 1951 Fazzie called for a strike but enjoyed little success. During the Defiance Campaign* of 1952 a successful strike was held. He was dismissed for being an agitator and left for Port Elizabeth. Fazzie found work in a canning factory and became a shop steward and an executive member of the Food and Canning Worker's Union. He was fired in 1955 but the trade union took up his case and he was reinstated. Five months later he resigned and worked as a delivery person. Two years later, working in a brewery, he was again dismissed for union activities but was offered his job back again. In 1957 the trade union movement asked Fazzie to resign ind take up a position on the docks to organise trade union activity. He was FAZZIE asked to leave after nine months as agovernment department was not able to employ a person who had been arrested during the Defiance Campaign. Fazzie worked for a retail store and remained for one year. His union activities made it difficult for him to find stable employment and he began to work for the African National Congress* (ANC). Fazzie had joined the ANC in 1949, had participated in the Defiance Campaign and in 1953 had been an executive member of the Korsten branch. He had participated in various ANC campaigns and was detained for three months in North End goal in Port Elizabeth during the 1961 State of Emergency. After the banning of the ANC Fazzie left the country and settled in Tanzania. In 1962 Fazzie was sent to Ethiopia for military training and to act as go-between between the military force and the Ethiopian authorities. After six months he returned to Tanzania where he was part of a group of nine who were instructed to return to South Africa. They were arrested in Southern and were taken to Pretoria, In January 1963 Fazzie was charged for leaving the country without a passport and for receiving military training. He was sentenced to two years imprisonment on the first charge and 20 years on the second. Following an appeal, his sentence was reduced to 14 years, and he was imprisoned on . In 1965 Fazzie was taken from Robben Island to Port Elizabeth to face trial for arson in schools in 1960. He was sentenced to a further 10 years imprisonment, three years to run concurrently with his existing sentence. While in prison, Fazzie heard about the Port Elizabeth Black Civic Organisation* (PEBCO). On his return to the city in 1983, after nearly 21 years in prison, he became Vice-President of PEBCO. A rent boycott was organised and, in November 1984, PEBCO threatened a boycott on liquor outlets, a bus boycott and a one-day stayaway. Proposed rent increases were withdrawn and PEBCO's support increased. In 1985 a three-day protest stayaway was organised to protest the petrol price increase but this action was opposed by the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) and the Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 27

GCALEKA GQOZO General and Allied Workers' Union (GAWU). However, the stayaway was very successful. After this success PEBCO continued to grow. A consumer boycott was initiated on 15 July 1985. On 22 July 1985, during the State of Emergency, Fazzie was detained at St Alban's Prison, Port Elizabeth and was released in midNovember. In that month negotiations with businessmen and white civic leaders began and the consumer boycott ended when the Chamber of Commerce successfully pressured the police to release nineteen black leaders from detention under the State of Emergency. On 11 March Fazzie and others were banned for five years in terms of the Internal Security Act and he was restricted to his home in Zwide. On 25 March, Fazzie' s banning orders were set aside. In 1990, Fazzie was elected publicity officer of the Organisation of Eastern Cape Associations (OECCA) which is an attempt to create a national structure to co- ordinate civic associations and setup new civic organisations. (Ref.: Gastrow 1987; Gastrow 1990) GAIKA (see NGQIKA) (c.1730-1792) was the son of Phalo* by his 'head wife'. When Phalo was about 50 years old Gcaleka tried by force prematurely to take over the paramountcy of amaXhosa* (which he would have acquired on Phalo's death.) Phalo's son by his 'right hand' house, Rharhabe*, was very close to his father and helped him to defend his position against Gcaleka. Together they defeated Gealeka but, to prevent further unrest Phalo, Rharhabe and a large following crossed the Kei River and entered the Ciskei*. Gcaleka was a qualified witchdoctor. He used this position to get rid of people who were a threat to him. This made him very unpopular. His son Khawuta was the father of Hintsa*. (Ref. : DSAB Vol. 1I) GONIWE, Matthew (1947-1985) was born and raised in Lingelikle outside Cradock. He trained as a teacher at theUniversi ty of Fort Hare* where he obtained a Teacher's Diploma in 1971. Goniwe taught at schools in the Transkei*, Graaff-Reinet and Lingelikle. He also became the rural organiser for the eastern Cape region of the United Democratic Front* (UDF) and an associate member of the . In 1972 Goniwe started a school with a colleague in a dilapidated church hall in , 40km from Umtata calling it the Holomisa Secondary School. In 1977 he was arrested under the Suppression of Communism Act and spent four years in jail in Umtata, During this time he completed a BA degree through Unisa, majoring in Education and Political Science. On his release Goniwe took up a post at Nqweba High School in Graaff-Reinet, becoming acting principal after three months. In 1983 he returned to Lingelikle to take up the position of principal at the Sam Xhalli Junior Secondary School. As a result of a rent crisis Goniwe pioneered the formation of theCradock Residents' Association (CRADORA) in August 1983. He was very active in the community and his work with the youth outside the classroom led to the formation of the Cradock Youth Organisation (CRADOYA), also in August 1983. In December 1983 the Department of Education and Training informed Goniwe that he was to be transferred to Graaff-Reinet as of January 1984. He refused the transfer and was dismissed. Goniwe then applied for an ordinary teaching post in Cradock, but was turned down, 7 000 pupils boycotted classes to protest his dismissal. In March 1984 Cradock was declared 'an operational area' by the Minister of Law and Order. Goniwe and others were arrested under Section 28 of the Internal Security Act and were held in solitary confinement at PollsmoorPrison, Cape Town. He was released without being charged on 9 October 1984. In June 1985 he was murdered. (Refs.: Sash (28)2, 1985: "Men of Peace Murdered"; Eastern Province Herald 22. Z 1985) G QOZO, Oupa Josh (1952-present) was born on 10 March 1952 in , where he grew up and completed his schooling. After matriculation he became a prison warder. 28 Ubukhosi neenkokeli GCALEKA GQOZO

C WALl 1-JANI In 1977 Gqozo joined the South African Defence Force (SADF) and served as an instructor and chief clerk of the Black* 21 Battalion. He was selected for a commission but resigned in 1981 to join the Ciskei Defence Force. He served as Ciskei's military attache to South Africa and was awarded the Order of Good Hope in January 1990. On 4 March 1990, while Chief Minister * travelled to Hong Kong, Gqozo mounted a pre-emptive coup to thwart a rumoured coup which was believed to have been planned by Sebe's son, Lt-Gen Kwame Sebe. The new government, announced that an executive committee of four had suspended the constitution, abolished the office of the presidency and had assumed direct control of the country with a Council of State which would take over all executive and legislative powers in the Ciskei. (Ref.: Gastrow 1990) GWALI (c.1675-c.1725) was a founder of an early Xhosa* splinter group. His father, Tshiwo, was paramount chief of the original Xhosa ruling lineage. Because Gwali was not eligible for succession on the death of his father, he unsuccessfully tried to usurp the chieftainship from Phalo*, the son of Mdange (the brother of Tshiwo) who was the rightful heir. Gwali fled south with his followers and established his own chiefdom (near the present Somerset East) with the help of a KhoiKhoi chief Hinsati. Mdange's army followed him and defeated Gwali and Hinsati's people and incorporated them into the Xhosa chiefdom. Mdange ruled as regent until Phalo came of age. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; Peires 1987) HANI, 'Chris' Martin Thembisile (1942present) was born on 28 June 1942 at , Transkei*. He attended various schools before enroling at the Lovedale Institute, Alice, where he completed the Cape Senior Certificate in 1958. Having developed a love of Latin whilst attending a Catholic primary school, he read for a degree in Latin and English at the University of Fort Hare* and eventually graduated with a degree from Rhodes University in April 1962. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders He moved to Cape Town after graduating and worked as an articled clerk with the law firm of Schaeffer and Schaeffer (1962-1963). Hani had joined the ANC Youth League in 1957 while he was at school at Lovedale. In 1959, while at the University of Fort Hare he participated in protests against the take-over of the University by the Department of Bantu Education. In 1961 he was suspended for his role in the campaign against the creation of a Republic following the All-In Africa Conference held in . While working in Cape Town, Hani assisted the South African Congress of Trade Unions* (SACTU). Following the banning of the ANC, Hani joined Umkhonto we Sizwe in 1962 and formed part of the 'Committee of Seven', the leadership in the . He was arrested at a road-block and was found to have leaflets objecting to the proposed 90-day detention. He was detained at the Phillipi police station and then at the Roeland Street prison and was charged under the Suppression of Communism Act. He was released on R500 bail and attended the ANC conference at Lobatsi, . On his return to South Africa, Hani was arrested at the border post and was detained at and Mafeking. He was tried and sentenced to 18 months' imprisonment under the Suppression of Communism Act. Pending an appeal Hani was released on bail, but lost his appeal. The ANC instructed him not to go to prison but to leave South Africa and undergo military training. In 1967 Hani became Commissioner of the Luthuli Detachment of Umkhonto we Sizwe which was sent into , but, towards the end of the year was forced to leave and go to Botswana. There Hani was charged with the possession of weapons of war and sentenced to six years' imprisonment. After serving about two years of his sentence, he was released and sent to . In 1974 Hani was instructed to enter South Africa to establish a political infrastructure for the ANC in the Cape. He became a member of the National Executive. He moved to Lesotho where he remained for about seven years. He was recalled to Zambia in 1982 and was appointed Army Political Commissar and Deputy Commander of Umkhonto we Sizwe. GWALI HANI

HINTSA JABAVU He also served on the ANC's political and military council. In 1987 he was appointed commander-in-chief of Umkhonto we Sizwe. After the unbanning of the ANC on 2 February 1990, Hani returned to South Africa. When the South African Communist Party* (SACP) was relaunched as a legal body (29 July 1990), it wasannounced that Hani was a member of its central committee. (Ref.: Gastrow 1987," Gastrow 1990) HINTSA (c.1790-1835) was paramount chief of the Gcaleka* Xhosa* between about 1804 and 1835, He was still a minor when his father died (c. 1804) and the Gcaleka were ruled by a regent. He is believed to have become chief shortly after theOcaleka allied themselves with the Ndlambe* (another Xhosa chiefdom) to defeat the Rharhabe* Xhosa under Ngqika* in 1818. During the 1820s Hintsa allowed refugees from the north (Mfengu*), who were fleeing the wars of Shaka, to settle in his territory. In 1828 hejoined with the neighbouring Thembu* and a British Colonial force to turn back the Ngwane under . Although the Gcaleka were not directly involved in most of the frontier conflicts, Hintsa, as paramount chief of all amaXhosa, was blamed by Sir Benjamin D'Urban (the Cape Governor) for the hostilities of the Rharhabe and other minor chiefs for the war of 1834-1835. Hintsa had not been active in this war; all he did was give shelter to refugees and thecattle that had been taken from the colonists. The Mfengu claimed that they were being badly treated by the Gealeka. D'Urban used this as an excuse to annex the territory south of the Kei River as a settlement area for the Mfengu. Hintsa was captured by the British and under duress signed a treaty with them in April 1835, agreeing to pay a large indemnity. While he was attempting to help the British round up livestock, he was killed. It was said that he trying to escape. The events surrounding the death of Hintsa were suspect enough to be investigated by the Colonial Authorities in London. As a result, D'Urban's annexation was renounced and he was recalled to London. Hintsa became a symbol of Xhosa nationalism. He was succeeded by his son Sarhili*. (Ref. :Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978 Cameron and Spies 1986 Oakes (Ed.) 1988; see also Peires 1987 and Naidoo 1989) HOLOMISA, Bantubonke (1955-present) was born at Mqanduli in the Transkei* where he attended primary school. He matriculated at Jongilizwe College, in 1975. In 1976 he worked for the Posts and Telecommunications Department in Umtata before joining the Transkei Defence Force. He completed many of the army courses and was commissioned in 1978. He was one of the first Blacks to undertake the South African Staff and Management Course at the Army College in Pretoria. On 21 January 1987 Holomisa was detained and held in the Umtata Prison and in military cells. No charges were brought against him. During his detention he contracted pneumonia, On 1 April Holomisa was advised that he was to be released. After his release, Mtirara, Chief of the Transkeian Defence Force, was dismissed and Holomisa took over the position. An inquiry into corruption in the Transkei revealed that the Matanzima* regimehad cost theTranskei about R45 million. Stella Sigcau2was elected the new Prime Minister, but less than three months later she was believed to have received R50 000 in return for her support for a gambling rights application in the Transkei. In January 1988 Holomisa announced that the Military Council would take over and run the country with a Ministers' Council and has been in control since then. (Ref.: Gastrow 1990) JABAVU, Alexander Macaulay (1889-1946) was the second son of John Tengu Jabavu*, He studied at Lovedale and, on the death of his father in 1921, took over the editorship oflnvo Zabantsundu until 1941. In 1925 he joined the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU) led by Clements Kadalie and rose to the position of one of its vice-presidents. He was also a treasurer of the Cape Native Voters' Convention. Jabavu 30 Ubukhosi neenkokeli This name is sometimes spelt 'Sigcawu' HINTSA JABAVU

JABAVU JABAVU was a founder and an official of the Location Advisory Boards Congress. From 1935 to 1937 he was a member of the Executive Committee of the All African Convention of which his brother, DDT Jabavu*, was President. AM Jabavu served on the Ciskei Bunga and on the Natives' Representative Council for the rural areas of the (1937-1942). (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) JABAVU, Davidson Don Tengu (1885-1959) was the eldest son of John Tengu Jabavu*. He attended school in King William's Town and Lovedale where he passed Junior Certificate examinations. As his father was unable to admit him to Dale College in King William's Town, Jabavu completed his schooling in Colwyn Bay in Wales. He read English at London University and graduated with an honours degree in 1912. (He was the first Black* South African to receive a BA from this university). He obtained a teaching diploma from the University of Birmingham and then travelled in the United States, visiting Black schools and colleges. Jabavu returned to South Africa in 1925 and was the first staff member to be appointed to the South African Native College (which eventually became the University of Fort Hare*). He began his career by teaching Bantu* languages, History and Latin and then moved on to teach African Studies and Anthropology. Jabavu was very interested in agriculture and founded a number of Black farmers' associations. He was also active in the Cape African Teachers' Association, promoted temperance and strove to promote racial tolerance. Because of his extensive involvement in the Black community he became known as the 'Prime Minister of the Bantu'. Jabavu wrote a number of books including: The Life of John Tengo Jabavu, editor of Imvo Zabantsundu, 1884-1921 (Lovedale, 1922) E-Amerika (Lovedale, 1932) The segregation fallacy, and other papers (Lovedale, 1932) What Methodism has done for the Natives (Lovedale, 1923) Bantu literature, classification and reviews (Lovedale, 1923) Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders - Izi Dungulwana (Lovedale, 1958) He retired from the University of Fort Hare in 1944. (Ref.: DSAB Vol. 111) JABAVU, John Tengu (1859-1921). Jabavu's parents were both Mfengu* converts to Christianity. He was educated by Wesleyan Methodists at the Healdtown Missionary Institution where he qualified as a teacher. He was sent to teach in Somerset East in 1875. While teaching he also worked in a newspaper print shop. His interest injournalism developed and he began to publish letters and articles in Cape Town newspapers. In 1881 he accepted the position of editor of the Lovedale Mission Institute newspaper, Isigidimi sama Xhosa ('Messenger of the Xhosa*'). He began to have political differences with his employers and in 1884 left Lovedale to start his own paper, Irnvo Zabantsundu ('The views of the Black people'). The aim of Imvo was, according to Jabavu, to give "... untrammelled expression to African views and to bring about closer bonds between Africans, and between Africans and Whites". lmvo soon became the mouthpiece for Xhosa* opinion. Jabavu used his paper to influence those Blacks who had the vote in the Cape parliamentary elections to support the liberal White* faction in the parliament. In 1890 the liberals came to power under the leadership of CJ Rhodes. Jabavu shifted his support from the liberals to the , a moderate party under JH Hofmeyer. To many Blacks this was an unwise move as they saw the Bond as the chief stumbling block in the way of getting more Black rights. One of the results of this was the creation ofan opposition paper lzwiLabantu ('Voice of the people') which opposed Jabavu. Neither White party lived up to their promises of being sympathetic to Black rights. Jabavu lost credibility because of his contacts with whites. Imvo was closed down briefly by the government in the period 1901-1902 during the Anglo-BoerWar (1899-1902), which caused the paper to loose so much financially that it was never able to fully recover. When the South African Native National Congress (later ANC) was formed, Jabavu refused to join because it was an all-Black JABAVU JABAVU

JACK JACK political organisation. He founded the South African Races Congress a few months later but it never gained much support. In 1909 Jabavu was a member of a delegation that went to London to protest against the draft constitution that was prepared for the proposed Union Government because it failed to safeguard the Black franchise. His support for the 1913 Natives Land Act (which was introduced by one of Jabavu's White friends) resulted in his defeat in an election for a seat in the Cape Provincial Council. Jabavu devoted the remainder of his life to trying to improve Black education. He played an important role in the founding of what was eventually called the University of Fort Hare*. (Ref. : Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; Saunders 1983; Saunders 1988; Maylam 1986) JACK, Mkhuseli (1958 - present) was born on the farm 'Mosskraal' in the district. When six years old his mother and her children moved to the farm 'Klipdrift' near Oyster Bay. Jack attended the SlangriverBantu School where he completed Std 4. He completed Std 6 at Jeffreys Bay and then moved to Port Elizabeth. He was not able to attend school there as he did not have a permit to be in the area. In 1975 he and other children from rural areas became involved in protests and demonstrations at Port Elizabeth schools, refusing to return home and demanding an education. When they were finally permitted to stay, they were housed in old police barracks. During the 1976 Soweto riots Jack supported the cause of the students and boycotted lessons. He was arrested in August 1976 and held for two weeks. The following year he was arrested again and detained for three weeks. During this period he was active in the South African Students' Movement (SASM) which was linked to the Black Consciousness Movement*. He was Chairman of the Student Christian Movement (SCM) and, after the banning of the SASM, was one of the founders of the Congress of South African Students* (COSAS) in Port Elizabeth. Jack was arrested while writing his matric examinations and detained. Fourteen days later he was released without being charged. During the 1980 school boycott Jack became Chairman of the Port Elizabeth Student Committee (PESCO) which co-ordinated the boycott. He was detained in September 1980 in terms of Section Ten of the Internal Security Act and was held until February 1981. On 29 May 1981 Jack was again detained for three months, this time for his role in the anti-Republic Day campaign. In January 1982 Jack went to in the Ciskei to address a commemoration service for Dr Neil Aggett, the trade unionist who had died in detention, only to be detained there for three months. On his release he returned to school in Port Elizabeth and matriculated at the end of that year. In 1983 Jack found work as a factory clerk but was retrenched. He then took up employment as a sales representative in a hardware warehouse. Jack was instrumental in the launch of the Port Elizabeth Youth Congress (PEYCO) and served as President. Peyco subsequently became an affiliate of the United Democratic Front* (UDF). Jack participated in many of the activities of this organisation including the UDF Million Signature Campaign and the campaign against the elections for the House of Representatives. In 1985 Jack was elected spokesperson for the Port Elizabeth Boycott Committee. A few days after the consumer boycott began in Port Elizabeth on 15 July 1985, the government declared a State of Emergency in the area and Jack was detained for four months, After his release, he and others entered into discussions with White businessmen and the Port Elizabeth Chamber of Commerce on how to solve the problems in the townships. Jack travelled to Belgium, Holland and the United Kingdom in February and March 1986 to address church leaders, bankers and antiapartheid activists. When he returned he was issued with a five year banning order resulting in his virtual house arrest. After two weeks, following condemnation by foreign governments, opposition politicians, Port Elizabeth businessmen and civic leaders, the Port Elizabeth Supreme Court overturned the banning order on the grounds that the Minister had exceeded the powers given to him under the 32 Ubukhosi neenkokeli JACK w JACK

KAMA LETLAKA Internal Security Act. He was detained again on 25 August 1986 and only released on 16 May 1989. More recently he has been employed by the Human RightsTrust and has travelled in and the United States. He has recently resigned from Peyco and the UDF and plans to leave South Africa to study economics in the United Kingdom. (Ref: Gastrow 1987; Gastrow 1990) KAMA (c.1798 - 1875) was born near King William's Town. He was a chief and the younger brother of Phatho* and Kobi, Kama and his wife were early converts to Christianity under the ministry of the Rev. W Shaw of theWesleyan Methodist Church. Shaw established a mission in Kama's territory in 1823, called Wesleyville. Kama's public profession of his Christian faith gave rise to tensions in his tribe. In 1835 he split from his brothers and, with the Rev. J W Shepstone, moved to the mission station called Newtondale near Peddie. The Gqunukhwebe remained neutral during the Sixth Frontier War* of 1834-1835 but their treaties with the British did not protect them from being attacked by other Xhosa* groups. These attacks plus the threat on yet another frontierwar made Kama move from Newtondale in 1843 and he settled with the Basotho in the North Eastern Cape. During the Seventh Frontier War (18461847 - the 'War of the Axe') Kama assisted the Cape Government against the Thembu*. In 1848 he was rewarded for this with a grant of land on the Black Kei River near Whittlesea and lived on the mission station that was established there (named Kamastone after Kama and Shepstone). During the Eighth Frontier War (1850-1853) Kama again assisted the Cape Government by defending the Kamastone mission station and by maintaining an open line of communication between East London and . He was rewarded for this by being granted land on the Keiskamma River. In 1853 he moved to his new location in Middledrift, where the Annshaw mission station was established. He was opposed to the Cattle-killing* of 1856-1857 and as a result his people suffered less than the participating chiefdoms. Hispeople flourished after this tragedy as they werejoined by many refugees from other chiefdoms. His clan became one of the largest in *. During the period between 1843 and 1849 Kama did not have a missionary staying with him and so he assumed the roles of both chief and pastor. When the missionary Shepstone arrived in 1849 he found that 30 people had been ,onverted to Christianity under Kama's ministry. By 1875 the Annshaw mission at Middledrift had over 1 000 converts. The majority of Kama's people, however, never accepted the Christian faith. Kama's successor, William Shaw Kama was among the first Black* candidates for the Wesleyan ministry (1865). He was ordained in 1873, but on the advice of friends who convinced him that he could better serve his people as a layman, he resigned in 1874. (Ref.:DSAB VoL 11) KRELI (see SARHILI) LETLAKA, Tsepo Tiisetso (1925-present) was born in the Transkei*. His parents were both teachers and he studied atSt John's College, Healdtown, Roma, and the University of Fort Hare* where he was President of the Student's Representative Council in 1950. He joined the ANC Youth League while at Fort Hare and was the League's first President for the Cape Province from 1951-1954. Letlaka received a suspended sentence during the Defiance Campaign* of 1952 and, as a result, was fired from his teaching post. He began studying law and served articles with (who later became Prime Minister of the Transkei). Letlaka was a key figure in the informal Africanist Bureau of African Nationalism. While practising law in the Eastern Cape he wrote articles for The Africanist magazine. He was banned from attending gatherings from 1953-1955 and in 1963 he was detained and faced charges of furthering the aims of the banned Pan Africanist Congress* (PAC). He left the country and went Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 33 LETLAKA KAMA MAKABENI MAKIWANE to Lesotho where he became a member of the PAC in exile. He was deported in 1967 and went to Britain. In 1975 he accepted a position in theTranskei* asa member of their diplomatic corps and was posted to Washington, DC in the United States of America. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) MAKABENI, Gana (?-1955) was born in the Transkei* and attended a communist night school. He joined the Communist Party as a young worker in the 1920s. In 1926 he was elected to the party's central committee becoming one of its first Black* members. He was expelled from the Party in 1932 for protesting against their treatment of one of their members. Makabeni became the Secretary of the African Clothing Workers' Union from 1928-1955. He led various attempts to organise Black unions independent of White* or communist leadership. Eventually, in 1942, the Council of NonEuropean Trade Unions was formed with Makabeni as leader, But the union was beset with internal conflicts and he was deposed as leader of the union by J B Marks in 1945. Makabeni was a member of the African National Congress* (ANC) Executive Committee in the 1940s and served as Acting Treasurer General in 1948-1949. He died in 1955. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) MAKANA (Nxele) (c.1790-1820) was the son ofBalala who lived near the modem Wesleyville and at Qhagqiwa () in the present Uitenhague district. Makana's name "Nxele" suggests that he was left handed and was called "Links" by the Boer frontier farmers. After Ndlambe* was driven from the Zuurveld* in the beginning of 1812, Makana became popular as his prophecies were in favour of Ndlambe's aspirations. He received many gifts and gathered a large following. Makana succeeded in uniting the Ndlambe, Rharhabe* and Gcaleka* groups against Ngqika* by prophesying disaster for Ngqika. Heinitiated acattleraid againstoneof Ngqika's minor chiefs and drew the Ngqika out of their strongholds in theKat River andTyumie basins. The Ngqika were ambushed at Amalinde (Kommetj ie Flats) and were heavily defeated in June 1818. The British retaliated by sending troops into the region and Makana's people were severely defeated. Makana inspired the Ndlambe and some of the Gcaleka to further action by pronouncing that the Whites were encroaching further and further into their territory. He said that they should unite to stop them taking over the whole country. He convinced the people that the White* man's bullets would turn into water and that, by their action, the White man could be driven into the sea. He launched a daytime attack on Grahamstown on 22 April 1819 (during a period of six months drought). amaXhosa* attacked in open mass formation across open terrain - contrary to their normal methods o f attack. The warriors were instructed to break the shafts of their assegais so as to use themat closerange. They were initially repulsed by infantry and artillery fire and eventually the whole Xhosa army was defeated. Makana surrendered (near Trompet-tersdrift) to the Landdrost, Andries Stockenstrom, on 15 August 1819. In October of that year he was transported to Robben Island. He tried to escape and drowned on 9 August 1820 off . amaXhosa refused to accept his death and they expected him to return in the next three frontier wars. His clothes and ornaments were only buried in 1873. Makana was the founder of a tribal religion which stressed values opposed to those of the Whites. He named the God of all Black people 'Dalidiphu' who was claimed to be superior and distinct from the White man's God 'uThixo' both in standing and power. (Ref.: DSAB Vol .1) MAKIWANE, Tennyson Xola (1933-?) was born in the Transkei* and completed his secondary schooling at Lovedale in 1950. He entered the University of Fort Hare* where he became active in the ANC Youth League. Following demonstrations at the University in 1954 he was expelled. He moved to Johannesburg and began legal studies. He became a member of the National Working Committee of the ANC Youth League and was 34 Ubukhosi neenkokeli MAKIWANE /MAKABENI

MAKWETU MAN DE LA a defendant in the Treason Trial (1956-1858). During the lunch breaks of this trial he helped organise the Alexandria Bus Boycott of 1957. Makiwane was a staff writer for the NewAge newspaper and later a foreign corres-pondent. After being acquitted in the treason trial he left South Africa illegally and went to London where he played a central part in launching the International Boycott Movement. He represented the ANC in Ghana in 1960 in the United Frontwith the Pan Africanist Congress* (PAC). He later served the ANC in Lusaka. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) MAKOMO (see MAQOMA) MAKOMA (see MAQOMA) MAKWETU, Clarence Mlani (?-present) was born in Hoyita in the Transkei* and was educated there, in the Stutterheim District, Queenstown, and finally matriculated at Lovedale. Makwetu was drawn into politics by the 1952 Defiance Campaign and joined the ANC Youth League in 1954. In 1959 he was part of the Africanist faction that broke away to form the Pan Africanist Congress* (PAC). One of Mkwetu's main reasons for supporting the PAC was its commitment to restoring the land to its rightful owners, the Black* people. After the Sharpville massacre in 1961, Makwetu was arrested in Cape Town and escorted to the Transkei* where he was detained from September 1961 to February 1962. On his release, he returned to Cape Town but was again arrested and deported back to theTranskei. While in the Transkei he was arrested and charged with furthering the aims of the PAC. He was sentenced to five years imprisonment on Robben Island. On his release he was sent to the Transkei and was restricted for two years (until 1970). Between June 1976 and October 1979 Makwetu was detained on numerous occasions by the South African and Transkeian authorities and was eventually restricted to where he remained for five years. On 2 December 1989 the Pan Africanist Movement (PAM)3 was launched in Johannesburg with Makwetu as its leader. He stated that the PAM was not designed to replace the PAC, but to accommodate Africanists who could no longer operate underground. The main objective of the PAM was to work for the return of the land to Blacks. (Ref.: Gastrow 1990) MANDELA, Nelson Rolihlahla (1918 present) was born near Umtata and is the hereditary successor to a Thembu* chiefdom. On his father's death he renounced his links with the Thembu chiefdom and was enroled at the Healdtown Methodist Boarding School. After matriculating, Mandela attended the University ofFort Hare* but was expelled after two years for his role in a student strike (1940). Mandela left the Transkei* to avoid an arranged tribal marriage and went to the Transvaal where he worked as a mine policeman. He was traced by his relatives and again went into hiding. He met *who assisted himin obtaining articles with a legal firm. He completed a BA degree in 1941 by correspondence and then studied at the University of the Witwatersrand (and by correspondence) towards a LIB In 1942 he graduated with a law degree from the University of South Africa and in 1952 he formed the first Black* legal partnership in South Africa with *. Mandela joined the African National Congress* (ANC) in 1944. Togetherwith Oliver Tambo and Walter Sisulu he helped form the ANC Youth League. He became the General Secretary of the ANC in 1948. In late 1950 Mandela became the National President of the ANC Youth League. The Youth League eventually came to dominate the ANC. In 1952 he became the President of the Transvaal branch of the ANC. Initially both Mandela and Sisulu did not think it a good idea to work with other racial groups but Mandela changed his views during the Defiance Campaign* of 1952. As National 'Volunteer-in-Chief Mandela travelled around South Africa trying to get support for the Campaign. The Campaign officially opened on 26 June 1952. Mandela and 51 others Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 35 3The PAM stated that they stood for non-racialism, non-collaboration, the recognition of universal human rights and a planned economy in which transport, electricity supply, mining and the water supply should be controlled by the state. They believe that the provision of housing, free health-care, free education and programmes to reduce illiteracy should MAKWETU MANDELA

MAN DELA MANDELA deliberately broke curfew regulations as their first act of defiance. In December 1952 he and others were arrested and charged under the Suppression of Comnmunism Act. Mandela was sentenced to nine months imprisonment with hard labour, suspended for two years, and was issued with a banning* order prohibiting him from attending meetings for six months and from leaving the magisterial district of Johannesburg. (His banning orders were constantly renewed for the next nine years). As a result of his experiences during this campaign Mandela became one of the leading proponents of a non-racial action against the South African government. In 1956 Mandela was tried in the mass treason trial but was acquitted in 1961. In 1959 (while the trial was still under way) the ANC organised an anti-pass campaign. They were pre-empted by the PAC which called for protests on 21 March 1960, which resulted in the Sharpeville massacre. Both the ANC and PAC were banned and a State of Emergency was proclaimed. Mandela and 1 800 other political activists were imprisoned without being charged or brought to trial. During 1960 Mandela operated underground and moved around the country organising a strike to protest against the proclamation of a Republic of South Africa. He earned the nickname the 'Black Pimpernel'. The strike was a failure and was called off on its second day. This failure was one of the reasons why Mandela reconsidered his philosophy ofpeaceful protest and began to favour more militant action. He was instrumental in the formation of Umkhonto we Sizwe (the Spear of the Nation), the military wing of the ANC. In 1962 Mandela left the country to speak at a conference in Ethiopia. When he returned he was charged with illegal exit from the country and for inciting people to strike. He was eventually imprisoned for life on Robben Island for sabotage based on information gained from thepolice raid on the ANC Rivoniaheadquarters, Mandela remained in prison for 27 years and was released on 11 February 1990. With the unbanning of the ANC on 2 February 1990 Mandela was free to travel both nationally and internationally to muster support for the organisation. The leadership of the ANC made him aDeputy-President. Although he still called for a continuation of the armed struggle against Apartheid*, Mandela committed the ANC to negotiations with the South African Government. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; Gastrow 1987; Oakes (Ed.) 1988) MANDELA, Winnie (1934present) was born at Bizana in Pondoland. She attended school at Bizana and Shawsbury and at the age of 16 enroled at the School of Social Work. She became the first Black* medical social worker in South Africa and worked at Baragwanath Hospital. She met Nelson Mandela* in 1957 while he was on trial for treason. They were married in 1958. Three months later she was arrested for the first timeforher role in a anti-pass campaign. Mandela served on the National and Provincial Executives of the ANC Women's League and the National Executive of the Federation of South African Women. She also chaired the Orlando branch of the ANC until the organisation was banned in 1960. Mandela was arrested and charged under the Terrorism Act in 1959, but was found not guilty on appeal. She was banned in 1962 under the terms of the Suppression of Communism Act and was restricted to Orlando Township, Johannesburg. Stricter banning* orders were served on her in 1965 and 1966 and in essence she remained under banning orders from 19621975. On two occasions she was charged for breaking her banning order and was sentenced to 12 months imprisonment - all but four days were suspended. In May 1969 she was detained in terms of Section 6 of the Terrorism Act and was held in solitary confinement for 17 months. She was released in September 1970 after being charged and acquitted twice, but was issued with a new banning order which included house arrest. She was charged on numerous occasions for breaking her orders and in 1971 she received a suspended sentence for communicating with another banned person. In 1974 she served a six month prison sentence for another contravention of her banning order. 36 Ubukhosi neenkokeli also be the responsibility of the state. The PAM supports independent trade unions, religious freedom, equality of the sexes and the right of all people over the age ol'21 to vote and stand for election. After the unhanning of the PAC on 2 February 1990, the PAM held a congress at which they decided to rename their organisation as the 'PAC Internal'. MANDELA MANDELA

MAQOMA MAQOMA Mandela's banning orders expired at the end of October 1975. In December she assisted in the establishment of the Black Women's Federation (BWF). In response to the Soweto Riots she established the Black Parent's Association (BPA) which tried to assist in arranging legal and medical help for those affected by police action. Both organisations were banned in 1977. Mandela was once again to endure further banning orders, which were amended in May 1977 and which meant that she was banished to Phatakahle township near in the Orange . She was charged on a number of occasions for breaking this order. In April 1986 Mandela was quoted as having said that Blacks would be liberated by means of matches and necklaces. She denied this stating that she had been quoted out of context. In June 1988 her home was burnt down after it was attacked by a group of schoolchildren who claimed that the attack was not against her but the Mandela United Football Club which acted as her guard. They alleged that this club had attacked a Soweto schoolgirl. In January 1989 Mandela was involved in the controversy surrounding the abduction of four youths by the Football Club. One of these boys, Stompie Moeketse Seipei,.was found murdered. This resulted in her husband and Oliver Tambo* placing her under pressure to abandon the Club. The UDF and Cosatu issued a statement on 16 February 1989 placing all the blame for the conduct of the Club on Mandela. Jerry Richardson, the 'coach' of the Club has subsequently been charged and convicted of the murder of Seipei and Mandela has been implicated in assaults on Seipei and other young boys. (Ref,: Gastrow 1986, Gastrow 1990) MAQOMA (Makomo, Makoma, Macoma) (1798-1873) was the eldest son of Ngqika* of his 'right hand' house. Maqoma was involved in the battle of Amalinde in which his father was defeated by Ndlambe*. In 1821 Maqoma was permitted to settle in the upper region of the Kat River. His followers regularly raided' livestock from the White* farmers. The colonists retaliated by building Fort Beaufort in 1822. In 1823 Maqoma's people again raided the frontier farmers who suffered heavy losses. The colonists retaliated and seized 7 000 head of cattle and took them to Fort Beaufort. After the farmers were compensated they returned 5 200 head of cattle to Maqoma. In 1829 Maqoma raided the Thembu* and seized 3 000 head of cattle. He was ordered by the colonial authorities to return them. However, he only returned 100 head to Fort Beaufort and failed to attend a meeting of the chiefs at Fort Willshire. The colonial authorities ordered him to be punished and driven across the border. They captured Maqoma'skraal, took his cattle and resettled his people east of the Kabusi River. After the Thembu had received compensation, the remaining cattle were returned to Maqoma. When Ngqika died (1829) Maqomabecame the most powerful person among the Rharhabe*. As Ngqika's successor, Sandile* was too young to rule, so Maqoma ruled as regent. Maqoma continued raiding the colonists and in September 1833 he and Tyali were forced by the colonial authorities to vacate their land. During 1834 the situation deteriorated. Matters were aggravated by the prevailing drought. These problems contributed to the outbreak of the Sixth Frontier War* (1834-1835). As part of the negotiated peace after the war, the colonial authorities took control of the Ciskei* proclaiming it the Province of Queen Adelaide* and Maqoma, Tyali and Mhala* were appointed 'magistrates'. The chiefs found this situation untenable and under the influence of Dr Philip, D'Urban, the Cape Governor, was forced to give this land back to amaXhosa*. During the next five years Maqoma was treated lightly by the authorities. There was more and more encroachment into Xhosa territories by the White settlers during this period. In 1840 Sandile reached majority and took over control. Maqoma becamejealous ofSandile but could do very little as by this time he had become an alcoholic. Maqoma participated in the 'War ofthe Axe' (1846-1847) but was one of the first to sue for peace after the war. The colonial authorities annexed the whole of the Ciskei region calling it British Kaffraria*. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 37 MAQOMA MAQOMA

MATANZIN4A MAXEKE During the drought of 1850, Maqoina came under the spell of the prophet Mlangeni* and he participated in the Eighth Frontier War (18501853). This developed into a war of attrition and the Xhosa eventually sued for peace. Maqoma was chosen to negotiate with the colonial authorities. Unrest continued and Maqoma was arrested and taken prisoner. He was convicted of murder and in 1857 he was exiled to Robben Island. In 1869 he was allowed to return to his people. He incited revolt and was sent back to Robben Island in November 1871 where he died two years later. (Ref.: DSAB Vol. II) MATANZIMA, Kaiser Daliwonga (1915present) was born at Qamata in the St Marks District of Emigrant , Transkei*. He obtained his Junior Certificate from the Lovedale Missionary Institute in 1934 and after matriculating he attended the University of Fort Hare*. In 1939 he graduated with a B.A. degree. While at Fort Hare he met Oliver Tambo* and other Black* nationalist leaders. Matanzima took articles in 1940 but discontinued his studies to take up the position of Chief of the amaHala tribe. In 1942 be became a South African Government appointee on the Transkeian Bunga (Native Representative Council). In 1944 he resigned from the Bunga to complete his legal articles and was admitted as an attorney in 1948. (He never practised as an attorney). In 1955 when the Bantu* Authorities Act was passed he returned to the Bunga. He was made the Regional Chief of Emigrant Thembuland in 1958 and became chairman of the Transkeian Territorial Authority in 1961. In 1963 he was elected Chief Minister, having received the majority of votes from government paid chiefs, In 1966 the government appointed him Paramount Chief- a position that he had no right to claim according to tribal law, When the Transkei assumed its 'independence' in 1976, Matanzima became its first Prime Minister. In 1978 East Griqualand was incorporated into Natal and not, as Matanzima had hoped, as part of the Transkei. He threatened to cut off diplomatic ties with the South African Government. In 1978 Matanzima banned the Methodist Church from operating in the Transkei and in its place the Methodist Church of the Transkei was established. In 1979 Matanzima became the President of the Transkei following the death of Chief . (His brother George succeeded him as Prime Minister). Matanzima detained his arch rival Paramount Chief, Sabata Dalindyebo, who was found guilty of violating and injuring the dignity of the State President of the Transkei (1980). Dalindyebo was eventually deposed and left the country. In 1983 Matanzima rejected thegovernment's Tri-Cameral proposals and came out in support for a non-racial democracy. There were however many rumours of corruption, which eventually led to his deposition in a coup d'etat in September 1987 led by the Transkeian Defence Force. (Ref.: Gastrow 1986; Davies et. al. 1985) MATOMELA, Florence (1910-41962) was trained as a teacher. In 1950 she became angered by the new influx control laws and led a demonstration that ended in the burning of permits. In the 1952 Defiance Campaign* she was one of the first women volunteers. She spent six weeks in prison for civil disobedience. Matomela was brought to trial and was given a nine-month suspended sentence. In the mid1950s she was the Cape organiser of the African National Congress* (ANC) Women's League, and a Vice President of the Federation of South African Women. As one of the 156 defendants in the Treason Trial she was charged but her charges were withdrawn in December 1957. She was banned and restricted to Port Elizabeth in 1962 and was given a five year sentence for furthering the aims of the banned ANC. She died in prison. (Ref. : Gerhart and Karis 1977) MAXEKE, Charlotte Makgomo Manye (1874-1939) was born near Fort Beaufort in the Eastern Cape and was educated in Uitenhague and Port Elizabeth. In the 1890s Maxeke toured England, Canada and the United States of America (USA) with a Black* choir, remaining in the USA to study at the WilberforceUniversity in Ohio. She graduated with a Bachelor of Science degree in 1905. While at university she 38 Ubukhosi neenkokeli MATANZIMA MAXEKE

MAYI KISO MAYIKISO met and married the Rev. Marshall Maxeke. When they returned to South Africa they founded the Wilberforce Institute which became one of the leading schools for Blacks in the Transvaal. Maxeke was President of the African National Congress* (ANC) Women's League for many years. She was outspoken on social issues and was often required to give evidence before government commissions dealing with Black affairs. In 1919 she led a demonstration protesting the extension of the pass system to women. A year later she assisted Clements Kadalie and Selby Msimang in their efforts to establish a national trade union movement. She ran an employment agency for Black woman and eventually became a governmentemployed probation officer responsible for delinquent Black children. She died in 1939. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) MAYEKISO see MAYIKISO MAYIKISO, Caleb J (1919-1969) was born in Idutywa in the Transkei*. He was a textile workerand later became President of theAfrican Textile Workers' Union. Mayikiso joined the African National Congress* (ANC) in 1942 and was one of the leaders in the Port Elizabeth BusBoycott of 1949. Hewas avolunteer during the Defiance Campaign* of 1952. In the mid1950s he became a member of the Executive Committee of the Cape ANC. In 1955 he was elected to the Executive Committee of the South African Congress of Trade Unions* (SACTU). Mayikiso was one of the defendants in the Treason Trial during the period 1956 to 1961, but was acquitted. In 1963 he was re-arrested on charges of belonging to the banned ANC. He was convicted and imprisoned for fouryears. In 1969 he died while being held in detention. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) MAYIKISO, Moses Jongizizwe (1948 present) was born in Cala, Transkei*. After matriculating in 1972 he worked as a labourer on the mines, but left because he was dissatisfied with working conditions. Mayikiso then held variousjobs in Johannesburg until he was employed by Toyota Marketing in in 1976. In 1977 he was elected Shop Steward of the Metal and Allied Workers' Union (MAWU) and later became an executive member of the Union. In 1979 he served as National Treasurer. In 1979 Mayikiso lost his job following a strike over the struggle for union recognition. As a result he became a MAWU organiser on the and in 1980 was appointed MAWU'sTransvaal Secretary. Mayikisoplayed a major role during the strikes in the East Rand metal industry in 1982. After a meeting of the Transvaal Regional Stayaway Committee which organised a two-day stoppage, Mayikiso and others were detained and Mayikiso was charged with subversion in termsof the Internal Security Act. These charges were provisionally withdrawn in April 1985. In 1985 Mayikiso was elected Chairman of the Alexandra Action Committee and thereby became the leader of the highest body in the street comnmittee structure operating in the township. He was instrumental in establishing 'people's courts' in an attempt to take over some of the roles of the police and the state courts. Residents were encouraged to use these courts rather than report incidents to the authorities. Mayikiso was detained in February 1986 at Square, Johannesburg in terms of the State of Emergency regulations and was released on 7 March when the emergency was lifted. In May 1986 Mayikisowas appointed General Secretary of MAWU and was subsequently detained in terms of Section 29 of the Internal Security Act during the second State of Emergency in June 1986. He was charged with high treason, subversion and sedition. He was released on RIO 000 bail in December 1988 and acquitted in April 1989. While in detention Mayekiso was elected General Secretary of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUM SA) which was formed in 1987. This new union was formed as a merger of Mawu, the National Automobile and Allied Workers' Union (NAAWU) and the Motor Industries Car Components Workers' Union (MICCWU). It Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 39 MAYIKISO MAYIKISO

MB EKI MBEKI was affiliated to the Congress of South Africa Trade Unions (COSATU) and the International Metalworkers Federation and adopted the ANC's Freedom Charter. On his release, Mayekiso once again became politically active and in mid-1989 travelled to Lusaka where he contributed to the Organisation of African Unity's (OAU) document on negotiations between the ANC and the South African Government. On his return he was active in the Mass Democratic Movement's defiance campaign and represented Numsa at the Conference for a Democratic Future (9 December 1989). Mayekiso has been named one of the 22person interim leadership group of the South African Communist Party* at this party's relaunch on 29 July 1990. (Ref.: Gastrow 1987; Gastrow 1990) MBEKI, Govan Archibald Mvunyelina (1910-present) was born in the district of the Transkei*. He was the son of a chief who was deposed by the South African Government. He attended missionary schools and matriculated from Healdtown. The Transkeian Bunga gave him a bursary to study at University of Fort Hare* and in 1937 he graduated with a BA degree. He went on to complete an education diploma. In 1935While still a student he joined the African National Congress*(ANC). After leaving university Mbeki taught at a number of schools including the Clarkebury Institute and Adams College, but was dismissed as a result of his political activities. He ran a trading store at Idutywa and became the editor of the Territorial Magazine (1938-1944). He graduated from the University of South Africa (UNISA) with a B.Econ. (Social Studies) in 1940. In 1941 he became the Secretary of the Transkeian African Voters' Association and in 1943 he was elected to represent Idutywa on the Transkeian Bunga. He was also a directorof the Guardian newspaper. In the 1950s Mbeki returned to the teaching profession, having found a post in Ladysmith, Natal, but he was again dismissed for his political activities. He moved to Port Elizabeth in 1955 and became the local editor of the New Age newspaper. Mbeki became deeply involved in ANC activities and was politically active in many different spheres. He was part of the planning group preparing for the Congress of the People (1955) and was the eastern Cape leader of the ANC. In 1956 he was elected National Chairman of the ANC. During the State of Emergency following the Sharpeville massacre (1960) Mbeki spent five months in detention. After his release he took a leading role in the Orlando Conference and the All-In Africa Conference (Pietermaritzburg) where the call was made for a National Convention. In 1961 he joined the Communist Party of South Africa and, at the end of that year, was arrested and charged under the Explosives Act. He was acquitted on a technicality. In 1963 he ignored his house arrest and went underground with Umkhonto we Sizwe, serving as Secretary to the high command. He was arrested on Lilliesleaf Farm, Rivonia (the headquarters of Urnkhonto we Sizwe) and received a life sentence for sabotage. While in prison (1970) he completed a BA Hons. degree in Economics and in 1977 was awarded an honourary Doctorate in Social Science from the University of Amsterdam for his work The Peasant Revolt (published in 1964 and banned in South Africa). Mbeki was released from Robben Island in 1987 following which he was restricted under the State of Emergency. He was refused a passport in 1988. In October 1989, he was given permission to travel to Johannesburg to attend a mass rally organised to welcome other Rivonia trialists who had been released. His restriction orders were lifted on 9 November. After the unbanning of the ANC and the SACP on 2 February 1990, Mbeki became a member of the ANC's Interim Leadership Committee. On 29 October 1990 the Communist Party named Mbeki as one of their 22-person interim leadership group. (Ref.: Gastrow 1986; Oakes (Ed.) 1988; Gerhart and Karis 19771 Gastrow 1990) MBEKI, Thabo (1942-present) was born on 18 June 1942 in Idutywa in the Transkei*, the son of Govan Archibald Mbeki*. He was 40 Ubukhosi neenkokeli MBEKI MBEKI

MBEKI MD LANGASO educated at a primary school in Butterworth and high schools at Lovedale (Alice) and St John's (Umtata). Hejoined the ANC Youth League in 1956. Following a student strike in 1959, the school closed down and the students were expelled. Mbeki studied at home and sat his matriculation examinations at St John's High School, Umtata. He completed British 'A' Level examinations through the South African Committee for Higher Education (Sached) in Johannesburg after which he undertook studies towards an economics degree as an external student of the University of London (19611962). Throughout 1961 Mbeki was involved in the ANC underground working mainly in the Witwatersrand and Pretoria areas. In May he became active in mobilising students and youth in the May stayaway in protest against the creation of a Republic. He became Secretary of the African Students' Association in December that year. Mbeki spent six weeks in detention for his political activities in 1962 and after his release was instructed by theANC to leave the country. He eventually made his way to the United Kingdom where he studied at the University of Sussex. In 1966 he was awarded a MA degree in Economics. He worked in the ANC offices in London (1967-1970) and in 1970did military training in the Soviet Union. During 19711972 he was the ANC Assistant Secretary on the Revolutionary Council. He spent a year in Botswana (1973-1974), holding discussions with the Botswana government about opening an ANC office in that country. During 19751976 Mbeki was the acting ANC representative in Swaziland and from 1976 to 1978 was the ANC representative in Nigeria. In 1975 Mbeki was elected a member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC. In 1978 was appointed Secretary in the office of thePresident and in 1984 he became Directorof Information and Publicity. Mbeki took over the Department of International Affairs in 1989. Following the unbanning of the ANC, Mbeki has been part of the ANC's negotiation teams with the South African government (Ref.: Hayes 1988-89; Gastrow 1987; Gastrow 1990) MDA, Ashby Peter Solomzi ("AP") (1916-?) was born the son of a shoemaker and Xhosa* tribal headman, and aschool teacher. Heattended Catholic schools and studied to be a teacher at Mariazell in the Transkei*. Mda moved to the Transvaal in 1937 to take up a teaching post at a Catholic school in Orlando township, Johannesburg. He became involved in African National Congress* (ANC) activities and was one of the founder members of tho ANC Youth League in 1944. He served as Transvaal speaker and was appointed to the National Executive. On the death of Lembede, Mda was elected head of the League and under his leadership its activities spread beyond the Transvaal. He pressed for the adoption of the 'Programme of Action' and also authored the 'Basic Policy of the Congress Youth League'. He opposed the idea that Whites should be forced to leave Africa after Black* majority rule replaced Colonial government. He supported the use of boycotts as aweapon in the struggle, favoured socialisteconomicprinciples but was hostile to the influence of the Communist Party in the ANC as he believed they undermined 'African Nationalism'. In 1946 Mda graduated with a BA degree from the University of South Africa (UNISA) through correspondence study. He was reelected to the National Executive of the ANC in 1949 but due to ill health did not stand for reelection to the presidency of the Youth League. He was initially opposed to the Defiance Campaign* and was fearful of the League's move towards non-racialism. During the mid1950s the Africanist faction in the Congress looked toMdaas the ideological heir ofLembede and the authority of 'pure' nationalism. Mda nevertheless opposed the split from the ANC of the Africanists who formed the Pan Africanist Congress* (PAC) in 1958. He studied law and was admitted as an attorney in early 1960. He left South Africa to escape the police and set up a legal practice in Lesotho. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) MDLANGASO (e. 1845-1919) was born near Flagstaff in east Pondoland the grandson of Faku*, paramount chief of the Mpondo*. He was, however, not in line to take over the paramountcy. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 41 MBEKI MDLANGASO

MDUSIIANE MOIJIMA Mdlangaso was one of the first Mpondos to study at the Lovedale Mission Institute (18721874). In his earlier years he was closely associated with theWesleyan Methodist Mission but became estranged from the missionaries as a result of his political feelings. He forcefully took over the leadership of the Mpondo from his cousin Mqikela*, who had become addicted to alcohol during the 1880's. Mdlangaso resented the treatment of the Mpondo by Sir H Bartle Frere (British High Commissioner) who, in 1878, had encroached on Mpondo independence. He was further angered when Frere deposed Mqikela as paramount of the Mpondo. (The paramountcy was a hereditary right and a position of respect). Frere also seized Port St Johns and forced the tribe to accept a British Resident. The Mpondo in effect became British subjects. The consequent hostility of Mdlangaso toward the Cape officials led him to attempt to negotiate directly with the British Government in England. He had little success and so in desperation journeyed to Cape Town where he signed a treaty of friendship in 1886. In 1877 Sigcau took over leadership of the Mpondo and insisted on ruling without the help of Mdlangaso. Three years later Mdlangaso tried to take over the leadership once again which resulted in a civil war lasting until 1894 when the Cape under CJ Rhodes, annexed Mpondoland. Mdlangaso was blamed for all the Mpondo's problems and was banished from the country. He was pardoned in 1910 and returned home. (Rf .: Lipschutz andRasmussen 1978; DSAB Vol. II) MDUSHANE (c.1780-1828) was the son of Ndlambe* by a minor wife. Ndlambe gave him control over Rharhabe*'s 'right hand' house. Little is known of Mdushane's childhood. He was a gifted leader and is believed to have ruled his people with wisdom. His people multiplied under his rule and eventually accepted his name they became known as the imiDushani. Mdushane never took part in the struggle between his father and Ngqika* for the leadership of the Rharhabe*. Initially he gave his moral support to Ngqika because he had become estranged from his father over the way he treated his mother. When the struggle came to a head in 1818, they eventually put aside their differences and Mdushane began to support his father. After Ngqika had been defeated at the battle of Amalinde the British came to his aid and Ndlambe and his allies were forced to flee. Filled with a desire for vengeance, Mdushane joined Ndlambe and Makana* in the attack on Grahamstown (1819). This daytime attack was a disaster and they were forced to flee to the Kei River. By this time Ndlambe's power was broken. From 1819 to 1824 Ndlambe and Mdushane remained east of the Buffalo River. In 1824 the Wesleyan missionary, the Rev, William Shaw, organised a conference between these chiefs and Major Henry Somerset. The British recognised that Ndlambe and his allies were independent of Ngqika. Mdushane and his people eventually settled in the East London district. (Ref.: DSAB Vol. 1I) MFAXA, Elliot (1926-?) was born at Stutterheim in the Eastern Cape and attended school at Lovedale where he became involved in political activity. He was employed as a teacher and clerk but spent most of his time in working for the ANC and the Youth League. He was imprisoned during the Defiance Campaign* of 1952 and was tried for treason in December 1956, but was acquitted a year later. Mfaxa was an Africanist who opposed the formation of the Congress Alliance*. In April 1959 he became the National Organiser of the Pan Africanist Congress* (PAC). He was arrested after the Sharpeville massacre in 1960 and served two years in prison. On his release he left the country and went to Lesotho where he once again became a school teacher. (Ref: Gerhart and Karis 1977) MG[JIMA, Enoch (1868-1928) was an Mfengu* leader who founded the 'Israelite' sect at Bulhoek and was known as the 'Prophet', 'Bishop', 'Watchman' and 'Lion of the East'. Originally educated at a village school, he became an exhorter in the Methodist Church. Then followed a conversion to a Black* separatist church in 1903 called 'The Church of God and 42 Ubukhosi neenkokeli MDUSHANE MG11JIMA

MHALA MHLAKAZA Saints of Christ'. He became a preacher, converting many people, and became the leader of this church in 1914. The Church of God and Saints of Christ was based on a mixture of Jewish ritual, e.g. the observance of Saturday as the Sabbath and the Passover, and Christian teaching and had no political aims. Mgijima began to have visions of a Black millennium and, as a result, was excommunicated in 1919. Many people left the church with him and formed a sect known as the 'Israelites'. The Israelites built a village at Buihoek and lived together in a community. The sect was however illegally occupying crown land and refused to move, claiming that they were awaiting the coming of Jehovah on that spot. In 1921 General J C Smuts ordered a large police force to assemble near Bulhoek to frighten the Israelites. The Israelites attacked the police who responded with rifle and machine gun fire resulting in 183 dead, 92 wounded and the arrest of 113. Mgijima eventually agreed to surrender the village to the governing authorities. The survivors were brought to trial and found guilty of sedition (Grahamstown, 1921) and were sentenced to six years imprisonment. (About 100 Israelites who had not been part of the attack were fined). Mgijima returned to take up the leadership of his church in 1923 and in 1926 laid the foundation of a large church in Queenstown. He died in 1928. (Ref,: DSAB Vol. 1) MtJALA (c. 1800-1875) was a son of Ndlambe* whom he succeeded in 1828. Although he was not the rightful heir he was preferred by the ruling family to Mqhayi*. As a result, the Rharhabe* divided into two, with Mhala as the chief of the major section. Mhala participated in the Sixth Frontier War* (1834-1835) and when it was over signed a treaty with Andries Stockenstrom. In 1840 he signed an amended treaty with Sir George Napier and yet another treaty in 1845. In 1846 he joined looting expeditions into the Colony and became involved in the Seventh Frontier War ('War of the Axe' - 1846-1847) butremained neutral in the Eighth Frontier War (1850-1853) although many of his subjects took part. His only role in this war was looking after the cattle and booty of his subjects. From 1856-1857 he followed Sarhili*'s example and participated in the Cattle- killing*. In the famine that followed his people starved to death while many went to the Colony in search of work. From this time onwards he lived as a bandit and was eventually captured and imprisoned on Robben Island. He was released in 1864 and died in obscurity. ('Ref.: DSAB Vol. 1i) MHLABA, Raymond (1920-present) was born the son ofa policemen in the Fort Beaufort district. He was educated at Healdtown but had to leave school for financial reasons before matriculating. In 1942 he went to work in a Port Elizabeth dry cleaning factory and became involved in trade union activity. In 1943 he joined the Communist Party and served as the Port Elizabeth district Secretary in 1946. He had joined the African National Congress* (ANC) in 1944 and, from 1947 to 1953, was the branch chairman in Port Elizabeth. In 1952 Mhlaba led a group of defiers through the 'Europeans Only' entrance of the New Brighton railway station. He also was the first ANC leader to be arrested in the Defiance Campaign*. Mhlaba was banned under the Suppression of Communism Act, but was still elected to the Cape Executive Committee of the ANC in 1954. In 1963 he was arrested at Rivonia and was charged for being in the high command of Umkhonto we Sizwe. He was found guiltyand sentencedto life imprisonment on Robben Island. Mhlaba was released from prison on 15 October 1989 and returned to Port Elizabeth. After the unbanning of the ANC and SACP he became part of the ANC's Interim Internal Leadership Group and is Chairman of the SACP's Interim Leadership Group. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977; Gastrow 1990) M11LAKAZA (?1800-1857) Little is known of Mlhlakaza's early life. In the 1850s he was an influential religious leader in the Gcaleka* clan under Sarhili* who sought his advise on White* Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 43 MHALA MHLAKAZA

MI-I LAKAZA MKWAYI encroachment. He is believed to have had a vision in which he was transported to the land of the dead where he was caressed by Hintsa*'s shadow. Rharhabe*'s spirit was reputed to have pronounced that the quarrels between the Rharhabe and Gcaleka had come to an end and if the amaXhosa* people killed all their cattle and destroyed their grain crops and food in storage, the spirits would rise from the dead and drive the White people into the sea. *, his niece, supported this claim. Nongqawuse* told Mhlakaza of a dream in which she had seen the shades of the dead chiefs in the Gxara pool. He began to use Nongqawuse as a medium to communicate with the spirits of the ancestors. Sarhili supported this prophecy and many people followed his advice and destroyed everything. The movement also became popular with the Rharhabe under Sandile*. The date for the fulfilment of the prophecy, 18 February 1857, passed - and nothing happened. It was believed that one of the reasons for this failure was that some of the people had not obeyed the prophecy. Sandile, who had come under the influence of the missionaries and therefore did not initially participate, at last gave.in and instructed his people to destroy all theirpossessions. Mhlakaza suggested that they had another chance if all the people were obedient and that the prophecy would be fulfilled on 28 May - but again nothing happened. By this time over 150 000 cattle had been killed. Two-thirds of amaXhosa starved to death and many fled to the Cape Colony to find employment. This event was so devastating to amaXhosa people that it broke their ability to resist White encroachment for many years. Some scholars have suggested that this was a deliberate attempt on the part of the chiefs to make their people so desperate that they would invade the colony. Others have suggested that the Whites were behind this movement in order to force the Xhosa to become a cheap source of labour. It appears that this was rather a desperate attempt on the part of desperate people to improve their situation. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; DSAB Vol. 1) MHLONTLO (1837-1912) was born near the modern in west Pondoland, the son of the'right hand' house of the Mpondomise*. His father Matiwane, the son of Myeki, was killed in a tribal war while Mhlontlo was still a child. Matiwane's brother Mbali became the regent and led the people into the district. Mbali was forced to hand over power to Mhlontlo when he came of age, especially after he, Mhlontlo, had married the daughter of Sarhili* as his great wife (one of eleven wives), Mhlontlo lived in a time of internal strife within the Mpondomise and also frequently fought against Ndamase of the western Mpondo*. In 1873 theBritish resident stationed in tried to establish colonial control over the people. Mhlontlo, hoping to have the support of the British against his enemies, asked to become a British subject. Although Mhlontlo had requested the British to take control, he objected to the interference of the British magistrate in his jurisdiction over his tribe and was fined for allowing tribal customs to persist. When the Basotho Rebellion broke out in 1880 Mhlontlo was asked to assist the Colonial Government. Three British officials joined the Mpondomise army and two of them were murdered. The Mpondomise took possession of the British arms and ammunition and joined the rebellion. Mhlontlo eventually had to flee tofBasutoland where he converted to the Roman Catholic faith. He lived in hiding for more than20 years. He was arrested in the Herschel District in 1903 and was brought to trial in Grahamstown in 1904, charged with murder and rebellion, but was acquitted. He remained in the eastern Cape and was only allowed to return to his people in 1906. (Re.: DSAB 11) MKWAYI, Wilton Zirnasile (1923-present) was born into a peasant family near Middledrift. After elementary schooling he worked as a labourer, clerk and stevedore. He became involved in trade union activity eventually becoming organiser for the African Textile Workers (ATW) in Port Elizabeth in the early 1950s and later served as Treasurer of the South African Congress of Trade Unions* (SACTU). 44 Ubukhosi neenkokeli MH LAKAZA MKWAYI

BAARD BOKWE BAARD, Francis [see page 23] BIKO, Steven [see page 23] Elizabeth [see page 23] BOKWE, John Knox [seepage 24] Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 45 BAARD BOIKWVE

BOTOMANI BOTOMANI [seepage 24J CALATA, James A [see page 251 DWANE, James M /see page 26] GQOZO, Oupa [see page 281 46 Ubukhosi neenkokeli GQOZO

1-IANI JABAVU HANI, Chris [see page 291 HOLOMISA, Bantu [seepage 30] HINTSA [see page 30] JABAVU, John Tengo[ see page 31] Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 47 HANI JABAVU

JACK MAKWETU r I , JACK, Mkhuseli [see page 32] MAKANA [see page 34] KAMA [see page 33] MAKWETU, Clarence [see page 35] 48 Ubukhosi neenkokeli MAKWETU JACK w,

MANDEA AQM MANDELA, Nelson [see page 35] MATANZIMA, KD [seepage 38] MAQOMA [seepage 37] Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 49 MANDELA, Winnie [see page 36] MANDELA MAQOMA

MAYIKISO MH LANGASO MAYIKISO, Moses J [see page 39] MBEKI, Thabo [seepage 401 MBEKI, Govan [see page 401 MHLANGASO [see page 41] 50 Ubukhosi neenkokeli MHLANGASO MAY IKISO

MQIJIMA MXENCE MQIJIMA [see page 42] MPETHA, Oscar [see page 56 MKWAYI, Wilton Z [see page 441 MXENGE, Victoria [seepage 581 Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 51 MQIJIMA MXENGE

NQENO PITYANA NQENO [see page 63] NZO, Alfred B [see page 64] NQWILISO /see page 63] PITYANA [see page 66] 52 Ubukhosi neenkokeli NQENO PITYANA

SAND lIE sIsuLu SANDILE [see page 63] SEBE, Lennox [see page 69] SARFILI [seepage 68] SISULU, Albertina [seepage 69] Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders SANDILE SISULU

SOBUKWE SISULU, Walter [see page 70] SIZANI, Stone P [see page 71] SISULU, Zwelakshe [see page 71] SOBUKWE, Robert [see page 72] 54 Ubukhosi neenkokeli SISULU

XUMA SO GA, John Henderson /see page 73J XUNDU, Mcebise [see page 76] TAMBO, Oliver [see page 73] XUMA, Alfred [see page 77] Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 55 SOIGA

MIANGENI MPEThA Mkwayi was one of the eastern Cape leaders in the 1952 Defiance Campaign* and was one of the accused in the Treason Trial. When other leaders were detained in the State ofEmergency after the Sharpeville massacre, Mkwayi went into hiding and left South Africa to muster foreign support for the African National Congress* (ANC). He returned to South Africa in 1964 and was charged for promoting the aims of Umkhonto we Sizwe and was imprisoned on Robben Island. Mkwayi was released in October 1989 and in 1990 was appointed to the ANC's Interim Leadership Committee as National Political Organiser. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977; Gastrow 1990) AffLANGENI (c.1830-1853). In the 'War of the Axe' (1846-1847) the Rharhabe* people in the Ciskei* were defeated and brought under British control. Through the establishment of British Kaffraria*, the territories ofthe Ngqika* and Ndlambe* were placed under the control of the British Government and not the Colonial Government at the Cape. The powers of the chiefs were limited because the people were given the right to appeal to White* commissioners against decisions made by a chief. Therevenue of the chiefs was reduced because witchcraft rituals were stopped and the chiefs were no longer able to confiscate property from their subjects. Both these practices were important sources of revenue. Both chiefs and people were especially dissatisfied over the confiscation of their land to form the 'Ceded Territory' and even more so when it was later given to the Christianised Mfengu*. TheXhosa* people began looking for a solution to the problem of White* encroachment. Mlangeni acquired prominence as a seer because he claimed to communicate directly with the ancestors who informed him that the reasons for their problems were because they had not obeyed their traditional religious teachings. More particularly Mlangeni suggested that they had been defeated in the war because Ndlambe's grave had been violated. His claim was substantiated when a snake appeared at Sandile*'s kraal. This was proof, he said, that the Rharhabe ancestors were disturbed. He claimed furthermore that it was possible, if amaXhosa were obedient to the wishes of the ancestors, to drive the White people into the sea. Mlangeni conformed to the traditional pattern of prophecy by introducing certain religious taboos including the banning of witchcraft and other purification rituals. He invited people to visit him for purification and became well known as a miracle worker. He received visits from people like Faku*'s Mpondo and Moshoeshoe's Basotho. However he condemned all those who refused to obey his orders. In 1850 Mlangeni issued charms which were believed to make the people invulnerable to European weapons. War with the colony broke out later that year and Mlangeni became Sandile's chief military adviser. Throughout this war he set about enhancing his image. The drought and an earth tremor that occurred were attributed to him and the sinking of the Birkenhead was cited to prove his power over the sea. amaXhosa eventually succumbed to Governor HGW Smith's scorched earth policy. When Sandile approached Mlangeni for advice hewas instructed to killhis motherand favourite wife as they were the cause of the Xhosa failure in war. Mlangeni had to flee and died before peace was restored. Rumour had it that he continued to live through the 1850s and that he advised Mhlakaza* in his preparations for the Cattle Killing (1856-1857). (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; DSAB VoL Hi; Peires 1989) MPETHA, Oscar (1909-present) was born at Mount Fletcher in the Transkei*. In 1934 he moved to Cape Town where he worked as a docker, waiter, road labourer, hospital and factory worker. Mpetha became active in the trade union movement in the 1940s and was elected General Secretary of the African Food and Canning Workers' Union in 1951. Hejoined the African National Congress* (ANC) and became Cape Chairman in 1958. He was also a founder member of the South African Congress of Trade Unions* (SACTU). In 1959 Mpetha was placed under banning* orders for two years under the Suppression of Communism Act and 56 Ubukhosi neenkokeli MLANGENI MPETHA

MQHAYI the Riotous Assemblies Act and was detained under the post-Sharpeville State of Emergency (1960). After the two-year banning had run its course, Mpetha served as the Regional Chairman of the Transkeian Democratic Party's Western Cape branch during the 1960s. In 1978 he became the National Organiser of the African Food and Canning Workers' Union and from this time became increasingly politically active. He was a founder member and Chairman of the Nyanga Residents' Association which played an important role in protesting against the demolition of the Crossroads camp and in organising the 1980 bus boycott in Cape Town. In 1980 Mpetha was detained in under Section 22 of the General Law Amendment Act. In 1981 he appeared with 18 others on two charges of murder and other charges related to terrorist activity. He was found not guilty of murder but was convicted on charges of terrorism and, in June 1983, was imprisoned for five years. In 1983 too he became one of the presidents of the United Democratic Front* (UDF) and played an important role in the UDF's campaign to boycott Black* Local Authority elections of September that year. (Ref.: Gastrow 1986) MQHAYI, Samuel EK (1875-1945) was born near Alice and studied at Lovedale. He worked as a teacher and journalist and was on the editorial staff of Imvo Zabantsundu. Mqhayi published many books of Xhosa* poetry and prose. Later he taught at Lovedale but eventually left teaching because of the way Black* history was being taught. In 1927 Mqhayi wrote seven more verses to Nkosi Sikelel'1-Afr-ika (God Bless Africa) which had been composed by (who also wrote the words for the first verse). This became the anthem adopted by the African National Congress* (ANC) and is also the National Anthem of Tanzania and Zambia. * and Pearce L Gqobose (a Pan Africanist Congress* leader) corresponded with each other by quoting from Mqhayi's verses while they were in prison in the 1960s. (Ref..' Gerhart and Karis 1977) MTHIKRAKRA MQIKELA (Umqikela) (1831-1887) succeeded his father Faku* as paramount chief of the Mpondo* in 1867. His half-brother Ndamase* (d. 1876) formed a separate chiefdom (Western Branch). This split greatly reduced Mpondo power. Mqikela tried to follow Faku's policy of alliances with the British, but as the neighbouring groups had succumbed to British power, the British did not really need alliances with the Mpondo. The Cape Government annexed East Griqualand in 1875 and the British High Commissioner, Sir H Bartle Frere, insisted that Mqikela cede Port St Johns to him. Mqikela refused. Mpondo-Cape relations had deteriorated when the Cape Government took East Griqualand over in 1875 and, in 1878, they broke down completely when the Mpondo were caught harbouring Griqua rebels. The British demanded that Mqikela sanction the presence of a British Resident in his territory, that he should surrender Port St Johns to the Cape and that he should allow free passage from Port St Johns to Umtata and . When Mqikela did not react immediately, Frere deprived him of his paramountcy (5 July 1878). Frere persuaded Mqikela's rival Nqwiliso* (Ndamase's son) to sell him Port St Johns in return for the recognition of his (Nqwiliso's) independence. Mqikela eventually lost control and his chiefdom was taken over by his nephew. On his death he was succeeded by his son Sigcau. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; DSAB Vol. i) MTHIKRAKRA (Mtirara) (e.1820-c.1850) was a Thembu* chief born in the Transkei*, the son of * (Vusani). The great wife of Ngubengcuka was barren so Mthikrakra's mother was placed in the 'great house' to become pregnant so that an heir could be born. At the time of his father's death Mthikrakra was still a minor and the tribe was ruled by a regent, Fadana. Mthikrakra took over the chieftainship in 1845 at Bumbane in theUmtata district. This became the great place of the Thembu chiefs. Mthikrakra's reign was short and uneventful. During the Seventh Frontier War* (1846 -1847 - the 'War of the Axe') he Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 57

NDLAMBE returned the cattle looted by one of his minor chiefs to the Cape government and asked the British government for protection. His request was denied. On Mthikrakra's death the Thembu were ruled by his half-brother Joyi and his mother Nonesi and was eventually succeeded by his son Ngangelizwe*. (Ref.: DSAB Vol. 11) MTIRARA (see MTHIKRAKRA) MVABAZA, Levi Thomas (?-1955) was born in Peddie and was educated at St Matthew's College and , in Cape Town. After working in Port Elizabeth he moved to Johannesburg and with others established an English- Xhosa weekly paper called Umlorno wa Bantu in 1910. Thispaper stated its aim was to unify all Blacks into one united people and to improve and expedite the education of Black* children. Mvabaza was a prominent member of the African National Congress* (ANC) from its earliest days. He was a member of the 1914 deputation to Britain and the 1919 deputation to Britain and Versailles. He was arrested for his part in the 'Bucket Strike' in 1918. He worked for the revival of the ANC in the 1930s and in the early 1940s he served on the working committee of the Transvaal ANC and was a member of the National Anti-Pass Council in 1944. Mvabaza died in Johannesburg in 1955. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) MXENGE, Victoria Nonyamezelol (19421985) was born in Tamara, King William's Town. She matriculated from Healdtown High School (Fort Beaufort) in 1959 and became a student nurse at Lovedale Hospital (Alice) where she completed a nursing diploma in 1964. She married Griffiths Mlungisi Mxenge in 1964 and, as he was a LIB student at Natal University, she moved to Durban, where she completed a course in midwifery atKing Edward VIII Hospital. She then worked at the Clinic. Later Mxenge became a full-time student at EdendaleTechnical College (Pieter- maritzburg) whereshe completed a Public Health Certificate in 1973. While doing this course, she decided to register for a BProc degreewith theUniversity of South Africa and graduated in 1981. She was admitted as an attorney in the same year while working for her husband's legal firm. Mxenge became deeply involved in her husband's political activities. Their lives were much affected by her husband's frequent bannings, detentions and imprisonment. Eventually Griffiths Mxenge was sentenced to two years imprisonment on Robben Island under the Suppression of Communism Act in 1967. In 1973 was served with a five year banning* order and in 1976 he was detained for 103 days under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act. On 19 February 1981 Griffiths Mxenge was found murdered. Mxenge continued his legal practice and handled his political cases in Natal, including the trial of Paramount Chief Sabata Dalindyebo (Transkei*), the Mudli and Mohapi cases and the PAC trial. She was a member of various community and women's organisations and was a member of the Release Mandela* Committee. She also served on the Natal Regional Executive Committee of the United Democratic Front* (UDF). was assassinated in 1985. (Ref.: Gastrow 1986) NDAMASE (c. 1805-1876) was the eldest son of Faku*'s 'right hand' house and was Faku's eldest son. He was much older than Mqikela* (the rightful heir) who was the eldest son of the 'great house'. As there was ill-feeling between Ndamaseand Mqikela, Faku*advised Ndamase to cross the Umzinvubu River (1845) and take control of the Western Mpondo*. On Faku's death, Mqikela took control of all amaMpondo. Ndamase maintained his independence but recognised Mqikela's paramountcy. In 1869 the Cape Governor tried to acquire Port St Johns but Ndamase refused to hand it over. Ndamase is remembered as a wise ruler. (Ref.: DSAB Vol. III) NDLAMBE (Slambe) (c.1740-1828). When Ndlambe's father Rharhabe* died (c. 1787) he was made regent over his nephew Ngqika*. In his ten years' regency he tried to gain recognition 58 Ubukhosi neenkokeli 4 Ideally there should also be an entry on her husband, Grifliths Mxeuge. However, owing to suppressive legislation it is difficult to find material on Griffiths Mxenge. When information is available, it will be included in a later editions. MXENGE

NDLAMBE NGANGELISWE from the people to declare him their formal chief. In 1789 he allied with White* settlers in the eastern Cape colony against a Xhosa* splinter group. Four years later he joined with other Xhosa groups to fight against theWhites. In the negotiations which followed each conflict he came across as a powerful leader. In 1796 Ngqika came of age and insisted on taking over leadership. A year later Ndlambe was imprisoned by Ngqika but he managed to escape and crossed the Fish River in 1799 and was joined by supporters from other Xhosa splinter groups. By 1809 Ndlambe had almost succeeded in breaking Ngqika's power. He set fire to Ngqika's grazing lands and huts and captured most of his cattle, placing himself in a position to assume authority over all the Rharhabe people. However, the Cape authorities continued to recognise Ngqika as the only legitimate Rharhabe leader. This made Ndlambe bitter towards the Whites and he subsequently did everything in his power to cause trouble on the frontier. He assumed a more threatening attitude towards the border farmers, stealing their cattle and murdering people. He was ordered to leave the area but refused. With the arrival of a new Cape Governor, Sir John Cradock, it was decided to drive the Xhosa out of the Zuurveld*. Ngqika agreed to allow Ndlambe to live with his people if he agreed to submit to his authority. Ndlambe was eventually driven from the Zuurveld in the Fourth Frontier War* of 18111812. This was followed by a general exodus of from the Zuurveld, which meant that Ndlambe and Ngqika had to live in close proximity, again causing unrest on the frontier. With the help of the prophet Makana*, Ndlambe was able to unite various Rharhabe factions and, allied with the Gcaleka* chief Hintsa*, was able to get rid of Ngqika in 1818. The Cape Government responded to Ngqika's appeals for assistance and Ndlambe, Makana and Hintsa were defeated in 1819. Ndlambe eventually came to a compromise with Ngqika and obtained recognition by the Cape officials as a minor chief (1820-1824). When he died he was succeeded by his son Mdushane* who died soon after. The next successor was Maqoma*, a son of Ngqika. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; DSAB Vol. 1) NGCAYIYA, Henry Reed (1860-1928) was born in the Fort Beaufort district and trained as a teacher at Healdtown. He taught, worked as a court interpreter and was eventually ordained as a minister in the African Methodist Episcopal Church. He left this church and helped in the creation of theEthiopian* Church and eventually became its leader. He was one of the African National Congress* (ANC) chaplains and for many years served on the National Executive Committee. Ngcayiya died in 1928. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) NGANGELIZWE (c.1840-1884) His original name was Qeya, but after his initiation and accession to the chieftainship he was renamed Ngangelizwe meaning 'as great as the country'. He was educated by the Rev. Peter Hargreaves at Clarkebury. Ngangelizwe's father (Mthikrakra*) died in 1849 and the Thembu* were ruled by a regent until Ngangelizwe was old enough to take over (1863). During his reign he went to war against the neighbouring Gcaleka* people, often turning to the British for support. His chief wife was Novili, the daughter of Sarhili*, but he treated her so badly that she fled backto her father (1870). This strained relations between the Ccaleka and Thembu who were already at odds over land and cattle. Ngangelizwe fought several unsuccessful wars against the Gcaleka during theearly 1870s and eventually appealed to the Cape Government for protection. In 1875 the Government agreed to assist him on the condition that he abdicate. He did so but was reinstated the following year. From this time onwards he supported the colonial government forces in several actions against his neighbours. Shortly before his death he accepted the temporal leadership of Nehemiah Tile*'s independent church. He was succeeded by his son, Dalindyebo*. (Ref: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; DSAB Vol. l1) Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 59 NDLAMBE NGANGELISWE

NGC U KA NGOYI NGCUKA, Bulelani Thandabantu (1954present) was born in Middledrift in the eastern Cape where he attended the Ann Shaw Bantu Community School until 1968. He matriculated from Freemantle High School at Lady Frere in 1973 and enroled at the University of Fort Hare* to read Law and joined the South Africa Students' Organisation (SASO). In the late 1970s Ngcuka was arrested for attending a memorial service for * at the University and was taken to Fort Glamorgan Prison London. He was charged with contravening the Riotous Assemblies Act and was sentenced to R30 or 30 days imprisonment. The University agreed to pay all the fines of those arrested, In 1978 Ngcuka moved to Durban and took up articles with Griffiths Mxenge and was admitted as an attorney in 1980. In , Griffiths Mxenge was assassinated and Ngcuka was involved in making the funeral arrangements. One of his colleagues was detained and Ngcuka left Natal to escape arrest or detention. He continued making funeral arrangements from King William's Town. When he returned to Durban hewas detained and held at CR Swart Square. He was kept in solitary confinement for eight months and was instructed to testify in a treason trial. He refused and was sentenced to threeyears imprisonment for fitlure to testify. While in prison, Ngcuka completed a LIB degree. During 1984, the Law Society applied to have Ngcuka's name removed from the roll of attorneys because he had refused to testify. He case was defended by Victoria Mxenge* who had taken over her husband's practice. M xenge won the case. The day before he was due to be released, Victoria Mxenge was assassinated, On his release, he travelled to King William's Town to arrange for her funeral. In 1985 Ngcuka married and travelled to Switzerland where he registered for a Masters Degree in International Relations at Webster University. In 1986 he was awarded the Human Rights Internship Award and worked for the International Labour Organisation (ILO) as an intern for a year. He served a second year with the ILO's Programme of Action Against Apartheid as an employee of the organisations' 'Equality of Rights Branch'. In December 1987 Ngcuka returned to South Africa and in January the following year began practising law in Cape Town. While organising Nelson Mandela*'s 70th birthday celebrations he was detained under the State of Emergency regulations. Just before the 1989 general election he was again detained for about three weeks, On his release he was served with a restriction order confining him to the Wynberg magisterial district. On the lifting of these restrictions, Ngcuka became involved in the Western Cape Civic Association, the National Association of Democratic Lawyers and the United Democratic Front* (UDF). In June 1989 he was elected to serve on the UDF's Interim Executive and in December of that year was elected chairperson of the Western Cape Executive Committee, (Rtf.: Gastrow 1990) NGENDANE, Selby Themba (1929-present) was born in the eastern Cape and attended the University of Fort Hare* where he became involved in the ANC Youth League during the Defiance Campaign* of 1952. He moved to Johannesburg in 1953 to study law. There he joined the Africanist Movement in Orlando township and became its Secretary in 1955. Ngendanejoined the Pan African Congress* (PAC) and in 1959 became its Secretary for foreign affairs. During the State of Emergency following the Sharpville massacre he was imprisoned for two years. On his release he tried to leave South Africa but was caught. He was released on bail and again tried to leave the country but was again arrested and sentenced to five years imprisonment which he served on Robben Island. On his release he was restricted to his home in the Herschel area. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) NGOYI, Edgar Durnine (1926-present) was born on 26 December 1926 in Stutterheim, eastern Cape. He attended school there and completed Std 6 in 1946. Ngoyi moved to Johannesburg where he worked as an underground clerk on the mines until 1950. He 60 Ubukhosi neenkokeli NGCUKA NGOYI

NGOYI NGQIKA returned home and a year later found employment as a factory worker in Port Elizabeth, retaining this position until 1963. While in Port Elizabeth he attended African National Congress* (ANC) meetings in the townships. He joined the ANC Youth League and participated in the Defiance Campaign* and was detained. Ngoyi became a member of the Port Elizabeth executive of the ANC Youth League and, in 1953, a member of the Port Elizabeth Executive of the ANC. In the same year he also became a Trade Union organiser and was involved in a campaign against the introduction of Bantu Education*. He helped to form educational groups outside the school system during the school boycotts. The following year he became involved in the preparations for the Congress of the People and established contacts with other progressive organisations. In 1955 the Congress of the People was called in Kliptown and the Freedom Charter* was adopted. Ngoyi became active in carrying out the 'M'-Plan for Port Elizabeth which involved the creation of a system of cells and committees to enable the ANC to operate underground. During the anti-pass campaign of 1960 Ngoyi burnt his pass. After the banning of the ANC he attended the meeting of the All-In Africa Conference held in Pietermaritzburg (March 1961) which called for a national convention and a stayaway if this convention was not called. In 1961 Umkhonto we Sizwe was formed, Ngoyi went underground. He was arrested in Port Elizabeth in 1963 and charged with furthering the aims of the ANC. He was imprisonedon RobbenIsland until 1981. During this time he completed Std 9 by correspondence, During 1983 Ngoyi became involved in the Port Elizabeth Black Civic Organisation* (Pebco), which was eventually affiliated to the United Democratic Front (UDF). In 1983 too Ngoyi became President of the Eastern Cape Region of the UDF. Hewas coopted to serve on the UDF National Executive Committee in 1985. He was detained during the 1985-1986 State of Emergency and only finally released at the end of April 1989. (Ref: Gastrow 1987; Gastrow 1990) NGQIKA (Gaika) (c. 1775-1829) inherited the chieftainship from his grandfather Rharhabe*. By this time it had become Xhosa* custom to make the daughter of the ruling Thembu* family their 'chief wife'. Ngqika's mother was a Thembu princess. Ngqika's uncle Ndlambe* ruled as his regent until he came of age in 1796. But Ngqika was opposed by Ndlambe who did not wish to relinquish his power. Ngqika imprisoned Ndlambe (1797), who escaped (1799), crossed the Fish River and persuaded Rharhabe dissidents and other splinter groups tojoin him. Ngqika was unpopular with many of his people as he used course language and abused alcohol. It was generally believed that he did not behave in a way that was in keeping with his position in life. He also lost a great deal of support when he was alleged to have had an affair with one of Ndlambe's wives during the latter's imprisonment. At the time this was tantamount to incest in the eyes of amaXhosa and this act shocked thepeople deeply, Ndlambe eventually became more powerful. Ngqika survived politically because he was supported by the Cape Government who mistook him to be the paramount chief of all amaXhosa. In 1808 Ndlambe stole most of Ngqika's cattle and burnt his grazing lands and homesteads, Ngqika could have been totally destroyed, for in addition to his loss of wealth, he commanded little authority amongst his people and cattle-raiding was rife. Lord Charles Somerset eventually met with Ngqika try to put an end to the unrest on the frontier. Somerset did not realise though that Ngqika was really no longer in control of the situation. In fact the Cape Government refused to accept that Ngqika was not the paramount chief of all amaXhosa and agreed to give him assistance. Makana (the popular prophet) gave his support to Ndlambe. Hintsa* (the Gcaleka* chief) was angered by Ngqika's assumption of authority and joined forces with Ndlambe as well. In 1818 this alliance defeated Ngqika at the Battle of Amalinde. Ngqika appealed to the Cape Government and watched them defeat Ndlambe and his allies in 1819 in the Battle of Grahamstown. They were forced to acknowledge Ngqika's Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 61 NGOYI NGQIKA

NOUBENCUKA NONGQAWUSE paramountcy. In return for this Ngqika ceded a large stripofborder land (the 'Neutral Territory') to the British. This made him even more unpopular. One of his sons, Maqoma*, moved into the neutral territory and assumed the right to reoccupy his traditional home along the Kat River. (Maqoma later played a vital role in Xhosa-European relations). From 1822 onwards Ngqika frequently had to flee from his own troops. He is believed to have asked the King of England for a piece of land in England so that he could flee from his troubles at home. He eventually died of alcoholism in November 1829 and was succeeded by another son, Sandile*. (Rcf.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978,, D.SAB Vol. 1) NGUBENCUKA (Vusani) (c. 1790-1830) was born in Thembuland, the son of Ndaba. He did not belong to the royal line but to the amaDlomo, named after an ancestor who had usurped the chieftainship. Ngubencuka succeeded to the Thembu* chieftaincy sometime before 1809 while still a minor. During the 1820s he had to face the problem of Northern Nguni* groups fleeing from Shaka's impis into his territory. Ngubencuka allied himself with Hintsa* to defeat the Bhaca in 1824. In 1828 he had to face an invasion by amaZulu and the Ngwane of Matiwane. He aided the British forces in the defeat of Matiwane. The Zulu forces turned back of their own accord. Ngubencuka would not allow missionaries oftheLondon and Glasgow societies to establish stations in Thembuland, but five months before his death in 1830 he allowed the Rev. Richard Haddy, a Wesleyan Methodist Missionary to open the first mission among the Thembu at Clarkebury. His brother Fadana ruled as regent until Ngubencuka's son Mthikrakra*, was old enough to succeed. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; DSAB Vol. II) NJONGWE, James Lowell Zwelinzima (1919-?) was born at Qumbu in the Transkei*. Njongwe graduated with a BSc degree from the University of Fort Hare* and, in 1952, he was one of the first blacks to graduate with a degree in medicine from the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits). While a student at Wits he became involved in the early organisation of the ANC Youth League. He served on its executive and helped in the 'Programme of Action' of 1949. Njongwe established a medical practice in New Brighton township near Port Elizabeth and became an organiser for the ANC and the Youth League in the area. In December 1949 he was elected to the National Executive of the ANC. Up to this time the ANC had not been very active in the eastern Cape. During the Defiance Campaign* of 1952, AN C membership in the eastern Cape soared. Njongwe was arrested in 1952 and was sentenced to nine months imprisonment, suspended for three years. In 1954 Njongwe was elected Provincial President of the Cape branch of the ANC but was issued with banning* orders which required him to resign from the ANC and forbade him from attending gatherings for two years, He left Port Elizabeth and re-established his medical practice inMatatiele. Hewas one of the accused in the but was never arrested. During the 1960 State of Emergency following the Sharpeville massacre he was imprisoned in East London. From 1963-1973 hewas subjected to new banning restrictions. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) NONGQAWUSE (1841-41898) On the death of her father Nongqawuse went to live with her uncle Mhlakaza*. It was quite common for young girls to have the gift of prophecy. She experienced her first visions in 1856 when she went to draw water from the Gxara stream (on the Kobonqaba river) which passed her home. She told her uncle Mhlakaza that she had experienced a vision. Important Xhosa* ancestors had appeared to her with instructions about how amaXhosa could escape their problems on earth. Mhlakaza told Nongqawuse to tell Sarhili* what shehad experienced. Sarhili (Gcaleka*) was greatly impressed by this message and with his support her popularity grew immensely. According to Nongqawuse, the ancestors had promised that there would be a millennium (1 000 years) in which amaXhosa would be free of the Europeans threat if the people were to 62 Ubukhosi neenkokeli NGUBENCUKA NONGQAWUSE

N~ENO NQWILISO sacrifice all their material wealth and ritually purify themselves. During ten months in the period 1856-1857 the Gcaleka and some of their neighbours killed about 150 000 cattle and destroyed most of their crops and granaries. The result was a disaster in which two thirds of the people died ofstarvation. Tens of thousands of people fled to the Colony in search of work. Nongqawuse herself fled when her prophecy did not materialise. The British believed that Nongqawuse had been under the influence of Mhlakaza and they imprisoned her and another young prophetess (Nkosi), ostensibly to protect then. Nongqawuse was later allowed to return to the eastern Cape where she lived in obscurity until her death (either in 1898 or 1905). (Ref.: Lipxchutz andRastnussen 1978; See also Peires 1989) NQENO (Eno, Zeno) (c.1770-1846), the grandson of Phalo*, was born the son of Lange, thechiefofthe amaMbalu clan of the Rharhabe* and succeeded his father as chief in 1794. Nqeno tried to maintain good relations with the Colonial government and even tried to use his influence to control other chiefs. Little is known about his life until 1819 when he was present at the meeting between Lord Charles Somerset and Ngqika* at the Kat River, where it was agreed to establish a 'neutral territory' between the Keiskamma and the Fish Rivers. The military authorities encouraged trade between themselves and Nqeno in the period 1822-1824. The Mbalu were allowed to dig red clay for ceremonial purposes and hunt in the Fish River bush. Virtually no cattle were stolen by Nqeno's people during this period. In November 1824 theGfasgow Missionary Society established a station among Nqeno's people on the Ncera River. (This later became known as 'Old Lovedale', which was about three miles from Alice). This interactive policy was, however, abolished by Major Henry Somerset in the later 1820s. The Sixth Frontier War* (1834-1835) was sparked off by an incident in Nqeno's territory. Ensign R M Sparks of Fort Willshire tried to take 40 cattle from Nqeno as compensation for the theft of four horses. The Mbal u resisted and Sparks was wounded, resulting in a very tense situation which was eased when Nqeno returned 237 stolen cattle and 18 horses. On Sunday 21 December 1834 Nqeno and his Rharhabe* allies invaded the Cape Colony. Nqeno suffered heavy losses in the battles that followed. In 1835 Nqeno and his allies were banished by D'Urban, but when D'Urban's decisions were reversed by Glenelg, a new treaty of amity was signed by Nqeno and other chiefs living in the Ciskei*. In 1838 war broke out between Nqeno and Phatho* who refused to return cattle that Nqeno had given him for safekeeping during the 18341835 war. The Cape government intervened and a peaceful solution was found. In 1845 Nqeno signed another treaty which allowed the British authorities to build forts in the 'neutral territory' and, in exchangefor Nqeno's promise to control cattle thefts, he and his son received 50 pounds a year between them. Nqeno died at his kraal near Breakfastvlei (half-way between Alice and Peddie). (Ref.: DSAB Vol. 11) NQWILISO (c. 1835-1899) was the eldest son of Ndamase*'s 'great house' and succeeded Ndamase as chief of the western Mpondo* in 1876. He refused to submit to the authority of Mqikela* in eastern Pondoland but recognised his superiority. In 1878 Nqwiliso signed a treaty with H G Elliot in which he ceded to the Cape Government sovereign shipping rights at Port St Johns. In return for this the Cape Government recognised his independence and promised him protection. But in 1885, Nqwiliso forbade the continuation of the direct road from Port St Johns to Umtata as there had been too much of a delay between the signing of the treaty in 1878 and the construction of the road. As a result the Cape Government forfeited their rights. When Nqwiliso showed signs of entering into a treaty with Mqikela* against the Cape Government, the government intervened and formed a new alliance with him against his enemy the amaTshezi. In 1888 Nqwiliso faced rebellion by one of his minor chiefs, but was able to suppress it. He signed atreaty (1894)with the Cape Government the terms of which eventually led to the Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 63 NQENO NQW[lUSO

NTSIKANA NZO annexation of western Pondoland to the Cape. In return for Nqwiliso received a salary of£500 per annum. (Ref.: DSAB Vol. I11) NTSIKANA (c. 1760-1820) was the son of one of Ngqika*'s councillors and is reputed to be the first Xhosa* convert to Christianity. Ntsikana underwent circumcision and the traditional rites of passage and practised polygamy, He converted to Christianity under the ministry of the Rev. Joseph Williams of the London Missionary Society station near Fort Beaufort (between 1816-1818). Ntsikana advised Ngqika against entering into conflict with Ndlambe* in 1818, When Ngqika ignored his advice and went to war he warned him not to pursue his enemies, because if he did he would fall into a trap. Ngqika ignored this advice and it is believed that this was one of the reasons why he was defeated at the Battle of Amalinde. Ntsikana is famous for his hymns (although he could neither read nor write). He became a preacher and encouraged converts never to give up their faith even if it meant that they would have to face persecution, He vehemently disagreed with Makana* for what he believed was Makana's warping of God's message. (Ref.: DSAB Vol. 1) NXELE (see MAKANA) NZO, Alfred Baphethuxolo (1925-present) was born in Benoni and was educated at the Catholic Mission School at Mariazell and then at the Wesleyan Mission Institute at Healdtown (Fort Beaufort). He became a student at the University of Fort Hare* in 1945 to study for a BSc degree but had to leave in his second year to earn money to educate the rest of his family. He continued his studies part-time at a Johannesburg technical college where in 1951 he completed the Sanitary (Health) Inspector's course under the Royal Sanitary Institute of London. While working as a health inspector in Alexandria Township he became aware of the poverty and frustrations of the Black* community. This, combined with his activities in the ANC Youth League while at Fort Hare, stimulated him to become politically active. As a result he was fired in 1958. Nzojoined the African National Congress* (ANC) in 1950 and helped to organise the May Day Strike of 1950 and from January to March 1957 the Alexandria Bus Boycott. He was active in the organisation of the Congress of the People (see Congress Alliance*) and the adoption of the Freedom Charter* at Kliptown on 26 June 1955. In 1958 Nzo was elected to both theTransvaal and the National Executive Committees of the ANC. When he lost his job he became a fulltime organiser for the ANC and was an agent for the New Age newspaper. From 1959 onwards Nzo was served with a series of banning* orders and was often arrested under Section 10 of the Urban Areas Act for not being in possession of the necessary resident permits. He was arrested in the sweep after the Sharpeville massacre (1960) and was detained for five months. In 1961 he spent a further five months in detention for a pass-law offence. When released he was restricted to the Mofolo location for five years and forced to live under 24- hour house arrest. Nzo was one of the accused in the trial of Black leaders following the All-In Africa Conference in Pietermaritzburg (196 1). In 1963 he was detained under the Ninety Day Detention Act and spent 238 days in detention. During this period he was released on two occasions for a few minutes, and then re-arrested. He was finally released in February 1964 and the Organising Committee of the ANC ordered him to leave the country to work with Oliver Tambo* in exile. Nzo was sent to Cairo where he did fundraising and sought international support for the ANC. In 1967 he went to New Delhi to run the first ANC office in . He was recalled to the ANC headquarters at Morogoro (Tanzania) to take up the position of Secretary-General of the ANC. Nzo also became the Congress Liaison Officerwith the Organisation ofAfrican Unity's (OAU) Liberation Committee. When the ANC was unbanned on 2 February 1990 he returned to South Africa to take up the Government's offer to negotiate a peaceful political settlement for this country. Nzo formed part of the ANC delegation involved in talks with the government. (Refs.: Gastrow 1990,'Dickie and Rake 1973) 64 Ubukhosi neenkokeli NTSlKANA NZO

PHALO PHATi-f 0 PATO (see PHATHO) PHALO (?1700-c.1775) Almost nothing is known about Phalo other than that he crossed the Kei River and settled to the south of it. He appears to have been overshadowed by his sons Gcaleka* and Rharhabe*. Phalo was still a small child when his father Tshiwo died and he was placed under the supervision of Mdange, Tshiwo's brother. Gwali* (Tshiwo's first born son from his 'right hand' house) was older than Phalo and tried to usurp power. He was unsuccessful and fled to form the Gqunukhwebe. In defeating Gwali, Mdange came to know the land between the Fish and Kei Rivers and, when Phalo assumed theparamountcy, was given permission by him to settle there. When Phalo became chief in c. 1736 amaXhosa* were only loosely united in the Transkei*. His brother Langa led a small group south (c. 1740) but the major split occurred when Phalo's son Gcaleka attempted to seize control of the chiefdom in c. 1750. . According to Xhosa tradition, however, the split in the Xhosa kingdom had its origins when Phalo was a young man. The chiefs of both the Mpondo* and Thembu* Chiefdoms had sent young women to Phalo as brides. Phalo did not want to offend either of them so took the advice of a wise man who suggested that there is nothing greater than the head of the Chief and that there is nothing stronger than his right hand. The one girl became the 'head' wife and the other the 'right hand' wife. Gcaleka and Rharhabe, his two sons from his head and right hand wives, quarrelled about who Phalo's legitimate successor would be. Gcaleka* tried to seize power prematurely in c. 1750. He claimed to have magical powers which alarmed many people. Using these powers Gcaleka endangered the autonomy of junior chiefs. Rharhabe and Phalo were able to defeat Gealeka, but as Ocaleka's activities endangered the stability of the people, Phalo decided to move below the Kei River. Gcaleka remained independent in the Transkei* and when Phalo died (c. 1775), Rharhabe founded a new ruling lineage over Phalo's followers to the south in the Ciskei*. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders (Rf .:LipschutzandRasmussen 1978; Cameron and Spies 1986, Peires 1987, Maylam 1986; DSAB Vol. III) PHATHO (Pato) (c. 1785-1865) was born in the Zuurveld* (the present Albany District). He was a member of the mixed Khoi-Xhosa* tribe called the Gcqunukwebe. Phatho succeeded his father Chungwa as chief in January 1812 while the Fourth Frontier War* (1811-1812) was in progress. The British captured some of his cattle and he was driven out of the Zuurveld with Ndlambe*. On 30 September 1812 it was reported that Phatho had returned the stolen cattle and captured Khoi to the Colony and that he was seeking peace on the frontier. He did not participate in Ndlambe's attack on Ngqika* at the Battle of Amalinde (1818) nor in the attack on Grahamstown (1819). Despite Phatho's peaceful attitude his kraal was destroyed by the British and large herds were confiscated. Ngqika gave some ofPhatho' s land (part of the Ceded Territory) to the Colony. Phatho protested, stating that Ngqika had no rights over his territory and had no power to give any of his land away in negotiations with the British. In 1823 Phatho was visited by the Rev. William Shaw of the Wesleyan Methodist Church and he gave Shaw permission to establish the Wesleyville mission station in his territory to serve him and his brothers Kobe and Kama*. Shaw arranged a meeting between the Colonial authorities and some of the Xhosa* chiefs at Line Drift in 1824. Here Phatho, Ndlambe, Mqhayi (the son of Ndlambe), Kobe and Kama were recognised as being independent of Ngqika. Consequently Shaw was recognised as a friend of these chiefdoms and, to fulfil Shaw's request, very few incidents of cattle theft occurred. In 1825 these chiefs were granted permission by Lord Charles Somerset to graze their cattle on a portion of what had been their land. Phatho, Kama and Mqhayi remained neutral in the Sixth Frontier'War (1834- 1835) and gave protection to the missionaries and traders who sought refuge at Wesleyville. In 1835 Kobe went to Grahamstown as a hostage for Phatho PHALO PHATHO

PITYANA POLEKA while Phatho, Kama and Mqhayi helped the British fight Ngqika. They were rewarded by being allowed to return to their former territory between the Fish and Keiskamma Rivers, but they had to become British subjects. They were also given a portion of the Province of Queen Adelaide* for their help. Sir George Napier concluded a defence treaty with Phatho, Kama and Kobe at Fort Peddie in 1836. By 1844 Phatho and Kobe (Kama had been converted to Christianity) agreed with Sir Peregrine Maitland that Sir Andries Stockenstrom's treaties should be rescinded. In 1845 Phatho and Kobe signed a new treaty with Colonel John Hare at Peddie which was rati fled by Maitland on 30 January 1845. They were to control cattle thefts in return for £50 per annum each. Phatho eventually had a disagreement with theRev. Shepstoneand cameunderthe influence oftheNgqika chief Sandile* who was preparing for war. In November 1845 the Gcqunukwebe murdered a Berlin missionary (E. Scholtz) and a Khoi servant near Peddie, Thesewere followed by a series of Mfengu* murders ordered by Phatho. On 27 May 1846 Phatho and his allies attacked Fort Peddie in broad daylight. Phatho was repulsed and was driven into Sarhili*'s territory in Gcalekaland, but was refused asylum there. Phatho eventually surrendered to Lt Col Somerset on 19 December 1847. He lost his land which was to become British Kaffraria*. In the Eighth Frontier War (1850-1853) Phatho and Kama helped the British by keeping theroad between East London and Fort Beaufort open. Phatho participated in the Cattle-killing* of 1856-1857 and most of his Gcqunukwebe died. Somejoined Kama and others went to the Cape in search of work. In 1858 Phatho was found guilty of receiving stolen horses and was exiled to Robben Island. He eventually returned to his people and died in obscurity. (Ref.: DSAB Vol. 111) PHATO (see PHATHO) PITYANA, Nyameko Barney (1945present) studied at the University of South Africa and graduated with BA and BProc degrees. He successfully passed the Practice and Procedure Examination of the Law Society of South Africa. Later Pityana felt called to the Anglican Priesthood and was ordained in the Diocese of Port Elizabeth. Pityana was committed to the combatting of racism and injustice and became involved in the struggle for the liberation of his people from oppression. In 1969 he was elected President of the Anglican Students' Federation and in 1970 became President of the South African Students' Organisation (SASO) which was committed to the ideals of the Black Consciousness Movement*. In 1971 he became Secretary General of SASO. Two years later he was served with banning* orders and was restricted to Port Elizabeth. In 1978 he left South Africa and was granted political asylum in the United Kingdom. In Britain he studied divinity at theUniversity of London where he graduated with a BD and at Oxford where he received a Certificate in Theology. At present he is Director of the World Council of Churches' programme to Combat Racism and is stationed in Geneva, Switzerland. (Ref . Pers. comm. World Council of Churches, Geneva, August, 1990.) POLEKA, Nyati John (1923-present) was born in the Eastern Cape and attended Healdtown High School (Fort Beaufort) and the University of Fort Hare* before becoming a teacher. While teaching in he met Robert Sobukwe*. Poleka joined the ANC Youth League and became part of the Africanist group within this organisation which rejected contact with other racial groups. He became a member of the Africanist Central Committee (1954-1958) and joined the PAC, following its breakaway from the ANC in 1958. In 1963 Poleka went to Lesotho and served on the Presidential Council of the PAC in exile. He returned to South Africa and was arrested in 1966. In 1967 he was brought to trial in Grahamstown and was accused of leading an attack on a police station in King William's Town and the planned murder of whites in East London. He was sentenced to 13 years 66 Ubukhosi neenkokeli POLEKA PITYANA

RESHA RUBUSANA imprisonment under the Sabotage Act and seven years under the Suppression of Communism Act. He served his sentence on Robben Island. Poleka was released in May 1980 and confined to in the Herschel District of the Transkei*. In January 1981 he escaped to Dares Salaam in Tanzania. In February he took up the leadership of the PAC at the request of both the internal and external wings of the organisation. In 1982 friction developed in the ranks of the PAC between the Leballo and Poleka factions. The Leballo faction claimed that many of the followers were being imprisoned in Tanzania because they refused to recognise Poleka's authority. The pro-Poleka group claimed that these people were undergoing re- education, assisted by the Tanzanian armed forces. (Rf.: Gastrow 1986) QEYA (see NGANGELIZWE) RARABE (see RHARHABE) RESHA, Robert Mweli (1920-1973) was born in Bolotwe, Queenstown and, after completing eight years of schooling, went to work as a miner in the Transvaal. He was dismissed as a trouble-makerand took up free-lancejournalism. He moved to in Johannesburg in the early 1940s and became the sports editor for the New Age newspaper. Resha also wrote for The Worldnewspaper. By the late 1940s he was very involved in the ANC Youth League. In 1952 he was jailed for his part in the Defiance Campaign*. Later that year Resha was elected to the National Executive Committee of the Youth League and in 1953 he became President of the Transvaal branch. He was acting National President during 1954-1955. Resha was involved in trying to muster support for the people to resist forced removal from Sophiatown in the mid-1950s, but had little success. He was arrested and charged in the 1956 Treason Trial, but was acquitted in 1961. During the trial (1959) he helped to organise the ANC's economic boycott plan at a meeting in Durban. After this he was banned from attending gatherings and confined to Johannesburg. After his acquittal he left South Africa and served the ANC in exile working in Algiers and other offices. He addressed the United Nations Organisation's special committees on several occasions. He died in London in 1973. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) RHARHABE (c.1722-1787) was the eldest son of Phalo*'s 'right hand' house. He was older than Gcaleka* who was Phalo's son of the 'head house'. During Rharhabe's youth most amaXhosa* people considered Phalo as their paramount chief. Rharhabe's half-brother Gcaleka, though younger, was to be the successor to their father's chieftainship, but attempted to seize power prematurely. Rharhabe supported Phalo in quelling this rebellion (c.1750). Afterwards, both Rharhabe and Phalo voluntarily moved south of the Kei River leaving Gcaleka to be independent in the North. This move was apparently to prevent further faction fighting. In effect it split the Xhosa nation into two independent kingdoms. Rharhabe became chiefofthesouthern section on Phalo's death (c. 1775). West of the Kei, Rharhabe embarked on a programme to drive the Khoi and San out of the region. He killed the San children and burnt down their dwellings. Gcaleka died in 1778 and Rharhabe led an attack on Gcaleka's successor Khawuta. He was however unsuccessful and eventually turned his energies to the politics of his neighbours the Thembu*. He maintained a policy of neutrality with the British but was killed during a conflict with the Thembu (c. 1787). His son Ndlambe* acted as regent until his grandson Ngqika* succeeded to his newly created chiefdom. (Ref..' Lipschutz and Rasmissen 1978; Peires 1987; DSAB Vol. II) RUBUSANA, Walter Benson (1858-1936) was born at Mnandi in the Somerset East district. He began his formal education at the age of 16 and in 1876 went to Lovedale. In 1884 he was ordained in the Congregational Church and became a minister at East Bank location in East London. Rubusana wrote History of South Africa from the Native Standpoint for which he was Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 67 RESHA RUBUSANA

SAN DuE SAR HILl awarded an honourary degree in the United States of America. Many of the old Xhosa* praise-poems were also collected and published by Rubusana which are a valuable source today for scholars of Xhosa oral tradition. While serving as a pastor in East London, Rubusana edited a Xhosa-language newspaper and acted as spokesman for Black pressure groups. He joined JT Jabavu* and others in 1909 in their protest against the terms of the proposed Union Constitution. In 1910 he became the only Black ever elected to a seat on the Cape Provincial Council (representing the Thembu* people). During the election of 1914 he was opposed by JT Jabavu* who split the vote which lost Rubusana his seat to a White*. Rubusana was one of the founder members of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC) (later to become the African National Congress* (ANC)) in 1912, and in 1914 went to Britain with a SANNC delegation to protest against the Natives Land Act. In 1919 he served on a committee that drafted the SANNC constitution. He died in East London in 1936. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussent 1978,, Peires 1987; Gerhart and Karis 1977) SANDILE (c.1820-1878) was born near in the Ciskei*, the son of Ngqika*, the paramount chief of the Rharhabe*. He had a withered leg from birth which made him selfconscious. Sandile was about nine years old when his father died. A regency was formed, including his half-brother Maqoma*, who dominated Rharhabepolitics and led a successful waragainst the colonists in 1834- 1835. During this war Sandile remained neutral and was rewarded with Cape support. He acceded to the chieftainship in 1840, taking over power from Maqoma. Sandile supported cattle-raiding and was a central figure in the "War of the Axe" (18461847). This turned into a war of attrition and he eventually surrendered to the British who imprisoned him. When the governor arrived, Sandile was forced to kiss his feet and acknowledge British supremacy in British Kaffraria*. This intensified Xhosa* resentment against the British and was a factor which led to another war in 1850. Again amaXhosa were defeated and Sandile was forced to withdraw. Sandile was urged by Sarhili* to support the Cattle-killing* of 1856 and 1857. After this disaster Sandile avoided conflictwith theBritish. In 1866 his territory was annexed as part of the Cape Colony. In 1878 he was reluctantly drawn into the last Frontier War* (1877-1878) which primarily involved the Gcaleka*. He was killed in action and was beheaded by a British soldier, (Ref,: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; DSAB Vol. 1I) SARHILI (Kreli) (c. 1815-1892) On the death of Hintsa* (12 May 1835) Sarhili* became paramount chief of amaXhosa* and chief of the Gcaleka*. Sarhili had been left in the British camp as a hostage while his father Hintsa went to get the cattle that the British were demanding as compensation for the war of 1834-1835. On receiving the news of his father's death Sarhili quickly reaffirmed his father's treaty with the CapeGovernor Sir Benjamin D'Urban, agreeing to pay a large indemnity for the war, (He never actually paid the indemnity). The Northern Nguni* refugees (Mfengu*) who had lived among amaXhosa migrated to the Cape Colony taking about 30 000 Xhosa cattle with them. D'Urban's support for this move made Sarhili and his people bitter. In 1844 Sarhili signed a treaty of friendship with Maitland, the Governor of the Cape Colony. Although he was merely the ritual head ofamaXhosa people the Government held him responsible for the actions of the Rharhabe* and other groups whom he could not control. As a result he was drawn into the "War of the Axe" (1846-1847). During the war of 1850-53, Sarhili was accused of harbouring Rharhabe refugees. He was attacked and looted. As British incursion mounted he approached the seer Mhlakaza* for advice and accepted the prophecy that led to the Cattle-killing* (1856-1857). Sarhili also persuaded the Rharhabechief Sandile* tosupport the prophecy. Many thousands of people starved to death and tens of thousands fled to the 68 Ubukhosi neenkokeli SANDILE SARHILI

SEBE Colony in search of employment. amaXhosa were left economically broken and unable to resist further White* encroachment. The Cape Government were convinced that Sarhili had initiated the Cattle-killing to induce the Xhosa to fight a desperate war with the Whites. The Governor (Sir ) sent a force which chased him into exile. In 1864 Sarhili was allowed to return to his former territory under the supervision of the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police (FAMP) He quickly began to recoup his political and military strength. During the 1870s he fought a number of successful wars against the Thembu*. In 1877 a new dispute with the Mfengu over land caused the British to intervene and resulted in the last frontier war (1877-1878). Once again Sarhili was sent into exile and the Governor (and High Commissioner, Sir H Bartle Frere) declared Sarhili deposed. Sarhili remained in exile among the Mpondo until 1883 when he was pardoned. He avoided conflict in order to avoid being imprisoned on RobbenIsland. In 1885 his territory was annexed by the Cape Colony Xhosa independence ended. On his death Sarhili was succeeded by his son Sigeawu who died 1902. (Not to be confused with a contemporary Thembu chief who had the same name). (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978, Cameron and Spies 1986; DSAB Vol. 1) SEBE, Lennox Leslie. Wongomna. Not much information has been published on Sebe despite the fact that he has held the position of Prime Minister of the Ciskei*. He seems to have been an unpopular figure and has lost credibility with the majority of the people living in there. Sebe was born in the King William's Town district. After completion of his schooling at Lovedale, he trained as a teacher in Alice and eventually rose to the position of Assistant Inspector of Education in King William's Town in 1961. He became a Rharhabe* Council member and was appointed to the Executive Committee responsible for cultural affairs in 1968, which he held until 1971. In 1968 healso became thechief representativeof the amaNtinde clan. He became the member for in thefirst Ciskeian elections of 1973 and eventually SISULU rose to the position of Chief Minister of the 'Independent' Republic of Ciskei. In 1983 he made himself Life President of the Ciskei. In early 1990 he was deposed in a coup d'etat while overseas because there was supposedly too much corruption. (Ref.: Keeble 1982; Hayes 1988-89) SILINGA, Annie (1910-?) was born at Nqamakwe in the Butterworth district. She only completed a few years of primary schooling. In 1937 she moved to Cape Town where her husband was employed. Silinga joined the Langa Vigilance Association in 1948 and during the Defiance Campaign* of 1952 she joined the African National Congress* (ANC). Shewas imprisoned for civil disobedience. When the Federation of South African Womenwas founded in 1954 Silinga was elected to the Executive Committee. In 1955 she was arrested for refusing to comply with pass regulations and was eventually deported to the Transkei* in 1956. She refused to comply and returned illegally to live with her family in Langa. She successfully appealed against her sentence and was allowed to remain in Langa (1957). In 1956 she was arrested for treason but was released a year later. She was elected President of the Cape Town ANC Women's League in 1958 and in 1960 was imprisoned during the State of Emergency following the Sharpeville massacre. (Ref.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) SISULU, Nontsikelelo Albertina (1921present) was born in the Tsomo district of the Transkei. She trained as a nurse at the Johannesburg Non-European Hospital. She married Walter Sisulu* in theTranskei* in July 1944. Sisulu became involved in politics through her then husband-to-be, Walter, who was an active member of the ANC Youth League. She joined the ANC Women's League in 1948 and became active in the Federation of South African Women in 1954. Like many others she became involved in the Defiance Campaign* of the early 1950s and the 1956 women's protest against passes and the campaign against the Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 69

SISULU introduction of Bantu Education. Her home in Orlando West became a classroom when community schools were established as an alternative form of education. These classes continued until it became illegal to run unregistered schools. Sisulu was detained for three months in 1963 under the 90 day detention law and from 19641981 was under banning orders, including 10 years of house arrest. In June 1982 she was served with a further banning order which lapsed in July 1983. In August 1983 she was arrested in terms of the Criminal Procedure Act and charged for allegedly singing ANC songs, distributing pamphlets and displaying the ANC flag at a funeral held in 1982. In Felruary 1984 she was found guilty and sentenced to four years imprisonment for furthering the aims of the ANC, Two years were suspended for five years. In August 1983 she was elected unopposed as Transvaal President of the United Democratic Front* (UDF). Because of her detention she was however unable to attend the launch of this organisation in Cape Town. In 1985 Sisulu and 15 others were charged with high treason but these charges were eventually dropped. Sisulu played a prominent role in negotiating a settlement in the Soweto rent crisis of 1988. In 1989 she was part of the UDF delegation which met President George Bush of the United States of America. After the unbanning of the ANC in February 1990, Sisulu served on the committee which is attempting to re-establish the ANC Women's League. (Ref..: Gastrow 1987, Gastrow 1990) SISULU, Walter Max Ulyate (1912-present) was born into a peasant family in the Encobo area of the Transkei*. After a brief mission education at an Anglican school he went to work in Johannesburg to support his family. Sisulu is of mixed ancestry and his light appearance made him feel uncomfortable. He began to resent his family's links with whites. He returned to the Transkei and underwent the traditional Xhosa* initiation rites and then returned to Johannesburg where he found work on the mines. FromJohannesburg Sisulu moved to East London where he became a domestic SISULU worker and where he came into contact with Clements Kadalie's Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU). He returned to Johannesburg with his family later in the 1930s and in 1940 he organised a strike for higher wages in the bakery where he worked. He was fired as a result. Having found it difficult to work for others, he established his own real estate agency but this closed down after two years. In 1940 Sisulu joined the ANC and from 1942 worked full-time for this organisation. During the War (1939-1945) Sisulu campaigned against blacks joining the army and for the ANC to take a more radical nationalistic stand. Being impatient with the moderate policies of the ANC at this time Sisulujoined Mandela* and Tambo* and others to form the ANC Youth League in 1944. During the Black* Mine Workers Strike in 1946, Sisulu tried to organise a general strike in their support. In December 1949 he was instrumental in obtaining the acceptance by the ANC Conference of the Youth League's 'Programme of Action' and was elected Secretary-General. The ANC Youth League helped to vote AB Xuma* out of the presidency in favour of JS Moroka (1949) whom they hoped would introduce a more militant stand. In 1950 the ANC, together with the Indian Congress, formed a coordinating committee and Sisulu and YusufCachalia were appointed joint secretaries. Being dissatisfied with Moroka the Youth League helped to oust him in favour of Albert Luthuli in 1952. This move placed the control of the ANC largely in the hands of the Youth League. That same year Sisulu organised the national Defiance Campaign* and was banned by the government. In 1953 he spent five months touring China, the Soviet Union, Rumania and the United Kingdom. Stalin's authoritarianism and his experience of working with Indians in the Defiance Campaign mellowed Sisulu's racial exclusivism to supporting a multi-racial Congress Alliance* in 1954. He was served with banning* orders which forced him to resign from the ANC (1954) but he was still in a position to play a leading role in organising the 1955 Congress of the People. He continued 70 Ubukhosi neenkokeli

SISULU SIZANI to work for the ANC secretly and as a result of hisnew multi-racial thinking, came under attack from the Africanist wing of the Congress. In 1956 Sisulu was amongst the 156 people arrested for treason, but was acquitted in 1961. During the State of Emergency in 1960 Sisulu and others were detained for many months. Following the banning of the ANC and PAC he was placed under house arrest. Early in 1962 he was harassed by the police and arrested many times but only charged once. In 1963 he was imprisoned over a technical violation of his house arrest, andwhileon bailjoined Umkhonto we Sizwe. On 11 July 1963 Sisulu, togetherwith Govan Mbeki* and others, were captured at the ANC headquarters on , Rivonia and was held in solitary confinement for 88 days. On 12 June 1964 Sisulu was convicted for planning acts ofpolitical sabotage and revolution and was imprisoned on Robben Island. Sisulu and Mandela were moved to Pollsmoor Prison in Cape Town in 1982 and he was finally released in 1989. He met with the external wing of the ANC in Lusaka and was asked to lead the internal wing of the organisation. He formed part of the delegation which met representatives of the South African government at , Cape Town -in May 1990. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmnussen 1978; Gastrow 1990) SISULU, Zwelakshe (1950-present), the son of Walter and was born in Soweto in December 1950. He attended Salesian and St Christopher's School, Swaziland where hecompleted his 'A' Levels. In 1975 he enroled as a cadet journalist with the South African Associated Newspapers and was subsequently employed as a journalist on the Rand Daily Mail. He eventually became the news editor of the Sunday Post but was banned in December 1980. In 1977 the Writers' Association of South Africa was established with Sisulu as President. The Association was expanded to includeall Black* media workers and in October 1980 the Media Workers' Association of South Africa (MWASA) was formed, again with Sisulu as President. In August 1979 Sisulu was sentenced to nine months' imprisonment in terms of Section 205 of the Criminal Procedure Act for refusing to answer questions in the trial of Thami Mkhwanazi, a reporter on the Post. Ayear later the sentence was set aside and a retrial was ordered. A two-month strike was held in 1980 by MWASA members, including Sisulu in an effort to gain union recognition by newspaper employers. On 29 September Sisulu was issued with a three-year banning orderwhich effectively placed him under house arrest. In July 1981 he was detained in terms of Section 6 of the Terrorism Act and Section 12(b) of the Internal Security Act. He was released in February 1982 after 251 days in detention. Later in the year Sisul u was sentenced to 18 months' imprisonment for refusing to testify against members of the exiled South African Revolutionary Youth Council, but both conviction and sentence were set aside on appeal. He was awarded a medal by the Rothco Chapel (Texas, USA) for his 'commitment to truth and freedom'. In 1984 Sisulu was awarded a Niemann Fellowship for a year's study at Harvard University, Boston, USA. Two years later he was appointed Editor of New Nation, a newspaper published by the South African Catholic Bishop's Conference. In 1.986 Sisulu was detained in terms of the emergency regulations on more than one occasion and was finally released in December 1988 but placed under restriction orders preventing him from returning to his post as editor of New Nation. (Ref.: Gastrow 1987, Gastrow 1990) SIZANI, Stone Phumelele (1954-?) was born on 2 March 1954 in Alexandria, Port Elizabeth. He was educated at Bongweni Higher Primary School and later boarded at the Nathaniel Palmla High School, Peddie, but was expelled together with other students following a strike. Charges were laid against them and Sizani received a suspended sentence. In 1974 he attended Loyiso High School in Port Elizabeth and the following year entered Healdtown High School. By this time he had Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 71 SISULU SIZANI

SOB UKWE SOBU KWE been studying the philosophy of the Black Consciousness Movement* and joined the South African Students' Movement (SASM). Sizani became Vice-Chairman ofthe Healdtown branch of the SASM and later became Chairman. In October 1975 the entire male section of the student body was expelled following a strike protesting against conditions in the hostels, victimisation of younger students, unfair employment practices and assaults on students by teachers. On 7 January 1976, Sizani was arrested by the police for his SASM activities. On 14 April he was charged with terrorist activities and transferred to the Grahamstown Prison on 7 May. His trial began on 11 Juneand he received a five- year sentence which he served on Robben Island from 1976-1981. On his release Sizani began work as a laboratory assistant with a chemical firm in Port Elizabeth and in 1982 joined the Port Elizabeth Black Civic Organisation* (Pebco), Healsojoined thenewly established Port Elizabeth Youth Congress (Peyco) and when theUnited Democratic Front* (UDF) was formed in August 1983 he became Treasurer of the UDF Eastern Cape Regional Executive. In March 1985 he was elected Publicity Secretary. Sizani was involved in a number ofcampaigns including: - anti-community council election campaign, November 1983; - Million Signature Campaign, January 1984; - anti-election campaign, August 1984; - 'Black Weekend', 16-18 March 1985; - Consumer boycott, 15 July-15 November 1985. A State of Emergency was declared by the government on 21 July 1985 and Sizani went underground until March 1986. Hewas detained under state emergency regulations on 26 June 1986 and was held until his release on 16 May 1989. (Ref.: Gastrow 1987." Gastrow 1990) SLAMBE (see NDLAMBE) SOBUK WE, Robert Mangaliso (1924-?) was born in Graaff-Reinet and was educated by missionaries, eventually matriculating at Lovedale College. He went on to the University of Fort Hare* and trained as a teacher. While a student at Fort Hare Sobukwe became a member of the Youth League of the African National Congress* (ANC). After leaving university he took up a teaching post in the Transvaal but was dismissed for his participation in the Defiance Campaign* in 1952. He took a position at the University of the Witwatersrand's African Studies Programme teaching African languages from 1954. Sobukwe was impatient with the moderate policies of the ANC leadership. He tried to gain support for his Africanist thinkingwhile editing the magazine entitled The Africanist, but eventually broke away from the ANC in 1958, forming the Pan Africanist Congress* (PAC) with other radical colleagues. ThePAC differed from the ANC with its Black* exclusiveness and its more militant approach to dealing with the government. In 1960 Sobukwe organised a national demonstration against pass laws which resulted in the police shooting 67 Blacks at Sharpeville township near . Sobukwepresented himself for arrest for not being in possession of a pass and was arrested for inciting people. He wasjailed for three years. Both the PAC and the ANC were banned. Sobukwe served the three years in jail and was then transferred to Robben Island because the then State President claimed that it was too great a risk to release him. His continued detention under the Suppression of Communism Act brought world-wide protests. During this period Sobukwe studied for a BSc (Economics) through London University. On June 12, 1967 the South African Government stated that his wife and children could stay with him for 28 days each year. He was released eventually in 1969 but confined to Kimberley under a banning* order restricting him from attending public meetings. He opened up his own legal practice in Kimberley. In 1971 he was offered a research fellowship in African linguistics at Wisconson University and the Adlai Institute in Chicago, but he was not permitted to travel from Kimberley to Johannesburg in order to undertake the trip. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; Dickie and Rake 1973; Saunders 1983) Ubukhosi neenkokeli SOBUKWE SOB UKWE

SOGA SOGA, John Henderson (1860-1941) was the son of Tiyo Soga*, the first ordained Black* minister in South Africa. Soga studied at the University of Edinburgh (1886-1890) and at the United Presbyterian Divinity Hall (18901893) where he was ordained. He returned to South Africa with a Scottish wife and opened a mission station in the Mount Frere district (1893-1904). Later he replaced his brother (Dr William Anderson Soga) at a station in Elliottdale. In addition to his missionary work, he completed his father's translation of Pilgrim's Progress into Xhosa* (1929), composed Xhosa* hymns and wrote works on Xhosa* life and history, viz. The South-East Bantu (1930) and The Ama- Xhosa (1932). In 1936 he moved to England and was killed in an air raid in 1941. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978) SOGA, Tiyo (c. 1829-1871), Soga's father was a high counsellor in the Ngqika* branch of amaXhosa*. His mother was a convert to Christianity. Soga studied at the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland mnission schools in the Cape Colony and attended a seminary in Glasgow where he was baptised in 1848. In the same year he returned to South Africa and did evangelical work. Thousands ofpeople had starved to death and much of their land had been confiscated in the aftermath of the "War of the Axe" (18461847). Many of the previously stubborn people were now more open to the Gospel of Christ. Soga did not try to copy the White* man, nor did he reject the majority of Xhosa customs. He believed that his people had achieved many things for which they had every right to be proud. Hebelieved that if his people were given the opportunity they would be able to hold their own in so-called 'civilised' society. In other words, 'civilisation' according to Soga did not mean that amaXhosa people had to be subservient to White colonists. He returned to Scotland for further study in 1851 and was ordained in 1856. He married a Scottish woman (Janet Burnside) in 1857, returned to South Africa and established a mission station among his own people. TAMBO His health began to fail in the 1860s, but he was able to establish another station among the Gcaleka* people three years before he died. He translated the four Gospels into Xhosa* as well as part of Pilgrim's Progress. He also wrote many hymns. He died in 1871 at the age of 42. (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; Saunders 1988) TAMBO, Oliver Reginald (1917-present) was born into a peasant family at Bizana in the Eastern Cape. He attended Ludeke Methodist Mission School, the Anglican Holy Cross Mission Secondary School in Flagstaff and later to St Peter's Secondary School in Johannesburg where he matriculated with a first class pass in 1938. He was awarded a scholarship from the Transkeian Bunga and attended the University of Fort Hare* where he graduated with a B:Sc. degree in 1941. While studying towards an education diploma he was expelled from the University (1942) for his part in a student strike against compulsory church services. Tambo taught scienceand mathematics at St Peter's School (his alna mater) and during this time made an great impact on many of his students including , Joe Molefi and Joe Matthews. After a year he returned to university and completed his teacher's diploma. In 1944 he became a founder member of the ANC Youth League which pressed for more militant action against the South African Government. The following year he was appointed Vice-President of the ANC Youth League. Tambo was articled to a legal firm in Johannesburg in 1948 and commenced serious legal studies. In 1952 Tambo and Nelson Mandela* opened the first Black* legal partnership in South Africa. He rose in office in the ANC and became its Secretary-General (1955-1958). He was later appointed Deputy President General which was created to cope with the difficulties with the isolation of Albert Luthuli (ANC President) who was under house arrest in Natal. He changed the ANC constitution which was finally accepted in 1957. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 73

TILE TINTO Tambo was banned* by the South African Government from 1954-1956 under the Suppression of Communism Act and was prevented from attending public gatherings and from leaving the magisterial districts of Benoni and Johannesburg. He nevertheless was able to play a major role in the campaign against the introduction of Bantu Education* and removals in the Western Areas. In 1956 Tambo was accepted by Bishop Ambrose Reeves as a candidate for ordination as an Anglican Priest but at the end of that year he was arrested and charged with treason. He was released in 1957 and became the DeputyPresident of the ANC in 1958. On the request of the ANC Executive Tambo agreed to leave the country and carry on the work of the ANC abroad as they feared that the organisation might soon be banned. He managed to escape through Botswana in 1960, shortly before the implementation of another banning order. Tambo established a provisional ANC headquarters in Tanzania in 1965 and was instrumental in setting up an ANC guerilla training camp at Morogoro (180km from Das es Salaam) which became the military headquarters of the ANC. On Albert Luthuli's death (1967) he became the acting President of the ANC and later President. Tambo has experienced ill-health especially after suffering a stroke in August 1989. He is however still the President of the ANC. (Ref: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978, Gastrow 1986; Dickie and Rake 1973) TILE, Nehemiah (c. 1850-1891) was believed to be a member of the Thembu* chiefdom but his actual origins are not known. By the early 1870s he worked as an evangelist for the Wesleyan Methodist mission in the Thembu region of the eastern Cape. Tile attended theological college and became a probationary minister in 1879. He was not ordained because his White* superiors said he was too involved in politics, encouraged hostility against magistrates, held political meetings on Sundays and participated in tribal rites by offering an ox at the circumcision of the heir to the Thembu paramountcy. At this time the Colonial Government was informally trying to impose an administration on the Thembu people. Tile worked with the paramount chief Ngangelizwe* to prevent this. He eventually left the Wesleyan mission because of disagreements that arose over his political activities. With Ngangelizwe's supportTile established the Thembu National Church in 1884 with its headquarters at the Thembu royal kraal. This church was closely linked to traditional political authority rather than western theology or authority. It was very popular and Tile hoped that it would become the national church of the Thembu people, but that never materialised. (Rcf .: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; Saunders 1988) TINTO, Christmas Fihla (1925-present) was born on 25 December 1925 in the Qokolweni Location in the Umtatadistrict oftheTranskei*. He attended the local school and then St John's College, Umtata, but was expelled in November 1942, because of his leading role in a student protest against poor food. In 1943 he was contracted to work on a mine in . On arrival in Boksburg he immediately became involved in a worker strike for higher wages. He was removed from the mine and told never to return. Tinto then moved to a mine at Springs, makig contact with a clerk with whom he had been to school. He worked there for four weeks after which he became involved in wage demands. His ability to speak English once again forced him into a prominent role. He was arrested by the police and detained for three days. He was deported to the Transkei. Following a clash with his father he moved to Cape Town. He found work at a dairy at Elgin in 1944 where he stayed for six months. No sooner had he settled when he called a meeting of employees to discuss their poor remuneration. In response to their demands the workers received an increase but Tinto was dismissed. From thereTinto moved to a milling company in Maitland, where he worked for two years as a carpenter. Subsequently he moved to a soap factory in Salt River. In September 1951 Tinto 74 Ubukhosi neenkokeli TINTO TILE

TINTO TSHUME joined the Langa branch of the African National Congress* (ANC) and in 1954 was elected its Chief Volunteer. In 1955 Tinto was employed by the Karl Bremer Hospital in Bellville. While there he urged the ANC to establish a union and, in 1956, theHospital Workers' Union was formed. During the 1950s Tinto attended workshops, lectures and large meetings of the ANC. He participated in the potato boycott and as a result hewas arrested with nine others, but discharged through lack of evidence. In March 1960 Tinto participated in the march of 30 000 people from Langa to Caledon Square, Cape Town which led to the State of Emergency being declared. The following year hewas delegated by the South African Congress of Trade Unions* (Sactu) to attend the All Africa Congress at the Sobantu Hall, Pietermaritzburg where the reasons for the formation of Umkhonto we Sizwe (the military wing of the ANC) were outlined and accepted by the Conference. Tinto had taken 'sick leave' to attend this conference and was as a result fired. Sactu then asked Tinto to work for the Railway Workers' Union which be did until 1963 when he was detained in terms of the General Law Amendment Bill with many others. A group of 45 people were charged with sabotage and Tinto was one of the twenty six sentenced to six years' imprisonment on Robben Island. Following a successful appeal he was released in 1965 after serving six months. He was detained again under the 180 day-legislation and released without charge. During the 1976 Soweto Riots, Tinto was detained in Pollsmoor Prison in terms of Section 6 of the Terrorism Act. As a result of injuries incurred while in detention, Tinto was taken to Valkenberg Mental Hospital to recover, followingwhich hewas detained at Malmesbury. Laterhe was charged with recruiting students to undergo military training with the ANC and, on 14 September 1977, was found guilty and sentenced to seven years' imprisonment. He appealed, but was not granted bail and served sixteen months until his release in December 1978 following a successful appeal. On 20 August 1983, at the national launch of the United Democratic Front* (UDF) Tinto became Vice-President, Western Cape. He played an important role in the activities of the UDF and was re-elected Vice-president of the Western Cape UDF in 1985. He was detained on various occasions between 1985 and 1988 after which he was served with a restriction order. During the 1989 general election he defied his restriction order and attended meetings. On 6 December 1989, Tinto was elected President of the UDF in the Western Cape. (Ref.: Gastrow 1987; Gastrow 1990) TONJENI, Elliot (1895-1962) was born in the Transkei*. Sometime in theearly 1920s Tonjeni went to Cape Town where he joined the Coimnunist Party of South Africa (CPSA). He became active in the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) and the African National Congress* (ANC). He left the CPSA in 1929 but continued to work with them and use Umsebenizi, the Communist newspaper, as an instrument of promoting political consciousness among Black* people. In 1930 Tonjeni supported JT Dumede's unsuccessful attempt for re-election asPresident of the ANC. He challenged the Capeleadership of the ANC and briefly formed an Independent ANC. This wasshort livedwhen he was banned from the western Cape. He moved to Cradock where he continued to attack the conservatism of the ANC and urge blacks to adopt a more radical approach to resistance, like refusing to pay taxes. He was sentenced to two months imprisonment with hard labour for 'provoking hostility between the races'. He died in 1962. (Rey:: Gerhart and Karis 1977) TSHUME, Gladstone Xala (1912-1957) joined the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) in the late 1930s while he was working for a coal dealer in Grahamstown. He later moved to Port Elizabeth wherehe was employed in a pharmacy. While thereTshume became the local chairman of the CPSA and turned his attention to trade union activity. He led a successful strike of the Port Elizabeth dock workers and organised union activity for laundry Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 75 TINTO TSHUME

TSHUNUNGWA XUNDU and textile workers in Port Elizabeth and King William's Town. Tshume was banned* in 1953 which forced him to resign from the position of Secretary of the African Textile Workers' Union. During African National Congress* (ANC) campaigns on the late 1940s and early 1950s he became a strong supporter of a more militant approach to resistance to White* domination and helped to set the tone of militant determination which became characteristic in the eastern Cape. Tshume was a lay preacher in the Bantu Methodist Church. He died in 1957. (R~f.: Gerhart and Karis 1977) TSHUNUNGWA, Thembekile Enoch ka (1923-?) was born in the Transkei* of the royal house of the Thembu* people. He studied at Lovedale and worked as a teacher until 1949. In the early 1950s he joined the ANC Youth League and served on the executive committee of the Cape ANC. Tshunungwa was formally elected to theoffice of Cape Provincial Secretary of the Congress in 1955. He served on the National Executive of the Congress and also worked as ANC National Organiser and did a greatdeal ofwork in preparation for the Congress of the People of 1955 where he was one of the speakers. Tshunungwa eventually began working with his cousin *, but was hampered by his arrest as one of the accused in the 1956 Treason Trial. During the trial there was a great deal of factional dispute in the Cape ANC and Tshunungwa found that he disagreed vehemently with the left wing of the Congress. After his acquittal he went to work for Matanzima in theTranskeian Parliament. (Refj: Gerhart and Karis 1977) VUSANI (see NGUBENCUKA) XUNDU, Meebisi Osman (1934-present) was born at Engcobo, Transkei*. He attended the local primary school and in Standard 6 went, with two other boys, to live with a white missionary couple at the All Saints Mission near Engcobo to conclude their education. Xundu finally matriculated from St John's College, Umtata in 1952. He became employed in the Social Benefits Office of the Department of Native Affairs and after two years moved to work for the Post Office. After a year he entered St Bede's Theological College, Umtata, to train for the Anglican ministry. He was ordained as deacon in 1958 and was priested in 1960. Xundu has subsequently served as priest in various parishes. While a pupil at St John's College, Xundu joined the ANC Youth League and held thepost of branch Secretary. While still at school, he was greatly influenced by the Rev * who served on the National Executive of the ANC. Calata told Xundu that if he entered the ministry he would be able to serve his community in all respects. It was also Calata's view that the church needed prophets with strong Christian convictions in order to address itself to both the Black* and White communities. When Xundu entered the ministry he met people who were not prepared to participate in ministering on political issues. He developed the opinion that the theology of the church was inadequate and that the ministry of the church was elite and protective of the system. In the early 1960s, Xundu participated in the formation of Faith in Action, which was established by a group of young Anglican clergy who wanted to see the teachings of the church translated into practical terms. He also participated in the formation of the Anglican Student's Federation. During this time Xundu dealt with the social implications of the Gospel within the church, including disparities between Black and White clergy in respect of housing and stipends and the inclusion of Blacks in the decision making of the church. In 1976 Xundu took sabbatical leave to work full-time for Black Community Programmes (BPC), an offshoot of the Black Consciousness Movement* (B CM), which aimed at establishing self-help programmes in Black* communities. During this period he came into close contact with Steve Biko*. Although sympathetic to that cause, Xundu neverjoined the BCM. In October 1977 the BPC was banned and Xundu was detained in Umtata until February 1978. After his release he moved to Natal. In the parish of St Simon of Cyrene, Lamontville, Xundu became involved in community issues 76 Ubukhosi neenkokeli TSHUNUNGWA XUNDU

XUMA in the township. He proposed the establishment ofa Rent Action Committee to examine the rise in rentals. The Committee extended to other areas under the jurisdiction of the Port Natal Administration Board and the Joint Rent Action Committee (Jorac) was formed under the chairmanship of Richard Gumede. At this time there was also talk of increased bus fares and a Joint Commuter's Conmmittee was established. After negotiation with the au thori ties had failed, a bus boycott was initiated in December 1982. When the United Democratic Front* (UDF) called for support (1983), JORAC became an affiliate member. Xundu served as vice-chairman of Jorac, member of the Release Mandela Committee and as member of both the Natal Regional and National Executive Committee of the UDF. He was a member of the Diakonia Council as a representative of the Anglican Church of the Diocese of Natal and was chairman of the Church and Industry Department of Diakonia. While investigating the death of fellow U DF activist, Victoria Mxenge*, he was detained and on his release went to Engcobo on holiday, only to be detained by the Transkeian police. Following his release he was hospitalised. Xundu was transferred to Port Elizabeth to serve as hospital chaplain and as Director of Justice and Reconciliation for the Diocese of Port Elizabeth. He has also served on the Provincial Board of the Justice and Reconciliation Commission, as a member of the Crisis Education Committee and as a resource person for the Port Elizabeth Boycott Committee. (Ref.: Gastrow 1987) XUMA, Alfred Bitini (c. 1893-1962) was born into an aristocratic Xhosa* family at Engcobo in the Transkei*. He began his education at the mission school at Manzana and then attended the school at Clarkebury in 1908. Xuma qualified as a teacher in 1911. While working in the Transkei, he saved enough money to go to the Unites States of America where he worked his way through high school and college. From 1916 he was a student at the agricultural college at the University of Minnesota. After graduating he went to the Medical School of Marquette XUMA University in Milwaukee and the Northwestern University near Chicago where he graduated with a MD in 1926. After spending a year in Austria and Hungary he sat the qualifying examination at the University of Edinburgh. His fields of specialisation were gynaecology, obstetrics and surgery. He was the first Black* person to obtain aPhD from theLondon School of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene. He returned to South Africa in 1927 and set up a practice in Johannesburg. He attended African National Congress*(ANC) meetings but initially did not join the organisation. In his absence in 1930 he was elected to the executive council of the ANC, but declined the position. In 1935 the proposed Hertzog draft on Black* landownership and franchise caused a great deal of unrest among black people. As a response to these draft acts Xuma, and Z R Mahabano founded the All African Convention in Bloemfontein (16.12.1935) with DDT Jabavu* as President and Xuma as VicePresident. In 1940 he was elected President-General of the ANC at a time when the organisation was at a low ebb. He toured the Transvaal and the Cape to canvass for more members and to look for prospective leaders. He revised the constitution of the ANC and formed an alliance with the Indian National Congress. This laid the foundation for mass protest movements in the 1950s. The 'Doctors Pact' signed in 1947 by Drs Xuma, Dadoo and Naicker of the Indian Congress ensured cooperation between Black and Indian organisations in matters of common interest. By 1943 the ANC under Xuma's leadership clashed with the government on several occasions. In that year Xuma handed adocument entitled 'Africans' Claims in South Africa' to general JC Smuts who refused to give it serious attention. In 1944 the South African Communist Party* (SACP) embarked on an anti-pass campaign. Xuma was made chairman of the Anti-Pass Committee. Under Xuma's leadership the ANC changed from an organisation supporting constitutional processes to try to bring about change, to one adopting a policy of non-cooperation. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 77

XUMA ZENO In 1946 the ANC demanded that the Native Representative Council be dissolved, Xuma also attended the United Nations Organisation (UNO) to object to South Africa being given a mandate to govern South- under UNO auspices. From 1947 onwards Xuma gradually lost his holdon theANC. 1- is collaboration with Indians was criticised and the radical ANC Youth League undermined his position. The Youth League wanted the ANC to adopt a more militant approach especially after Dr DF Malan's National Party victory in 1948. Xuma was eventually ousted in 1949. Xuma continued to serve on the'executive of the ANC but from this time remained in the background. He participated in the organisation of bus and school boycotts and multi-racial conferences. In 1956 and 1958 he was named as one of the accused in the treason trial but was never summoned to appear in court. (Rtf: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; DSAB Vol. V) ZENO (see NGQENO) 78 Ubukhosi neenkokeli

Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 79 l m l ý2 Ubukhosi neenkokeli

General Historical Directory AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS (ANC). The South African Native National Congress (SANNC) was founded by Pixley Seme in Bloemfontein in 1912. His aimwas the formation of a national union of Black* South Africans as an alternative to the White* Union of South Africa (1910). The name of this organisation changed to the African National Congress (ANC) in 1923. Originally the ANC operated mainly as an elite Black protest organisation. Its earliest members were drawn from the small elite of highly educated Blacks. These people were the product of the missionary education system and their actions revealed their liberal, bourgeois (middle class) aspirations. Their main goal was the maintenance of the Cape African Franchise and the extension of voting rights to educated Blacks in the other provinces. Their main strategy was peaceful petition designed to gain moderate concessions through negotiation. The vulnerability of the so called 'allpowerful' colonial powers as was revealed in the Second World War inspired some Black leaders and gave them confidence to adopt a more militant stance based on mass support. They began to believe that Black people might be able to topple the oppressive colonial regimes. The removal of the Cape African Franchise (1936) made the ANC realise that it was not possible to attain political rights for the individual through constitutional means. The militant ANC Youth League was founded in 1943 and, under the leadership of Anton Lembede (1914-1947), its first president, expounded a new 'Africanism' which moved away from a fight for individual rights for Blacks to fighting for the rights of all Blacks as a people. This was to be won by the Black people themselves, without the help of liberal Whites. Lembede advocated the adoption of a more militant strategy but rejected the radical approach of the ANC's left wing which were under the influence of the South African Coirununist Party*. Lembede died in 1949, shortly after the National Party came to power on an 'Apartheid*' platform (1948). After his death, the left wing of the Youth League took over control and adopted a programme connitting the League to strikes, boycotts and civil disobedience. By the 1950s the ANC had developed into a major mass movement. Together with the South African Indian Congress (SAIC) the ANC launched the Defiance Campaign* of 1952. This proved to be a popular strategy and the ANC's numbers began to grow from a few thousand to over 100 000. The majority of their members came from the eastern Cape. The ANC was involved in campaigns to oppose mass removals from the western areas of Johannesburg and boycotting the new Bantu Education* Schools (1955). They were, however, not well supported. In 1956 therewas dispute within the ANC ranks over the adoption of the Freedom Charter* which reflected discontent within the leadership and unhappiness over the multi-racialism of the congress and the socialism of the Charter. In 1958 the 'Africanists' withdrew from the Transvaal branch of the Congress and a year later formed thePan Africanist Congress* (PAC) under the leadership of Robert Sobukwe*. Both the ANC and the PAC were banned in 1959. In 1960 the leaders, working underground, decided on a strategy of sabotage and guerilla war. The External Mission of the ANC attempted to mobilise world opinion in their favour and set about training military cadres. Internally, the acts of sabotage caused the South African Government to adopt harsh measures when dealing with the ANC. Nelson Mandela* and his colleagues were sentenced to life imprisonment while thousands of ANC members, especially in the eastern Cape, were Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 81 ANC ANC APART H El D AZASO arrested and convicted for ANC-related activities. In 1969 the external wing of the ANC agreed to accept White members which caused a great deal of dissent within the ranks of the leadership. The 'Africanists' suggested that the Whites, especially the South African Communist Party members were exercising too great an influence. Although the ANC had little to do with the Soweto Revolt of 1976, the organisation benefitted from it in that as many as 4 000 Blacks fled Soweto and other trouble spots and entered ANC military training camps. There was an upsurge of sabotage from 1978 onwards. The ANC has continued to operate underground with its leaders in prison or exile until the organisation was unbanned on 2 February 1990. Many ANC leaders were released from prison and the ANC was allowed to operate as a valid political party within South Africa. The following were the major ANC leaders: 1912-1917 JL Dube 1917-1924 SM Makgatho 1924-1927 ZR Mahabane 1927-1930 JT Gumede 1930-1936 P Sembe 1937-1940 ZR Mahabane 1940-1949 AB Xuma* 1949-1952 JS Moroka 1952-1967 AJ Luthuli 1967-present OR Tambo* (Ref : Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978 Saunders 1983," Oakes (Ed.) 1988) APARTHEID. The word 'apartheid' was used for the first time in the Cape National Party (NP) newspaperDielBurger in 1943. 'Apartheid' was the official slogan of the NP in the election of 1948 when they campaigned for . They advocated legislated and forced separation of the different racial groups in all spheres of South African life. Prior to 1948 segregation had been pragmatic and implemented on an ad hoc basis. The implementation of apartheid applied segregation systematically and as rigorously as possible. When the National Party came to power in 1948 they faced a problem in that the legal system in South Africa was based on the Roman-Dutch system which is 'colour-blind'. Because of this, every aspect of apartheid had to pass through parliament before it could become law. This is the reason why so much had been passed since 1948. If there was any dispute over the wording of Apartheid Acts, theJudges tended to rule against apartheid, falling back on the basis of the common law of the Roman Dutch system. The government often passed further legislation in order to block the decisions of the Supreme Court. (Ref.: Saunders 1983; Oakes (Ed.) 1988) AZANIAN PEOPLES' ORGANISATION (AZAPO). Azapo was formed in May 1978 to fill the leadership gap that arose after the banning* of all Black Consciousness (see Black Consciousness Movement*) organisations in October 1977. The Executive Committee were all detained shortly after its formation. The organisation only really became effective in September 1979. Its five expressed aims were: 1) to conscientise and mobilise Black* workers through Black Consciousness; 2) to work for an educational system which responds creatively to the needs of the people; 3) to interpret religion as a liberating philosophy relevant to the Black struggle; 4) to expose the exploitative and oppressive apartheid* system; 5) to work for Black unity and the just distribution of wealth and power to all. (Ref.: Davies et al.) AZANIAN STUDENTS' ORGANISATION (AZASO). AZASO was formed in November 1979 by Black* students of universities and colleges. The initial aim was the promotion of Black Consciousness (see Black Consciousness Movement*) ideologies on Black campuses. By 1981 AZASO moved away from Black Consciousness as they began to realise that their 'enemy' was 'the system that promotes exploitation of man and not Whites as such'. It now considers capitalism and not colour as the main cause of Black oppression. It remains a Black students' organisation for tactical reasons but co-operates with progressive White* students. (Rcf: Davies et al.) 82 Ubukhosi neenkokeli APARTHEID AZASO

BANNING BANTU PEOPLE BANNING. Banning orders were served on individual people, meetings, organisations and publications under South African law. People. An amendment to the Riotous Assemblies Act of 1929 gave the Minister the power to order a person to leave a magisterial district. This was used to restrict the movement of leaders of organisations and political opponents. These powers were extended under the Suppression of Communism Act of 1950. Peoplewere normally restricted to a specific magisterial district, required to report regularly to the police, prevented from being quoted, did not allow them to visit educational institutions, factories and harbours and were not allowed to meet with more than one person at a time. From 1956 onwards, banning could also mean banishment. Many people were forced to move to remote areas and then were restricted from leaving that area. From 1962 banning orders often meant 'house arrest' which in essence meant that the banned person was not allowed to leave their home. Many political prisoners were banned or banished when they were released from prison. The Suppression of Communism Act also gave the authorities the power to name people who were suspected of promoting the ends of communism. Named people were then listed which meant that they were not allowed to attend meetings, gatherings or belong to certain organisations. Nothing they said or wrote could be quoted nor published. Organisations. Many of the major Black* organisations were banned e.g. the African National Congress* (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress* (PAC) in 1960, Black* Peoples' Convention (see Black Consciousness Movement*) and the South African Students Organisation (SASO) in 1977. Various radical newspapers have also been banned, and between 1950 and 1980 over 20 000 publications were banned under different laws. (Ref: Saunders 1983) BANTU EDUCATION. Bantu Education is a system designed to prepare Black* people for their role in an Apartheid* society. Dr HF Verwoerd, the architect of the Bantu Education Act (1953), stated: "There is no place for Blacks in the European community above the level of certain forms of labour... It is of no avail for him to receive a training which has as its aim absorption in the European community." In 1953, 90 % of Black schools were state-aided mission schools. The National Party was unhappy with this as it was their opinion that these schools taught 'dangerous, liberal ideas' especially as many of the teachers were 'outsiders' i.e. not South African citizens. The 1953 Bantu Education Act removed control of Black education from the churches and placed them under the control of a separate central government department. This act also separated the financing of education for blacks from general state expenditure and linked it to the direct taxes paid by the Black people themselves. Verwoerd also closed down adult night school programmes for Blacks. Black indignation over this inferior education system has become one of the main focuses of the Black liberation struggle. (Ref. Saunders 1983; Oakes (Ed.) 1988) BANTU PEOPLE. Bantu is a term used to describea group of people who speak a language different to that spoken by the San and Khoi. It is believed that Bantu- speaking people introduced the use of iron technology and practised mixed farming. From what today is the Transvaal, Bantu-speaking people moved south into the present and Natal. Those that settled along the eastern coast of were Nguni* speakers and those that settled inland, Sotho speakers. They lived in small but well ordered political groups and were stronger than the Khoi and San who had no fixed area that they considered to be their own and which no-one else had the right to use. Some of these semi-nomadic pastoralists were incorporated into Nguni groups. In Nguni-speaking societies cattle played an important role. They were a symbol of wealth and power, served as a medium of exchange, could be used for food and to provide clothing and shelter, attracted followers, and were used in the lobola system whereby a man acquired wives who produced children and worked in the Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 83 BANNING BANTU PEOPLE

BRITISH KAFFRARIA fields. The flesh of the cattle was only eaten on special occasions, but the milk formed an important part of the daily diet. In the Early Iron Age (c.400) there appear to have been more cattle than people in this region. From the early 1960s the government replaced the term 'Native' with 'Bantu' when they spoke of Black people. Bantu was disliked by the Black people because it reminded them of apartheid* and their inferior treatment. After 1977 thegovemment replaced Bantu with Black. (Ref,.: Saunders 1983) BLACK. The Black Consciousness Movement* of the late 1960s and the 1970s defined 'Blacks' as those discriminated against by the South African government on the grounds of race. The older terms like 'non-white' or 'nonEuropean' were rejected because they had negative connotations. The term 'Bantu*' was disliked and 'African' could not be translated into . The term 'Black' was accepted by the government in 1977 as it fitted in with their policy ofencouraging separateness between the different racial groups living in South Africa. Whether 'Indians' or 'Coloureds' called themselves Blacks depended on whether or not they identified with the struggle of the Black people for liberation from apartheid*. The majority of entries in the dictionary however use the term 'Black' to refer to what has been traditionally termed 'African' people. (Rtf: Saunders 1983) BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS MOVEMENT. Black Consciousness (BC) was a reaction to both White* racism and White liberal paternalism. Blacks decided that they needed to work alone in their struggle for liberation. Adherents held that they needed to liberate themselves psychologically from institutionalised racism and White liberalism. This implied the rejection of all Eurocentric values and the inculcation of a positive Black world view. They believed that only Blacks could liberate themselves through the harnessing of the collective energies ofall Blacks in 'solidarityin-action'. The initiative was taken by Black students who formed the all- Black South African Students Organisation (SASO). They set about forming the Black People's Convention (BPC) (see Biko*) which was an umbrella political movement (1972). The BPC's aim was to unify all the Black people of South Africa with a view to liberating them from psychological and physical oppression. They saw the struggle in racial and not class terms. All BC organisations accepted the proposition that 'in all matters relating to the struggle towards realising our aspirations, Whites must be excluded'. This movement began as a vehicle for young Black intellectuals and urban dwellers and did not gain the support of the working class. They did try to broaden their support by introducing various, self-help, legal aid and community programmes. Initially the movement was allowed to operate freely as the government seemed to think that they fitted in with their separate development (see apartheid*) ideology, but in 1973 the government began clamping down on them. Both the BPC and SASO were banned. In 1975 twelve BPC and SASO leaders were charged under the Terrorism Act and nine were convicted. There were many contradictions within BC organisations, some propagating capitalismand the development of Black business while others called for militant opposition to thegovernment and capitalism. BC had an important role to play in mobilising militant and mass action and had a central role to play in the Soweto uprisings of June 1976. In 1977 Steve Biko, the honourary president of the B PC died in detention which led to international outrage. The BPC was criticised by the African National Congress* for their emphasis on race, for being elitist and out of touch with themasses and for not accepting the Freedom Charter*. The Pan Africanist Congress* were more sympathetic towards them. (Ref.: Saunders 1983; Oakes (Ed.) 1988; Davies et al.) BRITISH KAFFRARIA. In 1847, after the "War of the Axe" (see Frontier War*), Sir Harry Smith, the Cape Governor and High Commissioner, annexed the land situated between the Keiskamma and Kei Rivers which was occupied by amaXhosa*. Because this area 84 Ubukhosi neenkokeli B LAC K

CATTLE KILLING CONGRESS ALLIANCE was populated mostly by Black* people it was administered by the High Commissioner until it became a crown colony in 1860. (In 1866 it became part of the Cape Colony). After the Cattle-killing* (1856-1857) Sir George Grey settled White* people, mostly German settlers, in the area. Today it forms a White corridor separating the Transkei* from the Ciskei*. (Ref.: Saunders 1983) CATTLE-KILLING (1856-1857). By 1856 amaXhosa* had been devastated by a number of Frontier Wars* with the.Cape Colonists. Their political structures had been disrupted by partial incorporation into the Crown Colony of British Kaffraria, their traditional beliefs were being questioned by the teachings of the missionaries and their economy was placed under stress as a result of the epidemic of lung-sickness that killed many of their cattle. They began to look for any sign of hope for their future and were heartened by the knowledge that the British had suffered reverses during the Crimean War (18541856) against the Russians (whom they believed were Black*). Nongqawuse*, a prophetess, began to see visions which she interpreted as saying that if all amaXhosa-owned cattle were killed and no crops were cultivated a new age would dawn in which cattle would be plentiful and the ancestors would return. Sarhili* (c. 1814-1892) believed this message and inspired many others to accept it as well. There was a great deal of pressure on 'unbelievers' to accept the message. The great day arrived (16 February 1857) and nothing happened. Those who had killed their cattle turned on those who had not, blaming them for the failure. About two-thirds of amaXhosa people died and about 20 000 entered the Colony in search of work. Sir George Grey, the Cape Governor, took advantage of the situation to clear parts of British Kaffraria for White settlement. The amaXhosa were now more easily incorporated into the colonial economy and their ability to resist colonial expansion was destroyed for almost a generation. Some Blacks in this century have suggested that Gray initiated the cattle-killing, but thereis little evidence to support this claim. Saunders Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders (1983) suggests rather that'... the cattle-killing must be understood as a millennial response by desperate people'. (Ref.: Saunders 1983; Oakes (Ed.) 1988; Peires 1989) CISKEI (The land 'this side' of the Kei). The area south of the Kei became a homeland and was granted 'independence' in December 1981. 'Independence' meant the loss of South African citizenship for people originating from this region. This constituted a serious problem for the 1.5 million Ciskeians not living in the Ciskei. In the 1970s at least 150 000 people were forced to move from many other areas to the Ciskei. By the time 'independence' was granted at least half the population of the area were living below the poverty datum line. The Ciskei National Development Corporation has set up a number of small 'industries' in an attempt to provide employment for the people living there, In order to lure investment into the region the government emphasised that it was an area in which there was an abundance of 'cheap labour'. More than half the earnings of 'Ciskeians' comes from migrant labour. The Ciskei is not recognised by her sister 'republic', theTranskei*. The term 'Ciskei' is used in this dictionary as a geographical reference to indicate where people settled. (Ref.: Oakes (Ed.) 1988; Davies et. al.) COMMUNIST PARTY OF SOUTH AFRICA (see SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY CONGRESS ALLIANCE. This alliance was a united opposition front of congresses of Blacks (African National Congress*), Indians (SAIC) and 'Coloureds' and Whites (South African Communist Party*). From 1955 it also included the South African Congress of Trade Unions and the Federation of South African Women. Eventually the Congress of the People was held on 26 and 27 June 1955 at Kliptown (south of Johannesburg). It was here that the Freedom Charter* was adopted. After the Congress many of the leaders were arrested and charged with high treason. (Ref.: Oakes (Ed.) 1988) CATTLE KILLING CONGRESS ALLIANCE

COSAS ETH IOPIANISM CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICAN STUDENTS (COSAS). COSAS is an organisation for students at secondary schools, night schools, technical schools and teacher training and correspondence colleges. It was formed in June 1979. COSAS was originally a Black Consciousness (see Black Consciousness Movement*) organisation but abandoned this ideology, arguing that the forces which oppressed Black* students are not colour as much as economic factors. COSAS also recognised that students could play only a limited role in the broader struggle and that their role should be to support the struggle of workers especially in trade unions and community organisations. The general objective of Cosas is to fight for compulsory free and democratic education in a democratic society. (Ref.: Davies et al.) CONGRESS OFSOUTH AFRICAN TRADE UNIONS (COSATU). COSATU was formed in November 1985 and has been described as a giant stride forward in trade union organisation in South Africa. Most of the democratic unions in South Africa joined this new federation. At its launch COSATU defined its basic objective as being to bring about unity and rationalisation within the trade union movement and to promote a form of militant trade unionism which recognised that the struggle on the shop floor cannot be separated from the wider political issues. Union organisation and struggle were seen as part of the broader liberation struggle. In July 1987 COSATU adopted the Freedom Charter* because it contained the minimum demands of the majority in the country. COSATU has been involved in a number of important strikes as well as more overtly political campaigns e.g. national and local stayaways over political economic and local issues. (Ref.: Davies et al.) DEFIANCE CAMPAIGN. The Defiance Campaign was an act of civil disobedience organised by the African National Congress* and the South African Indian Congress on 22 June 1952. The leaders called for a defiance of apartheid* laws, especially those referring to passes, Group Areas, separate representation and Bantu* authorities. They also called for an ending of land rehabilitation schemes which involved the culling of cattle. Protestors were to leave their homes on 21 March 1960 without their passes and present themselves deliberately for arrest at their local police stations. It was hoped that the many people arrested would clog up the judicial system and that it would eventually break it down. The PAC also hoped that many people would remain at home and so force theeconomy of the country to collapse. The police opened fire on the people both at Sharpeville and Langa. Sobukwe* was arrested On 8 April 1960 and the PAC (togetherwith the ANC) was banned. A total of 8 500 people were arrested. After this, the government passed the Criminal Laws Amendment Act (1953) which laid down severe penalties for breaking laws through protest. Some people won cases in the Supreme Court on the grounds that separate amenities were not equal. As a result the government passed the Separate Amenities Act (1953) which stated that amenities need not be equal. A number of the leaders in this campaign were banned. The campaign actually increased repression but it did serve to boost the popularity of the ANC and helped to establish the Congress Alliance*. (Rtf: Saunders 1983) ETHIOPIAN (see ETHIOPIANISM) ETHIOPIANISM, Ethiopianism is the name for one of the earliest African Independent church movements. The first separatist church was founded in 1884 in the Transkei* by Nehemiah Tile*. The separatist movement grew rapidly in the late 19th Century and in 1892 Mangena Mokone, a minister in the Methodist Church in Pretoria, founded the Ethiopian Church taking the name from Psalm 68:31 which reads: "Ethiopia shall stretch out her hands unto God." In 1896 Mokone was joined by James Mata Dwane* who was in disagreement with the Methodist Church leadership over the use of funds. Dwane had differences with Mokone and joined the African Methodist Episcopal 86 Ubukhosi neenkokeli COSAS ETHIOPIANISM

FORT HARE MFENGU Church (based in the USA) but became disillusioned and eventuallyjoined the Anglican Church with many of his followers, forming the Order of Ethiopia. The potential power of the movement has been weakened by disagreements and the formation of many African Independent churches. At present there are over 3 000 separate independent churches. Attempts to bring the independent churches together through the inter-denominational African Ministers' Association has met with little success. (Ref.: Saunders 1983; Oakes (Ed.) 1988) FINGO (see MFENGU) FORT HARE. Originally this university for Blacks* opened in 1916 as the South African Native College on land that was made available by the Church of Scotland. It was first affiliated to Rhodes University (1949), but after 1959 it was taken over by the government and became a university exclusively for Xhosa*- speaking students. (Ref.: Saunders 1983) FREEDOM CHARTER. This document was approved by the Congress Alliance* in June 1955. It stated that South. Africa belongs to all those who live in it, irrespective of race or creed and that no government canjustly rule unless its authority is based on the will of the people. It calls for a non-racial democratic government with equal protection for all people under the law, the nationalisation of banks, mines and heavy industry, land redistribution and equal workand educational opportunities. The Charter was adopted by the African National Congress* in March 1956. (Ref.: Saunders 1983) FRONTIER WAR. After the arrival of Whites in the eastern Cape conflicts occurred between the Whites and theindigenous peopleof southern Africa. Therewere two wars between the Whites and the KhoiKhoi in the 18th century. In the 19th century the Khoi limited their resistance to raiding. amaXhosa* tried to stop White* expansion which led to sporadic warfare over 100 years. From 1811 the colonists were aided in five wars by the British army. (Ref.: Saunders 1983) MFENGU (Fingo). The Mfengu are believed to be the remnants of various Nguni* groups, mainly the Hlubi, Zizi and , who were broken up and scattered during the Mfecane. They are believed to have sought refuge in the Transkei* in the 1820s. They were allowed to settle in the Gcaleka* region and were required to look after Gcaleka cattle. While living with the Gcaleka the Mfengu were able to rebuild their morale and were to some extent able to build up their herds. They were successful traders which caused their Gcaleka hosts to be envious. The cause of the Mfengu was championed by the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary, John Ayliff, who set up a mission station at Butterworth in 1831. Ayliff was of the opinion that they should' be freed from their lenslavement' by the Gcaleka. He took the opportunity after the Frontier War* of 18341835 to lead them out of this territory and resettle them to the east of the Fish River. Here they were to act as a bufferbetween the colonists and amaXhosa*. Many Mfengu worked for White* farmers and in theprocess acquired new skills. They then returned to the land allocated to them and within a few years they were able to produce more than they needed and began selling grain, tobacco, cattle, milkand firewood for a profit. As the Mfengu had lost touch with their traditional leaders, ways of life and traditions, they were quick to accept Christianity and many flourished in the western education that was introduced by the missionaries. They fought on the side of the colony in the Frontier Wars of 1846-1847, 1850-1852 and 1877-1878 and were rewarded for their help with land confiscated from amaXhosa*. When Sarhili* was expelled from his land after the Cattlekilling* part of his land was also allotted to the Mfengu. Thiscameto beknown as ''. In the late 19th century, JT Jabavu* tried to overcome the divisions between the Mfengu and amaXhosa*, but with little success. As the Ciskei* moved towards 'independence' in the 1950s the Mfengu supported the opposition to the ruling Xhosa* elite in the area. (Ref.: Saunders 1983; Oakes (Ed.) 1988) Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 87 FORT HARE MFENGU

MPONDO MPONDO. Mpondo genealogy extends back to the early 17th century. During the 19th century they preserved their independence longer than any of the other Nguni chiefdoms until they were annexed by the British in 1894. On the death of Faku* the chiefdom split into two states. Both lineages lost real power after the Cape Colonial administration divided the country into small magisterial districts. Mpondo chiefs ?-c. 1820 Ncungushe c.1820-1867 Faku* Eastern Branch: 1867-1887 Mqikela* 1888-1905 Sigcau Western Branch: 1867-1876 Ndamase* 1876-? Nqiliso* (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978) MPONDOMISE. According to tradition, the Mpondomise and the Mpondo were descended from a common ancestor, Njanya. It is possible that both groups migrated southwards at about the same time. The Mpondomise lived south of the Mzimkulu River during the reign of Ncwini in the rnid- 16th century and who is buried in the Qumbu district. In the period 1880-1881 the Mpondomise rebelled, but were easily defeated by the Cape's volunteer forces. As a result, amaXhosa* lost even more land to White* encroachment. (Ref.: Maylam 1986; Bundy 1988) NGUNI. Nguni is a term used to describe a group of southeast Bantu* languages spoken by Blacks which include amaXhosa and amaZulu, The Nguni may be divided into the Cape or Southern Nguni (Xhosa* speaking people) and the Northern Nguni (Zulu speakers). (Ref.: Saunders 1983) PAN AFRICANIST CONGRESS (PAC). In the 1950s the 'Africanists' in the African National Congress* (ANC) were unhappy with the multi-racial stance of the Congress. They accused the ANC leaders - many of whom were banned - of being out of touch with the masses. They believed that Black* people alone should work for their liberation and identified themselves with the African continental struggle for Black liberation. Their struggle was seen as being more racial than socialist and therefore they had difficulties with the ANC-SACP alliance. The 'Africanists' broke away from the ANC at the Transvaal congress of 1958 and organised themselves as the PAC in April 1959 with Robert Sobukwe as their president. In order to gain support they believed they initiated a Defiance Campaign* on 21 March 1960 which led to the massacres at Sharpeville and Langa and the subsequent arrest of Sobukwe*. As a result the PAC moved their headquarters to Maseru with Potlako Lebello as their president in exile. PAC supporters in the Cape organised an underground military wing which they called Poqo, which was involved in a number of acts of violence including the killing of five Whites* in the Transkei* in 1963. In March of that year Lebello announced that there would soon be a general uprising. The Lesotho Police raided their headquarters and provided the (SAP) with a list of names of those involved. As a result the SAP arrested thousands of Poqo members. By mid-1965 the PAC had ceased to be a force to be reckoned with. The PAC was unbanned on 2 February 1990 and now claims that its support is increasing dramatically. (Rcf.: Saunders 1983) PONDO (see MPONDO) PORT ELIZABETH BLACK CIVIC ORGANISATION (PEBCO). PEBCO was formed in October 1979 as a amalgam of the local civic associations in the Port Elizabeth area. From the outset PEBCO strongly opposed participation in community councils. It advocated the end to all discriminatory legislation and participation in decision making by all the people of South Africa. PEBCO spread rapidly throughout Port Elizabeth. The organisation became nationally and internationally prominent through its involvement in two strikes at the Ford Motor Company plant from November 1979 toJanuary 1980. The organisation was severely limited by Ubukhosi neenkokeli PEBCO

PROVINCE OF QUEEN ADELAIDE SACTU heavy state repression from the beginning of 1980 onwards. (Ref.: Davies et al.) PROVINCE OF QUEEN ADELAIDE. In January 1835, during the Frontier War* of 1834-1835, Governor D'Urban arrived on the frontier. By May the Colonial forces under Colonel Harry Smith had successfully repelled the invaders and D'Urban annexed the area between the Keiskamma and Kei rivers as the Province of Queen Adelaide. He required that all the defeated chiefs remove their followers beyond the Kei. This, however, proved to be impossible to enforce. The implementation of the policy would have created fresh resentment with the likelihood of renewed warfare at any time. The Wesleyan Methodist missionaries persuaded D'Urban to abandon this 'May' policy, but he imposed a new policy in September. The Province of Queen Adelaide remained open for White* settlement but the Black* tribes were to be placed in locations under White resident magistrates with a chief magistrate over them all. The chiefs were to be paid salaries and were given responsibility for law and order in their region. The aim was to break up the power of the chiefs and convert their communities to European habits and the Christian religion. Before the 'September' plan could be implemented Lord Glenelg, Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, received D'Urban's 'May' policy. He immediately ordered the de-annexation of the Province of Queen Adelaide. D'Urban obeyed the injunction without defending the 'September' revision. (Ref." Davenport 1978) SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY (SACP). The Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) was formed in 1921 by the revolutionary wing of the White* working class movement. Their immediate goal was the overthrow of the capitalist system. The White working class was seen as the shock troops of the 'socialist revolution'. Originally the CPSA suggested that the questions of racism and national oppression would be resolved under the dictatorship of the proletariat, which would free all South Africans from oppression and exploitation. The Party saw the national liberation movements as being a 'bourgeoisie' (middle class) which was striving after reform, while the CPSA sought revolution to rid society of capitalism and to usher in the working class state. By 1928 the vast majority of the CPSA membership were Black*. By this time they suggested that the moving force behind the revolution was the Black peasantry who were guided and led by the Black working class. After the Nationalist Party came to power in 1948 they tried to 'destroy' the CPSA, the Suppression of Communism Act of 1950 outlawing the Party. But the CPSA was not prepared to operate as an illegal organisation and the leadership disbanded the organisation in June 1950. Most of the members remained active within the national and trade union movements. Eventually the Party was reformed underground in 1953 with the new name, 'South African Communist Party' (SACP). After 1953 the SACP defined its task as combining legal mass work with the illegal work of building a Marxist-Leninist party. This was not publically announced until 1960. The SACP concentrated on working within the various organisations of the Congress Alliance*. This led to frequent attacks by the Africanists within the ANC who argued that the Congress Alliance had become dominated by the communists. After the banning* of the ANC in 1960, the SACP joined them in forming a military organisation, Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation). This marked the beginning of the armed struggle. This alliance suffered a series ofsevere reverses in the 1960s when in 1963 the entire high command of Umkhonto were arrested at Rivonia and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. In 1966 the SACP leader, Braam Fischer, was also arrested and sentenced to life imprisonment. The SACP was unbanned by the South African Government on 2 February 1990. (Ref.: Davies et al.) SOUTH AFRICAN CONGRESS OFTRADE UNIONS (SACTU). SACTU was an underground trade union organisation allied with the African National Congress*. From its Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 89 PROVINCE OF QUEEN ADELAIDE SACTU

SAYCO formation as a trade union federation in 1955, SACTU refused to confine itself to narrow economistic trade union activities. It argued that workers' struggles for better working conditions and living standards cannot be separated from the struggle for political rights and liberation. From 1964 SACTU was forced to operate underground and in exile. (Ref.: Davies el al.) SOUTH AFRICAN YOUTH CONGRESS (SAYCO). SAYCO was launched secretly in April 1987. It adopted the Freedom Charter*, pledged itself to work closely with COSATU* and affiliated to the UDF. (It claims to be the largest affiliate of the UDF.) The slogan adopted at its launch was: 'Freedom or Death: Victory is Certain'. (R.:: Davies et al. 1988) TAMBOEKIE (See THEMBU) TEMIBU (see THEMBU) THEMBU. The Thembu are a major branch of the southern Nguni. Their known Chiefs are: ?1750-?1800 ?1800-1830 1830-c1845 c. 1845-1849 1849-1863 1863-1884 1884-1920 1920-1924 1924-1926 1926-? Ndaba Ngubencuka* Fadana (Regent) Mthikrakra* Joyi (Regent) Ngangelizwe* Dalindyebo* Silimela (regent) Jongilizwe Sabata (Ref.: Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978) TRANSKEI (the land across the Kei River). In the middle of the 19th century Transkei usually meant the land immediately to the east of the Kei River. From the 1870s it came to refer to the entire area from the Kei to the southern border of Natal. This area was annexed to the Cape in stages between 1879 and 1894. Most of the area became an 'independent' state in 1976 aspartof the implementation of the government's apartheid* policy of the creation of separate states for the different Black* groups in the country. Transkei has battled to survive as since its inception its administration has been in a shambles. By 1979 it was bankrupt and was saved only by enormous financial grants from the South African Government. Corruption has characterised the Transkeian government and it was rumoured for many years that the chief beneficiaries were the Matanzima* brothers. This eventually led to two successful coups d'etat led by the Transkeian Defence Force. In September 1987 the Transkeian Defence Force took control of the country and on 5 October 480 delegates of the Transkei National Independence Party (TNIP) met and elected Miss as the new prime minister and leader of the TNIP. In December 1987 the Transkei Defence Force took over the administrationin another bloodless coup led by General *, who today has come out in support for the abandoning of Transkeian independence and its reincorporation into a post-apartheid South Africa. (Ref.: Saunders 1983; Davies et al.; Race Relations Survey 1978/88) UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (UDF). The UDF was formed in August 1983 as an alliance of civic organisations. Within a year of its launch the UDF had grown into the largest mass resistance movement since the Congress Alliance* of the 1950s, with the support of 2 million people belonging to over 600 organisations. By 1987 it had 700 affiliates, the largest being the 700 000 strong South African Youth Congress* (SAYCO). The UDF's initial objective was to unite the disparate forces in opposition to the 1983 tricameral constitutional proposals and therelated bills known as the Koornhof Bills. The success of this campaign is evident in the low percentage polls in the 1984 elections for the House of Representatives and House of Delegates. The campaign against elections was followed by a series of stayaways, boycotts and other forms of mass action. The UDF and its leaders have been targets of state repression. There have been two major trials involving the UDF leadership who have faced charges of treason. Many of the UDF leaders have been detained. Numerous activists 90 Ubukhosi neenkokeli UDF

WHITE Xl-IOSA in the UDF and affiliated organisations have also died or disappeared in mysterious circumstances. The most prominent include Matthew Goniwe* and *. In 1986 the State banned meetings and blocked the organisations access to external funds by declaring it an affected organisation under the Internal Security Act. The UDF was also affected by the State of Emergency declared in June that year, because many of its leaders were detained. In April 1987 the UDF Womens' League was formed. The League pledged itself to play an active role in the national liberation struggle, especially the problem of women's legal disabilities. By this time the UDF leadership had began canvassing for its affiliates to adopt the Freedom Charter* and, on 20 August 1987, the Charter was officially adopted. The UDF has regional executives, each with its own presidents, secretaries, treasurers and other officials. Because of state repression resulting in the death, detention or exile of a number of officials, their turnover has been quite high. (Ref.: Davies et al.) WHITE. Originally those who were not , 'Coloured' or Black* were referred to as 'European'. With the implementation of apartheid*, segregated amenities were labelled 'Europeans' and 'Non-Europeans'. In the 1960s the term 'White' replaced 'European'. (Ref.: Saunders 1983) XHOSA. The name 'Xhosa' probably comes from the Khoi meaning 'angry men'. According to tradition the senior Xhosa dynasty goes back as far as the 15th Century and a mythical ancestor named 'Xhosa'. The Xhosa clan is believed to have established a chiefdom in the northern Transkei* sometime before 1600. Some people go as far as to suggest that 'Xhosa' was the son of Mguni and the brother of Zulu and Swazi. Peires (1987) suggests that these ideas are highly suspect and that there is every reason to believe that the word 'Xhosa' is derived from a Khoi word that sounds similar viz. //kosa. The earliest historical event that relates specifically to the'Xhosa as a group of people is the installation of Tshawe as head of their royal family some time before 1675. Tshawe was believed to have usurped the chieftainship and destroyed the independence of the various clans that existed. After Tshawe there was a succession of chiefs about whom little is known. From the 1730s to 1775 Phalo* was the main Xhosa chief. Until the 18th century most amaXhosa considered themselves subject to a single paramount chief. However, thepolitical system was never highly centralised, and most people offered allegiance to their chiefdom founders. In the late 18th century anmaXhosa people were divided into two major groups as a result of dispute between Phalo*'s sons Gcaleka* and Rharhabe* as to who was Phalo's legitimate successor. This eventually led to a war in which Gcaleka was defeated and captured. Rharhabe decided to settle in what is today the Ciskei* in order to avoid further conflict. He was joined by his father Phalo. Phalo died in 1775 and Gcaleka died in 1778. Gcaleka was succeeded by Khawuta who reigned from 1778-1794. Rharhabe began consolidating his power to the west of the Kei. He subjugated the Khoi and San groups and eventually attacked Khawuta. He was killed in a clash with the Thembu* in about 1782. Rharhabe's successor, Mlawu was killed in the same battle and the succession therefore went to Mlawu's son Ngqika* who was still a minor. In the interim power was vested in M lawu' s brother Ndlambe* who ruled as regent. Ndlambe consolidated his power by subjugating the neighbouring chiefdoms by playing them offagainst the Dutch frontiersmen. He drove the imiDange clan into conflict with the White* colonists in the unrest of 17791781. The imiDange were defeated. The Gqunukhwebe (a mixed Xhosa-Khoi chiefdom) were defeated by Ndlambe in a series of battles but he was only able to bring them into submission under his authority with the aid of the in 1793. Ndlarnbe's power came under threat when Ngqika came of age in 1795. Ndlambe made an alliance with the Gcaleka but was defeated by Ngqika after which he was imprisoned. Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 91 WHITE XHOSA

XHOSA ZUURVELD Ngqika wanted to become the paramount chief of all amaXhosa people. He was never able to achieve this but did succeed in concentrating most of the power in the Rharhabe and to develop a series of alliances with the imiDange and Gqunukhwebe. He was also supported by some Khoi groups and some Boers. By 1800 Ngqika was facing difficulties. Ndlambe escaped and fled to the colony. Hintsa* was in the process of reconstructing the Gealeka. Ngqika turned to the Colony for assistance. In the Fourth Frontier War* (1811- 1812)1 mperial troops and Boer militia drove Ndlambe across the Fish River. The colony recognised Ngqika as the only legitimate Xhosa leader. These internal divisions came to a head in 1818 when Ndlambe defeated Ngqika at the battle of Amalinde. The Colonial forces came to Ngqika's aid and Ndlambe was defeated in the Fifth Frontier War* of 1819. In the 1820s Ngqika' s power began to decline. There were further divisions, but the Rharhabe and the Gcaleka remained the two major groups. From the 1770s to the 1870s, amaXhosa fought a series of frontier wars with the European settlers in the neighbouring Cape Colony. Each war cost them some of their land and autonomy. By 1866 much of the land originally controlled by amaXhosa was annexed to the Cape Colony and many of the surviving leaders were on the payroll of the Colonial Government. Xhosa dynasty ? 1600 Tshawe Rharhabe or Ngqika Division c. 1775-1787 Rharhabe c. 1787-1796 Ndlambe (regent) 1796-1829 Ngqika 1829-1840 Maqoma 1840-1878 Sandile (Rf : Lipschutz and Rasmussen 1978; Peires 1987; Maylam 1986; DSAB Vol. II) ZUURVELD. This name comes from the Dutch meaning 'sour grass country' and refers to the land between the Fish and Bushman's Rivers in the eastern Cape. When the Trekboers moved east from the Cape they first made contact with Bantu* speaking peoples in the Zuurveld area. This land provided excellent grazing for livestock during the summer months. A number of small Black* groups had lived in this area for several generations before the arrival of Whites in the 1770s. The Zuurveld was the scene of many clashes between amaXhosa* and White* settlers. Try as they might, the Whites were never able to force the Xhosa out of this area permanently. Although the Zuurveld was officially part of the Cape Colony from 1780, many Blacks remained in this area until 1812 when more than 20 000 were expelled. After this, a line of forts was built, the most important being the one at Grahamstown. In 1820, 5 000 British Settlers were settled in the Zuurveld which was then renamed the Albany District. (Ref.: Saunders 1983) c. 1686 ?1700 ?1700-c1735 c. 1735-1775 Gcaleka Divisio c. 1750-1792 1792-1808 1808-1820 c. 1820-1835 1835-1892 1892-1902 1902-1921 1921-1923 1923-1933 1933-'? Ngcwangu Togu Ngconde Tshiwo Phalo Gcaleka Khawuta Nqoko (regent) Hintsa Sarhili* Sigcau Gwebinkumbi Daliza (regent) Ngangoinhlaba Zwelidunmile Ubukhosi neenkokeli XHOSA ZUURVELD

Reading List 1. Ad Hoc Anti-Repression Committee (Pamphlet entitled 'Men of Peace Murdered', in Cory Library for Historical Research, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, catalogued under 'Goniwe') 2. Bundy C, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (David Philip, Cape Town, 1988) 3. Cameron T and Spies SB, (Eds.), An Illustrated History of South Africa (Jonathan Ball, Johannesburg, 1986) 4. Davenport, TRH, South Africa: A modern history (Macmillan, Johannesburg, 1978) 5. Davies R, O'Meara D and Dlamini S, The Strugglefor South Afi-ca: A reference guide (Zed Books, London, 1988) 6. De Kock WJ, Kruger DW and Beyers CJ, (Eds-in-Chieo, Dictionary of South African Biography (HSRC, Pretoria, 1968-1987) Vols I - V referred to in the text as DSAB. 7. Dickie J and Rake A, Who's Who in Africa: The Political, military and business leaders of Africa (African Development, London, 1973) 8. Eastern Province Herald 22.7.1985 9. Gastrow S, Who's Who in South African Politics (Raven, Johannesburg, 1986) 10 . , Who's Who in South African Politics (Raven, Johannesburg, 1987) 11 . , Who's Who in South African Politics (Raven, Johannesburg, 1990) 12. Gerhart GM and Karis, From Protest to Challenge: A documentary history of African Politics in South Africa 1882-1964 Volume 4 (Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, Stanford, California, 1977) 13. Hayes SV, Who's Who of Southern Africa (Published by Who's Who of Southern Africa CC, 1988-1989) 14. Keeble S, The Black Who's Who of Southern Africa Today (African Business Publications, Johannesburg, 1982) 15. Lipschutz MR and Rasmussen RK, Dictionary ofAfrican HistoricalBiography (Heinemann, London, 1978) 16. Manona C, Pers. Comm. (ISER, Rhodes University, 1990) 17. Maylam P, A History of the African People of South Africa: From the early Iron Age to the 1970s (David Philip, Cape Town and Johannesburg, 1987) 18. Naidoo J, Tracking Down Historical Myths (Donker, Cape Town, 1989) 19. Oakes D, (Ed.), The Reader's Digest Illustrated History of South Africa: The Real Story (Reader's Digest, Cape Town, 1988) 20. Palmer AW, The Penguin Dictionary of Modern History: 1789-1945 (Penguin Books, Middlesex, 1962) 21. Peires JB, The House of Phalo (Raven Press, Johannesburg, 1987) 22. _ , The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse anid the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7 (Raven Press, Johannesburg, 1989) 23. Sash Vol. 28 No. 2, August 1985 24. .. , HistoricalDictionary of South Africa (African Historical Dictionaries No. 37), (The Scarecrow Press, London, 1983) 25. Survey of Race Relations, 1987-1988 and 1988-1989 (South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg) Directory of Eastern Cape Black Leaders 93

PHOTOCREDITS Africana Museum Hintsa Kama Maqoma Albany Museum Jabavu, John Tengo Makana Nqeno Sandile Sarhili Cory Library for Historical Research, Rhodes Univesity Bokwe, John Knox Botomani Calata, James A Dwane, .James M Mhlangaso Nqwiliso Eastern Province Herald Baard, Frances Barayi, Elizabeth Hani, Chris Holomisa, Bantu Jack, Mkhuseli Makwetu, Clarence Mandela, Winnie Matanzima, KD Mbeki, Govan Mbeki, Thabo Mpetha, Oscar Nzo, Alfred Pityana, Barney Sebe, Lennox Sizulu, Walter Sizani, Stone Sobukwe, Robert Tambo, Oliver Xundu, Mcebise Xuma, Alfred Times Media Ltd Biko, Steven Gcozo, Oupa Mandela, Nelson Mayekiso, Moses Mkwayi, Wilton Mxenge, Victoria Sizulu, Albertina Sizulu, Zwelakshe Denver Webb Mqijima 94 Ubukhosi neenkokeli

' avid Rhys Owen was born and schooled in 3 J Kimberley. He read for a BA in History and ; Biblical Studies at the University of Natal and followed with an HDE and an Honours degree in History. After teaching at Kokstad High School and a stint in as Historian with the KwaZulu Monuments Council he returned to teach at his alma mater, Kimberley Boys High School. In 1989 he joined the staff of the Albany Museum as Senior Historian, Taking a lead from the KwaZulu Monuments Council publications on the history of Natal he conceived the Albany Museum's New History Series to provide a fresh look at Eastern Cape history. David Owen now lives in Oswestry on the Welsh border. Albany Museum New History Series Two ISBN 0-95832O6-3-2 JL S780958 320634 >