Place, Tourism and Belonging

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Place, Tourism and Belonging 14 Fans and fams Experience and belonging aboard a cruise ship music festival David Cashman Introduction Imagine the excitement of being at an outdoor rock festival with your favou- rite band or genre. Think of the smells and sights and sounds of being front and centre a few feet from the stage where metal band Cannibal Corpse is shredding. You feel the vibrations of the subs in the pit of your stomach. The light show illuminates musician after musician, audience member after audi- ence member. You are there with some of your best friends. But it is muddy from earlier rains, and you are sleeping in a tent. You have to queue for drink and food, which is expensive. And the less said about the toilets, the better. Now imagine that same festival, but this time you are sleeping in a small but luxurious room. You have a room steward to make your bed each night and to bring you room service at your whim. Food is plentiful and included in the festival admission. There are a multitude of bars and staff to wait on you. You have more than one stage and can move between your favourite acts. The cost of the festival is reasonable and all inclusive. You still have your friends there, but you meet strangers that become friends and call you their family. You have a much greater chance of meeting your musical idols. You still get to listen to Cannibal Corpse, but this time you do it from a jacuzzi at the side of the stage. Sounds good, doesn’t it? Such experiences are common to thousands of festivalgoers who attend popular music festivals on cruise ships. Dozens of these festivals now ply the waterways of the world servicing fans of blue- grass, metal, indie rock, and a plethora of other genres. There is an intense feeling of camaraderie, and participants refer to each other and the artists as “ship fam”. This intense feeling of belonging is somewhat at odds with the location, which is a mobile geography and a non-place where it is not physically possible to “belong”. There are three concepts of import to successful music festivals on cruise ships. First, cruise festivals celebrate a specific but wide variety of music genres, including alternative rock (The Rock Boat); metal (70,000 tons of Metal, Monsters of Rock); dance music, also known as EDM (Holy Ship!, Mad Decent Boat Party); country music (The Country Music Cruise, Cruisin’ Country); jazz (Blue Note at Sea, The Jazz Cruise); Soul (Soul Train Fans and fams 231 Cruise); and more. Other festivals celebrate a particular band, such as the KISS cruise, the Kid Rock cruise, or the Weezer cruise. Festivalgoers are pas- sionate about the music or band and understand and celebrate the cultural signifiers and performance conventions of the genre. Second, the cruise envi- ronment is a desirable place to hold a music festival. Many of the issues that plague promoters of land-based festivals, such as accommodation, security, the provision of food and drink, the construction of performance spaces, technical equipment, and staff, are already present on cruise ships. Cruises are regarded both by general cruise tourists (Hosany & Witham, 2010 ; Huang & Hsu, 2009 ; Hung & Petrick, 2011; Kwortnik, 2008 ) and inter- viewed festivalgoers as a luxurious and desirable holiday. Third, interaction between festivalgoers and also between festivalgoers and musicians within this hedonistic, intense, and neotribal (Maffesoli, 1996 ) festival experience results in a constructed and artificial closeness and sense of belonging. Par- ticipants in this research reported staying in contact with fellow “ship fam”, sometimes meeting up between cruises, attending land-based concerts, and generally experiencing a warm and unusually intimate experience with fel- low cruise passengers during the festival. This chapter considers how belongingness is co-opted by festival orga- nizers to create a socially and commercially successful ocean-going festi- val experience. These festivals have no need to interact with the region or culture in the manner of a land-based festival but can focus entirely on the music, on the musicians, and on the festivalgoers and their temporary society. These festivals are of increasing significance on the world festival circuit, providing employment to musicians, engaging fans, and opportuni- ties to belong, if only for a few days, to a collective dedicated to music and experience. Data were drawn from a series of nine interviews undertaken in 2016 augmented by an open-ended survey, which captured 129 respon- dents. This sample incorporated 19 different festivals, including The Rock Boat (58%), 70,000 Tons of Metal (23%), Ships and Dip (10%), Live Loud (6%), Rombello (6%), and Mad Decent Boat Party (5%). These data were analysed using a grounded theory methodology. The research finds that festival organizers co-opt the mobile geography of the cruise ship and the sensory tourism of the festival to construct a purposeful experience that creates a fabricated sense of belonging and camaraderie. This hyperreal belonging makes return visits more likely, thereby increasing the financial viability of the enterprise. The tourist experience of cruise festivals Cruise festivals combine two tourist models: cruise tourism and festival tourism. Cruise tourism is one of the success stories of the tourism industry. From 2000 until 2010, passenger numbers have grown at 8%, more than three times the growth rate of international arrivals on air transport (Clancy, 2017 : 43), though this has slowed somewhat since ( Cruise Line International 232 David Cashman Association, 2016 : 7). Cruise ships generate enormous profits, mainly from onboard revenue (Becker, 2006 ; Vogel, 2017 ). Onboard revenue includes the costs of cruising not contained in the ticket price, notably gambling, consumption of alcohol, and spa treatments. A cruise ship has been likened to a cocoon ( Vogel, 2004 ), a mobile tourist enclave (Weaver, 2005 ), and an extended “tourist bubble” (Jaakson, 2004 ). These models are variations on the steel capsule of the cruise ship, which firmly defines the tourist area of the ship and the area outside the ship: ports and ocean. By creating a solid boundary point, tourists’ attention is pointed inwards, and onboard revenue thrives. While little research has been undertaken on the social and cultural aspects of cruise ships, there is general agreement they are postmodern and hyperreal tourism products ( Kulhanek, 2012 ; Vogel & Oschmann, 2013 ; Williams, 2012 ) and consequently encourage guests to playfully engage with their surroundings ( Feifer, 1985 ). This encapsulation and the resultant onboard revenue is the key to the success of the cruise industry. Festivals on cruise ships sit between several established paradigms. They are clearly music festivals in that they celebrate a genre or a person; however, there are several conflicting models for festivals ( Getz, 2010 ) all of which contribute to our understanding. Falassi (1987: 2), for example, describes festivals in anthropological terms as “a sacred or profane time of celebra- tion, marked by special observances”, a definition that clearly applies to cruise music festivals. To Pieper (1965 ), only religious celebrations are fes- tivals. There are certainly processes akin to religious ceremony in cruise festivals, such as ritual, worship, and celebration. Arcodia and Robb (2000 ) note that festivals are public, celebratory, and embedded in community. The community of the “ship fam” is central to cruise festivals. However, most festivals are strongly connected with and invested in place (De Bres & Davis, 2001 ; Derrett, 2003 ; Lau & Li, 2015 ; McClinchey & Carmichael, 2010 ; Quinn, 2003) to the extent of “eventrification” of geographical place ( Jakob, 2013 ). Cruise ships are placeless festivals, existing only within the placeless ( Augé, 1992 ; Relph, 1976 ) and unnamed ocean. MacLeod’s (2006 ) work on placeless festivals, which she calls “postmodern festivals” or “post-festivals” is pertinent. To the festival attendees, geographical place is less relevant than engaging with the experience. The experience between festivals is remarkably similar. They begin with pre-parties the day or so before the festival. The ship will be boarded from about midday after the previous passengers disembark and will depart at about 5pm. Once at sea, a routine establishes itself. Performances commence at 10am in various venues around the ship, especially the main theatre and a large stage on the lido deck. They may dock in a port, one of the specially altered islands leased by the cruise line, or may stay at sea. In their pursuit of abandon, festivalgoers may consume large amounts of alcohol and par- ticipate in traditional cruise ship activities such as belly-flop competitions and bingo (albeit with a rock and roll twist). There are theme nights where attendees dress up in pre-organized costumes. Performances end a few hours Fans and fams 233 before sunrise, and the last stalwart partiers go back to their cabins before to crash for a few hours before awakening to do it all again. Cruise festivals tend to be comparatively small and intimate, with num- bers limited by the physical capacity of the cruise ship, often around 2,000 for midrange ships. Participants comment positively on this aspect, describ- ing “All the awesomeness of non-stop music, with none of the hassles of huge crowds, mud, port-a-potties, camping”, and No worries about noise bothering the neighbours, no curfews, no wor- ries about drinking since your cabin is so close, all of your friends and musician friends are close by, food is ready for you any time of the day or night to easily grab something on the run if there’s a show to get to. Festival interactions occur within the magical tourist space of the cruise ship. This encapsulated space functions as the delineator of festival space, as a barrier to casual departure, as luxurious space, and as the container for an experience.
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