—

June 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 181

Soper, W. B., and Amberson, J. B. Pul- correlation between anatomical changes and monary tuberculosis in young adults, par- the allergic state in tuberculous guinea pigs. ticularly among medical students and nurses. Journ. Immunology 45: 79-85. 1942. Amer. Rev. Tuberc. 39: 9-32. 1939. Yerushalmy, J., Hilleboe, H. E., and Wolff, G. Tuberculosis mortality as an index Palmer, C. E. Tuberculosis mortality in of hygienic control. Amer. Rev. Tuberc. the United States, 1939-41. Health Public 34: 734-748. 1936. Reports 58: 1457-1482. 1943. Woodruff, C. E., and Kelly, R. G. The

ETHNOLOGY. Algonkian ethnohistory of the Carolina Sound. 1 Maurice A. Mook, American University. (Communicated by William N. Fenton.)

sources native peoples as were the French or even the Spanish, and the historic ethnology of During the period of first white contacts areas of English colonization is proportion- the Indian tribes inhabiting the area of the ately inferior. However, scattered native present State of North Carolina were words in the relations of the Roanoke ad- of three linguistic stocks—the Iroquoian, venturers, modern place names of Indian Siouan, and Algonkian. The first two groups derivation in the area, and the short Pam- have been made the objects of investigation lico vocabulary given by Lawson in his by both historians and anthropologists, but History (3) are sufficient to justify the clas- the Algonkian have been neglected and are sification of the eastern native Carolinians still commonly called, as for example by as indisputably Algonkian. Kroeber, the "little known" inhabitants of The delimitation of the area of aboriginal the Carolina Sound. Even the names and Algonkian occupancy in Carolina is com- identities of some of the tribes are still in plicated by the fact that it was not coter- doubt—-a situation due partly to the lack of minous with natural geographical lines of primary historical sources relating to the division, as was the case in Virginia. The groups in question and partly to students' Algonkian tribes of the Powhatan Con- failure to exploit thoroughly such sources as federacy in Virginia inhabited the tidewater are readily available. The sources are few area, with the fall line of the tidal rivers enough, and they are not particularly re- marking the western limit of Algonkian warding ethnologically. It seems time, how- tribal distribution. In Carolina, however, ever, to attempt an ethnohistorical picture tribes of Iroquoian and of Siouan speech of the area such as we already have for the also occupied the coastal plain. These latter neighboring native areas of the state (l). 2 groups were the western and southern The Algonkian-speaking tribes of eastern neighbors of the Algonkian, with the latter North Carolina represent the southernmost inhabiting the region east of a line drawn extension of the groups of this linguistic from Bogue Inlet due north to the inter- relation which inhabited the Eastern States. section of Meherrin River and the Virginia- All the tribes of New England were Algon- Carolina line. Algonkian peoples thus oc- kian in speech, those of the eastern portions cupied the greater portion of the area now of the Middle Atlantic states were of the contained in the 17 easternmost counties same linguistic family, and the inhabitants of the State, including most of the offshore of the tidewater area from the Potomac to islands. Algonkian occupancy covered some the Neuse River were similarly affiliated 6,000 square miles, approximately one- (2). The classification is entirely linguistic, sixth of the land area of the modern State. rather than racial or cultural, and is the only The limits of distribution are tentative, one available in the light of present informa- however, for the western Algonkian bound- tion. The English were not so interested in ary is merely suggested by contemporary accounts. 1 Received February 1944. 28, Our knowledge of the Carolina Algonkian 2 Numbers in parentheses refer to the "Notes' at the end of the paper. of the late sixteenth century is derived 182 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 6

entirely from the documents of Raleigh's ment. From the point of view of historical Roanoke enterprise. Historical research has anthropology this is a particular misfortune, added little of ethnological significance to for Hariot tells us that the Chronicle was a the relations published by Hakluyt in 1590. "large discourse ... of the naturall in- It is now possible, however, to interpret habitants" (10). these with less ethnohistorical naivete than Whereas Hariot's Report is quite silent was characteristic of the days of Hawks, on matters of tribal identity, location, his- Hale, and Tarbox (4). Also for the problem tory, and intertribal relationships, its sec- of reconstructing tribal geography at the tion on "the nature and maners of the time of contact students now have access to people" is historical in the sense that it facsimiles of John White's original maps of describes aspects of the native culture at the Carolina coast (5). Until the publication the time of contact. It is a gross exaggera- of these facsimiles it was generally assumed tion, however, to speak of it as "a statistical that the engravings published by De Bry survey on a large scale" (11). Both his- were faithful reproductions of the John torically and ethnologically it is less inform- White drawings. The De Bry engravings ing than Barlow's The first voyage made to however, are now shown to be embellish- the coasts of America (12). The value of the ments of White's original maps and other Barlow relation, on the other hand, is some- ethnological pictures (6). It has been said what reduced by the fact that the first that "De Bry's engravings were copied, voyage was one merely of preliminary ex- plagiarized, redrawn and re-interpreted for ploration, by an expedition too small in generations after his time" and that "De size and too short in duration to make more Bry is the man who immortalized the than superficial surveys of a small portion pictures (and maps) of the Roanoke of the coast. Relationships with the natives colony" (7). This is historically correct, but were friendly, and Barlow was successful in it is also true that De Bry himself "copied, obtaining considerable information during redrew, and re-interpreted" and that his the few weeks he was in the Algonkian area. pictures "immortalized" elaborations of the His tract was a report to Raleigh that pre- John White originals, rather than the origi- sented a more hopeful picture of colonizing nals themselves. Students of history and prospects than the resources of the region ethnology will prefer the originals in ac- deserved, but there is little to indicate that curate facsimile (8). These are particularly his descriptions of native life are charac- valuable, for they are the first pictorial terized by mistakes other than those that record of Algonkian environment and cul- were the natural result of misunderstanding ture in the New World. Other than by the due to hasty and untrained observation. use of archeological methods it is impossible White's relations of the fourth and fifth to come nearer to the aboriginal situation of voyages made to Roanoke in 1587 and 1590 precontact times in this area than by study (13) are journals of the voyages, rather than of White's drawings and the written records accounts of experiences in the Carolina of 1585-1590. area. As such they are of little value as The written materials of the Roanoke sources for the study of native history. colony are exceedingly uneven as sources Their almost complete lack of ethnological of aboriginal history. Hariot's Report (9) is consciousness is sufficient, in fact, to suggest usually considered the classic in this respect, that John White the governor and the but it is disappointing as a document for author of the relations may have been a dif- ethnological and historical reconstruction. ferent person than John White the artist of Unfortunately, Hariot's "Chronicle, ac- Lane's colony and the author of the map cording to the course of times," which in his of 1585 (14). The map, with its long list of Briefe Report he stated he had written and native locations, and the drawings of Indian was holding for a "convenient" time for scenes and subjects reveal an awareness of publication, apparently never was printed, the native inhabitants that seems entirely or, if it was, it is now among the missing foreign to the relations of the last two documents of the history of Roanoke settle- voyages. June 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 183

(HATTER^S)

EARLY ALGONKIAN TRIBES AND TOWNS

' LATER HISTORIC • TRIBES HOWN * IN PARENTHESES 184 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 6

The prime documentary sources for the Chowan and Roanoke Rivers. One explora- ethnogeography and ethnohistory of the tion was made southwestward from Roa- Roanoke experiment are White's map (15) noke, probably as far as the Neuse River, and Ralph Lane's Account of the particulari- but contemporary knowledge of the region ties of the imployments of the English men left south of the lower Pamlico River seems un- in Virginia by Sir Richard Greenevill (16). certain and ill-defined. In a concluding pas- In spite of the development of unfriendly re- sage of Hariot's Report it is stated that lations between the natives and colonists "al which I have before spoken of have bene under Lane's governorship, Lane's account discovered and experimented not farre shows him to have been an individual of from the Sea coast, where was our abode ethnological discernment. His narrative is and most of our traveling; yet sometimes the only Roanoke relation of more than ... we made our journeys further into the perfunctory value for the student interested maine and Countrey" (21). Hariot else- in the location, distribution, and relation- where referred to discoveries 80, 120, and ships of the Carolina Algonkians and their 150 miles from Roanoke (22). Lane was neighbors in 1585. De Bry seems to have still "more specific with respect to the dis- sensed its importance in this respect as tances and directions involved in the ex- early as 1590, for although this publisher ploratory expeditions under his direction. chose Hariot's Report in preference to In the ethnogeographically most explicit Lane's Account for the first volume of his passage of the relations he described the Voyages (17), his map is based upon White's explorations of the colonists as follows: with additions of some of the locations men- Our discoverie ... of the Countrey . . . hath tioned in Lane's account (18). Both maps beene extended from the Hand of Roanoak, the same having bene the place of our are therefore useful for the study of the settlement or inhabitation, into the South, into the North, into tribal geography and the native history of the Northwest, and into the West. the period. New maps of Carolina did not The uttermost place to the Southward of any appear until the latter part of the next discovery was Secotan, being by estimation fourescore miles distant from Roanoak. century (19), by which time the Algonkian The pas- sage from thence was through a broad sound tribes were so reduced in both population within the mayne, the same being witheut kenning culture as and to be deemed unworthy of of lande, and yet full of flats and shoals. We had recognition by contemporary cartographers. but one boate, which could not carry above

Lawson was the only writer of the period of fifteene men . . . Winter being at hand we thought permanent settlement who took generous good wholly to leave the discovery of those parts untill our stronger supply. cognizance of the existence of the native To the Northward our furthest discovery was tribes of Carolina; his map, however, shows to the Chesepians [Chesapeake], distant from but three names of Indian derivation in the Roanoke about 130 miles. The passage to it Algonkian area, and these were used as [Currituck Sound] was very shallow and most

dangerous . . . The territorie and soyle of the place names rather than as designations of Chespians, being distant fifteene miles from the tribal locations (20). shoare ... is not to be excelled by any other References to locations in the Roanoke whatsoever. There be sundry Kings, whom they relations show that the explorations made call Weroances, and Countreys of great fertility adjoyning to the same, as the Mandoages, Tripa- by Lane and his colonists apparently took nicks, and Opossians, which all came to visite the them to most of the important tribal towns Colonie of the English, which I had for a time ap- inhabited by the Algonkian groups of the pointed to be resident there. Sound area at the time. Their discoveries To the Northwest the farthest place of our dis- were confined largely to the shores and covery was to Chawanook, distant from Roanoak about 130 miles. Our passage thither lyeth islands of Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds, through a broad sound [Albemarle], but all fresh and to the coastal area bordering the bays water, and the chanell full of shoales. The Townes and rivers adjacent to the larger bodies of about the waters side situated by the way are water. A trip was made to the Chesapeake these following: Passaguenoke The woman's Towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok, Muscamunge, tribe situated at the southern end of Chesa- & Metackwem, all these being under the jurisdic- peake Bay, and two voyages were made tion of the king of Weapomiok, called Okisco. into the interior in explorations of the From Muscamunge we enter into the River and : :

June 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 185

jurisdiction of Chawanook. There the River be- land ... in which voyage we first discovered the ginneth to straighten untill it come to Chawa- townes of Pomejok, Aquascogoc, and Secotan, and nook, and then groweth to be as narrow as the also the great lake called by the Savages Paquipe,

Thames betwene Westminster and Lambeth. with divers others places . . . The 12 we came to Betwene Muscamunge and Chawanook upon the the Towne of Pomeiok. The 13 we passed by water left hand as wee passe thither is a goodly high to Aquascogok. The 15 we came to Secotan, and land, and there is a Towne which we called The were well entertained there of the Savages. blinde Towne, but the Savages called it Ohanoak, The 16 we returned thence, and one of our [which] hath a very goodly corne field belonging boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok, unto it. It is subject to Chawanook. to demaund a silver cup which one of the Savages Chawanook it selfe is the greatest Province & had stollen from us, and not receiving it according Seigniorie lying upon that River, and the very to his promise, we burnt and spoyled their corne Towne it selfe is able to put 700 fighting men into and Towne, all the people being fled (27). The 18 the fielde, besides the force of the Province it we returned from the discovery of Secotan, and selfe . . . the same day came aboord our Fleete ryding at

Very neere [to the mouth of Chowan River] . . . Wococon. The 21 our Fleete ankering at Wococon, directly from the West runneth a most notable we wayed an anker for Hatoraske. The 27 our River, and in all those parts most famous, called Fleete ankered at Hatorask, and there we rested. the River of Moratoc [Roanoke]. This River The 29 Grangino, brother to King Wingina, came openeth into the broad Sound of Weapomeiok aboord the Admirall, and Manteo with him. The

[Albemarle] . . . Moratoc it selfe ... is a principall 2 [of August] the Admiral was sent to Weapo-

Towne upon that River . . . The Mangoaks . . . meiok. The 5 M. John Arundell was sent for is another kinde of Savages dwelling more to the England. The 25 our Generall wayed anker and westward of said River (23). set saile for England (28).

Lane proceeds to describe his exploration The above locations occur on the maps of of the Roanoke River to a point that took White and De Bry and can be transferred the party more than 160 miles from Roa- to modern maps with the aid of such sup- noke Island. The exploration led them into porting geographical information as can be the territory of the Mangoak, or Mandoag found in the narratives of the colony. A pas- (24), the Carolina Algonkian term for their sage from Barlow completes the roster of western Iroquoian neighbors (25). The fore- native place names as they occur on the going passage is of special interest in its early charts. Barlow's information is a references to the locations and towns of the supplement to that of the other relations, Weapemeoc, Secotan, and Moratoc tribes. for it mentions two tribes, the Pomouik and These positions can be determined with Neusiok, that are not referred to by Hariot, greater exactness by reference to the data Lane, or White. His facts, however, are from of contemporary cartography. For col- native informants rather than based upon lateral textual evidence, however, it is his own discovery or exploration. His refer- necessary to consider passages from two ences are as follows other relations. My selfe with seven more went twentie mile The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenvile into the River that runneth toward the Citie of Skicoak, which River they call Occam (29), and for Sir Walter Ralegh, to Virginia, in the the evening following wee came to an Island, yeere 1585 (26) is in the form of a brief which they call Roanoak, distant from the har- journal of the daily experiences of the Eng- bour [inlet] by which we entred seven leagues. lish during the two months that Grenville At the North end thereof was a village of nine was in the colony. Its references to native houses, built of Cedar, and fortified round about with sharpe trees to keep out their enemies, and locations are as follows the entrance into it made like a turne pike very The 26 [of June] we came to anker at Wocokon artificially (30). When wee came towardes it,

. . . The 3 [of July] we sent word of our arriving standing neere unto the waters side, the wife of at Wococon to Wingina at Roanoak . . . The 6 Granganimo, the kings brother, came running out M. John Arundel was sent to the maine, and to meete us very cheerefully and friendly. Her

Manteo with him, and Captaine Aubry and Cap- husband was not then in the village . . . taine Boniten the same day were sent to Croatan Beyond this Island there is the maine lande,

. . . The 8 Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten and over against this Island falleth into this returned ... To Wocokon. The 11 day the spacious water, the great river called Occam (31) Generall [Grenville, with Lane, Hariot, Amadas, by the inhabitants, on which standeth a toune

John White] . . . and divers other Gentlemen . . . called Pomeiock. And sixe dayes journey from the passed over the water from Wocokon to the maine same is situate their greatest citie, called Skicoak, 186 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 6

which this people affirme to be very great; but for its general cultural description than for the Savages were never at it, only they speake of its allusions to tribal geography. It is char- it by the report of their fathers and other men, acterized by numerous naivetes and con- whom they have heard affirme it to bee one houres journey about. tains some items of misinformation (36), Into this river falleth another great river, but when it is remembered that the first called Cipo, in which there is found great store of voyage was made to a strange environment Muskles in which there are pearles. Likewise there and that Barlow was at first without com- descendeth into this Occam another river, called Nomopana [Chowan River], on the one. side mand of the Algonkian language, the in- whereof standeth a great towne called Chawa- formation embodied in his account seems

nook, and the Lord of that towne and countrey . . . all the more remarkable. Lane's and is not subject to the kind of Wingandacoa (32), Hariot's works are longer and for some but is a free Lord . . . aspects of ethnology more explicit; both of Towards the Southwest foure dayes journey is situate a towne called Sequotan, which is the these writers, however, were in the Algon- Southermost towne of Wingandacoa, neere unto kian area approximately a year, and they which [is] ... an out Island, unhabited, called had in Manteo a native informant who had

Wocokon . . . Adjoyning to this countrey afore- been in England five to six months and must said called Secotan beginneth a countrey called Pomouik, belonging to another king whom they have acquired in that time a working knowl- call Piamacum, and this king is in league with the edge of the English language. next king adjoyning towards the setting of the Sunne, and the countrey Newsiok, situate upon a LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TOWNS goodly river called Neus. These kings have AND TRIBES mortall warre with Wingina, king of Wingandacoa but about two yeeres past there was a peace made Apart from the above-quoted passages betweene the King Piemacum and the Lord of from Carolina's first historians, the data of Secotan, as these men which we have brought with the narratives respecting tribal names, loca- England have given us to understand us to (33). tions, and relations are scattered and frag- But there remaineth a mortall malice in the mentary. collected, collated, and in- Secotanes for many injuries and slaughters done When terpreted in light independently upon them by this Piemacum . . . the of es- Beyond this Island called Roanoak are maine tablished historical and ethnological facts,

. . . villages along Islands with many townes and it is possible to suggest the following with the side of the continent, some bounding upon the respect to the location of tribal territories, Islands, and some stretching up further into the the towns within the relationship land (34). them, and of the tribes to each other in the area of Barlow's narrative is one of the most Algonkian occupancy: valuable minor histories of English coloni- The Weapomeiok, orWeapemeoc (37), in- zation in the New World. Although its habited the area north of Albemarle Sound, geography is largely based upon the reports including the four northeastern present of his native informants, supplemented by counties and perhaps also the southern part such explorations as could have been made of Chowan County. White's map specifies in a few weeks by a small party in two four native towns in this area as "Weape- barks, it is none the less valuable on that meoc(an)"; while De Bry's map and suc- account. It offers the most direct and de- ceeding ones designate the entire area north tailed information concerning the political of Albemarle Sound and east of Chowan organization and intertribal relationships of River as belonging to the same group. the coastal Algonkian groups that is avail- Their northern neighbors were the Chesa- able for this region. It is the first record of peake, a tribe on the south bank of the white contact with the natives of the Sound James River, which then inhabited the two area, and it is, therefore, impossible to come southeasternmost counties of present Vir- nearer to the local precontact aboriginal ginia; their western neighbors were the culture by historical methods of investiga- Chowanoc, who occupied both banks of the tion than by a study of its descriptions of river which took their' name. The Weape- the native way of life (35). Barlow's relation, meoc "king," or chief, in 1585 was Okisco, though shorter than Hariot's Report, is more whose relations with the chieftains of neigh- genuinely ethnological and is more valuable boring groups reveal the native political June 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 187 status of his own tribe. He was independent Lane's figure of the number of warriors of Menatonan, chief of the Chowanoc, but north of Albemarle Sound may be unduly was dominated to some extent by the latter, exaggerated, as most contemporary esti- by whom he was induced to acknowledge mates are (43) ; on the other hand, Mooney's subjection to the English. Lane states that calculation of a total population of 800 for Menatonon "commaunded Okisko, King of the "Weapemeoc of 1585" would seem to be Weopomick, to yeelde himselfe servant and unreasonably conservative (44). Perhaps hommager to the great Weroanza (38) of 500 warriors, with a total population of England, and after her to Sir Walter Ra- 1,500 to 1,750, would be a reasonable esti- leigh; to perfourme which commandement mate. received from Menatonon the sayde Okisko Some of Okisko's "principallest men"

. . . sent foure and twentie of his principal- were the chiefs of towns within the territory lest men to Roanoak ... to signifle that of what the English called his "kingdom." they were ready to perfourme the same, and There are records of four towns within so had sent there his men to let mee knowe Weapemeoc tribal limits—Pasquenoc, Che- that from that time forwarde hee and his panoc, Weapemeoc, and Mascoming. Here, successours were to acknowledge her Majes- as usual, the chief tribal town was of the tie their onely Soveraigne" (39). same name as the tribe. Lane's enumeration Although subservient to the Chowanoc of them in the order above given may in- chief, Okisko conducted himself inde- dicate that this was their relative location pendently of Pemisapan, chief of the Seco- from east to west, for he mentioned them tan, in the latter's conspiracy against the in this order in a context in which he de- colonists. Pemisapan, as chief of the natives scribed crossing Albemarle Sound in order of Roanoke Island and the adjacent main- to enter the Chowan River. His reference to land (40), had hoped for Okisko as an ally in them as "about the waters side" suggests his plans for an attack upon the English. that they were on the shore of the Sound,

"Okisko, king of Weopomeiok [was to] . . . probably at or near the mouths of the north- be mooved, and with great quantitie of ern rivers. The Eastern Algonkian were copper intertained, to the number of 7 or notable rivermen, and their villages were

8 hundred bowes, to enterprise the matter" located, if possible, on the necks of land of attack. Pemisapan dispatched mes- formed by converging streams (45). With sengers to Okisko, who were "with great these considerations in mind, and with the imprest of copper in hand" and who made aid of White's and De Bry's maps, it is "large promises ... of greater spoile." possible to suggest locations of the Weape- Okisko, however, sent word to Pemisapan meoc settlements more specifically as fol- that neither he nor "any of his especiall fol- lows : lowers" would be "of the partie . . . and On the De Bry map and its copies Pas- therefore did immediately retire himselfe quenoc, or the "Woman's Town," is placed with his force into the maine." But "Weopo- on the second point of land west of Curri- meiok . . . was devided into two parts, [and] tuck Sound; this would be modern Camden

. . . the rest of the province accepted" Point, in southern Camden County, be- Pemisapan's proposition and "received the tween the North and Pasquotank Rivers. imprest" (41). It is entirely possible, as Mooney suggested, The Weapemeoc are thus revealed as a that Pasquotank as the name of the river tribe separate from and independent of their and the modern county is a corruption neighbors to the west and to the south, of the name of this early native village (46). although Okisko 's authority as a chief Lawson located a "Paspatank" Indian seems to have been somewhat weaker than town, with ten warriors, in this vicinity in that of his neighboring chieftains in their 1709 (47). Mooney's location of Pasquenoc jurisdictions. The reference to the possibil- "on the north shore of Albemarle sound ity of drawing upon 700 or 800 warriors perhaps in Camden county" (48) would from Weapemeoc territory suggests a total place the town at Camden Point. Hawks tribal population of at least 2,500 (42). claimed to "have no difficulty in fixing the 188 JOUKNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 6

locality of Passaquenoke," but his location there is no doubt that the present town's of it "in the southwest corner of the present name was derived from the Indian term. county of Pasquotank" (49) places it too However, Chepanoc may have been located far to the west. It is impossible to use on Harvey or Stevenson Point, on either White's map for a specific location in this side of the mouth of Perquimans River, for instance, for the map shows but one river there is no reference in any of the relations flowing into Albemarle Sound from the to the explorers ascending rivers other than north, and it is impossible to decide which the Chowan, Roanoke, Pamlico, and per- river is intended. However, White's "Mase- haps the Neuse. Lane placed it "about the quetuc" is undoubtedly synonymous with waters side" of Albemarle Sound and else- the Pasquenoc of other sources. Gerard's where stated that "upon Easter day [1586] derivation of the latter term from pasakwen- in the morning, the winde comming very ok, meaning "close together people," is an calme, we entred the sound [at the mouth of attempted etymology with a meaning ap- Roanoke River], and by foure of the clocke

propriate enough for any native town or we were at Chipanum . . . The next morn- village. Speck's analysis of pa-skwen-ok as ing wee arrived at our home, Roanoak" "woman's town or village" is more in accord (54). This definitely locates the town some with Lane's information; on the same basis distance east of the Chowan and Roanoke White's term ma-skwe-tuk would mean Rivers, with a site "on Albemarle sound, in "woman's river" (50). There can be no Perquimans county" (55) perhaps as near as doubt that the settlement and river re- can be come to the matter. ferred to were on the eastern edge of Albe- It is clear that Weapemeoc was the name marle Sound; White's and De Bry's maps of a town as well as of the tribe, but it is so designated the village, and Lane clearly impossible to locate the town exactly, as the indicated an eastern location in a passage district, rather than the settlement, is the describing his return from exploring the only location by that name that occurs on Roanoke River: "I thought it good for us to the maps of White and De Bry. White's make our returne homeward [i.e., toward four Weapemeoc towns occur on his map Roanoke Island], and that it were necessary north of the western part of the Sound, in for us to get [to] the other side of the the area of present southeastern Chowan Sound of Weopemeiok in time, where wee and western Perquimans Counties. Lane's might be relieved upon the weares [weirs] list of towns north of the Sound implies that of Chypanum and the womens Towne" Weapemeoc was west of Chepanoc, which (51). ' we have already located on Perquimans Lane's enumeration of Weapemeoc towns River. The tribal town and chief's residence lists Chepanoc, or Chypanum, between may have been on the Yeopim River near Pasquenoc and Weapemeoc, and it was its mouth, and it is altogether possible that probably likewise geographically situated Yeopim as the name of the river is a con- between them, east of the latter and west traction of Weapem-eoc (56). It is impos- of the former. It is missing from White's sible to support Mooney's statement that original map, but on De Bry's chart the town "seems to have been in Pasquo- "Chapanun" (52) is placed on a river ap- tank county," and Tarbox's allusion to it proximately midway between Pasquenoc as "in what is now Perquimans or Pasquo- (Camden Point) and the Chowan River. tak County" is a mere guess, made without Transferred to a modern map this would be reference to contemporary cartography and Perquimans River. Hawks places "Chepa- based upon a misunderstanding of Lane's nock ... in the lower part of Perquimons narrative in which his note is offered as county, near the sound" (53), but De Bry's explanation (57). map has the town up the river a distance, White's map shows Mascomenge as a perhaps near present Hertford; Smith's Weapemeoc town, and De Bry's map locates map, which was but a copy of De Bry's, Mascoming in what would now be southern shows Chepanu in the vicinity of modern Chowan County, near or at modern Eden- Chapanoke, in Perquimans County, and ton. Smith's map copies the name from De June 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 189

Bry but places the town inland from the nook as a district rather than as a town site. sound (58). Lane's statement that "from On these maps the territory of the tribe is Muscamunge we enter into the (Chowan) indicated as still farther up-river, in and River and jurisdiction of Chawanook" (59) around the neck of land formed by the con- indicates the town was in southern Chowan vergence of the Meherrin and Nottoway County, near the mouth of the river and on Rivers to form the Chowan. This location the north shore of the sound. This was the makes the Chowanoc the northernmost interpretation of Mooney, who placed the Algonkian tribe of the Carolina area and village "on the northern shore of Albemarle indicates that they were the immediate sound, in Chowan county"; Hawks was southern neighbors of the linguistically re-

again incorrect in locating "this town . . . lated tribes inhabiting the south bank of the on the lower waters of the [Chowan] river James River in Virginia (62).

on their eastern side . . . [some distance] The northern position of the Chowanoc above the sound proper" (60). is confirmed by the narratives of the James- Lane included Metackwem (Metocaum) town colony. Both Smith and Strachey among his Weapemeoc towns, and White mention the "Chawonokes," or "Chawo- listed both Warowtani (Maraton) and nocks," as among the "many severall na- Cautaking (Catoking) as belonging to the tions of sundry languages that environ Weapemeoc. It seems possible, however, Powhatans Territories" to the south (63). that all three of these were Chowanoc vil- Smith was told that the "Chawwonocke" lages. The evidence is entirely that of loca- lived "one daies journey" from the Nanse- tion and geographical distribution, but ow- mond tribe on the Nansemond River (64). ing to the crudity of early maps and the in- In January, 1609, Michael Sicklemore, a definiteness of early textual references it is member of the Jamestown colony, was sent impossible to draw tribal boundary lines from Warraskoyak (Burwell's Bay, James with exactness. These three towns were in River, northern Isle of Wight County, Va.) the region that marked the division between to "Chowanoke" with Warraskoyak Indian the territory of the Chowanoc and the guides to look for Raleigh's lost colonists Weapemeoc, and they may have belonged, and for silk grass. He returned with "little therefore, to either of the two groups. hope and less certainetie" of the fate of the The most detailed information concern- lost Englishmen, reporting the river to be ing the Chowanoc tribe comes from Lane, "not great, the people few, the country and his most explicit reference to the mostly over growne with pynes, where

"Chawanook . . . Province and Seigniorie" there did grow here and there straglingly and the towns within it is the one already Pemminaw, [which] we call silke grasse. But quoted. He located the town of Chawanook by the river the ground was good and ex-

"about 130 miles . . . distant from Roa- ceeding furtill" (65). Thirteen years later, noak," where "the River beginneth to in February, 1622, John Pory went to "the straighten untill it . . . groweth to be as South River Chawonock, some sixtie miles narrow as the Thames betwene West- over land" from Jamestown, and reported minster and Lambeth" (61). The Chowan finding "a very fruitfull and pleasant River begins to straighten and is narrow in Country, yielding two harvests in a yeare, the area that separates modern Hertford and . . . much of the Silke grasse." He was and Gates Counties, and it is this upper "kindly used by the people" there, although course of the stream that seems to have been we are told nothing of their number or con- the center of Chowanoc territory in 1585. dition at that time (66). They were prob- White's map shows Chowanooc on the ably reduced in number, for by the middle west bank of the river, just below a small of the century they were a mere remnant tributary that may have been meant of the strong and numerous group described for Wiccacon Creek in eastern Hertford in 1585. They were referred to in 1650 as County. This map carries White's symbol friends of the Powhatan tribes of Virginia for a native town or village, whereas De and as the enemies of the Iroquoian- Bry's and subsequent maps show Chawa- speaking Tuscarora, Meherrin, and Not- —

190 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 6 taway tribes then inhabiting the Roanoke villages to be found within a tribal terri- River region and the area west of the tory, he said that "in some places of the Chowan (67). Countrey one onely towne belongeth to the The Chowanoc were described as the government of a Wiroans or chiefe Lord, in leading tribe north of Albemarle Sound at other some two or three, in some sixe, eight, the time of the Roanoke settlement. Lane and more. The greatest Wiroans that yet referred to them as a "more valiant people wee had dealing with had but eighteene and in greater number" than other tribes of townes in his government, and able to make the region (68) and reported that Chawa- not above seven or eight hundreth fighting nook, the chief town of the tribe, was "able men at the most" (74). It is probable that to put 700 fighting men into the fielde, be- Hariot here referred to the Chowanoc tribe, sides the force of the Province itselfe" (69). for Lane called it "the greatest Province" He also had heard of and believed that a and was particularly impressed with the "generall assembly" had been called by power of its chief and the size and strategic Menatanon, the Chowanoc chief, consisting situation of its towns. With respect to tribal "of all his Weroances and allies to the num- population Hariot is almost certainly more ber of three thousand bowes." Among correct than Lane, and if we allow the whole Chowanoc allies in this instance were the tribe, rather than one of its towns, a war- Mangoak, who were reported as "able of rior population of 700 to 800, its total popu- themselves to bring as many more to the lation may have been approximately 2,500. enterprise" of the tribal conspiracy against Mooney's figure of 1,500 for the period of the English (70). These figures are clearly first contact is an estimate that errs on the exaggerated, for they were given Lane by side of conservatism (75). Pemisapan, who was attempting to impress If the Chowanoc tribe had 18 towns at the English with the great strength of the the time of the Roanoke colony, we know natives in case of trouble with the colonists. the names of less than half of them. This is There was no town in this part of native not a surprising circumstance when it is America with as many as 700 warriors, or a realized that there is record of only one total population of 2,000 to 2,500. It is well visit of the English to the area of the upper to remember Hariot's sober observation Chowan River. It seems reasonable to sup- that "their Townes are but small, and neere pose that the town of Chawanook, from the Sea coast but fewe, some contayning which both the river and the tribe took its but tenne or twelve houses, some 20; the name, was located in the approximate geo- greatest that we have seen hath bene but of graphical center of the territory of the tribe, 30 houses" (71). and, as we have seen, both Lane's descrip- Hariot's Report has several other passages tion and White's map locate the town on that may apply to the Chowanoc. We can the upper river. This would place the tribal not be sure that Hariot was among the capital, i.e., the chief's residence, at a site in colonists who explored the Chowan River, either eastern Hertford County or southern for he says that "some of our company . . . Gates County. The sense of the relations is have wandered in some places where I have unanimously to the effect that the nucleus not bene" (72), but that he was on one of of Chowanoc territory and the center of the expeditions of western exploration tribal strength were in this region. On this either that of the Chowan or of the Roanoke basis Mooney located the tribe, perhaps too River—is certain, for he stated that "some- far northwestward, "on Chowan river, times we made our journeys further into the about the junction of Meherrin and Notta- maine," and he described the physical fea- way rivers" (76). and Tarbox stated that tures of the inland area as one could only "the country of Chawanook appears to from personal observation. He observed that have been about the upper waters of Cho- the interior was "more inhabited with peo- wan River" (77). Hawks located the tribe

ple, and of greater pollicie [governments] somewhat farther to the south ; in one refer- and larger dominions, with greater townes ence he placed the "jurisdiction of Chawa- and houses" (73). Discussing the number of nook ... on the upper waters of the Cho- June 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 191

wan" and placed the town "on the eastern territory already discussed, but also by side of Chowan [River] . . . below the point Lane's statement that "from Muscamunge at which Bennet's Creek enters the Chowan. [i.e., Edenton] we enter into the River and It was in the northern part of Chowan coun- [into the] jurisdiction of Chawanook" (83). ty" (78). Elsewhere, however, he found it Barlow also understood the Chowan River "hard to resist the conviction that the name (which he called the "Nomopana") to be of the town is retained in the county we the jurisdiction of the Chowanoc tribe. His now call Chowan; and if so, the locality of account gives the impression that there Chawanook was in that district of country." were two divisions of this tribe—a southern His first proposition is correct, but his con- one on the lower river, and a northern divi- clusion is wrong, for native names in mod- sion "beyond," i.e., farther up the river: ern nomenclature are unreliable indices of "There descendeth into this Occam [Albe- aboriginal location unless supported by col- marle Sound] another river, called Nomo- lateral information. Hawks's further as- pana, on the one side whereof standeth a sumption that "the ancient native town great towne called Chawanook, and the may have been but the predecessor of our Lord of that towne and countrey is called Edenton, or at any rate not far from its site" Pooneno. This Pooneno is not subject to the (79), is contrary to the testimony of the king of Wingandacoa [Roanoke Island and contemporary documents he printed. the mainland west of it and south of Albe- There were probably Chowanoc towns on marle Sound], but is a free Lord. Beyond the lower course of the river, however. We this country is there another king, whom have seen that the territory of the Weape- they call Menatonon, and these . . . kings meoc tribe included the four northeastern are in league with each other" (84). Bar- modern counties of North Carolina, and low's information was not first-hand, for his perhaps also the southeastern part of Cho- expedition did not explore the river, and he wan County. Mooney omitted Chowan was mistaken in understanding Pooneno to County from his statement of Weapemeoc have been the resident chief at Chawanook. distribution (80), and Speck gives the tribe's Menatonon was then the tribal chief, but location as "north of Albemarle sound, west Pooneno may have been the chief of one of to Edenton" (81). The Weapemeoc town of the lower towns near the mouth of the river. Mascoming, near present Edenton, seems That there were several towns belonging to to have been near the western boundary of this tribe is made clear by both contempo- Weapemeoc territory. This location of the rary narratives and maps. They can be lo- boundary leaves the eastern bank of the cated with some degree of accuracy as fol- lower Chowan River and the greater por- lows : tion of present Chowan County the posses- Chawanook, the principal town of the sion of the Chowanoc tribe in 1585. Speck tribe, was located on the river in the area states that the Chowanoc lived on the east- where present Hertford, Gates, and Cho- ern bank of the river, west and to the north wan Counties meet. of Edenton, and his map of tribal locations Ohanoak seems to have been the second shows the tribe on both banks of the lower most important Chowanoc settlement. The river, extending northward to the region only specific reference to it is made by Lane, east of the confluence of Meherrin and Not- who says that "Betwene Muscamunge and toway Rivers (82). Contemporary sources Chawanook upon the left hand as we pass indicate Chowanoc distribution to have in- thither is a . . . Towne which we called The cluded the territory adjacent to both banks blind Towne, but the Savages called it of the river, to and including that portion of Ohanoak ... It is subject to Chawanook" land in present northern Hertford County (85). This clearly locates Ohanoak on the bounded by Meherrin River to the south western bank of the lower river, in eastern and west, Nottoway River to the east, and Bertie County, probably below the present the Virginia-North Carolina line to the town of Colerain. The native town does not north. This distribution is suggested not occur on White's map, but on De Bry's and only by the northern extension of Chowanoc Smith's it is shown on the west bank of the 192 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 6 upper river in a position between present does not mention it by name, but on De Winton and Wiccacon Creek. Smith merely Bry's and Smith's maps it is placed on copied from De Bry, and the latter's loca- the east bank of the lower Chowan River, tion is apparently based upon a too north- De Bry giving it a somewhat more southern ern location of Chawanook. Mooney based location than Smith. Smith's location cor- his location of Ohanoak on De Bry's map responds to that of the modern village of rather than Lane's account, and placed it Mavaton in south central Chowan County, "on the west side of Chowan river, not far a town that evidently took its name from

below Nottoway river, probably in . Hert- the Indian word. If a Chowanoc village, ford county" (86). Hawks's location "in it was the only one whose name has been Bertie [County], on its eastern side, some- preserved located east of the lower course where on the waters of the Chowan" is of the river. It is, in fact, the only known more accurate, and his suggestion that Chowanoc village of 1585 located in present Roanoke River was named after this town, Chowan County. rather than after the island, is quite possi- The two other Chowanoc villages whose ble: "We call it Roanoke, an easy corrup- names have been recorded for us existed in tion from Ohanoak" (87). It would be in- the northern portion of the territory of the teresting to know why the English called tribe. Catoking occurs on the De Bry and Ohanoak the "blind town," but there is no Smith maps at the head of-Chowan estuary, suggestion of the reason in contemporary apparently on the right bank of modern narratives. Bennetts Creek at its mouth. This would The village of Metackwem (Lane) or place it in southern Gates County, and if Metocaum (Smith) is placed on the De Bry our location of the town of Chawanook is and Smith maps on the west bank of the correct Catoking must have been situated Chowan River at its mouth, on or near pres- across the Chowan River from the tribal ent Salmon Creek. It does not occur on capital. Mooney's location "about Gates- White's map. Mooney lists it as "probably" ville" (93) places the town too far to the a Chowanoc town (88), which it would seem northwest according to all early maps. to be from the standpoint of location; Lane, White's map, in fact, classifies Cautaking as however, refers to it as if it were "under the a Weapemeoc town and places it on the jurisdiction of the king of Weopomeiok" north shore of western Albemarle Sound in and seems to place it on Albemarle Sound southern Chowan County. The name is not east of Chowan River (89). Following De mentioned in contemporary narratives. Bry and Smith, rather than Lane, both Another town in Chowanoc territory that Mooney and Hawks located it in southeast- does not occur on White's map and is not ern Bertie County, the latter specifying a mentioned in the relations but which is "few miles north of Walnut Point" (90). found on De Bry's map and on Smith's, is The only evidence for the Chowanoc vil- Ramushonoq. These maps place the settle- lage of Tandaquomuc is De Bry's map. The ment between the Meherrin and Nottoway term occurs neither in the narratives nor on Rivers, in northern Hertford County. Speck

White's map. Smith failed to copy it from notes that I and r were interchangeable in De Bry. The Dutch map of 1621 (91) has it eastern Algonkian dialects and translates "Tantaquomuck." If De Bry's location is lamushowok as "small place or little town correct the village was on Batchelor Bay, at [Littleton]" (94). Its small size may account the west end of Albemarle Sound, between for its lack of mention in the earliest sources. the mouths of Chowan and Roanoke Rivers It was the most northern Algonkian town (92). In this position it would be the south- located within the limits of present North ernmost Chowanoc village and on the east- Carolina for which there is any record in the ern edge of the territory of the Moratoc. historical sources of the Roanoke colony. The village of Waraton, or Maraton, may After the Indian troubles of 1675-1676 the have belonged to the Weapemeoc rather Chowanoc ceded this northern tribal land than Chowanoc tribe. White's map desig- to the Lords Proprietors, but it was soon nates it as of the Weapemeoc group. Lane preempted by the Iroquoian Meherrin and June 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 193

Nottoway, who pressed down from more name of the town and tribe. The Roanoke northern locations. Their new residence River was called the Moratoc until the here was used as a pretext for the boundary- eighteenth century (99), and it was upon line dispute, which was not settled for over the banks of the lower Roanoke that this 50 years thereafter (95). tribe lived in 1585-1586. Speck, who shares The foregoing seven Chowanoc settle- the opinion that Moratoc is an Algonkian ments are less than half of the "eighteene word, analyzes it as "nice [or] good river" townes in his government" that Hariot and cites an Algonkian analogy in the ascribed to "the greatest Wiroans that wee Malecite word wolastaguk, "beautiful, [or] had dealing with." The Chowanoc tribe nice river." Lane says that "The Savages of was, however, the largest Algonkian tribe of Moratoc themselves doe report strange the coastal Carolina area, and it is, there- things of the head of that River, and that fore, altogether probable that Hariot al- from Moratoc it selfe, which is a principall luded to the Chowanoc in his reference to Towne upon that River, it is thirtie dayes as the anonymous "greatest Wiroans." The some of them say, and some say fourtie only larger tribe at this time in the entire dayes vo}^age to the head thereof" .(100). region of Virginia-Carolina (96) was the Lane's statement reveals that the colonists Tuscarora, but these natives were neither had had contacts with the Moratoc and Algonkian nor a tribe with which the Roa- that the tribe was located on the lower noke colonists had any contacts. They were river. Mooney, who relied upon Smith's sec- not described ethnologically until Lawson ond-hand account, rather than upon Lane's published his famous New voyage of a thou- original narratives, located the Moratoc sand miles thro' several nations of Indians in "160 miles up Roanoke river, perhaps near 1709. the south Virginia line" (101). This is A final item of tribal history is of interest clearly an error in conflict with Lane's in connection with the Chowanoc. The Al- information. Mooney' s reference to them as gonkianist William Jones, himself an Al- "an important tribe which refused to hold gonkian Indian (Fox) trained in linguistics, intercourse with the English" is also incor- derived the tribal name from shawuni, rect, for Lane refers to them as a group "south"; shawunogi, "they of the south," "with whom before wee were entred into a or "southerners." The same student de- league, and they had ever dealt kindly with rived the word "Shawnee," the name of a us" (102). The English colonists understood Southeastern Algonkian tribe at one time only the Algonkian language and the fact resident in South Carolina, from the same that they had been able to receive "reports" source (97). This linguistic relation does not from and enter into a "league" with the necessarily indicate a close historic connec- Moratoc is the best evidence available that tion between the two groups, although this tribe was Algonkian in speech. Speck has reminded students "that the The initial friendly relations between the Chowan may have been a branch of the Moratoc and English did not long continue. wide-spread Shawnee." This relationship is By the time Lane and his party were ready unattested by the sparse historical records to explore Roanoke River the Moratoc had for the ethnological Southeast, although been persuaded by Pemisapan that the Eng- Speck argues that "it is possible on the basis lish were advancing westward as enemies of of name and location" (98). the native tribes. As the English proceeded A third tribe within the area of Algonkian up the river they found that the Moratoc occupation, near its western boundary, was had "abandoned their Townes along the the Moratoc. From the evidence of location River, and retired themselves with their and the fact that Moratoc is an Algonkian- Crenepos (103) and their Come within the sounding word, I classify this group as Al- maine, insomuch as having passed three gonkian-speaking. This is inadequate evi- days voyage up the River wee could not dence upon which to base linguistic classi- meete a man, nor finde a graine of Corne in fication, t>ut it is practically all there is any [of] their Townes . . . Wee were then available. The only word preserved is the 160 miles from home" (104). The experi- 194 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 6

ence of being unable to trade with the County. Moratoc tribal territory in 1585 natives was disappointing, for the supplies probably included southern Bertie and of the colonists at Roanoke were much de- northern Martin Counties and may have pleted by the spring of 1586. Lane laments extended farther northwestward into the that "wee had no intention to bee hurtful to present counties of Halifax and North- any of them, otherwise then for our copper ampton. The latter area was more likely the to have had corne of them." The English territory of the Mangoak, however, who are continued their exploration of the river for described as the western neighbors of the two more days until their supplies were Chowanoc (105). Moratoc land may also exhausted and they were forced to return have extended eastward into present Wash- to Roanoke. Their unsuccessful expedition ington County. On White's map the town of had taken them into the territory of the Moratuc is on the south bank of Roanoke hostile Mangoak, who were "another kinde River, near its mouth, and just east of a of savages, dwelling more to the westward tributary that may have been meant for of the said River." The fact that Lane re- present Welch Creek. If Moratoc holdings fers to the Mangoak, who were the Iroquoi- extended east to Albemarle Sound it is pos- an-speaking Nottoway, and not to the sible that the villages of Tandoquomuc and Moratoc as "another kind" of natives is Metocaum also belonged to this tribe, also presumptive evidence that the Moratoc rather than to the Chowanoc. In spite of our were Algonkian. inability to establish the exact boundaries Lane's reference indicates that the Mora- of the tribe, it is here suggested that we toc occupied a considerable stretch of land have in the Moratoc an important Algon- on the lower course of the Roanoke and that kian tribe of the Sound area. It is one whose there were at least several towns of the identity and affiliation have never been rec- tribe located on the banks of the river. De ognized, probably because of Mooney's Bry's map shows but one town and locates early mistake in placing it in the area of it on the second northern bend of the river Southeastern Iroquoian distribution (105a). west of Batchelor Bay. This site would be west of Woodward, in southern Bertie {To he concluded.)

NOTES

(1) E.g., J. Mooney, The Siouan tribes of the Walter Raleigh and his colony in America, Prince East, Washington, 1894; J. N. B. Hewitt, Society, Boston, 1884. Hawks and Tarbox re- "Tuscarora," Handbook of American Indians 2: printed Hakluyt's Voyages relating to the Roa- 842-853, Washington, 1910; J. R. Swanton, noke colony. "Early History of the Eastern Siouan Tribes," (5) The definitive edition of Hakluyt is that of Essays in anthropology in honor of Alfred Louis the Hakluyt Society: The principal navigations, Kroeber: 371-381, Berkeley, 1936; F. G. Speck, voyages, traffiques and discoveries of the English "The Catawba Nation and Its Neighbors," North Nation, 12 vols., Glasgow, 1903-1905. The Carolina Hist. Rev. 16(4): 404-417, 1939. C. W. Roanoke relations are in vol. 8, pp. 297-422. This Milling's otherwise adequate Red Carolinians edition first included a facsimile of White's origi- (Chapel Hill, 1940) omits discussion of the Algon- nal map of the Roanoke region (vol. 8, opp. p. kian tribes—another example of their neglect in 320). The map is also accurately reproduced in the history of historical scholarship. H. S. Burrage, ed., Early English and French (2) T. Michelson, "Preliminary Report on the voyages, 1534-1608, opp. p. 248, New York, 1906. Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes," (6) For De Bry's care-free handling of histori- 28th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.: 221-290, cal materials, see Chester M. Cate, "De Bry Washington, 1912. and the Index Expurgatorius," Papers Bibliogr. (3) Lawson's History of North Carolina, 1714, Soc. Amer. 11(3-4): 136-140, 1917. edited by F. L. Harriss: 242, 243, Richmond, (7) R. G. A(dams), "A Brief Account of 1937. All references in this paper will be to this Ralegh's Roanoke Colony of 1585," William L. edition of Lawson's History. Clements Libr. Bull. 22: 14, 16, Ann Arbor, 1935. (4) F. L. Hawks, History of North Carolina 1 (8) White's drawings of Indian subjects afford (1584-1591), Fayetteville, 1857; E. E. Hale, the student a number of ethnographic details not

"Original Documents . . . Illustrating the History to be found in the written relations of the Roanoke of Sir Walter Raleigh's First American Colony," colony. Bushnell published photographic repro- Trans, and Coll. Amer. Antiquarian Soc. 4: ductions of White's original drawings ("John 3-33, 317-344, Boston, 1860; I. N. Tarbox, Sir White—The First English Artist to Visit America, —

July 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 213

There is a little grana, not within the city but these notes are terminated. Those who have in the highlands like those between the city and often perused the long dissertations about the mountain and range of Tlaloc, which is some- the real and fancied medicinal worth of what more temperate and yet here the Indians give little to the city. Indeed, it may be that they many plants written by natives and Euro- have no time to attend to it because of their ordi- peans in the sixteenth century will enjoy nary occupation which demands personal services this soft sarcasm from Pomar's pen: "They to such an extent that they could not have time have many roots for purging all sorts of to harvest wheat and barley and to produce silk in the opinion of and grana. humors and very good those who use them, except that they don't Grana may mean the seed of a plant, but know how to apply them and they cure more it can also mean scarlet grain, or cochineal, or less by chance." which the ancient Mexicans used so ex- A study of his account of the botanical tensively for dyeing. According to Ximenez, and agricultural topics relating to Texcucan the care and rearing of the coccids from civilization impresses one with his accurate, which the dye was obtained was a recog- first-hand information on the subject, which nized industry. should guide those who would search for There is a sapient remark about the use plants worthy of wider utilization in our of simples which must be mentioned before time.

ETHNOLOGY. Algonkian ethnohistory of the Carolina Sound. Maurice A. Mook, American University.

(Continued from page 19^..) Secotan (106), and most of the Indians whom he mentioned by name—Wingina, In some respects the best-known Caro- the chief, Granganimo, his brother, Wan- lina Algonkian group, at least the one with chese and Manteo, the natives whom he which the Roanoke colonists had the most took to England with him—were inhabi- numerous contacts, was the so-called Seco- tants of this area. Other persons and places tan. This tribe's domain extended from Al- referred to in his narrative are known by bemarle Sound to lower Pamlico River and the relation of Secotan informants. Hariot from Roanoke Island to the west-central stared that most of his ethnological infor- region of present Beaufort County. Western mation pertained particularly to the coastal Beaufort County and the river region above area in the vicinity of Roanoke, and White's the present city of Washington, as will be pictures of Indian scenes and subjects dealt seen, seem to have belonged to another largely with the towns of the Secotan tribe. tribe (the Poumouik). The northeastern He claimed that there were minor differ- section of the peninsula between the Pam- ences in native customs between towns in lico and Neuse Rivers was also a part of this territory, but such differences are to be Secotan territory. Secotan distribution thus expected among towns spread over an area included the present counties of Washing- as large as the one above indicated. ton, Tyrrell, Dare, and Hyde, the greater There is no information on the size of this part of Beaufort, and the northern part of group in 1586 (107), but that it was not the Pamlico. The native inhabitants of the off- largest and strongest tribe of the region may shore islands were geographically, and be deduced from the facts of aboriginal his- perhaps also culturally and politically, tory that are recorded in the narratives. closer to the Secotan than to any other For example, when Pemisapan (Wingina) Algonkian group. planned his conspiracy against the English Because of proximity to Roanoke the he called upon the northern tribes (Weape- English colonists had closer contacts with meoc, Chowanoc, and Moratoc) for help the Secotan Indians than with any other and seems to have been but indifferently tribe of the Carolina coast. Barlow's supported by the mass of his own people. Wingandacoa is usually identified with Lane stated that the Chowanoc were the :

214 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 7 strongest tribe of the area, and Hariot Beaufort Counties), entered the Pamlico reported that native towns on the Secotan River, and then returned to Wococon. The coast were small and not numerous. When towns can be located as follows Barlow visited Roanoke Island the native White's map locates Pomeyoc between town on it had but nine houses, and White's Lake Paquippe (Mattamuskeet) and Pam- drawings of the towns of Pomeiock and lico Sound, and the text accompanying Secotan show them to have been small set- White's drawing of "A Chiefe Herowans tlements (108). Yet the territory of the wife of Pomeoc" (112) states that "about Secotan was greater in area than that of any 20 miles from the Hand [Roanoke], neere other Algonkian group of the Carolina sea- the lake of Paquippe, ther is another towne board. called Pomeioock hard by the sea." White's Eight Secotan villages are known by map shows the town on the bank of the lake name, the locations of some of which can be rather than on the shore of the Sound, but determined more accurately than is possible that it was located on the Sound is indi- for most of the settlements previously con- cated by Barlow's reference to "the great sidered. There were two villages in northern River called Occam (Pamlico Sound) . . . Secotan territory south of Albemarle Sound, on which standeth a towne called Pomei- two in the eastern area on Pamlico Sound, ock" (113). De Bry's map places Pomeiock and four in the southern section west of between Lake Paquuyp and the Sound, and Mattamuskeet Lake. It is possible to locate Smith's map is again but a copy of De Bry's the first four of these more accurately than in this location. The site of the town on a the others, in spite of the fact that there are modern map could be either Gibbs Point or several accounts of the colonists' southern the northern shore of Wyesocking Bay, exploration, because White's (and De Bry's) probably the former. Both Mooney and map is geographically more accurate for the Hawks placed it at the mouth of Gibbs northern than for the southern area. The Creek, at or near the present town of Engel- reason for our better knowledge of the na- hard in eastern Hyde County (114). The tive geography of the northern area is that town was drawn by White and is repre- the English "new Fort in Virginia" was sented as a small, circular, palisaded village established at the northern end of Roanoke of 18 houses (115). The Secotan town of Island (109) and that in their explorations Pomeioc is not to be confused with the by water the colonists usually sailed north- tribe of Pomouik, which was also Algonkian ward into Albemarle, rather than south- and which bordered Secotan territory to the westward into Pamlico Sound. The Croa- west and southwest. toan Indians lived south of Roanoke Island, On White's map Aquascogoc is shown and at least one historian has suggested that west of Mattamuskeet Lake on a body of their consistent friendliness toward the water that is apparently meant to represent English was due to their more distant south- modern Pungo River. De Bry's map shows ern location, in an area farther removed a similar location. The Indian town was from and less molested by the English and probably situated at or near modern Bel- therefore less threatened by the prospect of haven, in eastern Beaufort County. Mooney dispossession (110). believed it to have been on the east bank of Grenville's relation of the Second Voyage the river and gave it a location in the vicin- (111), as well as Lane's Account of the par- ity of the present towns of Scranton and ticularities of the imployments of the English Makelyville, in western Hyde County men left in Virginia, gives an account of the (116). Hawks decided that Aquascogoc was colonists' first exploration to the mainland near the mouth of the Neuse River, "possi- after arriving in America. The towns visited bly somewhere about Broad Creek, perhaps were Pomeiok, Acquascogoc, and Secotan, not so low down," but he was led into error and this was the order of their location from by confusing the tribe of Pomouik with the east to west. The voyage was made from the town of Pomeioc (117). Before the English island of Wococon (Ocracoke); the ships •had been in Carolina three weeks they sailed westward to the mainland (Hyde and burned the town and destroyed the corn July 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 215 fields of Aquascogoc because one of its in- ingly located Secotan "on the north bank of habitants had stolen a silver cup (118). Pamlico river, in the present Beaufort Thus began that enmity in the natives that county" (121). Hawks relied on the narra- led them to refuse to trade with the English, tives rather than the maps in attempting to thereby depriving the colonists of food and locate Secotan, and not realizing that there contributing toward their decision to aban- were two towns involved, could not decide don the colony when Drake appeared with whether to place Secotan "somewhere near his ships in the spring of the next year. . . . Bay river" or "at the mouth of South Weapemeoc, Chowanoc, and Moratoc Creek on Pamlico river, a half mile above were not only tribal names but also the Indian Island" (122). As a matter of fact, names of towns within their territories, and Hawks's alternative locations for the town the same was true of Secotan. These towns of the narratives approximately correctly were the residences of the tribal chiefs and locate the two towns of the early maps. It therefore the political centers of the tribes. is an interesting fact that whereas Secotan Secotan differed from the three northern is one of the most frequently mentioned tribes, however, in not having its principal Indian villages in the Roanoke narratives, town in the geographical center of tribal it is also one of the most difficult to locate territory. According to White's map and specifically. This is due, of course, to the Barlow's and Lane's accounts, the town of geographically indefinite references of the Secotan was in the southern part of the ter- relations, plus the failure of White's map in ritory of this tribe. Lane placed it at "the this respect for the southern Secotan settle- uttermost place to the Southward of any ments. discovery" and estimated that it was "four- In addition to Secota and Sectuoc, De score miles distant from Roanok." Barlow Bry's map shows a town named Cotan on a wrote that "Towards the Southwest foure stream flowing into Pamlico River from the dayes journey [from Roanoke] is situate a north. The name does not appear on White's towne called Sequotan, which is the South- map, nor is it mentioned in the relations. ernmost towne of Wingandacoa, neere unto Mooney identified it as "an Algonkian vil- which . . . [is] an out Island, unhabited, lage in 1585 about Ransomville, Beaufort called Wocokon" (119). The eastern shore county" (123). Mooney based his location of the peninsula between the Pamlico and upon Smith's map ; from De Bry's it would Neuse Rivers is approximately 80 miles seem more likely that Cotan was situated at from Roanoke Island and is also near the or near the historic town of Bath. island of Ocracoke or Wococon (120). The relations mention but two towns in White's map is improperly oriented south the northern part of Secotan territory, but of the Pungo-Pamlico River region, but White's map shows three and De Bry's when corrected for the confusion in direc- map shows four. These were Roanoak on tions his towns of Secotan and Secotaoc the island by that name, Dasamonquepeuc seem to be on the south bank of Pamlico on the western shore of Croatan Sound, and River. The former is placed about halfway west of Dasamonquepeuc and south of up the estuary, probably east of present Albemarle Sound the two towns of Tramas- Bonnerton in Beaufort County, while quecoc and Mecopen. Mecopen is absent Secotaoc is put east of Secotan in the region from White's map, but on De Bry's it is of Hobuchen and Mesic in northeastern placed on the east bank of a stream flowing Pamlico County. Secotan's site was on the into the sound a short distance east of the south bank of the Pamlico, apparently be- mouth of Roanoke River. Mooney accord- tween Durham and South Creeks, while ingly located the village south of the sound, Secotaoc may have been on the north shore near the Roanoke (124). The stream shown of Bay River. De Bry, however, placed on the map, however, is clearly not a tribu- Secota on the north bank of a river appar- tary of the Roanoke. It may have been ently meant for the Pamlico, and put Sec- meant for Scuppernong River, in which case tuoc on the south bank. Mooney, who used the native town would have been in either De Bry's map rather than White's, accord- eastern Washington or western Tyrrell 216 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 7

County. It is shown on the map as some- became full chief, in fact as well as in name. what inland from the sound, which may ac- At that time he changed his name to count for Lane's failure to mention it in his Pemisapan and thereafter adopted the accounts of the trips made in exploration of policy of opposing the English at every the Chowan and Roanoke Rivers. It was turn. He gathered about him certain con- apparently a small village; at any rate, federates, such as Osacan, Tanaquiny, Barlow had not heard of it in 1584. Wanchese, and Andacon, and chose the White's map shows the town of Tramas- town of Dasamonquepeuc as the operating kecooc at the head of a stream that, to base for his plan of destroying the English judge from its size and location, was meant settlement. There was no native town on to represent Alligator River. Smith's map the island when Governor White established has Tamasqueack and De Bry's has his group there in 1587, or when he returned Tramasquecoock on the west bank of the to the place in 1590. By 1587 the island was river. All maps show the town on the upper only visited by natives who came over from course of the stream. Gerard etymologized the mainland to hunt and fish. In that year the name of the town as "people of the George Howe, one of White's assistants, white-cedar swamps" (125)—a name eco- was slain by "divers Savages which were logically appropriate for inhabitants of this come over to Roanoak, either of purpose to region. espie our company and what number we The native village of Roanoke, situated were, or else to hunt Deere, whereof on the northern shore of Roanoke Island, [there] were many in the Island" (129). was the first one visited by Englishmen in Both White's and De Bry's maps carry the New World and is the only one that is the symbol of a native settlement at the specifically described in the relations of the northern tip of the island of Roanoke, and colony. Barlow described it as a small vil- Barlow stated that the village stood "neere lage of nine houses fortified with a palisade unto the waters side" (130). None of the of sharp posts (126). It was the residence of relations mention more than the single Granganimo, a brother of the chief of the village, although superficial archeological Secotan tribe, while Wingina, the chief, reconnaissance conducted 50 years ago un- seems to have lived at both Roanoak and covered evidence of four sites of aboriginal Dasamonquepeuc. The latter was a village occupancy (1.31). The excavation at that on the mainland across the sound from Roa- time was neither systematic nor adequate, noke. White spoke of Roanoke as "the Is- and the investigator failed to describe both land directly over against Dasamongwe- the number and the characteristics of the peuk," and Lane referred to "Dasamonque- artifacts discovered. The island of Roanoke peio in the maine, within two leagues over and the entire eastern area of the Carolinas against" the English settlement on the await scientific study by trained archeolo- island (127). That Wingina lived at either gists. The early work at Roanoke revealed Roanoak or Dasamonquepeuc is indicated the possibilities of archeological studies in by Lane's statements that "the King . . . this region, and it is to be hoped that scien- sow[ed] his ground, not onely in the Hand, tific excavation may someday be accom- but also at Dasamonquepeio" and that plished, for only by careful investigation of "Pemisapan [Wingina] went of purpose to the native sites of occupation, such as those Dasamonquepeio ... to see his grounds revealed by the contemporary narratives there broken up and sowed for a second and early maps, can the complete history of crop" (128). native cultural development in this area be Shortly after the colonists built their set- discovered. tlement on the island, the native village and In some instances tentative suggestions the entire island seem to have been aban- as to prehistoric migrations and cultural doned by the Indian inhabitants. This was relations can be extracted from the meaning done probably after the death of Granga- of native words, and the word Roanoak it- nimo and his father, Ensenore, both of whom self has been analyzed from this point of were friendly to the English. Wingina then view. The modern spelling of this word is an July 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 217

adaptation of the native term Roanoak, or tants of Roanoke and Croatoan Islands Roanoac, as it is invariably spelled in the were separate local groups, with their own early narratives. Gerard claimed that in tribal organization, or whether they were the Eastern Algonkian languages the word divisions of the Secotan tribe of the main- signified ''northern people" or "northern- land. If parts of a single larger tribal terri- ers," and suggested that the name of this tory, the distance separating the inhabi- people may have derived from their location tants of Roanoke Island, Cape Hatteras, on the northern end of the island they in- and the lower Pamlico River may be as- habited, but more probably that it was in sumed to have resulted in some local politi- reference to a current tradition that they cal autonomy and perhaps also in a degree had originally migrated from an ancestral of general cultural differentiation. However, home in the north (132). That the Algon- the information embodied in contemporary kian tribes of Virginia and Carolina came accounts is too sparse to prove or disprove from an earlier home in the general area of this theory of regional specialization. the Great Lakes is the consensus of students Before we consider other original Al- of prehistoric migrations in eastern native gonkian groups of this area the relationship North America (133). of the modern so-called "Croatan Indians" Whereas the island of Roanoke is known to the Croatoan of the sixteenth century to have had a native village on it at the time deserves a word of mention. Among the of the arrival of the English, it is difficult to present "Croatan" of Robeson and adjacent determine which of the other islands were counties in North and South Carolina (137) inhabited and which were not. White's map there has been a persistent tradition of In- designates most of the larger sandbank is- dian ancestry. It has also been argued, nota- lands by native names, but this in itself is bly by McMillan and by Weeks, that they no indication of aboriginal residence. The are descendants of Governor White's "lost only island location on his map that shows colonists," who are supposed to have taken the symbol of an Indian village is the north- refuge with the Croatoan Indians in the ern end of Roanoke. De Bry's map shows a area of Cape Hatteras (138). In 1709 Law- village here and also three towns on the is- son reported that some of the Hatteras In- land of Croatoan (134). Ocracoke Island dians, as the Croatoan were known by that (Wococon) was uninhabited, as was also time, had gray eyes and that they then had the land near the inlet Barlow entered in a tradition of white ancestry and "value [d] 1584 (135). White found both Roanoke and themselves extremely for their affinity with "Hatorask" uninhabited in 1587. Inasmuch the English." It was Lawson's opinion that as there are a number of references in the White's settlement had miscarried, either relations to the mainland people crossing through the want of supplies from the Eng- Pamlico Sound on hunting and fishing ex- lish or through the treachery of some of the cursions, it is possible that the island vil- natives, and that "in process of time they lages were temporary settlements season- conformed themselves to the manners of ally occupied for these purposes. On the their Indian relations" (139). other hand, White stated that Manteo Lawson's theory is as reasonable as any "had his mother and many of his kindred proposed since his time, but it is an un- dwelling" on Croatoan Island and referred proved hypothesis and must remain so in to it as "the place where Manteo was borne the nature of the case. If the Croatoan-Hat- and the Salvages [are] . . . our friends" teras had absorbed their ancestral white (136). The proximity of the larger islands blood as completely as Lawson suggested by to Secotan suggests that the Indians who the early eighteenth century, the theory of frequented them were members of that the Croatoan ancestry of the modern Croa- tribe. However, Manteo and his people were tan must be held to with temerity. The sufficiently independent of the Secotan of connection between the Hatteras and the the mainland to refuse to join Pemisapan's ancestors of the modern Croatan is still un- conspiracy against the colonists in 1586. It substantiated, and therefore the hypothesis is impossible to decide whether the inhabi- of Croatan descent from either the lost :

218 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 7 colony or the early Croatan must be re- lived on the Neuse River and that the garded as quite baseless. In a recent recon- Pomouik "adjoined" the territory of the sideration of the anthropological aspects of Secotan, presumably between the latter the problem, Swanton has concluded that and the Neusiok. This suggests western "it is not improbable that a few families or Beaufort and northern Craven Counties as small groups of Algonquian . . . connection the location of the Pomouik. Their western may have cast their lot with" the modern neighbors—the "next king adjoyning to- Croatan, but that "contributions from such wards the setting of the Sunne"—are not sources must have been relatively insignifi- mentioned by name, but tribal distribution cant" (140). Without denying the present in this area suggests they may have been "Croatans" their possible Indian ancestry, the Woccon, a tribe of Siouan speech (142). we may conclude that that ancestry was al- Piamacum's town is not named, but in the most certainly not Algonkian. From the location of Pananaioc on De Bry's map we point of view of their probable history they may have this tribal capital. On both De are legally Indians, but not ethnically Al- Bry's map and Smith's it is placed on the gonkian. south bank of the Pamlico River toward the South of the Secotan of 1585 were the western end of the estuary. Mooney, who Pomouik and Neusiok tribes. The only ref- considered Pananaioc the principal tribal erence to the existence of these people dur- village of the Pomouik, located the tribe ing the earliest historic period is in a para- "on Pamlico river, west of the Secotan, in graph of Barlow's First Voyage. I quote the what is now Beaufort county" (143). Plow- passage inasmuch as it is the only informa- ever, Barlow's location of the Pomouik and tion available in contemporary accounts Neusiok implies that these tribes "adjoined

Adjoyning to this countrey aforesaid called Secotan to the south, rather than to the Secotan beginneth a countrey called Pomouik, west, and it was the "next adjoining" tribe, belonging to another king whom they call Piema- the group neighboring the Pomouik and cum, and this king is in league with the next king Neusiok, which was "towards the setting of adjoyning towards the setting of the Sunne, and the Sunne." suggested that Po- the country Neusiok, situate upon a goodly river Hawks called Neus. These kings have mortall warre with mouik territory was "the tract lying be- Wingina, king of Wingandacoa. But about two tween the head of Bay river and Newbern" yeers past there was a .peace made betweene the (144), and Speck thinks the Pomouik were King Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan, as "possibly identical with [the later] Pam- these men which we have brought with us to England have given us to understand. But there lico" and locates the latter between the remaineth a mortall malice in the Secotanes, for Pamlico River and Neuse River estuary many injuries and slaughters done upon them by (145). Pomouik tribal territory may be put that Piemacum. They invited divers men and down as including the western part of pres- thirtie women to the best of his countrey to their ent Beaufort County, extending southward towne to a feast, and when they were altogether into the western and southern portions of merry and praying before their Idol . . . the captaine or Lord of the town came suddenly upon the peninsula formed by the Pamlico and them and slewe them every one, reserving the Neuse Rivers. The northeastern part of this women and children. And these two have often- peninsula was the southern part of Secotan times since perswaded us to surprize Piemacum his towne, having promised and assured us that territory. there will be found in it great store of commodi- The southern neighbors of the Pomouik ties . . . Their persuasion be to the ende they may were the Neusiok and the Coree, both of be revenged of their enemies (141). which tribes inhabited the area south of the The passage is of interest for a number of lower Neuse River. White's map shows two particulars: it establishes the fact that native villages near the river—Newasiwac, Manteo and Wanchese, "these men which on the south bank of the lower estuary, and we have brought with us to England," were Marasanico, located at the western end of Secotan tribesmen. Manteo's home village Bogue Sound, perhaps at the mouth of pres- was on the island of Croatoan, which is thus ent Whiteoak River. Correspondingly lo- indicated as a part of the Secotan tribe. cated towns on De Bry's map are Neuusiooc Barlow also stated that the Neusiok tribe and Cwareuuoc. Mooney at one time re- July 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 219 garded both of these towns as belonging to colonial period their Algonkian tribal name the Neusiok, but later he considered had been Anglicized to Neus or Neuse, and Cwareuuoc to have been a Coree settlement they were located somewhat westward of (146). Unless the latter assumption is per- their situation in 1585. Maps of the early mitted the first mention of the Coree tribe period located them on the south bank of was by Governor Archdale in 1707. He de- the Neuse River near its mouth, but by scribed them as "a bloody and barbarous 1710 they inhabited the eastern part of the People/' most of whom had been "cut off by area between the Trent and Neuse Rivers. a neighboring Nation" sometime previous In 1709 Lawson stated that they lived in to 1696 (147). Lawson named two Coree two towns, Chattooka and Rouconk. Von towns in 1709, with 25 fighting men, or a Graffenried wrote that Chatooka was "the total population of less than 100 (148). A old name of the town of Newbern," and Coree town was located 10 miles from New Rouconk is believed to have been located Bern at the time of the founding of that nearby on the Neuse River in present Cra- settlement in 1710. Von Graffenried de- ven County (155). Lawson gave the two scribed it as "very well situated" on the towns but 15 warriors—approximately half Neuse River, but he did not state whether a hundred people—in 1709, but Von Graf- it was below or above his own community. fenried claimed "about a score of families" He stated that there were "two chiefs in the inhabited Chatooka alone. When Von village . . . the first an enemy of the Eng- Graffenried bought the site of New Bern lish and the other ... a friend" (149). He from the Indians the natives are said to referred to this village as "Core Town" and have removed to "another place . . . upon in another communication mentioned Co- the same river not far from" New Bern. The ram and Corutra as Indian villages on the Neuse joined the Tuscorora in the war of Neuse River above New Bern (150). Their 1711-1712, in which the smaller tribes suf- names suggest that they were Coree vil- fered more heavily than did the Tuscarora lages (151), and, if so, the tribe's location themselves. In September, 1712, Pollock at this period is established as northern wrote that colonial troops had "killed 40 or Craven County. Its location was somewhat 50 Cores, Bare River, River Neuse and farther northwest but had not changed Matamusket Indian men, and took near much from that in 1585. upon 200 of their women and children, yet

The Coree fought against the colonists in in all the time . . . not above 30 Tuskarora the Indian wars of 1711-1715 (152), and Indians were killed that we can hear of, the Coree stragglers were reported roaming the others being small nations not able of them- Neuse River frontier after peace was signed selves to hurt us" (156). At the end of the in 1715. In September of that year the war Neuse survivors probably lost their Governor's Council was informed that "the tribal identity by incorporation with the Core Indians [had] made a Revolt and Dan- Tuscarora. Subsequent to 1715 the history gerously wounded one of his Maj tes Sub- of the Neuse, Coree, and Pamlico Indians jects." A small garrison was ordered estab- is the history of their stronger native ally in lished on the river "to Range upon ye the previous war against the colony. Those Frontiers" in an attempt to effect the "En- that were not exterminated by war, disease, tire Destruction of ye Said nation of Indians and dispossession of their tribal lands found as if there had never been a peace made more friendly dwelling places among Iro- with them" (153). The known history of the quoian hosts in New York and Ontario. tribe ends with this threat of extinction. Unlike the Tuscarora and Tutelo, however, What survivors remained may have joined the smaller North Carolinian tribes did not the Tuscarora in their migration northward survive the numerical decline and general to the Iroquois, by whom they were cultural disintegration incident to their adopted into the League of the Five Na- forced northward migration (157). tions (154). The Pomouik of 1585 and the Pamlico of The postcontact history of the Neusiok is the later colonial period lived in the same similar to that of the Coree. By the later territory, and from the coincidental situa- '

220 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 7

tion of the two it has been inferred that the the contrary is presented, however, the latter were descendants of the former. This Pomouik may be classified as Algonkian. assumption was held by Mooney and has The Neusiok and Coree inhabited an area been accepted by Speck (158). Archdale in which Algonkian, Siouan, and Iroquoian wrote that the "Pemlicoe" had been re- languages met, and students are thereby duced in number by a "great Mortality/ deprived of geographical location as an in- perhaps smallpox, previous to 1696 (159). dication of possible linguistic affiliation. In Lawson reported that the adult fighting 1894 Mooney classified the Neusiok as men of the "Pampticough" numbered but probably Algonkian, on the basis of their 15—a total population of about 50—in "alliance with the Pamlico," but in 1910 he 1709; he said they lived in one town on an characterized them as "an unclassified island of the river, which may have been tribe, perhaps of Iroquoian stock." Speck Indian Island at the mouth of the Pamlico, classifies them as Algonkian, stating that

in eastern Beaufort County (160). The tribe "Mooney . . . subsequently followed Swan- fought in the Tuscarora War and suffered ton in accepting an Algonkian conviction." the fate of the smaller tribes of eastern In a recent essay, however, Swanton refers Carolina in that struggle—tribal disor- to the Neusiok and Coree as "two small ganization, resulting in ultimate disappear- tribes on the lower course of Neuse river,

ance. The only definite statement in the [which] . . . were perhaps of Iroquoian lin- sources concerning Pomouik-Pamlico popu- eage," and on his map of the linguistic lation is Lawson's figure of 15 warriors in stocks of the Southeast both tribes are 1709. Mooney's figure of 1,000 for the shown in the Iroquoian area of the Tusca- Pomouik of 1585 (161) is an estimate based rora (165). The name Neusiok is Algonkian, upon the persistence of the tribe for more with the characteristic terminal suffix -ok than 100 years and upon population esti- for "people," but it is possible that this was mates, which are little more than conjec- an Iroquoian-speaking tribe known only by tural approximations, for neighboring the name given them by their Algonkian tribes. Mooney's estimate is probably too neighbors to the near-north. high. There has been similar disagreement The linguistic position of two of the three among students with respect to the linguis- tribes just discussed has been made the sub- tic affiliation of the Coree. In an early essay ject of a great deal of speculation. Lawson's Mooney stated that "the Coree, on the vocabulary of 37 Pamlico words has been coast lands south of the Neuse, may have deemed sufficient to classify the Pomouik- been a tribe of the same stock" as the Tus- Pamlico as Algonkian. To the nonlinguist, carora, and on his tribal map of the region however, one of the most striking charac- he put them in the coastal Iroquoian area. teristics of Lawson's Pamlico vocabulary is In a later statement, however, he consid- its lack of correspondence with the words ered them as "possibly Algonquian" (166). with which it can be compared in the Vir- Speck excludes the Coree from his "Caro- ginia Algonkian vocabularies given by lina group" of Southeastern Algonkian, Smith and Strachey (162). There is also having elsewhere pointed out that "-re ter- Barlow's statement that the Pomouik and minations in proper names and place names

Neusiok had "mortall warre" with the chief [are] . . . suggestive of Siouan affinity" of the Secotan (163), a condition that would (167). On the basis of this item of evidence more likely, but not necessarily, obtain the Coree might be regarded as presump- between groups of different linguistic stocks tively Siouan; Speck does not suggest that than between two tribal groups of the same they were, however. Swanton has presented stock. If the Pomouik were Algonkian and "one fragment of evidence" bearing on the were at war with the Secotan in the precon- linguistic affinity of the Coree. He quotes tact period, it is the only instance of one Lawson who said that "I once met with a Carolina Algonkian group fighting another young Indian woman that had been of which there is any record in the early brought from beyond the mountains [i.e., narratives (164). Until better evidence to from the west] . . . She spoke the same Ian- July 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 221

guage as the Coramine [Coree] that dwell Perquiman, Pasquotank, and Poteskeet as near Cape Lookout, allowing for some few "bands or sub-tribes" of the Weapemeoc of words which were different, yet no other- 1585 (171), but his only authority cited is wise than that they might understand one Lawson, who enumerated 10 "Paspatank" another very well." Swanton doubts that a and 30 "Potaskeit" adult male Indians and theory of the linguistic relationship of the 6 "Jaupin (Yeopim) people" in 1709. The tribe should be built upon Lawson's inci- Jaupin are not located, but Lawson referred dental statement but points out that tribes to the Paspatank and Potaskeit as inhabit- of Iroquoian speech were the western ing towns on Paspatank (Pasquotank) and neighbors of the Coree, while those of North Rivers, respectively. Lawson's names Siouan language were their neighbors to for these Indian groups were, with the pos- the south, and adds that Lawson's reference sible exception of Potaskeit, place names al- "seems to exclude the Siouan connection ready in use by the colonists. and point to Iroquoian relationship" (168). Only two of the four Weapemeoc bands From the point of view of the distribution above mentioned seem to have been com- of linguistic families in this region the monly known by the names given them by Pomouik, Neusiok, and Coree all inhabited Mooney. These are the Yeopim, who in- in interstitial area between tribes that were habited the Yeopim River region and in definitely Algonkian, Siouan, and Iroquo- general the western part of former Weape- ian. Evidence is too inadequate to permit of meoc territory, and the Poteskeet who lived the classification of the tribes without a in the eastern half. In March, 1715, the large margin of uncertainty. As a tentative Council of Carolina was petitioned by the formulation, however, it is perhaps not too "Porteskyte Indians" who complained that much to suggest that the Pomouik were the white inhabitants of "Corratuck Bank" probably Algonkian, that the Neusiok were were hindering them from hunting on possibly Algonkian, while the Coree were "those their usual grounds." The natives almost certainly affiliated with a non-Al- reported that white settlers had threatened gonkian stock. The evidence is nonhistorical to destroy the guns of the Indians, without however, and the safer position is to con- which they could not hunt, and that "with- sider the tribes themselves as of doubtful out the liberty of hunting" they could not linguistic position. subsist. The Council ordered that thence- forth the Poteskeet should be permitted to THE POSTCONTACT PERIOD hunt on any of the banks without the Because of the virtual lack of records hindrance of the English (172). The refer- from the time of the Roanoke colony until ence is of interest in locating the Poteskeet the second half of the seventeenth century, in Currituck County and in indicating their we know nothing of the history of the Wea- possession of firearms by 1715. There is also pemeoc Indians for over 70 years. During mention of trade with these Indians and of this period the Weapemeoc were reduced in their sale of tribal lands previous to that numbers, had been dispossessed of their date (173). Governor Burrington included originally held tribal lands, and had become the "Pottaskites" as one of the six Indian separated into bands or divisions. Curri- "nations" inhabiting Carolina in 1731 and tuck, Pasquotank, and Perquimans Coun- stated that they numbered then less than ties, each set up as a precinct of Albemarle 20 families. Twenty years earlier the Rev. County in 1670, are usually said to have James Adams had reported "about 70 or 80 been named for Indian tribes inhabiting the Indians ... in the Precinct and Parish of vicinity of these political divisions (169), Carahtuck . . . many of which understand but the only record of native groups by English tolerably well" (174). these names is Lawson's reference to a Information concerning the Yeopim goes "Paspatank" Indian town of 30 or 40 in- back to 1662, when in the oldest recorded habitants, which he named after the river land grant in North Carolina, the Yeopim on which the town was located in 1709 chief, Kilcocanen or Kistotanen, "with the (170). Mooney referred to the Yeopim, consent of my people" sold to George Du- —e

222 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 7 rant a "parcell of land lying and being on immediate possession of the Lords Pro- Roneoke Sound and on a River called by prietors as of their province of Carolina" the name of Perquimans . . . which land at (178). Either the precise limits of the reser- present bears the name of Wecocomicke." vation were never clearly surveyed or the This tract has been identified as Durant's land-hunger of the settlers resulted in Neck, in southern Perquimans County trespass across the boundaries theoretically (175), between the Perquimans and Little agreed upon, for in 1694 the Chowanoc Rivers. The deed identifies the area as be- complained to the General Court of Albe- longing to the Yeopim, rather than "Per- marle that they were being "much injured quiman," Indians at that period. Previous by the English seating soe near them," and to 1714, 10,240 acres of land had been re- in 1714 "Jno Hoyter on behalfe of himself served for the "Yawpin" Indians, whose and the rest of ye Chawan Indyons" peti- "King and great men" within nine years tioned the Governor's Council for the land petitioned the Governor's Council to ap- "on the Eastern side of Bennets Creek in- prove the sale of 640 acres "of the great cluding Meherins Neck," which they said Tract laid out to them by the Govern- was theirs by previous agreement with co- ment." By this time George Durant was the lonial authorities. Hoyter legitimately ar- name of a Yeopim Indian, John Durant gued that the Chowanoc deserved their was the tribal "king," and the other three land without molestation from the settlers, tribal "great men" who appeared before the inasmuch as the Chowanoc had been upon Council also had English names. John Du- eight expeditions against "the Indian En- rant was still chief in 1740, when he pe- emy"—i.e., the Tuscarora and their allies titioned the Council "in behalf of himself and that during their absences they had suf- and the Yeopim Nation" to be permitted ferred considerable losses in stock and crops "to sell and exchange their lands as may (179). Again in 1720 "John Hoyter, Chief best [suit] their conveniency" (176). With man of the Chowan Indians" found it nec- this request, which was granted, the Yeo- essary to protest to the Governor's Council pim tribe disappears from the recorded his- that white people were continually intrud- tory of the colony. ing upon Indian land (180). The third group of native people inhabit- After the Tuscarora War the history of ing the area north of Albemarle Sound in the Chowanoc is that of further reduction in the later colonial period was the Chowanoc, population, the sale of additional land, and who retained their name of the previous their gradual accommodation to the folk- century. Though diminished in numbers ways of the whites. From the largest group and reduced in territory they still occupied in Algonkian Carolina in 1585 they had settlements on the river to which they had been reduced, according to Lawson, to 15 given their name. They were said to have men—perhaps 50 people—living in one set- gotten along peacefully with the whites un- tlement on Bennetts Creek in 1709 (181). til 1675, when they "struck swiftly and ef- At a Council meeting in January, 1735, that fectively in the usual Indian fashion," body approved of the sale of ten plots of having been incited, it was claimed by the their land, totaling 2,025 acres, the reason

Carolina authorities, by the "rebellious given being that "the Chowan . . . [were] Indians of Virginia who [had] fled to them." possessed of a large parcel of lands lying in Thereupon the settlers of the Albemarle re- Chowan precinct" and that being "but few gion made "open war" upon them by which in number" they were unable "to cultivate with the loss of "many men" on both sides the same or make any benefit thereby." they were said to have been "wholly sub- The Indians still retained certain "Lands on dued." They then "had land for their habi- Bennets Creek" (182). There are also rec- tation assigned them" (177) which was a ords of the sale of unspecified amounts of reservation on Bennetts Creek in northern land in December, 1735, and in March, Chowan County, other tribal lands at the 1743; and in 1744, 640 more acres were dis- same time having been "resigned into the posed of by the "chief men of Chowan." July 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 223

The tribesmen were soon complaining that seventeenth century, except for one report. the purchasers were appropriating more In September, 1653, Francis Yeardley of land than they had bargained and paid for Linnhaven, Va., sent a small party of a few (183). All the individuals of the tribe in- relatives and neighbors to "Rhoanoke" volved in these transactions had English Island and the adjacent mainland. For names, viz. Thomas Hoyter (Hoyton, Hoy- £200 Yeardley claimed to have "purchased ston), John Hoyter, Charles Bennet, James and paid for three great rivers" of land from

Bennet, John Robins, John Reading, "the great commander of those parts . . . Charles Beazley, Jeremiah Pushing, and his war-captains, and a great commander of Neuse Will. These names also occur as another province and some other Indians those of white settlers of the Albemarle . . . Actual possession was solemnly given communities. The acculturational process them [Yeardley's representatives] by the had started years earlier, however. In 1712 great commander and all the great men of the Rev. Giles Rainsford wrote that the rest of the provinces, in delivering them " Thomas Hoyle, King of the Chowan Indi- a turf of the earth with an arrow shot into ans . . . [was] very inclinable to embrace it." With the completion of the transaction Christianity" and that he had expressed the the natives are said to have "totally left desire that his son be educated in an Eng- the lands and rivers to us, retiring to a new lish school (184). Rainsford located the trib- habitation," which is, unfortunately, not al remnant in the "upper end of Chowan" specified. The "lands on the rivers" men- precinct and stated that he had lived "5 tioned could not have been on Roanoke months in Chowan Indian town and made Island and must, therefore, refer to the myself Master of their language." It is a mainland west of Pamlico Sound. "Sundry pity that, knowing the Chowan as he must other kings of the provinces" were visited, have, Rainsford did not tell us more about including chiefs of villages in the tribal ter- them, for by his day they were on the verge ritory of the "Tuskarorawes" as well as the of extinction as a group. Forty years later Secotan. The English were told of "a great Bishop Spangenburg, of the Moravian nation called the Newxes [Neuses], ... a Church, wrote that "the tribe of Chowans great nation called the Cacores [Shakori], is reduced to a few families [and] their land . . . and another great nation by these, has been taken away from them" (185). called the Haynokes [Eno]." Subsequent to In 1754 the commander of the Chowan the trip of the Virginians into Carolina the County militia reported to Governor Dobbs "Rhoanoke emperor" paid Yeardley several that "there is but one Indian Nation in visits at his home at Linnhaven, leaving Chowan County, which are called the "his only son, having but one" to be taught Chowan Indians, but their strength is "to speak out of the book and to make a nothing and their condition very deplorable writing." At his departure the chief "ex- by the artifice and cunning of some of their pressed himself desirous to serve that God neighbors. I am informed they consist of the Englishmen served, and that his child two men and five women and children, might be so brought up" (187). which two white men would at any time Nothing more is heard of the Roanoke overcome" (186). This miserable remnant chief or his son, and the Roanoke Indians, of the former tribe must have disappeared as well as other Secotan descendants, faded within the next few years, for no more is from history for over 50 years. By the end heard of the Chowanoc in the subsequent of that period the native inhabitants south records of the colony. of Albemarle Sound had experienced the The records of the Roanoke colony show, same sort of divisive process that had as we have seen, that the region between separated the Weapemeoc into bands or Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds was origi- divisions. Writing of the first decade of the nally the home of the Secotan Indians. The eighteenth century, Lawson mentioned two descendants of these tribes went un- groups in this area—the Machapungo and mentioned in the historical records of the the Hatteras, the former numbering 30 224 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 7

adult men in the Town of Maramiskeet and wrote that they made their attacks by the latter having 16 men in a town near "small platoons," which plundered and Cape Hatteras. Lawson added one item of killed the whites at their isolated planta- Machapunga tribal history in stating that tions. Pollock commented a number of they and the Coranine (Coree) "had been a times upon their taking advantage of "dis- long time at war together, (having but) mal swamps to fly into" and stated that in lately concluded a peace" (188). the woods and "pocosuns" the Indians were In the eighteenth-century records of the superior to the whites. In "lakes, quagmires,

colony the Machapunga were usually known and cane swamps . . . it is almost impossible as the Mattamuskeet, the latter name for white men to follow" the Indians, who being derived from that of the principal have "boats and canoes, being expert village. The fact that they impressed their watermen, wherein they can transport name upon the lake in Hyde County and themselves where they please" (193). that Pungo River and Creek in eastern By the summer of 1713, after two years Beaufort County were also named after of warfare, a peace was concluded with them gives an indication of their tribal loca- Tom Blunt (or Blount), chief of the north- tion. There is an indication, also, in the ern Tuscarora towns. The Mattamuskeet meaning of their name, although decision and Coree were not a party to these negotia- as to the latter is a somewhat doubtful tions, Pollock stating at the time that "if process, depending upon interpretation of Blount keeps the peace we shall have only the phonetic elements involved in the the Mattemuskeet and Core Indians to original tribal eponym. Heckewelder de- mind, who of late have done us great mis-

rived the name from matchi-pungo, meaning chief . . . The army are now out against the "bad dust"; Mooney, however, suggested Mattemuskeet Indians, in which expedition massa-pungo, " 'great or much dust,' in al- if they succeed it will go near to finish the lusion to the sandy soil of the district" war" (194). Within a few months it was re- (189). Speck calls attention to the fact that ported that there was "no enemy to go the element pung may signify either sand against, but a few Mattamuskeets" and or dust or "pond," and suggests that "great that only "stragglers [were] left of the pond or lake [people]" is a more appropri- Cores or Cotechnees and Matamuskeets" ate etymology (190). (195). By 1715 peace was concluded with During the Tuscarora War the Matta- the totally defeated Indians and a reserva- muskeet went on record a number of times tion was established for the survivors at for their activities in that struggle. Von Mattamuskeet Lake. The Governor was Graffenried mentioned the "Marmusckits instructed to appoint an overseer "to live from the rivers Bory, Wetock, Pamtego, with ye Said Indyans ... at Mattamuskeet

Neus, [and] Trent" and the "Cor [Coree] . . . the better to Inspect into their behavior Indians" as Tuscarora allies who fought and to remit accounts thereof" (196). This against the settlers. Pollock classified the marks the establishment of North Caro- "Matamusket,' among the smaller enemy lina's first Indian reservation with a resident tribes who, without the aid of the stronger commissioner paid for and responsible to Tuscarora, were at first considered "not able the governing authorities. of themselves to hurt us" (191). Pollock There is no indication of the number of later wrote of "some Matamuskite Indians natives who took advantage of the reserva- disturbing the people at Matchepungo" and tion, for some of the survivors seem to have claimed that the same group had "killed joined the Tuscarora and Siouan tribes in and carried away about 20 persons at their trek toward the north. During the last Roanoke Island and at Croatan." They also two years of the war Pollock's letters re- attacked the settlers at Alligator River, ferred to the coastal Indians as "few" in killing or capturing some 16 or 20 of the in- number, wasted, "stragglers," and a rem- habitants (192). There are several references nant. However, for a group accorded but 30 to their manner of fighting. Von Graffenried warriors in 1709 the Mattamuskeet seem July 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 225 to have offered their share of trouble during who came originally from Pungo river," the four years of the war. In 1731 Governor and they are put down as "evidently rem- Burrington reported that the "Mare- nants of the Machapunga tribe." In appear- muskeets" lived on their reservation ''secure ance they are described as varying greatly from the attacks of Forreign Indians" and "from individuals with pronounced Indian that they had been "of late years . . . much characteristics, through people with notice- diminished" and numbered less than 20 able white or Negro features, the latter sort families (197). Returns for about 1760 gave predominating in the younger generations." "about 8 or 10 Maramuskeet" Indians on No more than the merest fragments of a the mainland with about "as many on the former Indian way of life were discovered Islands or Banks" (198). In 1761, and again among these mixed bloods. "Not one of in 1763, the Rev. Alexander Stewart re- these people knew a single word of the ferred to "the remains of the Altamuskeet, Indian language and not one knew of any Hatteras and Roanoke Indians [which] live definite Indian customs or traditions, not mostly along the coast [of Hyde County], even the name of their tribe" (200). mixed with the white inhabitants." They Speck's survey shows that neither ethnol- attended Stewart's services, "behaved with ogy nor native history can be rescued from decency, seemed desirous of instruction, the memories of living descendants. Arche- and offered themselves and their children ological excavation and the study of ... for baptism." This missionary baptized documentary sources remain the only 7 Indians in 1761 and 21 in 1763, all of methods by which ethnic history can be in- whom he described as being "fond of hear- vestigated in this important area of ab- ing the Word of the true God, ... of being original America. The present study has admitted into the church," and as having as shown that, contrary to the usual impres- much "notion of any religion" as the whites sion, the various Algonkian groups of the of the neighborhood (199). coastal area are not all to be considered as Nothing is heard of the Mattamuskeet or contemporary inhabitants of the region of of any other Carolina Algonkian group in their occupancy. Historic perspective re- the nineteenth century. All records of the veals that the native tribes of this region previous century denote the numerical must be differentiated into those of the paucity of the coastal tribes and suggest period of the earliest explorations and those that the surviving people were interested in of the period of later colonization. The learning and conforming to ways of the Algonkian of the former period (1584 to settlers. The final few remaining descend- 1590) were the Weapemeoc, Chowanoc, ants must have become merged with the Moratoc, Secotan, Pomouik, and Neusiok. negroes and whites of the frontier com- Those of the later period (c. 1650 to c. munity. Aboriginal culture was largely lost 1800) were the Yeopim, Poteskeet, Chowan, as the result of the impact of culture of Old Machapunga (Mattamuskeet), Pamlico, World derivation. The extent to which this and Neuse. At the time of discovery the is true is shown by Professor Speck's search native tribes were large and the indig- for ethnic and cultural survivals in the area enous cultures were living realities. By the formerly inhabited by one group of the end of a century and a half of white contact Algonkian aborigines. "Persistent inquiry" tribes were disorganized, the native popula- by this investigator uncovered "a few tion had all but vanished, and the original families of mixed blood," whom he regarded local cultural properties had disappeared. as "descendants of the local Indian tribes" The ethnohistorical process in the Algon- living on the coast of Dare and Hyde Coun- kian area of Carolina was one marked by ties and on the adjacent islands in 1916. disturbance, defeat, decline, disorganiza- Their descent was traced from "Indians tion, and final extinction. 226 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 7 NOTES

(106) HAI 2: 495, 1173. (126) Hakluyt 6: 127. (107) Mooney's figure of 1,200 persons for the (127) Ibid.: 155 (Lane), 221 (White). "Wingandacoa of 1585" is an estimate deduced (128) Ibid.: 155, 156. from the size of remnant bands of the Secotan (129) Ibid.: 201 (White's Fourth voyage); 221- (Machapunga, Hatteras, etc.) in the later colonial 222 (White's Fifth voyage). period, i.e., c. 1700 (Aboriginal Population North (130) Ibid.: 127. of Mexico: 6, 1928). The Roanoke records give no (131) Talcott Williams, "The Surroundings information whatsoever on Secotan population in and Site of Raleigh's Colony," Ann. Rep. Amer. 1585. Hist. Assoc, for 1895: 54-60, 1896. (108) Lane, p. 142; Hariot, p. 186; Barlow, (132) W. R. Gerard, "Virginia Indian Con- p. 127. For White's drawings see Bushnell, 1927, tributions to English," Amer. Anthrop. 9(1): 106, pis. 7, 8, opp. pp. 428, 429, or Binyon, 1925, pis. 1907; also HAI 2: 392. Gerard claimed that 24, 27. "Roanoke" as a name for the shell beads used by (109) White's Fifth voyage, Hakluyt, p. 221. the natives as ornaments and as a medium of ex- (110) Edward Channing, History of the United change was a misnomer, due to the colonists' mis-

States 1 : 130, 1905. On the other hand, Croatoan hearing of the original word, which Smith gave was frequently visited by the colonists when as rawrenock (Works, Arber, p. 46), and Strachey watching for the arrival of their expected supplies gave as rarenaw (Historie, p. 185). This word, from England. with the root rar meaning to "rub, abrade, (111) The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenvile, smooth, or polish," according to Gerard's etymol- for Sir Walter Ralegh, to Virginia, in the yeere 1585, ogy, meant "smoothed shells" (HAI 2: 393). Hakluyt 6: 132-139. I ascribe authorship to However, Lawson gave "ronoak" as the Pamlico Grenville, rather than to Lane, inasmuch as the word for "peak" in his short vocabulary of the narrative deals with events up to and including tribe. (History, 1937 ed., p. 243). It is possible Grenville's return to England; however, both that by 1709 the Pamlico had accepted an English "our Generall Sir Richard Greenevil" and "our corruption of the original Algonkian word. Lieutenant Master Ralph Lane" are referred to (133) D. I. Bushnell, Jr., "Tribal Migrations in the third person, as if neither were the author. East of the Mississippi," Smithsonian Misc. Coll. The account is in the form of a daily journal and 89(12): 2-3, maps 1-4, 1934; Kaj Birket- must, therefore, have been written by a member Smith, "A Geographical Study of the Early His- of the expedition. tory of the Algonkian Indians," Internat. Archiv (112) Misprint for Werowan's; in De Bry this fur Ethnogr. 24, 1918; idem, "Folk Wanderings picture is entitled "A chieff Ladye of Pomeioc" and Cultural Drifts in Northern North America," (De Bry, pi. 8; for original see Bushnell, 1927, Journ. Soc. Americanistes de Paris 22: 1-32, 1930. pi. 4, opp. p. 425, or Binyon, p. 28-b). (134) Croatoan is now usually identified as the (113) Hakluyt 6: 129. land between Ocracoke Island and Cape Hatteras. (114) Mooney, HAI 2: 276; Hawks, History Some have given it a more southern location, on of North Carolina^ 1 : 85,_ 237, 238. Tarbox is en- the northern part of present Portsmouth Island tirely incorrect in saying that "Pomeiok . . . (e.g., Mooney, HAI 1: 365). seems to have been the chief town of the Indians (135) Hakluyt 6: 122-124, 130. called the Newsioks, [and] was on or near the (136) Ibid. : 202, 223.

Neuse River . . . [near] the spot where now stands (137) For the number and present social status the town of Newbern" (op. cit.: 140n.) of this group see O. M. McPherson, Report on (115) Bushnell, 1927, pi. 7, opp. p. 428 (also the condition and tribal rights of the Indians of in Amer. Anthrop. 9(1): opp. p. 32, 1907); Robeson and adjoining counties of North Carolina Binyon, pi. 27-a. (Senate Doc. 677): 7-40, 120-132, 223-252, 1915; (116) HAI 1:71. and R. M. Harper, "A Statistical Studv of the (117) History of North Carolina 1: 101. Here Croatans," Rural Sociology 2(4): 444-456, 1937. Hawks made the mistake that he warned his (138) Hamilton McMillan, Sir Walter Ra- readers against in another connection: "The dis- leigh's lost colony, privately printed, Raleigh, trict of Pomouik must therefore not be con- 1907; idem, "The Croatans," North Carolina founded with the town of Pomeiock" (p. 85). Booklet 10: 115-121, 1911; Stephen B. Weeks, Tarbox repeated Hawks's error in placing Aquas- "The Lost Colony of Roanoke: Its Fate and Sur- cogoc "on the Neuse River, some little way up vival," Papers Amer. Hist. Assoc. 5 (pt. 4): 107- from its mouth" (Sir Walter Ralegh's colony: 146, 1891; idem, "Raleigh's Settlements on 140n). Tarbox gave Hawks credit for doing "as Roanoke Island, An Historical Survival," Mag. much perhaps as any one to find and fix the Amer. Hist. 25: 127-139, 1891. McPherson and places covered by the Indian names" of the D. L. Rights have reviewed the arguments for Roanoke relations, and throughout his own book and against the Croatoan affiliation but are per- repeated Hawks's erroneous locations. sonally noncommital (McPherson, op. cit.: Rights, (118) Grenville, in Hakluyt 6: 137-138. "The Lost Colony Legend," Bull. Arch. Soc. (119) Hakluyt 6: 129 (Barlow), 141 (Lane). North Carolina 1(2): 3-7, 1934). (120) White's and De Bry's maps, and all sub- (139) History of Carolina, 1937 reprint, p. 62. sequent maps based upon the latter, show that (140) J. R. Swanton, "Probable Identity of Wococon was the native name for modern Ocra- the 'Croatan' Indians," U. S. Department of the coke Island. Interior, Office of Indian Affairs (typescript), p. 5, (121) #,4/2:295. 1933. Swanton concludes that probably "certain (122) History of North Carolina 1: 74, 101. Siouan tribes" of the Southeast mainly contrib- (123) HAI 1:352. uted to the Indian ancestry of the modern Croa- (124) HAI 1:829. tan. "If the name of any tribe is to be used in

(125) HAI 2: 801. connection with this body of . . . people, that of ;

July 15, 1944 mook: algonkian ethnohistory of Carolina sound 227

the Cheraw would, in my opinion, be most ap- Ontario. (See map of Iroquoian reservations and propriate." settlements in 1940, W. N. Fenton, "Problems (141) Hakluyt6: 130-131. Arising from the Historic Northeastern Position (142) Mooney, The Siouan tribes of the East: of the Iroquois," in Essays in Historical Anthro- 65 and map opp. p. 5; idem, HAI 2: 967-968; pology of North America, Smithsonian Misc. Coll. Lawson, History (1937 ed.), frontispiece map. 100: 214-215, 1940. Also F. G. Speck, The (143) HAI 2:277. Tutelo spirit adoption ceremony: v-xvii, 1-3, Penn-

(144) History of North Carolina 1 : 74. sylvania Historical Commission, 1942.) There is (145) Amer. Anthrop. 26(2): 188, 189 (map), no similar trace of Neuse, Pamlico, or Coree 1924. descendants among modern mixed peoples.

(146) HAI 1 : 222 (Cawruuoc) ; 2 : 60 (Neusiok) (158) Mooney, HAI 2: 277 (Pomouic); Speck, Aboriginal population of America North of Mexico: Amer. Anthrop.26 (2): 188, 1924.

6, 1928 (Neuse and Coree = Nusiok and Caw- (159) A new description . . . of Carolina (Lon- ruuock). don, 1707), in A. S. Salley, ed., Narratives of

(147) A new description of . . . Carolina (Lon- Early Carolina: 286.

don, 1707), in A. S. Salley , ed., Narratives of Early (160) History of Carolina, 1937 reprint, p. 255. Carolina: 286, 1911. Archdale refers to them as (161) Aboriginal population of America north the "Coranine . . . Nation of Indians." of Mexico: 6, 1928. (148) History, 1937 ed., p. 255. Lawson calls (162) Compare, for example, the words for the them "Connamox" Indians, with Coranine and numerals from 1 to 10 given by these three au- Raruta as the names of their towns. thors (Lawson, History of Carolina, 1937 reprint, (149) V. H. Todd, ed., Christoph von Graffen- pp. 240-243; Smith's Works, Arber edition, pp. ried's account of the founding of New Bern: 376- 44-46; Strachey, Historie: 183-196). 377, 1920. (163) Hakluyt6: 130. (150) Von GrafTenried to Governor Hyde, (164) The entrance of the English, of course,

Colonial records of North Carolina 1 : 990. disturbed the native situation, and wars within (151) Hewitt listed Coram and Corutra as set- linguistic stocks occurred; for example, one sec- tlements of the Tuscarora (HAI 2: 852). They tion of the Tuscarora tribe fought against the were located on the border of Tuscarora and colonists while another fought with them in the Coree territory, and it is difficult to determine to wars of 1711-1715. which tribe they should be accorded. (165) Mooney, The Siouan tribes of the East:

(152) Colonial records of North Carolina 1 : 827, 7, 1894; idem, HAI 2: p. 60, 1910; Speck, 868, 875, 934, 955, 990-992; 2: 24, 29, 39, 45, 62, Amer. Anthrop. 26(2): 187n, 188, 189 (map), 1924; 168 indicate Coree participation in the Tuscarora Swanton, "The Probable Identity of the 'Croa- War. For this conflict as an aspect of the history tan' Indians," U. S. Department of the Interior, of the colony see R. D. W. Connor, History of Bureau of Indian Affairs: p. 2, 1933; idem, "The Carolina: 1 (ch. 7), 1919, and Archibald Hen- Southeastern Indians of History," Conference on derson, North Carolina: The Old North State and Southern Prehistory : map no. 1, opp. p. 98, 1932. the New 1 (ch. 4), 1941. For its ethnological (166) The Siouan tribes of the East: 8, frontis- aspects see J. N. B. Hewitt, "Tuscarora," HAI piece map; HAI 1: 349. 2: 842-853, and C. W. Milling, Red Carolinians: (167) "The Ethnic Position of the Southeast- cb. 8, 1940. ern Algonkian," Amer. Anthrop. 26(2): 187-188, (153) Colonial records of North Carolina 2: 200, 1924; "The Possible Siouan Identity of the Words 244. Recorded from Francisco of Chicora," Journ. (154) Mooney stated that "in 1715 the rem- Washington Acad. Sci. 14(13): 303, .1924. nants of the Coree and Machapunga were as- Siouan tribes in the Southeastern area with the signed a tract on Mattamuskeet lake . . . where characteristic termination Dr. Speck alludes to they lived in one village, probably until they be- were Shoccocree (Shakori), Sugaree, Wateree, came extinct" (HAI 1: 349). There is but one Congaree (and Coree?). There were also the Sa- reference in the colonial records which suggests poni, Occaneechi, Keyauwee, Pedee, Santee, and that the Coree were included in the Mattamuskeet Sewee. The terminations -i, -e, or -ee practically reservation (Colonial records of North Carolina 2: never occur in Eastern Algonkian proper names. 168). They more probably joined the Tuscarora (168) J. R. Swanton, "Unclassified Languages remnant in its northward migration. (For the of the Southeast," Internat. Journ. Amer. Lin- Tuscarora in North Carolina their migration guistics 1:3, 1917. northward, and their adoption by the Iroquois, (169) E.g., J. H. Wheeler, Historical Sketches see J. N. B. Hewitt, "Tuscarora," HAI 2: 842- of North Carolina 2: 132, 339, 341, 1851; C. C. 853.) Crittenden and D. Lacy, eds., The Historical (155) History, 1937 ed., p. 255 and map Records of North Carolina: The County Records 2:

(frontispiece) ; Von Graffenried, in Colonial rec- 42, 1938 (Currituck County); 3: 114, 142, 1939 ords of North Carolina 1: 910, 933, 978; Mooney, (Pasquotank and Perquimans Counties). HAI 1: 237; 2: 60, 397; V. H. Todd, op. cit.: (170) History, 1937 reprint, p. 255. 234, 373-374. (171) Siouan tribes of the East: 7, 1894; HAI 2:

(156) Colonial records of North Carolina 1 : 875; 207, 234, 293, 297, 1910. Speck considers the also pp. 843, 933-934, 955 for Neuse participa- Yeopim the same as the Weapemeoc and the tion in the war. Pasquotank, Perquiman, and Poteskeet as "prob- (157) Approximately 400 Tuscarora today live ably" divisions of the latter (Amer. Anthrop. 26 on a reservation near Niagara Falls, N. Y., and (2): 187-188, 1924). Speck has found the tradition of Tutelo tribal (172) Council Journal, 1715, Colonial records of identity preserved among half a hundred Tutelo North Carolina 2: 172. mixed descendants who live among the Iroquoian (173) Colonial of North Carolina 2: 22, 734 Cayuga at Six Nations Reserve near Brantford, (1703, "Portes Leites" Indians), 141 (1714, "ye — :::

228 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 34, NO. 7

Poteskeyt Towne"), 204-205 (1175, "Porteskill" Haven, Va., May 8, 1654, in A. S. Salley, ed.» Indians). Narratives of early Carolina: 25-29. The Shakori (174) Ibid. 3: 153; 1:734. and Eno were interior tribes, living just west of (175) Ibid. 1: 19; H. T. Lefler, North Caro- the Tuscarora. For identification of Cacores as lina history told by contemporaries: 14-15, 1934; Shakori and Haynokes as Eno, see J. Mooney, R. D. W. Connor, History of North Carolina 1 The Siouan Tribes of the East: 62-64, and HAI 1: 27, 1919. 426; 2: 521. (176) Colonial records of North Carolina 2: 140, (188) History of Carolina: 255, 212. 483; 4: 446. (189) HAI 1:781. (177) Pollock letter to the Virginia Council, (190) Personal Communication, December, June 17, 1707, Colonial records of North Carolina 1942.

1 : 657-658. (191) Von Grapfenried, Colonial records of

(178) Mooney, HAI 1 : 292; R. D. W. Connor, North Carolina 1 : 933-934; Thomas Pollock to the

History of North Carolina 1 : 50-51. Lords Proprietors, September 20, 1712, ibid. : 875.

(179) Colonial records of North Carolina 2 : 140- (192) Colonial records of North Carolina 2: 29,

141; also 1 : 857-860, for the Chowanoc participa- 31, 39, 45.

tion in the war of 1711-1712 on the side of the (193) Ibid. 1 : 875; 2: 28, 38, 39, 45. colonists. Mooney is incorrect in placing them in (194) Pollock, May 25 and June 25, 1713.

the Tuscarora War against the whites (HAI 1 Colonial records of North Carolina 2 : 45, 52-53.

' 292). (195) Pollock, September 1, 1713, ibid.: 61-62.

(180) Colonial records of North Carolina 2 : 379- Pollock was mistaken in identifying the Coree 380. with the "Cotechnees." Cotechney was a large (181) History of Carolina, 1937 reprint, p. 255. Tuscarora town, the home of Hancock, one of the (182) Colonial records of North Carolina 4: 33- principal Tuscarora chiefs and the colonists' chief 35. The average purchase price was c. $1.85 an Indian enemy during the first years of the war. acre (with the £ at par); in addition 100 acres The town was the scene of the execution of Law- were sold for 60 barrels of tar. son in 1711 and was located in eastern present (183) Ibid. 4: 74-75, 630-632; 2: 379-380. Greene county, near the mouth of Contentnea (184) Letter of G. Rainsford to the Society for Creek. (J. N. B. Hewitt, HAI 1: 352; 2: 846, the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 852.)

Colonial records of North Carolina 1 : 857-860. (196) Council Journal, Colonial records of (185) Spangenburg Diary, entry dated Eden- North Carolina 2: 168, 316. ton, September 13, 1752, Colonial records of (197) Ibid. 3: 153. North Carolina 5: 1. There is a more complete (198) Ibid. 5: 321; 6: 616. version of the Spangenburg diary in A. L. Fries, (199) Rev. Alexander Stewart to the Society ed., Records of the Moravians in North Carolina 1 for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 36 ff., 1922. Parts, Colonial records of North Carolina 6: 563, (186) James Craven to Governor Dobbs, Eden- 995. ton, December 7, 1754, Colonial records of North (200) "Remnants of the Machapunga Indians Carolina 22: 329; also p. 312. of North Carolina," Amer. Anthrop. 18(2): 271- (187) Francis Yardley to John Farrar, Linnc- 272, 1916.

ENTOMOLOGY. The Mexican species of leafhoppers of the genus Texananus 1 (Homoptera: Cicadellidae) . Dwight M. DeLong, Ohio State University. (Communicated by C. F. W. Muesebeck.)

A paper dealing with the Mexican species are described, one species placed in syn- of Texananus including the new species then onomy and many new records cited of at hand was published together with the geographical and altitudinal distributions- Mexican species of Phlepsius in 1939. Since All types are in the author's private col. that time the writer has had the opportu- lection. nity of collecting additional material in Genus Texananus Ball several states of Mexico in company with Texananus cuspidatus DeLong C. C. Plummer, J. S. Caldwell, and E. E. Texananus cuspidatus DeLong, Anal. Esc. Nac. Good. As a result 27 species of the genus Cien. Biol. 1:382. 1939. have now been taken in Mexico, 6 of which are described as new at this time and 19 of In addition to the records of material col- which are known only from Mexico. In lected in Chiapas at elevations of about 2,500 comparison, 20 species are known to occur feet near Finca Vergel, specimens are at hand only in the United States and 8 species are from Fortin, Veracruz (3,200 feet) and Tama- found in both countries. In addition to the zunchale, San Luis Potosi (350 feet). This spe- 6 new species described, 3 male allotypes cies apparently is associated rather definitely with the low altitude tropical vegetation of the

1 Received January 4, 1944. monsoon forest association.