DOCSLIB.ORG

1 Turkmenistan IHF FOCUS: Elections; Constitutional

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
1 Turkmenistan IHF FOCUS: Elections; Constitutional Turkmenistan IHF FOCUS: elections; constitutional amendments; freedom of expression; freedom of the media; freedom of association; fair trial and detainees’ rights; torture, ill-treatment and police misconduct; prisons and detention facilities; freedom of religion; national and ethnic minorities; right to education. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the declaration of independence of Turkmenistan, the former head of the Communist Party of Turkmenistan, Saparmurat Niyazov has been in power since the 1992 presidential elections. In 1999 he was made president for life. However, Niyazov has announced that presidential elections might be held in 2007-2008.1 Local monitors have noted that it is no longer necessary for President Niyazov to run for presidency as the August 2003 constitutional amendments, which concentrated power in the People’s Council (Halk Maslahaty), also secured him a central position in Turkmen political life in the future. Although state power in the country was officially divided into three branches, legislative power was fully subordinated to the executive. Everyday affairs were run by the Cabinet of Ministers, which was appointed and chaired by President Niyazov. The appointment of judges and the prosecutor general also had to be approved by the president.2 Any political opposition was excluded from all political processes. The so-called parliament was dominated by the Democratic Party of Turkmenistan, which in 1991 inherited the ruling status and property of the Communist Party of Turkmenistan. Niyazov was confirmed in his position as the chairman of the party.3 The National Assembly (Milli Majlis), consists of 50 representatives, who are elected in their constituencies on a single-mandate basis. The second body of the legislative power, the People's Council comprises of the president, members of parliament, the chairman of the Supreme Court, the prosecutor general, government members, representatives of various levels of regional and local administration, heads of parties and public organizations, as well as members of the Elder’s Congress. According to the constitutional amendments adopted in August 2003, the People’s Council became the highest authority in the country factually abolishing the nominal division of powers in the legislative, executive and judicial branches.4 President Niyazov is considered a party functionary of the old Soviet school. Since Turkmenistan’s independence, he has created a powerful personality cult, which has reached grotesque proportions. In 1993 the National Assembly granted him the title “Head of all Turkmen,” or Turkmenbashi. His 400-page Book of the Soul or Rukhnama, the “new national spiritual and moral code,” was declared to be as important as the Bible and the Koran.5 Turkmen citizens were required to learn it and swear allegiance to it. The police force and the Ministry for National Security served as the authorities’ tools to curtail the rights of individuals and their political and civil liberties. Activists of the political opposition were subjected to arbitrary arrests and/or prolonged pre-trial detention. Political repression was excessive in the aftermath of the alleged assassination attempt on President Niyazov’s motorcade on 25 November 2002, which the president escaped unharmed. However, there were speculations that Niyazov himself had orchestrated the attack in order to justify 1 Muslim Uzbekistan, “Turkmen Presidential Elections Likely to be Held in 2007-2008,” 9 July 2002, at http://www.muslimuzbekistan.com/eng/ennews/2002/07/ennews09072002_3.html 2 Curtis, “Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan …”, cited in Conflict Studies Research Centre, Michael Fredholm, “The Prospects For Internal Unrest in Turkmenistan,” April 2003, p. 5. 3 Ibid., p. 6. 4 Interfax, 20 August 2003, in IHF, OSCE Human Dimension Implementation Meeting, Interventions and Recommendations by the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights (IHF), Warsaw, October 6-17, 2003, at http://www.ihf-hr.org/documents/doc_summary.php?sec_id=3&d_id=3697. 5 Amnesty International, Annual Report 2002, at http://web.amnesty.org/web/ar2002.nsf/eur/turkmenistan!Open 1 new repressive measures on his political opponents which he launched immediately following the incident and which resulted in a new wave of gross human rights violations. The Niyazov regime continued to show a significant reluctance to promote development of economic liberties and to implement market reforms.6 The country has extensive gas and oil resources and therefore great potential to develop economic welfare but so far has failed to make proper use of them. According to the World Bank, absolute poverty—i.e. the percentage of people who lived on less than €1.80 per day—was only 7% in Turkmenistan. However, about half of the population lived on less than the minimum wage. Basic goods, including water, energy, and bread, were rationed. As a response to the country’s near complete lack of political and economic liberalization, western development banks have largely stopped lending to Turkmenistan. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) has described Turkmenistan as “the least advanced in terms of economic reforms of the 27 post-Communist countries” in which it operates.7 Elections Independent Turkmenistan has a history of flawed elections and referenda, which have fallen short of all international standards for free and fair elections. The 6 April 2003 elections for both municipal executive committees and the country’s highest representative organ, the People’s Council, followed the same pattern. President Niyazov declared the elections two years ahead of schedule, a move that he was suspected to have taken in order to eradicate any opposition from parliamentarians and members of government as a result of reallocation of posts.8 The elections for local governments and to the People’s Council could also be seen as part of President Niyazov’s attempt to boost his democratic image by officially proclaiming regular democratic elections, starting at the local level and culminating in the presidential elections later on.9 While Turkmenistan’s Central Election Commission reported elections of “high standard,”10 the OSCE centre in Ashgabat stated that the 6 April elections violated all principles of western democracy.11 Most Turkmen knew nothing about the elections. They were officially announced in just over 30 words in the state-owned Turkmen daily Neitralnyi Turkmenistan in January, but following that very little information was available about them. There was no election campaign, and the state media failed to inform citizens about the candidates. Alternative parties and individual candidates, besides the country’s single officially registered party, Niyazov’s Democratic Party of Turkmenistan, were excluded from political balloting. 12 The majority of seats in the People’s Council13 were distributed among state officials of different power echelons. Only 65 MPs could be elected by the Turkmen citizens. 140 contenders 6 Freedom House, “Nations in Transit 2003: Turkmenistan,” 4 August 2003, p. 591-594. 7 Ibid. 8 Daphne Ter-Sakarian, cited in RFE/RL, Bruce Pannier, “Turkmenistan: President Calls For Early Parliamentary Elections,” at http://www.rferl.org/nca/features/2003/01/09012003180626.asp. 9 Turkmenistan Daily Digest, “Local Elections Held In Turkmenistan,” 7 April 2003, at http://www.eurasianet.org/resource/turkmenistan/hypermail/200304/0019.shtml. 10 Turkmenistan Daily Digest, “Turkmenistan Claim Near 100-Percent Election Turnout,” at http://www.eurasianet.org/resource/turkmenistan/hypermail/200304/0025.shtml. 11 Centran, “OSCE Criticized the Local Elections in Turkmenistan,” 7 April 2003, at http://www.centran.ru/cgi- bin/index.pl?cal=2003-04-07. 12 Bruce Pannier, “Turkmenistan: President Calls for Early Parliamentary Elections”, 9 January 2003, at http://www.rferl.org/nca/features/2003/01/09012003180626.asp and “Turkmenistan: People Prepare To Vote – But For Whom?” at http://www.rferl.org/nca/features/2003/03/14032003151129.asp. 13 According to the August 2003 amendments to the Constitution, the People’s Council has 2,507 seats. Konstituzinnyj zakon Turkmenistana o Halk Maslahaty Turkmenistana (Constitutional Law of Turkmenistan on the Halk Maslahaty of Turkmenistan), 15 August 2003. 2 competed for these 65 seats, among them 18 women. All candidates were nominated by the presidential administration. In the local elections, 5,535 MPs were elected out of 6,323 candidates, again nominated by the presidential administration and the Ministry for National Security. Their Turkmen nationality, loyalty to the president, a commendable service record, and the absence of convicted ancestors were closely scrutinized. Many candidates were selected among the members of the Ministry for National Security to fill power positions at all levels, a practice which made independent decision-making impossible for deputies.14 According to the Central Election Commission, 99.8% of eligible voters took part in the balloting15 but the real figure was believed to be considerably lower. In order to raise the voter turnout, members of election commissions took ballot boxes right to people’s homes and persuaded people to vote.16 Fearing the consequences if they refused, people cast their ballot for names on the list of candidates without knowing who these people actually were. Constitutional Amendments The repressive state machinery created by President Niyazov demolished all attributes of a democratic state. The August 2003
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The State of Democratization and Human Rights in Turkmenistan
    THE STATE OF DEMOCRATIZATION AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN TURKMENISTAN HEARING BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE ONE HUNDRED SIXTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION MARCH 21, 2000 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE 10626] Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.csce.gov 64-372PDF U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2001 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS HOUSE SENATE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey BEN NIGHTHORSE CAMPBELL, Colorado Chairman Co-Chairman FRANK R. WOLF, Virginia KAY BAILEY HUTCHISON, Texas MATT SALMON, Arizona SPENCER ABRAHAM, Michigan JAMES C. GREENWOOD, Pennsylvania SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania TIM HUTCHINSON, Arkansas STENY H. HOYER, Maryland FRANK R. LAUTENBERG, New Jersey BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland BOB GRAHAM, Florida LOUISE McINTOSH SLAUGHTER, New York RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin MICHAEL P. FORBES, New York CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS HAROLD HONGJU KOH, Department of State EDWARD L. WARNER III, Department of Defense PATRICK A. MULLOY, Department of Commerce COMMISSION S TAFF DOROTHY DOUGLAS TAFT, Chief of Staff RONALD J. MCNAMARA, Deputy Chief of Staff ELIZABETH M. CAMPBELL, Office Administrator OREST DEYCHAKIWSKY, Staff Advisor JOHN F. FINERTY, Staff Advisor CHADWICK R. GORE, Communications Director ROBERT HAND, Staff Advisor JANICE HELWIG, Staff Advisor MARLENE KAUFMANN, Counsel KAREN S. LORD, Counsel for Freedom of Religion MICHELE MADASZ, Staff Assistant/Systems Administrator MICHAEL J. OCHS, Staff Advisor ERIKA B. SCHLAGER, Counsel for International Law MAUREEN T. WALSH, General Counsel (ii) THE STATE OF DEMOCRATIZATION AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN TURKMENISTAN MARCH 21, 2000 OPENING STATEMENTS PAGE Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • A Companion to Andrei Platonov's the Foundation
    A Companion to Andrei Platonov’s The Foundation Pit Studies in Russian and Slavic Literatures, Cultures and History Series Editor: Lazar Fleishman A Companion to Andrei Platonov’s The Foundation Pit Thomas Seifrid University of Southern California Boston 2009 Copyright © 2009 Academic Studies Press All rights reserved ISBN 978-1-934843-57-4 Book design by Ivan Grave Published by Academic Studies Press in 2009 28 Montfern Avenue Brighton, MA 02135, USA [email protected] www.academicstudiespress.com iv Effective December 12th, 2017, this book will be subject to a CC-BY-NC license. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/. Other than as provided by these licenses, no part of this book may be reproduced, transmitted, or displayed by any electronic or mechanical means without permission from the publisher or as permitted by law. The open access publication of this volume is made possible by: This open access publication is part of a project supported by The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book initiative, which includes the open access release of several Academic Studies Press volumes. To view more titles available as free ebooks and to learn more about this project, please visit borderlinesfoundation.org/open. Published by Academic Studies Press 28 Montfern Avenue Brighton, MA 02135, USA [email protected] www.academicstudiespress.com CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE Platonov’s Life . 1 CHAPTER TWO Intellectual Influences on Platonov . 33 CHAPTER THREE The Literary Context of The Foundation Pit . 59 CHAPTER FOUR The Political Context of The Foundation Pit . 81 CHAPTER FIVE The Foundation Pit Itself .
    [Show full text]
  • Turkmenistan by Annette Bohr
    Turkmenistan by Annette Bohr Capital: Aşgabat Population: 5.2 million GDP/capita, PPP: US$12,920 Source: The data above are drawn from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators 2014. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Electoral Process 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Civil Society 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Independent Media 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 National Democratic Governance 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Local Democratic Governance 7.00 7.00 7.00 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Judicial Framework and Independence 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Corruption 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Democracy Score 6.93 6.96 6.96 6.93 6.93 6.93 6.93 6.93 6.93 6.93 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest.
    [Show full text]
  • Youth of Uzbekistan Challenges and Prospects
    Yo uth of Uzbekistan: Challenges and Prospects © United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) December 2020 UNICEF Uzbekistan Poytakht Business Centre 16 Sharof Rashidov Street Tashkent 100029, Uzbekistan Youth of Uzbekistan: Challenges and Prospects 4 The Youth of Uzbekistan Challenges and Prospects Acknowledgements UNICEF conducted the national study Ministry of Public Education, “The youth of Uzbekistan: challenges Ministry of Health and mass media and prospects” in the framework of a provided valuable expert opinions joint workplan with the Youth Union of which were used to develop the Uzbekistan and a partnership agreement research instruments and finalize the with the Nationwide Movement Yuksalish methodology; in 2018-2020. The key aim of the • The research agency “Expert Fikri” national youth study was to provide a collected the primary quantitative and comprehensive overview of the state qualitative data; of young people in Uzbekistan, with a • UNICEF M&E colleagues, specifically focus that includes key spheres of their Zokir Nazarov and Komolakhon everyday lives, to inform national youth Rakhmanova, provided significant policy and improve decisions made on support to develop the research matters affecting youth wellbeing. methodology, monitor the data collection process to ensure quality and The study was accomplished thanks to adherence to ethical guidelines, and the valuable contributions of the following also reviewed the report; stakeholders: • UNICEF colleagues, specifically Yulia • The Nationwide Movement Yuksalish Oleinik, Umid
    [Show full text]
  • Politically Motivation Imprisonment in Uzbekistan
    HUMAN RIGHTS “Until the Very End” Politically Motivated Imprisonment in Uzbekistan WATCH “Until the Very End” Politically Motivated Imprisonment in Uzbekistan Copyright © 2014 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-1951 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org SEPTEMBER 2014 ISBN: 978-1-62313-1951 “Until the Very End” Politically Motivated Imprisonment in Uzbekistan Map of Prisons in Uzbekistan ........................................................................................................ i Summary ............................................................................................................................................ 1 Key Recommendations .................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Open Society Turkmenistan Project
    Open Society Turkmenistan Project Bibliography of English Language Materials Michael Denison University of Leeds, UK 1. HISTORY Allworth, E. A., Ed. (1994). Central Asia: 130 Years of Russian Dominance - A Historical Overview. Durham, NC, Duke University Press. Collected volume of contributions on many aspects of Central Asian history and culture Bartold, V. V. (1962). A History of the Turkmen People. Four Studies on the History of Central Asia. Leiden, Brill: 73-170. Valuable historical survey of origins and development of the Turkmen nation. Bennigsen, A. A. and S. E. Wimbush (1979). Muslim National Communism in the Soviet Union. Chicago, Chicago University Press. Analysis of Muslim regions in Soviet Union. Largely superseded by more recent work. Berdi, A. M. (1975). Turkmenistan and the Turkmen. Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities. Z. Katz. New York, Free Press. Historical and ethnographic account of Turkmen tribes and people. Bregel, Y. E. (1981). "Nomadic and Sedentary Elements amongst the Turkmens." Central Asiatic Journal 25(1-2): 5-37. Analysis of interaction between nomadic and sedentary communities in pre- Soviet and Soviet Turkmenistan. Bregel, Y. E. (2003). An Historical Atlas of Central Asia. Leiden, Brill. Beautifully prepared volume of maps, with accompanying scholarly text, covering Central Asian history from earliest times to the present day. Contains several maps of migrations (permanent and seasonal) of Turkmen tribes from the eighteenth century onwards. - 1 - © 2005 Open Society Institute Edgar, A. L. (2003). "Emancipation of the Unveiled: Turkmen Women under Soviet Rule, 1924-1929." Russian Review 62(1): 132-149. Important article discussing Bolshevik attempts to re-engineer gender relations in Turkmenistan during the early Soviet period.
    [Show full text]
  • Religion and the Secular State in Turkmenistan
    Religion and the Secular State in Turkmenistan Victoria Clement SILK ROAD PAPER June 2020 Religion and the Secular State in Turkmenistan Victoria Clement © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center American Foreign Policy Council, 509 C St NE, Washington D.C. Institute for Security and Development Policy, V. Finnbodavägen 2, Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org “Religion and the Secular State in Turkmenistan” is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, Joint Center. The Silk Road Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, which addresses topical and timely subjects. The Joint Center is a transatlantic independent and non-profit research and policy center. It has offices in Washington and Stockholm and is affiliated with the American Foreign Policy Council and the Institute for Security and Development Policy. It is the first institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. The Joint Center is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion regarding the region. © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute
    [Show full text]
  • Turkmenistan: Power, Politics and Petro-Authoritarianism Contents
    Research Paper Annette Bohr Russia and Eurasia Programme | March 2016 Turkmenistan: Power, Politics and Petro-Authoritarianism Contents Executive Summary 3 1 Introduction 11 2 Continuity of Rule: Still Awaiting Regime Transition 13 A seamless transfer of power 13 Explaining resistance to reform 15 Summary 19 3 Domestic Politics 20 A police state 20 Governing institutions 20 Personnel policy: a game of musical chairs 21 Political pluralism: keeping up appearances 25 Elections: ‘cookie-cutter’ alternative candidates and landslide victories 26 Cult of personality: the personification of state power 29 Building and consolidating the Turkmen nation 31 Summary 35 4 Economy and Society 36 Corruption, rural development and investment climate 36 Education 42 Healthcare 45 Civil society 46 Human rights 47 Religion: still waiting for Islamism 49 Media and telecommunications 53 Summary 59 5 Foreign Relations 61 Foreign policy-based public relations initiatives 61 ‘Spinning’ the concept of neutrality 62 Coming out of isolation? 64 Summary 68 6 Energy Politics: Turkmenistan at the Forefront of the Eurasian Gas Scene 70 A golden age of gas? 70 Reserves and problems of production 71 1 | Chatham House Turkmenistan: Power, Politics and Petro-Authoritarianism Turkmenistan’s onshore gas remains off-limits 73 China: the game-changer 76 Energy relations with Russia 79 The Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan–India pipeline project: still a pipe dream 83 Energy relations with Iran 84 Looking west: the Trans-Caspian Pipeline and the Southern Gas Corridor 86 Summary
    [Show full text]
  • Testimony :: Firuz Kazemzadeh
    Testimony :: Firuz Kazemzadeh Professor - Yale Univeristy Testimony of Firuz Kazemzadeh before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe March 21, 2000 Mr. Chairman, members of the Commission, My name is Firuz Kazemzadeh. I am professor emeritus of history at Yale University and a member of the United States Commission for International Religious Freedom which has endorsed the statement I am about to make. Turkmenistan is one of the most repressive of the successor states of the Soviet Union and one of the poorest. Yet Turkmenistan is rich in natural resources. Its known reserves of natural gas place it fourth in the world, behind Russia, the United States, and Iran. Turkmenistan has an estimated six to eight billion-ton oil reserve, but geography and politics have made it difficult for foreign business to invest there. Bordering on the Caspian Sea, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Iran, Turkmenistan occupies an important strategic position. That very position, however, makes it vulnerable. With a population of fewer than five million and a limited pool of educated persons, Turkmenistan has been unable to make much economic or social progress since it achieved independence in 1991. Its government practices and attitudes have remained largely Soviet in substance and style. Turkmenistan has never been a nation. The nomadic tribes that inhabit the area east of the Caspian never had a central government. Conquered by Russia in the last decades of the nineteenth century, they were ruled from St. Petersburg and Moscow until 1991. Thus there is no tradition of government, no legal tradition, except what has been inherited from an alien colonial power.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkmenistan by Annette Bohr
    Turkmenistan by Annette Bohr Capital: Ashgabat Population: 6.5 million GDP/capita: US$5,326 Ethnic Groups: Turkmen (85.0%), Uzbek (5.0%), Russian (4.0%), other (6.0%) The economic and social data on this page were taken from the following sources: GDP/capita, Population: Transition Report 2006: Finance in Transition (London, UK: European Bank for Re-construction and Development, 2006). Ethnic Groups: CIA World Fact Book 2007 (Washington, D.C.: Central Intelligence Agency, 2007). Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 1999 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 Electoral Process 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Civil Society 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Independent Media 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Governance* 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 7.00 n/a n/a n/a National Democratic 7.00 Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 7.00 7.00 Local Democratic 7.00 Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 7.00 7.00 Judicial Framework 7.00 and Independence 6.75 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Corruption 6.00 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.50 6.75 6.75 Democracy Score 6.75 6.83 6.83 6.83 6.88 6.93 6.96 6.96 * With the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects.
    [Show full text]
  • The Traditional Irrigation Systems of Uzbekistan Social Capital and Implications for Current Successful Management
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2004 Ties that bind: the traditional irrigation systems of Uzbekistan social capital and implications for current successful management Patrick James Conti The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Conti, Patrick James, "Ties that bind: the traditional irrigation systems of Uzbekistan social capital and implications for current successful management" (2004). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5830. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5830 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Maureen and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of A Fciiiussiun 15 j^iiiiilt;u by iiic ciuuiui iu icpiuuucc? tins iiiulvilui ni its ciiuiciy, provided mai this material is used for scholarly purposes aud is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant pemiission No, I do not grant permission Author's Signature: Date: Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken 8/98 THE TIES THAT BIND: THE TRADITIONAL IRRIGATION SYSTEMS OF UZBEKISTAN, SOCIAL CAPITAL, AND IMPLICATIONS FOR CURRENT, SUCCESSFUL MANAGEMENT by Patrick James Conti B.S. The Evergreen State College, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana December 2004 ►rovedJay: Chairperson Dean, Graduate School (7 - 2q - o 4 Date UMI Number: EP36631 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
    [Show full text]