“ The People Demand the Fall of the Regime”
January 25th Revolution: Breaking the Barriers of Fear
Mohammad Abdel-Hameed Badawy
Senior Division
Historical Paper
Words: 2500 1
“Citizens... President Hosni Mubarak has decided to step down from the office of President”.1
In the 30 seconds, Vice-President Omar Suleiman took to announce the fall of Mubarak’s
30-year regime, Tahrir Square exploded into celebrations (See Appendix A).2 President Hosni
Mubarak, who had ruled Egypt for 30 years, was now the second Arab dictator to be toppled, following Tunisia’s Ben Ali, a prelude to the Arab Spring that would sweep the region.3 There were hopes that the demands of “Bread, Freedom, and Social Justice” would be achieved, and that Egypt would become a prosperous democracy. Nine years later, the dictatorship of
Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi has made many Egyptians yearn for the pre-revolutionary days of Mubarak.
Decades of Dictatorship
Egypt had long been under military dictatorship before the Revolution. In 1952, a group of army officers who called themselves the “Free Officers,” launched a coup against the British puppet-King.4 Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser, leader of the officers, served as President until he
1 Ahmed Salah. Y ou Are Under Arrest for Masterminding the Egyptian Revolution: A Memoir. (Charlotte, NC: Spark Publications, 2016), 193; Steven A. Cook. The Struggle for Egypt. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 294-295; Wael Ghonim. R evolution 2.0: A Memoir. (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2012), 174; Sherif Khalifa. E gypt's Lost Spring. (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2015), 73.
2 Khalifa A. Alfadhel. T he Failure of the Arab Spring. (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2016), 37; Mohamed El-Bendary. T he Egyptian Revolution. (New York, NY: Algora Publishing, 2013), 85; Wendell Steavenson. C ircling the Square. (New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers Inc, 2015), 49.
3 Asaad Alsaleh. V oices of the Arab Spring. ( New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2015), 53; Paul Danahar. T he New Middle East. (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2013), 54.
4 Ashraf Khalil. L iberation Square. (New York, NY: St. Martin's Publishing Group, 2012), 131; Neil Ketchley. E gypt in a Time of Revolution. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 97; Lin Noueihed, and Alex Warren. T he Battle for the Arab Spring. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2012), 103. 2 died in 1970.5 His Vice-President and fellow Free Officer, Colonel Anwar Sadat, succeeded him.6
Sadat signed the Camp David Peace Accords (1978) with Israel after the October 6th War
(1973), and appointed Air Marshal Mohammad Hosni Mubarak as his vice-president (1975).7 On
October 6th, 1981, in a military parade on the anniversary of the war, Sadat was assassinated by an Islamist cell within the army and Mubarak was sworn in as President.8 It would mark the beginning of a 30-year regime.
Mubarak’s Decades
Mubarak’s reign was marred by political, social, and economic oppression. Politically,
Mubarak was a dictator, with a ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). 9 Socially, the regime maintained an unchecked security apparatus that arrested and tortured political opponents.1 0
Headed by his Interior Minister, Habib Al-Adly, the Central Security Forces (CSF)- riot police - and Mabahis Amn Al-Dawla 11 maintained Mubarak’s iron grip on power.1 2 Economically,
5 Eric Trager. A rab Fall. (Georgetown, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2016), 63.
6 Shelly Culbertson. T he Fires of Spring. (New York, NY: St. Martin's Publishing Group, 2016), 296.
7 Culbertson, 296; Khalil, 11.
8 A lfadhel, 22; A saad, 105; Danahar, 78; C ulbertson, 296; Ghonim, 10; Jack Shenker. T he Egyptians. (London: Penguin UK, 2016), 47; K etchley, 43; K halil, 10-11; Salah, 24-25. Sonia L. Alianak. T ransition Towards Revolution and Reform. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2014), 62; Steavenson, 119.
9 Ayman Ateyah, in an interview with Author, March 2020; Alianak, 73; Cook, 185; El-Bendary, 29; Idris Yaqoub, in an interview with Author, March 2020; Kamal Azmi, in an interview with Author, March 2020; Khalifa, 22-23; Noueihed, 5.
10 Alianak, 63; El-Bendary, 96; Khalifa, 22-23; Noueihed, 5.
11 M abahis Amn Al-Dawla: Arabic for “State Security Agency”, the Egyptain Intelligence Agency responsible for torturing political opponents, and specialising in Islamist opposition figures. 3
Mubarak fostered a deep state of corruption, with an entourage of loyal businessmen, and left the public sector to privatization.1 3
Nevertheless, Mubarak was able to maintain a token opposition force to control public discontent. The significant forces were the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), and a handful of
Liberal-Leftists parties.1 4 The MB, an Islamist non-violent organization, was the most organized
-and repressed- and maintained an extensive social network thought Egypt.1 5 Liberal-Leftist parties were led by western-educated intellectuals, and they were regarded as out of touch by a large segment of the population.1 6 However, with the turn of the millennium, a new opposition to
Mubarak’s regime emerged.
12 Alianak, 63; El-Bendary, 40; Khalil, 16; Mustafa Abdel, in an interview with the Author, January 2020; Salah, 26; Yasser Noah, in an interview with the Author, March 2020.
13 Alianak, 73; Cook, 2; El-Bendary, 3; Esta Essam, in an interview with the Author, January 2020; Khalifa, 13; Noueihed, 4; Shenker, 63; Trager, 14; Dr. Yasser Abdel, in an interview with the Author, December 2019.
14 Alfadhel, 4; Alianak, 72; Cook, 157-158; Ghonim, 9; Khalifa, 31; Khalil, 15; Noueihed, 103; Saleh, 46; Shenker, 193; Trager, 9.
15 Dr. Ateyah, 2020; Azmi, 2020; Cook, 27-30; El-Bendary, 236; Dr. Fairouz Abdel, in an interview with the Author, December 2019; Khalifa, 26; Dr. Mahmoud Radwan, in an interview with the Author, January 2020; Noueihed, 103; Salah, 16-17; Trager, 13.
16 Alfadhel, 49; Asaad, 57; Culbertson, 280; Danahar, 28; Ketchley, 107; Khalil, 118; Salah, 35; Steavenson, 61. 4
“For 60 years, the US pursued stability at the expense of democracy... and we achieved neither.”
- Condoleezza Rice, US Secretary of State1 7
Mubarak in the Millenium
In 2004, Kefaya, 18 a Liberal-Leftist opposition movement, was born as a response to the
American invasion of Iraq and held regular protests against Mubarak’s ties to the USA. These protests were limited in size, given the lilliputian popularity of Liberal-Leftists; nevertheless,
Kefaya was able to hack at the barrier of fear that had existed since 1952, by directly confronting the regime.1 9 Kefaya also provided an experience for clashes against Adly’s men, and this would prove vital in the course of the Revolution.
Following the failure of the Iraq War, President Bush began his “Freedom Agenda” to push for democracy in the Middle East.2 0 Mubarak, complied with American pressure for fairer elections, and in Parliament, the MB won around 20% of seats; a welcome change to Egyptian political life.2 1 However, the US was set back by the Islamist domination, and would not again pressure Mubarak for democratic elections. However, more chinks in Mubarak’s barriers began to appear.
17 Cook, 263.
18 K efaya: Arabic for “Enough”.
19 Alianak, 64; Asaad, 56; Cook, 241; Culbertson, 271; El-Bendary, 110; Ghonim, 24-25; Khalifa, 14; Khalil, 25-27; Noueihed, 105; Salah, 49-52; S henker, 198; T rager, 16.
20 Asaad, 56; Cook, 263; Danahar, 81-83; Ghonim, 25-26; Khalil, 25-28; Noueihed, 21; Salah 81-83.
21 Alianak, 74; Dr. Ateyah, 2020; Azmi, 2020; Cook, 189; El-Bendary, 51; Noueihed, 21; Trager, 18, 42, 63, 78, 169. 5
Chinks in the Barrier
In the summer of 2010, the death of Khaled Said filled Egyptian headlines. Khaled Said was an average middle-class apolitical citizen who was beaten to death by security forces,2 2 for unclear reasons. The death of Said sent a message that the regime could and would oppress citizens, even those who were apolitical.2 3 A picture of Said’s deformed face went viral on
Facebook (See Appendix B), and a Facebook page called “We are all Khaled Said” was launched by activist Wael Ghonim. The “We are all Khaled Said” page called for peaceful protests against police brutality, and for the first time in Egyptian history, protests were not repressed with accustomed beatings, and the regime instead held a sham trial for the officers involved.2 4
In response, Mubarak left no room for the opposition in the 2010 elections; first round results came out 100% NDP.2 5 It was routine for the regime to rig elections, but not to this extent.
26 As activists lost hope of reforming the system from within, a light appeared at the end of the tunnel: Tunisia.
22 State Media claimed Said had choked on a pack of weed, which supposedly explained his deformation.
23 Asaad, 94; Aswan Noah, in an interview with the Author, March 2020; Cook, 280; Culbertson, 321; Danahar, 84-86; ElBendary, 5; Khalil, 36-39; Noueihed, 106; Salah, 26; Shenker, 192.
24 Alianak, 66; Alsaleh, 55; Cook, 291; Culbertson, 321; Danahar, 85; ElBendary, 23, 40; Ghonim 45-51; Khalifa, 33; Khalil, 40; Salah, 144; S henker, 202; S teavenson, 46.
25 Alianak, 69-72; Cook, 268-270; ElBendary, 5; Khalifa 16-17; Noueihed, 1; S henker, 206; T rager, 14.
26 Alfadhel, 36; Asaad, 5; Dr. Ateyah, 2020; Azmi, 2020; Danahar, 83; Ghonim, 74-75; Ketchley, 86-87; Khalil, 44-45; Salah, 146. 6
“If one day, the people wish to live freely... then the chains must break.”
-Tunisian National Anthem2 7
Tunisia
In December, a fruit vendor in Tunisia lit himself on fire to protest his nation’s economic conditions. Protests erupted, demanding the removal of Tunisia’s 30-year dictator, Ben Ali. 28 Not much attention was paid to Tunisia until Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia. It was a shock to the world, an Arab dictator forced from power by his people. The fall of Ben Ali in Tunisia had far-reaching effects in Egypt; activists called for protests on January 25th, 2011, which was
National Police Day, to protest police brutality. On Facebook, the page “We are all Khaled Said” spearheaded the effort to get people to the streets.2 9 The stage was set for a momentous day in the history of Egypt, and the whole Arab world.
27 Khalifa, 28; S henker, 209.
28 Alfadhel, 33; Alianak, 25; Asaad, 52-57; Cook, 282; Culbertson, 32; Danahar, 92; ElBendary, 7; Ghonim, 83; Ketchley, 159; Khalifa, 29; Khalil, 58; Noueihed, 8; Salah, 148; S henker, 207; T rager, 17-18.
29 Alfadhel, 36; Alikanak, 66; Asaad, 51, 55, 61, 67, 75, 78, 83, 110; Cook, 291; Culbertson, 321; Danahar, 83-84; Ghonim, 75-100; Khalil, 57; Salah, 153; Steavenson, 46. 7
“Jan25 is not the end... It is the beginning of the end.”
-Wael Ghonim3 0
Day of Rage
On the morning of January 25th, Egyptians awoke to relative normalcy. The only disruption was the hundreds of armed CSF personnel stationed throughout the nation. Around noon protests began as small, scattered groups centered on crowded urban neighborhoods. As the protesters began to march, they grew in size, and bystanders began to join them. They chanted
“The People Demand the Fall of the Regime” and “Down, Down, Hosni Mubarak”. Soon massive crowds began heading for Midan Al-Tahrir, 31 at the center of Cairo. CSF forces set up cordons to prevent protesters from reaching squares across Egypt. However, protesters defied the
CSF and broke the barriers of fear. As night settled, a sit-in began, but soon after midnight, the
CSF blanketed Tahrir with tear gas and began firing live ammunition at the demonstrators.3 2 The
CSF was determined to clear the square at any cost before dawn to break the will of the
Revolutionaries. The protestors were forced out of the square, but the only thing broken was the barrier of fear. Calls were sent out for the “Friday of Anger”.3 3
30 Ghonim, 116.
31 Midan Al-Tahrir: Arabic for “Liberation Square”, will be referred to as Tahrir for simplicity.
32 Alsaleh, 57-8, 61-3, 67, 76-9, 84-6, 90, 94-5, 110; Cook, 282-4; Ghonim, 110-5; Ketchley, 28; Khalifa, 34-6; Khalil, 64-9; Noueihed, 107-8; Salah, 11-6, 181; Trager, 23-5.
33 Alsaleh, 45, 68; Cook, 284; Ghonim, 115; Khalifa, 37; Khalil, 69; Noueihed, 108; Salah, 181; Trager, 25. 8
“The people have broken the barrier of fear.”
- Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei3 4
Friday of Anger
On the Friday of Anger, millions attended Friday sermons in mosques across Egypt and headed towards Tahrir Square to face the heavily deployed CSF. The most pitched battle was fought on the Kasr El-Nil Bridge, which crosses into Tahrir. After three hours of brutal clashes, the protestors finally broke the CSF barriers (see Appendix C). Thousands headed to Tahrir from across Cairo, and thousands of CSF troops disappeared from the streets. In the security vacuum, hundreds of police stations were burned throughout the nation, and Mubarak deployed the
Armed Forces to maintain order. 35 The CSF was broken, and would not return for the remainder of the Revolution. After midnight, Mubark hurriedly addressed the nation and announced that he had sacked the cabinet, appointed a Vice-President,3 6 and would implement reforms towards democracy. 37 The Revolutionaries in Tahrir did not believe him and declared they would remain
34 Mohamed Elmeshad. “Back in Egypt, ElBaradei vows to take part in planned Friday demonstrations.” Egypt Independent, January 27, 2011. https://www.egyptindependent.com/back-egypt-elbaradei-vows-take-part-planned-friday-demonstrations/
ElBaradei, was a liberal opposition figure who gained spotlights in 2010, but had no role in the Revolution.
35 Dr. Abdel-Salam Hashem, in an interview with the Author, November 2019; Dr. Abdel, Y., 2019; Alfadhel, 36-7; Alianak, 78; Alsaleh, 52, 64-9, 78, 81-2, 96; Cook, 284-7; Danahar, 84; ElBendary, 35-6; Khalifa, 37-9; Ketchley, 29-32; Khalil, 71-83; Mustafa Ali, in an interview with the Author, December 2019; Noueihed, 108-9; Othman Luqman, in an interview with the Author, December 2019; Salah, 181-2; Trager, 26-27.
36 Mubarak had never appointed a deputy; he now appointed Major General Omar Suleiman as Vice-President, and Air Marshal Ahmad Shafiq as Prime Minister.
37 Alsaleh, 52, 64-65; Cook, 285-286; ElBendary 61;Khalifa, 40; Khalil, 86-87; Salah, 183; Trager, 28. 9 in Tahrir until Mubarak was removed from power. Preparations were made for February 1st, which was dubbed “The Million Man March.”3 8
“This dear nation is my country... I lived and fought for its sake, and on its land, I will die”
- Hosni Mubarak3 9
Million Man March
On February 1st, Millions answered the Million Man March in Tahrir, and Mubarak addressed the nation for the second time. Mubarak used a practical ethos to appeal to his people.
It was perhaps the only well-planned move of Mubarak during the Revolution: with a few emotional words, the Revolutionaries split. Mubarak’s fatherly appeal touched many Egyptians, and the revolutionary spirit wavered.4 0 However, the next day would reignite the fires of
Revolution.
Battle of the Camel
The next day, dozens of horses and camels stormed into Tahrir Square, and their riders used sticks to beat protestors. Soon after, wave after wave of baltagiya 4 1 poured into Tahrir
38 Alsaleh, 91-92; Ghonim, 142; Khalifa, 33-34; Khalil, 93; Salah, 185.
39 Khalifa, 46.
40 Alsaleh, 91-2; Cook, 287; ElBendary, 67; Ghonim, 142; Dr. Hashem A., 2019; Khalifa, 44; Khalil, 93-4; Noah A., 2020; Salah, 185; Trager, 30.
41 B altagiya: Arabic for “thugs”. During the Revolution, this was the term used to refer to pro-Mubarak civilians/criminals who used violence against the anti-Mubarak revolutionaries. 10
Square, and rock-throwing battles ensued between the protestors and the baltagiya; as the army watched on the sidelines. As the night came to an end, the army finally intervened and created a separation barrier between the protestors and baltagiya . 4 2 The protesters had won the battle.
Following the Battle of the Camel, the Revolution continued to gain momentum. Without the threat of the CSF, more and more Egyptians joined protests against the regime.4 3 On the 10th, rumors spread about Mubarak’s imminent resignation, but his defiant speech that night only further fueled the flames of fury.4 4
February 11th
After Friday sermons, protesters began heading for the heavily guarded presidential palace. Tahrir filled with protestors, all yelling “Ir hal.” 4 5 At 6:00 P.M., state media tuned to
Vice-President Omar Suleiman, who announced the resignation of Mubarak.4 6 In 18 days, a
30-year regime seemed toppled, but although the Revolutionaries had won a decisive battle, the war was still far from being won, and the barriers of fear remained intact.
42 Alsaleh, 52; Cook, 287-288; Danahar, 89; ElBendary, 68; Ghonim, 142-3; Dr. Hashem A., 2019; Ketchley, 65-68; Khalifa, 48-50; Khalil, 97-103; Salah, 185-187; Trager, 31-32.
43 Dr. Abdel Y., 2019; Dr. Hashem A., 2019;
44 Alfadhel, 37; Alsaleh, 53; Cook, 293-294; ElBendary, 81; Ghonim, 170-17; Khalifa 57-60; Khalil, 111; Noah A., 2020; Salah, 190; Trager, 34.
45 I rhal: Arabic for “Leave”.
46 Alfadhel, 37; Alsaleh, 53,70; Cook 294-6; Danahar, 54; ElBendary, 85; Ghonim, 170-4; Khalifa, 60-2; Khalil, 111-2; Dr. May Hashem, in an interview with the Author, November 2019; Salah, 114-93; Steavenson, 49; Trager, 34. 11
“The girls detained were not like your daughter or mine... They weren’t virgins in the first place”
- Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi 47
SCAF’s Transition
When Mubarak resigned, he handed power to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces
(SCAF). It soon became apparent the SCAF was a mere extension of the Mubarak regime; just without Mubarak, this Mubarkless regime became known as the feloul 4 8. Repression remained, with the soldiers of the CSF now replaced by Military Police, and most shocking was the manner the SCAF systematically abused Egypt’s women.4 9 During an assault on a sit-in, a woman was stripped of her veil by military police and left in her blue bra to be beaten by batons and boots
(see Appendix D).5 0 The “Girl in the Blue Bra,” as she became known, became an icon for women’s oppression.5 1 Following a protest dispersion, a group of young ladies were stripped naked and had “virginity tests” performed on them as military police groped and beat them. A general of the SCAF, Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi,5 2 defended the tests and troops and instead blamed the women.5 3 Mubarak might have fallen on February 11th, but his barriers of fear had not.
47 Khalifa, 82; Shenker, 404.
48 F eloul: Arabic for “remnants”, used to refer to remnants of Mubarak's regime, most notably the SCAF.
49 Alsaleh, 89; “Brutality Unpunished and Unchecked”, Amnesty International, October 2, 2012, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde12/017/2012/en/; Cook, 297-301; Danahar, 79; Ketchley, 92; Khalifa, 91-107; Khalil, 113; Salah, 198-199; Shehker, 286, 416; Steavenson, 149-150; Trager, 93-108.
50 Amnesty International (2012), 27; Culbertson, 272-273; Steavenson, 180.
51 Dr. Abdel F., 2019; Dr. Basra Radwan, in an interview with the Author, January 2020; Dr. Hashem M., 2019; Dr. Noura Abdel, in an interview with the Author, December 2019.
52 Will be referred to later as both El-Sisi and Sisi interchangeably, due to Arabic transliteration to English.
53 Amnesty International (2012), 27; Khalifa, 81-82; Shenker, 403-404. 12
“No to the feloul , our president is Morsi.”
- Morsi Campaign Song 54
Islamist Victories
However, some barriers broke, and new political parties emerged: the MB established the
Freedom and Justice Party (FJP),5 5 and another Islamist group formed Al-Nour . 56 In the
November 2011 elections for Parliament, Islamists parties won over 70% of seats. The decisive victory of Islamist reflected the popular mandate of Islamists to rule post-Mubarak Egypt.5 7
In the first round of presidential elections, Dr. Mohammad Morsi, Chairman of the FJP, and Ahmad Shafiq, Mubarak’s final Prime Minister, continued to a run-off. In the tight race between Islamist and feloul , Morsi won and became the first democratically elected president of
Egypt.5 8 Morsi took a ceremonial constitutional oath in Tahrir Square, the icon of the Revolution
(see Appendix E), and formally inaugurated on June 30th, 2012. 59
54 Misr25. “Raise your head high.” Y outube. June 18th, 2012. h ttps://youtu.be/zWWPYUrdc2s.
55 Dr. Abdel F., 2019; Dr.Ateyah, 2020; Azmi, 2020; Danahar, 95; ElBendary, 29; Ketchley, 13; Khalifa, 83; Trager, 67.
56 Alfadhel, 55; Culbertson, 150; Danahar, 98; Noah A., 2020; Osama Omar, in an interview with the Author, March 2020; Trager, 97.
Al-Nour: Arabic for “Light”.
57 Alfadhel, 38; Alsaleh, 53; Culbertson, 266; Danahar, 98; ElBendary, 153; Hadi Luqman, in an interview with the Author, December 2019; Ketchley, 90; Khalifa, 102; Noah A., 2020; Noueihed, 120; Salah, 215; Steavenson, 182; Trager, 107.
The FJP won 47% of seats in the People's Assembly, followed by Al Nour with 24%, a distant second.
58 In the final tally Morsi won with only 51.7% of the vote, compared to Mubarak's rigged 90% landslides.
59 ElBendary, 171; Khalifa, 119; Trager, 137-144. 13
“If the price for legitimacy is my life, then I am prepared to sacrifice it as a cheap price.”
- Dr. Mohammad Morsi 60
Morsi’s Year
Morsi’s rule was marred by multiple crises: economic and political. Economically, a gasoline crisis, that Islamists blame on the feloul , took a toll on Egypt’s poor.6 1 Politically, the
SCAF and Judiciary stood against the new president; the SCAF reduced the powers of the
President, and the Judiciary dissolved the People’s Assembly6 2. When Morsi attempted to pass a new Constitution, and remove the Mubarak-era prosecutor general, opposition protesters besieged his palace.6 3 However, Morsi’s rule was also the only year the media was without censorship, and security forces were not tools of terrorism against Egyptians.6 4 Nevertheless, the
Nour party distanced itself from Morsi, 65 and a group called T amarod6 6 was formed and called for mass protests on 30/6:6 7 Morsi’s anniversary as President.6 8
60 Khalifa, 183.
61 Dr. Abdel F., 2019; Dr. Abdel N., 2019; Dr. Abdel Y., 2019; Dr. Ateyah, 2020; Azmi, 2020; Dr. Hashem A., 2019; Dr. Hashem M., 2019; Dr. Mahmoud Radwan, in an interview with the Author, January 2020; Omar, 2020; Dr. Radwan B., 2020; Yaqoub, 2020.
62 The Egyptain Parliament is bicameral, with the lower People’s Assembly having legislative authority.
63 Alfadhel, 68; Culbertson, 266; Danahar, 102; ElBendary, 178-180; Ketchely, 78; Khalifa, 132-150; Salah, 221; S henker, 262-263; S teavenson, 174; Trager, 135-174.
64 Dr. Abdel F., 2019; Dr. Abdel N., 2019; Dr. Abdel Y., 2019; Dr. Ateyah, 2020; Azmi, 2020; Luqman H., 2019; Omar, 2020; Dr. Radwan B., 2020; Dr. Radwan M., 2020; Yaqoub, 2020.
65 The FJP and Nour had a de-facto coalition as the largest Islamist Parties.
66 T amarod: Arabic for “Rebel”, analogous to Morsi’s K efaya.
67 In Arabic, dates are written Day/Month/Year, and hence 30/6 referred to June 30th, 2013.
68 Alfadhel, 39-40; Alsaleh, 54; Culbertson, 266; Danahar, 111; Ketchely, 3; Khalifa, 165; Salah, 224; Steavenson, 277; Trager, 207-208. 14
“Beware the Revolution be stolen from you; for any excuse, and there are many deceivers.”
- Morsi6 9
“Our hands will be cut before they harm you.”
- Sisi 70
Counter-Revolution
On 30/6, millions poured out onto the streets of Tahrir to peacefully protest against
Morsi. On July 3rd, Minister of Defense Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi appeared on state television alongside opposition leaders -including Al-Nour- and announced Morsi’s ouster.7 1 As many
Egyptians celebrated their ‘Second Revolution,’ they believed that they had forever broken the barriers of fear (see Appendix F).7 2 Meanwhile, Morsi’s supporters flooded Rabia Square to protest the coup. On the morning of August 14th, troops stormed Rabia, and a massacre ensued: over 3000 unarmed civilians, and among them women and children, were killed (see Appendix
G).7 3 It was the catastrophic conclusion of Egypt’s Revolution and the bloody beginning of Sisi’s reign.
69 Al Jazeera Mubasher Channel. “The speech of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi to the Egyptian people”. Y outube. July 2nd, 2013. h ttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Crd6iQCYfiU.
70 Egyptian Channel 1. “The speech of General Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, Minister of Defense, at the Sinai Liberation Ceremony.” Y outube. April 28th, 2013. h ttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uDpL8rJNnH8.
71 Culbertson, 266; Ketchely, 3; Khalifa, 179-185; Salah, 224; Steavenson, 286-287; Trager, 222-226.
72 Aya Luqman, in an interview with the Author, January 2020; Ehab Tariq, in an interview with the Author, January 2020; Sara Luqman, in an interview with the Author, January 2020.
73 “All According to Plan”, Human Rights Watch, August 12, 2014, https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/egypt0814web_0.pfd; Alsaleh, 54; Dr. Ateyah, 2020; Culbertson, 266; Ketchely, 130; Khalifa, 187-205; Omar, 2020; Salah, 225; Shenker, 271; Steavenson, 297; Trager, 227-231; Yaqoub, 2020. 15
“I swear to God, this is not military rule.”
- Sisi 74
Sisi’s Reign
In 2014, Sisi was officially elected as president with 97% of the vote and has maintained an iron grip since. Sisi’s Egypt is one with 100,000 political prisoners, a “War on Terror” targeting the people of Sinai, regular human rights violations, a rubber stamp Parliament, no practical political parties, an unconditionally pro-Sisi media, and one without room for any opposition. 75 The economy is in steep decline, with increasing inflation and rapid rises in the cost of living.7 6
74 Egyptian Channel 1. “Sisi speech after the Rabia sit-in dissolution.” Youtube. August 18th, 2013. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jPilljsuhE8.
75 “Gross Human Rights Violations Under President Al-Sisi”, Amnesty International, June 19, 2019, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde12/0253/2019/en/; “If You Are Afraid for Your Lives, Leave Sinai!”, Human Rights Watch, May 28, 2019, h ttps://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/egypt0519_ web3_0.pdf.
76 Dr. Abdel F., 2019; Dr. Abdel N., 2019; Dr. Abdel Y., 2019; Ahmed Luqman, in an interview with the Author, January 2020; Amjad Amin, in an interview with the Author, December 2019; Essam, 2020; Haj Hassan, in an interview with the Author, Dec. 2019; Dr. Jabir Ali, in an interview with the Author, Dec. 2019; Marwan Luqman, in an interview with the Author, Jan. 2020; Nada Luqman, in an interview with the Author, Jan. 2020; N ouman Nour-El-Din, in an interview with the Author, Jan. 2020; Salah Ali, in an interview with the Author, Jan. 2020; Yousef Ali, in an interview with the Author, Jan. 2020. 16
“What happened seven years ago [2011] will never happen again in Egypt!”
- Sisi, 20187 7
The Revolution: Nine Years Later
Nine years after the Revolution, both Mubarak and Morsi are dead,7 8 and so too, it seems, are the hopes of a prosperous democracy. On January 25th, an 18-day journey for freedom began. On February 11th, Mubarak resigned, and it seemed that journey had ended. The SCAF’s year and a half transition proved the journey was still incomplete. On June 30th, 2012, Egyptians hailed their first democratically elected president. For a year, the nation enjoyed the long-awaited democracy, but without prosperity. Unable to endure Morsi’s rule, millions took to the streets to demand his resignation on 30/6. On July 3rd, the Armed Forces returned to rule Egypt, to resume a 60-year tradition. The Armed Forces now manage Egypt like a company; 20 out of 27 governors are Major Generals, and the army engages in most matters of the economy: from factories to greenhouses (see Appendix H).7 9 With all opposition either abroad, jailed, or killed, the hopes for another revolution are meek at best.8 0 Nevertheless, the Revolution remains a testimony to history that Egyptians were able to break the barriers of fear and follow their dreams, even if for only one year. Only time will tell if they will be able to break them again.
77 Egyptian Channel 1. “President Sisi opens the early production stage of the Zohr field.” Y outube. January 31st, 2018. h ttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJv3jQ-Em2U
78 “Between the death of Morsi and Mubarak”, A l Jazeera Mubasher, February 26th, 2020, http://mubasher.aljazeera.net/news/ ------. ﺑﻴﻦ وﻓﺎة ﻣﺮﺳﻲ وﻣﺒﺎرك ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﺖ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎزدواﺟﻴﺔ؟
79 Yezid Sayigh. O wners of the Republic: An Anatomy of Egypt’s Military Economy. (Beirut, Lebanon: Carnegie Middle East Center, 2019), 15-16.
80 Dr. Abdel F., 2019; Dr. Abdel N., 2019; Dr. Abdel Y., 2019; Amin, 2019; Essam, 2020; Hassan, 2019; Dr. Ali J., December 2019; Ali S., 2020; Dr. Ali Y., 2020; Luqman Ah., 2020; Luqman M., January 2020; Luqman N., 2020; Nour-El-Din, 2020. 17
Appendix A: Tahrir Square Celebrates Victory
Fireworks light the sky of Cairo, as Revolutionaries in Tahrir Square celebrate the news of
Mubarak's resignation. The fall of Mubarak after 18 days of protests, was thought to be the first and final battle in the liberation of Egypt from fear. The next year and a half of SCAF rule would prove otherwise.
Source: Ahmed Ali, “Fireworks,” AP Press, February 11, 2011, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2011/feb/11/crowds-rejoice-Egypts-mubarak-steps-down 18
Appendix B: Khaled Said: Before and After
A poster from the facebook page“We are all Khaled Said '', showing at the right, a headshot of
Khaled, and on the left, the deformed face of his corpse, after hours of brutal beating at the hands of the unchecked security apparatus of Mubarak. The death of an average Egyptain at the hands of security forces, and the lack of accountability for the events, was essential in fermenting public outrage at Habib Al-Adly’s forces and the Mubarak regime overall.
Source: Al Jazeera, “Khaled Said takes the lead with his memory”, Al Jazeera, June 5th, 2013, https://www.aljazeera.net/news/reportsandinterviews/2013/6/5/ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻳﺘﺼﺪر اﻟﻤﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺬﻛﺮاه 19
Appendix C: Battle of Kasir El-Ain Bridge
In a pitched battle, Revolutionaries faced off for hours against CSF armed with water cannons and tear gas, defying a 30-year long barrier of fear, Mubarak and his men had so long worked to erect. Following the victory of the Revolutionaries, the CSF was broken, and never returned for the remainder of the Revolution, and the Armed Forces were deployed to maintain order.
Source: Peter Macdiarmid, “Egyptian Hopes Converged in Fight for Cairo Bridge”, Getty Image,
January 28th, 2011, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/29/world/middleeast/29cairo.html 20
Appendix D: The Girl in the Blue Bra
The iconic photo of the SCAF-era; the stripping and beating of a female protester, who was dubbed “The Girl in the Blue Bra '', a testimony to the barriers of oppression the SCAF maintained, and to the fact the Revolution was not complete.
NOTE: Photo has been edited by Author, to cover the exposed torso of the woman.
Source: Stringer Landov, “The Girl in the Blue Bra”, Reuters, December 17th, 2011, https://www.npr.org/sections/pictureshow/2011/12/21/144098384/the-girl-in-the-blue-bra 21
Appendix E: Morsi Inauguration in Tahrir
President Mohammad Morsi, center with jacket opened, performs a ceremonial inauguration before a massive crowd in Tahrir Square, June 29th 2013. In the icon of the Revolution, Tahir
Square, Mohammad Morsi took a ceremonial oath, and declared he would not allow the SCAF to deplete any of the powers of the presidency, and that he would restore the dissolved, and
Islamist-dominated, Peoples Assembly. In this photo, Morsi salutes a massive crowd of his supporters in Tahrir, who for the first time in their history, elected their President freely.
SOURCE: Al Jazeera, “President Morsi: the knight, prisoner, and martyr of freedom”, Al
Jazeera, June 17, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.net/news/politics/2019/6/17/ - . ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳﻲ 22
Appendix F: Tahrir Celebrates ‘Second Revolution’
Fireworks again light up the skies of Tahrir Square, following the ousting of Dr. Mohammad
Morsi, as supporters of Sisi, declared their ‘Second Revolution’. This would later prove to be the calm that preceded the storm, as Sisi began his iron-handed rule of Egypt.
Source: Amr Nabil, “Egypt's President Morsi Is Ousted From Power By Military”, Associated
Press, July 3rd, 2013, https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2013/07/03/198282481/showdown-in-egypt-wednesda ys-developments 23
Appendix G: Egypt’s Tiananmen Square
A Rabia demonstrator grieves at his loss, in a makeshift hospital established for the thousands of dead and injured. On August 14th, 2013, Sisi’s troops attacked Rabia Square, and used brutal force to disperse the peaceful sit-in. In the bloodbath, over 3000 Egyptians were killed, while all security officers involved, were granted immunity from investigation for the events.
Source: Mosaab al-Shamy. “All According To Plan: The Rab’a Massacre and Mass Killings of
Protesters in Egypt”, Human Rights Watch, August 14, 2013, https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/Egypt0814_brochure_web.pdf 24
Appendix H: Sisi’s Armed Forces
In the map of Egypt above, major military managed economic activities are highlighted. New cities are built by army contractors, and road toll booths are collected by army conscripts. The generals have left behind the worries of war, settling for the pleasures of profits and politics.
Source: Yezid Sayigh. Owners of the Republic: An Anatomy of Egypt’s Military Economy.
(Beirut, Lebanon: Carnegie Middle East Center, 2019). 25
Annotated Bibliography
Primary Sources
Note on Interviews: 30 Interviews with Egyptians were conducted for this research paper. Noting the current situation in Egypt, names have been modified to ensure identity safety.
Abdel, Abdul, an unemployed preacher living in Egypt, in an interview with the
Author, December 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Abdul, son of Fairouz, is a Muslim preacher, who is currently unemployed, and makes
ends meet by selling brand-name clothing on social media. Abdul was in Saudi Arabia
during the Revolution and has remained largely apolitical although he holds major
Islamist tends, by the nature of his profession. He associates largely with the Salafists, the
group that formed the Nour Party, who broke ranks with their leadership to oppose the
coup.
Abdel, Dr. Fairouz, a professor working and living in Egypt, in an interview with the
Author, December 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Fairouz is a professor working and living in Egypt. Although she was working abroad in
Saudi Arabia during the revolution, Fairouz returned to her homeland to experience the
post-revolutionary period, Morsi’s rule and ousting. As a western-educated, Ph.D. from 26
the US, Muslim Sister- common name for female members of the MB- she represents a
divergence from the stereotypical western-educated anti -Islamist female, a unique blend
of Fairouz’s identity.
Abdel, Mustafa, an Egyptian working and living in the USA, in an interview with
the Author, January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Mustafa, son of Fariouz, was in Egypt in 2009 visiting his parents. One day, and in the
middle of the night, Fariouz heard a loud rustling in Mustafa's room, but thought he was
putting his closet in order. When she woke up she found her son gone. As it later turned
out Mustafa had been arrested by Mabahis Amn Al-Dawla . Mustaf’s experiences are
gruesome to retell, and he faced electric shocks and waterboarding. The reasons for his
arrest and torture are unknown, as Mustafa was apolitical, although he was Islamist in
nature, thanks to his upbringing. Thanks to the intervention of the American Embassy
(Mustafa is a US Citizen) Mustafa was released in a few days. The story of Mustafa's
arrest mirrored that of thousands of innocent youth who faced Mabahis Amn Al-Dawla ’s
arbitrary arrests and tortures, which fueled the flames of the Revolution.
27
Abdel, Dr. Noura, a professor/doctor working and living in Egypt, in an interview with
the Author, December 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Dr. Noura, daughter of Fairouz, is an Islamist professor/doctor (Noura has received both
an MD and a Ph.D.) who lives in Egypt. Dr. Noura never pertook in protests, and she
remained largely apolitical, apart from using Facebook. Dr. Noura, much like her mother,
provides a break with the stereotypical educated and “free” anti-Islamist feminist, that is
all too common in western accounts of the Revolution, and the Arab Spring overall.
Abdel, Dr. Yasser, a retired physician living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
December 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Yasser, husband of Fariouz, joined the Revolution after the Battle of the Camel, when the
Revolution seemed on a certain path to victory. Yasser also experienced firsthand the rule
of the SCAF, Morsi, and the ongoing reign of Sisi. Yasser provides a valuable insight into
how the revolutionary period was viewed in Egypt, and on how the Sisi and Morsi
periods compared financially.
28
Ali, Ahmed. “Fireworks,” AP Press, February 11, 2011,
https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2011/feb/11/crowds-rejoice-Egypts-mubarak-ste
ps-down/
The celebrations of Tahrir Square for the resignation of Mubarak are an iconic moment in
Egyptian history: a moment when the barriers of fear and dictatorship were broken. The
iconic photo of the celebration and jubilation that followed the announcement of
Mubarak’s resignation represented the birth of a new dream for Egypt, based on the
demands of “Bread, Freedom, and Social Justice”.
Ali, Dr. Jabar, a retired professor living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
December 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Dr. Jabar Ali, an extended relative of the Ali’s, is a retired professor living in Egypt. With
his children having long begun their independent lives, Jabar has nonetheless been
repeatedly used as a failsafe for his children's finances. An avid Islamist, Jabar recalls
having been taken along with multiple fellow Islamists to a Mabahis Amn Al-Dawla
office, where they were intimidated to become informants. Jabar claimed to have refused,
and said: “I pray they [Mabahis Amn Al-Dawla] take me to jail and end the headache”.
29
Ali, Mustafa, a cloth-trader working and living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
December 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Mustafa was forced to flee his home during the chaos and unrest that spread following the
Friday of Anger and the subsequent disappearance of security forces. Mustafa’s
experience can be compared to a “home front” tale of the revolution, far away from the
Squares of demonstrations. The experiences of Mustafa helped in the understanding of
the costs of the revolution, even before the toppling of Mubarak.
Ali, Salah, a businessman working and living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Salah, the father of Mustafa, is an 87-year-old businessman living in Egypt. Thankful for
his health, and his substantial wealth, Salah, however, is disgusted by the current state of
affairs in Egypt. He is frequently complaining about the economic situation, the lack of
employment for young people, and the rising inflation that has made “money lose its
taste”. Apolitical, Salah nevertheless consumes state media and propaganda shows
regularly. Salah thus represents millions of elderly Egyptians who are more interested in
markets and money than in Mubarak vs Morsi.
30
Ali, Yousef, a physician working and living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
December 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Yousef, brother of Mustafa, experienced the post-Mubarak era in Egypt. Yousef was
apolitical, a representative of millions of Egyptians during that period, and his insights
and view offer a window into how millions of “silent '' Egyptians viewed the
post-Mubarak era.
Al Jazeera Mubasher Channel. “The speech of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi to the
Egyptian people”. Youtube. July 2nd, 2013.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Crd6iQCYfiU.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
In his final speech to the Egyptian people, Dr. Mohammad Morsi appealed to the
Egyptian people, telling them to protect their revolution from the feloul and to not let
their revolution be stolen from them. Morsi also vowed to protect legitimacy with his life,
and he promised he would never “surrender legitimacy” and erase the hard work of a “2
and a half year journey”. Morsi also pointed to the armed forces saying “we have men of
gold in the Armed Forces”, within 24 hours, those men of gold had couped their elected
President and assumed power for themselves.
31
Alsaleh, Asaad. Voices of the Arab Spring: Personal Stories from the Arab Revolutions. New
York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2015.
Alsaleh compiles the accounts of dozens of Arabs who experienced the Arab Spring
through the Arab world, including Egypt. Although, there is a significant bias in many
accounts: the overwhelming majority of accounts are from females, all are
Liberal-Leftists, and none are Islamist; the accounts provide a detailed experience of the
events of the revolution and were helpful in understanding how the revolution seemed to
the eyes of the Liberal-Leftist Egyptian.
Amin, Amjad, an Uber driver in Cairo, in an interview with the Author, January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Amin is one of the thousands of young people who have turned to Uber to earn a living to
support themselves and their families. In a brief interview, Amin described how the
traffic situation in Cairo, of which he is an expert, had greatly deteriorated, largely in part
to the lack of maintenance of new infrastructure projects, and the lack of traffic law
enforcement. “If the police weren't busy trying to get bribes, and enforce the laws, maybe
things would get brighter”, Amin noted. Describing himself as apolitical, Amin
represents a large segment of Egyptian youth, who have lost hope in political matters, and
are now focused almost solely on finding their next meal, which suits Sisi’s regime
perfectly fine; the more the youth are busy with “Bread” the less they will focus on
“Freedom, and Social Justice”. 32
Ateyah, Dr. Ayman, former Member of Parliament for the Freedom and Justice Party, in an
interview with the Author, March 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Dr. Ateyah was a Member of the lower house of Parliament, the Peoples Assembly, for
the Musim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). As a primary witness to the
political stage of the Revolution, Ateyah was able to explain the context in which
decisions were made by the Muslim Brotherhood, and how it interacted with other
political forces in the national stage; including Al-Nour, and the SCAF.
Azmi, Kamal, relative of a high-ranking offical of the Muslim Brotherhood, in an interview with
the Author, March 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Azmi is the relative of a high-ranking member of the Muslim Brotherhood. Although he
himself was not a direct influencer of the MB and its actions during the Revolution, he
did and still does have an insider's window into how the organisation is run, and how the
MB made crucial decisions. Nevertheless, Azmi does hold controversial, at best, theories
on the Revolution, such as it being orchestrated by the military to prevent a civilian
succession to Mubarak,and that Wael Ghonim was a joint-Mabahis Amn Al-Dawla and
CIA spy. Yet, Azmi does provide insight into crucial decisions by the Brotherhood, such
as joining the Revolution, and fielding a presidential candidate. This is a valuable insight,
given that most western sources only deal with liberal-leftitst political forces and those
that do attempt to mention the MB, often have heavy biases against Islamists overall. 33
Culbertson, Shelly. The Fires of Spring: A Post-Arab Spring Journey Through the Turbulent
New Middle East - Turkey, Iraq, Qatar, Jordan, Egypt, and Tunisia. (New York, NY: St.
Martin's Publishing Group, 2016.
Culbertson takes a post-Spring tour of the Middle East, to understand how the Spring
affected the region. In Egypt, Culbertson witnessed the iron hand rule of Sisi. This was an
important resource for me as it provides details on how Sisi managed the post-Rabia
period of security failings.
Danahar, Paul. The New Middle East: The World After the Arab Spring. London: Bloomsbury
Publishing, 2013.
Danahar provides a firsthand account of the events of the Revolution, experienced during
his coverage of events there. Danahar also provides explanations for events, by looking at
history, and providing analysis. Danahar’s work was vital in helping me understand why
the Revolution unraveled in the way that it did.
34
Egyptian Channel 1. “President Sisi opens the early production stage of the Zohr field.” Youtube.
January 31st, 2018. https://www .youtube.com/watch?v=eJv3jQ-Em2U
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Egyptian Channel 1 is the state media news channel in Egypt. Thus, all of its broadcasts
are pre-approved by Mabahis Amn Al-Dawla , and it is part of the ongoing media
propaganda machine for Sisi’s regime. In this broadcast, Sisi attends the opening of a new
gas field, during which he declares that “What happened 7 years ago will never happen
again in Egypt!”, pointing out the 2011 January Revolution.
----. “Sisi speech after the Rabia sit-in dissolution.” Youtube. August 18th, 2013.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jPilljsuhE8
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
During his first appearance after the Rabia massacre, Sisi appeared in front of an
audience of army officers in which he defended the Rabia massacre, by claiming he was
defending Egypt from “slipping to a dark tunnel”. Sisi also remarked that the claims the
transitional period was military rule were lies, saying “I swear to god, this is not military
rule”. In this speech Sisi also affirmed that there was no “intention, or desire to rule
Egypt”, within a year, he was inaugurated the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt.
35
----. “The speech of General Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, Minister of Defense, at the Sinai Liberation
Ceremony.” Y outube. April 28th, 2013. https://www .youtube.com/watch?v=uDpL8rJ H8.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
While still Morsi’s Minister of Defense, Sisi gave a speech to an audience at the Sinai
Liberation Ceremony. In his speech, he maintained the Army’s neutrality and defended
the SCAF era claiming the SCAF's highest goal was to restore democracy. He also made
his ironic and infamous remark “our hands will be cut before they harm you”, promising
to never fire against fellow Egyptians. In four months, those hands perpetrated the worst
massacre in modern Egyptian history, leaving over 3000 dead.
Essam, Esta, a tourist guide in the Pyramids of Giza, in an interview with the Author, January
2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Essam is a 40-year old tourist guide in the Pyramids of Giza. In the course of a very brief
on-the-go interview, Essam compared the level of western tourists before the revolution
and after. He said that before the revolution, tourism was a thriving business, but after the
Revolution, the rate of tourists dropped to 40% of the Mubarak era levels. However,
Essam noted that levels had now almost doubled since then to around 80% of Mubarak's
levels. This interview showed a strong example of how Sisi was “returning things to
normal”, as the nostalgic Mubarkists would say.
36
Ghonim, Wael. Revolution 2.0: A Memoir. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2012.
Ghonim was a google executive when he learned about the killing of Khaled Said. He
launched the Facebook page “We are all Khaled Said ''. Through the page, Ghonim would
play a crucial role in the mobilization of support for the January 25 Revolution. Ghonim
details his efforts on the page, as well as the events of the Revolution as they unfolded,
via Facebook. Ghonim’s account was fundamental to understanding the role of social
media in the Revolution.
Hashem, Dr. Abdel-Salam, a professor working abroad in the USA, in an interview with the
Author, November 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Hashem experienced the Revolution in Egypt by chance, due to an administrative issue
with his visa. Due to this issue, Hashem was present in the American Embassy in Cairo
during the most heated days of the Revolution, including the Battle of the Camel. While
crowds were still in Tahrir, Hashem returned to his family in the USA and has not set foot
in Egypt since the time of the interview. An avid Islamist, Hashem strongly opposed the
Coup and blamed it on the MB’s weak political stances, and the indecisiveness of Morsi.
Hashem’s seemingly coincidental observation of the revolution provides a clearer
understanding of what happened in those confusing days of the revolution.
37
Hashem, Dr. May, a professor working abroad in the USA, in an interview with the Author,
November 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Dr. May, the wife of Dr. Abdel-Salam, is an Islamist professor, who witnessed the
Revolution live from Al-Jazeera Mubasher. Although she has strong Islamist leanings,
like her husband, May was nevertheless uninterested in the complicated political process
following the Revolution, favoring her studies and religious programs. Nevertheless, she
visited Egypt in the summer of 2014 and witnessed Sisi’s official election and
inauguration as President. Dr. May represents what western sources would label
“oppressed”, as she is uninterested in politics, and favours a conservative lifestyle.
Hassan, Haj, driving instructor living and working in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Hassan is an entrepreneur driving instructor, whose driving lessons are technically illegal.
To maintain his source of income, Hassan is forced to make regular bribes to traffic
police to allow his lessons to continue. In one encounter with police, Hassan was pulled
over with a student he was illegally teaching. Hassan called another officer, whom it
seems Hassan was a frequent customer of, who subsequently pulled strings to let go of
the pair. This scene is an example of the deep state of corruption, that 30 years of
Mubarak's rule had fostered through the levels of the population, and that only a couple
years of freedom could not root out. 38
“Khaled Said takes the lead with his memory,” Al Jazeera, June 5th, 2013,
https://www.aljazeera.net/news/reportsandinterviews/2013/6/5/ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻳﺘﺼﺪر اﻟﻤﺸﻬﺪ
ﺑﺬﻛﺮاه [Translated from Arabic by Author]
Al Jazeera is a Qatar-based news agency, and it is widely acknowledged as the most
impartial news agency in the Middle East. Nevertheless, Al-Jazeera does contain a slight
Islamist trend and it stood in support of Morsi and the MB/FJP following the coup. The
death of Khaled Said was a catalyst for the explosion of public anger and fury against the
regime of Mubarak. The image used in the “We are all Khaled Said '' page showed the
brutal image of Khaled Said’s corpse, which the government denied any part in.
Khalil, Ashraf. Liberation Square: Inside the Egyptian Revolution and the Rebirth of a Nation.
New York, NY: St. Martin's Publishing Group, 2012.
Khalil provides an account of Egyptian history from the 1952 coup until the midst of the
2011 post-revolutionary era. The primary narration of the Revolutions events in Cairo,
along with the intensive contextual information, was pivotal in being able to piece
together the 60-year long history of modern Egypt.
39
Landov, Stringer. “The Girl in the Blue Bra”, Reuters, December 17th, 2011,
https://www.npr.org/sections/pictureshow/2011/12/21/144098384/the-girl-in-the-blue-bra.
The image of the “Girl in the Blue Bra '' would become a trademark photo to be used
whenever noting the brutality of the post-Mubarak SCAF regime, especially against
female protestors. It signified that the barriers that January 25th had attempted to break,
had, in fact, remained intact.
Luqman, Ahmed, an auto-part dealer/mechanic living in Egypt, in an interview with the
Author, January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Ahmed, brother of Marwan, is an auto-parts dealer, with a shop, and thus, theoretically a
well-paying job. Nevertheless, as with his brother, Ahmed is forced to live with his
mother’s help, due to the rapid rise in the cost of living. Ahmed also represents the failed
hopes of the revolution: a young man without any hope of saving enough money to move
out, marry and start a family. His insight into the impossibility of any brighter future is a
fair representation of millions of Egyptians just like him, whom the Revolution let down.
40
Luqman, Aya, a widowed and retired housewife living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Aya, mother of Ahmed and Marwan, is a retired and widowed housewife. Aya’s
experiences with the Revolutionary period deal with the post-Coup Sisi regime. Although
Aya initially was a strong supporter of Sisi, his crackdown on the MB, and voted for Sisi
in the 2014 elections; the subsequent rise in the cost of living was able to alter her
perspective. As a Sisi-supporter turned opponent, Aya provides a unique and interesting
perspective on the Sisi regime and its actions and their effect on the Egyptian people.
Luqman, Hadi, a retired professional living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Hadi, cousin, and brother-in-law of Aya is a lower upper-class retiree, living in his villa in
an upscale suburb of Cairo. Hadi is a strong MB supporter and was shocked by the Rabia
massacre. Hadi provides a distinctive view of the Revolution, noting his exceptional
financial status, and near immunity from ongoing economic situations.
41
Luqman, Marwan, an unemployed college graduate living in Egypt, in an interview with the
Author, January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Marwan, son of Aya, is an unemployed College of Trade graduate. Married, with 2
children, Marwan faces a struggle to find employment. An apolitical young man, Marwan
represents the failed hopes of the Revolution, which in the highest priority demanded
“Bread”. Marwan's struggles in the ongoing socio-economic situation after Sisi are not
unique to him, given his age and employment status which he shares with millions of
Egyptian youth, who are unable to find jobs in Sisi’s Egypt.
Luqman, Nada, a widowed housewife living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
December 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Nada, sister of Aya, is a widowed housewife living in Egypt. Thanks to her husband's
service in the Air Force, Nada receives a handsome pension compared to her peers. In
addition, Nada’s husband and father both left her with income-earning property, from
which Nada also supports herself. Nevertheless, Nada can only complain about the rise in
foodstuff prices, and she has to depend on her monthly pension to make ends meet, even
given her inheritance income. Apolitical, she traces the blame for the economic woes to
the current government and its austerity policies. However, Nada maintains that Mubarak
was “a good president, but in the end, he started making some mistakes”, representative
of many elderly persons who are nostalgic of Mubarak's era of stability. 42
Luqman, Othman, a truck driver working and living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
December 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Othman, an extended relative of Aya, is a truck driver who lives in Egypt. Largely
apolitical, but deeply conservative, Othman's experience during the Revolution dealt with
the security vacuum after the Friday of Anger. In one such case, Othman was transporting
a shipment of laptops and electronics, worth several million, when he was faced with a
group of armed men, who demanded the surrender of his shipments. According to
Othaman’s narrative, he turned the vehicle and slammed into the assailants, but suffered a
bullet to the hand from a sniper. His tale describes the chaos that briefly existed during
and after the Revolution before the SCAF was able to affirm its rule over Egypt, and the
subsequent wave of nostalgia that many Egyptians felt towards Mubarak's era of stability,
especially after Sisi’s rise to power.
Luqman, Sara, an elderly housewife living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Sara, an extended relative of Aya, is an elderly housewife living in Egypt. Thanks to her
son-in-law's successful career, she enjoys the luxuries of an upscale life (her home
contains an indoor elevator for instance) and spends her days within its walls. This makes
her an avid consumer of state media and its propaganda, and as such she is a die-heart
supporter of Sisi, and his “new bridges and roads”. She also holds a deep resentment for 43
Morsi remarking “God curse him wherever he went, he wanted to split the country”. She
represents a large, if ever-decreasing, segment of the population that stands by Sisi and
his returning of life to the “good old days of Mubarak”, as Sara referred to them.
Macdiarmid, Peter. “Egyptian Hopes Converged in Fight for Cairo Bridge”, Getty Image,
January 28th, 2011, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/29/world/middleeast/29cairo.html
The Battle of Kasir El-Ain and the victory of the revolutionaries against the barriers that
the CSF attempted to form, would prove to be the climax of the revolution. The CSF was
broken, but it was replaced by the SCAF’s military police, who continued on the same
path of torture and abuse against Egyptians.
Nabil, Amr. “Egypt's President Morsi Is Ousted From Power By Military”, Associated Press,
July 3rd, 2013,
https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2013/07/03/198282481/showdown-in-Egypt-we
dnesdays-developments
The celebrations of the “Second Revolution '' were nostalgic of the celebrations of
February 11th. However, unlike in the 2011 Revolution, the brutal crackdown against the
freedoms that followed the “Second Revolution '' strengthened the barriers of fear and
oppression, and no period of freedoms, however brief, was given to Egyptians.
44
Noah, Aswan, a student studying in the USA, in an interview with the Author, March 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Aswan is a student studying in the USA. A former active member of the Salafist Nour
Party, Aswan provided insight into how the Islamist party came to be, and how it
interacted with the MB and their FJP. Following Nour's support of the coup, and the
ousting of Morsi, Aswan left the party, and he described how Islamists had risen and
fallen in a short 3 years in Egyptian political life. Born and raised in Alexandria, Aswan
also provided details of the Revolution from Alexandria, far away from the 18-day tale of
Tahrir Square that mesmerized western media sources.
Noah, Yasser, a private lawyer working and living in Egypt, in an interview with the Author,
March 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Yasser, the father of Aswan, is a lawyer, who works and lives in Egypt. Focusing on the
Judicial system during the Revolution, Yasser admitted that in effect the Armed Forces,
which he described as the only “source of power in Egypt at the time”, was able to use
the courts to undermine its opponents. He also described Morsi’s attempted reconciliation
of such efforts as a “losing battle against the only armed power in Egypt”, concluding
rather pessimistically, that “only the one with a gun has any power”. It is a rather growing
popular opinion throughout the Arab World, following the brutal counter-revolutionary
waves that only power and force, not peaceful protests, can bring about real change.
45
Nour-El-Din, Nouman, a driving instructor working and living in Egypt, in an interview with the
Author, December 2019.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Nour-El-Din wasn't meant to be a driving coach. Trained as a woodworker, he was unable
to find employment and ended up as a driving coach. During the course of the interview,
a group of police officers were seen looting stores, which Nour-El-Din explained was a
common exploitation of a legal technicality. He described the brutality of police looting
saying “they don't want to have mercy, and they don't want the mercy of God to fall on
people”. Under Mubarak, police had been brutal, true, but under Sisi they are monsters,
and act with complete impunity, and immunity.
“President Morsi: the knight, prisoner, and martyr of freedom”, Al Jazeera, June 17, 2019,
https://www.aljazeera.net/news/politics/2019/6/17/ - ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳﻲ [Translated from Arabic by Author]
In the image of Morsi taking an oath in Tahrir there was much symbolism to the success
of the Revolution. Before January 25th, no one would have expected that a Muslim
Brother would be freely elected as the President of Egypt and that he would take a
ceremonial inauguration in front of the thousands of the people who elected him, in the
epicenter of the Revolution that toppled a 30-year regime. However, one would not have
also believed that a little over a year later, that dream was crushed under the tanks of a
military coup, that returned Egypt to the 60-year tradition of military rule.
46
Radwan, Dr. Basra, a professor working abroad in the KSA, in an interview with the
Author, January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Dr. Basra is an Islamist professor of Business working in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
(KSA). Although she did not take part in the Revolution, or any protests afterward, she
maintained her firm political beliefs and stances. As an Islamist female, she provides an
additional unique perspective of the Revolution, which is not usually mentioned in
western accounts.
Radwan, Dr. Mahmoud, a professor working abroad in the KSA, in an interview with the Author,
January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Dr. Mahmoud, the husband of Dr. Basra, remained at home during the course of the
revolution. However, Dr. Mahmoud joined pro-Morsi demonstrations in Rabia, from
before 30/6, and provided his unique insight on that period, and the Coup that followed.
Dr. Mahmoud remained in Rabia, until just before the crackdown, which he was absent
from by chance. Being pro-Morsi and anti-Sisi, Dr. Mahmoud provides a different
perspective of the events of 30/6, Rabia and the Coup than is commonly cited in western
sources.
47
Salah, Ahmed. You Are Under Arrest for Masterminding the Egyptian Revolution: A Memoir.
Charlotte, NC: Spark Publications, 2016.
Ahmed Salah was one of the founding members of the Kefaya movement, and
participated in other weaker liberal-leftist movements afterward as well, such as the
socialist April 6th Movement for Change, and Dr. ElBaradie’s liberal National
Association for Change. Salah thus provides a massive amount of eyewitness testimony
to the Mubarak era of a new opposition, and its protests and demonstrations. In addition,
Salah also provides details of the revolution, of which he is notable because of his
involvement in the pre-revolutionary opposition movement.
Shenker, Jack. The Egyptians: A Radical History of Egypt's Unfinished Revolution. London:
Penguin UK, 2016.
In his account of over 8 years spent in Cairo, Shenker explores the roots of the revolution,
especially from the viewpoint of farmers and workers. Although it is obvious Shenker
spent considerable time with Leftist thinkers, he also made great efforts to meet with
those who were directly abused by the SCAF. In particular, he provides a testimony of
one of the female Revolutionaries, who was subjected to humiliating virginity tests in
front of military police. Shenker’s effort painted a clearer picture that the SCAF was
Mubarak's regime, without Mubarak.
48
Steavenson, Wendell. Circling the Square: Stories from the Egyptian Revolution. New York,
NY: HarperCollins Publishers Inc, 2015.
Steavenson was sent to Cairo to cover the 18-day Revolution but remained in Egypt until
after the Coup of July 3rd. Therefore, Steavenson provides a western eyewitness account
of the history of the Revolution from January 25 until the Rabia Massarace. Noting the
fact that Steavenson is an American, and that there are multiple accounts for trips to the
local bar, the perspective Steavenson provides is unique to that of any other source, as it
mentions the lives of the “secular” youth of Egypt.
Tariq, Ehab, a student studying in the USA, in an interview with the Author, January 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Ehab is a young man studying in the USA. His family left Egypt and moved to Lebanon,
where Tariq spent the majority of his childhood, before returning to the USA to study (he
had been born in the USA). A young man, Ehab is a meek Sisi supporter, largely due to
his parents leaning, but he himself is largely apolitical. However, Ehab supports Sisi,
stating “we have had two revolutions, couldn't we have a third if we wished”, and “30
million people went against Morsi and for Sisi in 30/6”, repeating the arguments and
claims of State media and propaganda. Nevertheless, Ehab offers a distinct perspective
into the lens of young Sisi supporters, an especially small segment of the Egyptian
population.
49
Yaqoub, Idris, son of a Islamist preacher, in an interview with the Author, March 2020.
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Yaqoub is the son a prominet Islamist preacher, and as such holds strong Islamist stances.
As a young man during the Revolution, Yaqoub participated in almost all protests during
the Revolution, and thus provides a primary witness to how they were held. Analysing
the course of the Revolution, Yaqoub blamed the lack of unity among the Revolutionary
forces, with an emphasis on Islamists, for the eventual fall of the revolution.
50
Secondary Sources
Alfadhel, Khalifa A. The Failure of the Arab Spring. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars
Publishing, 2016.
Alfadhel compiled a lengthy review of the Arab World and the reasons for the failure of
the Arab Spring. Along the route, Alfadhel is able to point out many of the causes of the
failure, namely: the role of the army in civilian political life. Nevertheless, Alfadhel goes
on to mainly blame Islamists, in all their forms, for the woes of the Middle East.
However, this biased point of view was important to note, as it is representative of the
millions of Egyptians who went out on 30/6 to protest Morsi’s rule.
Alianak, Sonia L. Transition Towards Revolution and Reform: The Arab Spring Realised?
Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2014.
In her analysis of four Arab nations during the revolution: Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan and
Morocco, Alianak describes the former 2 as “Revolutions” and the latter 2 as “Reforms”.
In her discussion of Egypt, Alianak focuses on the actions taken by the SCAF during the
Revolution and the demands of the people for the “overthrow of the regime”. However,
Alianak seems more interested in proving her doctoral thesis, then on narrating the course
of events in the Revolution.
51
“All According to Plan: The Rab’a Massacre and Mass Killings of Protesters in Egypt”, Human
Rights Watch, August 12, 2014,
https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/egypt0814web_0.pfd
In a 185-page report on the August 14th Rabia Massacre, Human Rights Watch (HRW),
details the direct implication of then-Defense Minister Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, in the
intended killing of peaceful protesters in Rabia Square. The report also details how police
used excessive force to disperse a non-violent sit-in, in violation of international law. The
Rabia massacre signified the end of the Revolution, and the restoration of the barriers of
fear, more powerful than before.
“Between the death of Morsi and Mubarak”, Al Jazeera Mubasher, February 26th, 2020,
http://mubasher.aljazeera.net/news/ - - - /. ﺑﻴﻦ وﻓﺎة ﻣﺮﺳﻲ وﻣﺒﺎرك [Translated from Arabic by Author]
On June 17th, 2019, Dr. Morsi passed away, in a courthouse hearing, reportedly from a
lack of medical attention during his 6-year detention. On February 26th, 2020, Mubarak
died after complications from a medical procedure. Morsi was hurriedly buried in a Cairo
burial, with only his wife and son in presence, and with a ban on mourning or prayers.
Mubarak was given a Military Funeral, and 3 days of mourning were declared. The
comparison between the two deaths speaks figurative volumes about the course of the
Revolution under Sisi.
52
“Brutality Unpunished And Unchecked: Egypt’s Military Kill And Torture Protesters With
Impunity”, Amnesty International, October 2, 2012,
https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde12/017/2012/en/
In a 59-page report, Amnesty International documents the testimonies of tens of
protesters, who were beaten, and tortured by military police under the SCAF’s rule. The
report details how the protesters were taken into police custody, illegally according to
both Egyptian and International Laws, and were subjected to beating and torture. In the
case of Egypt’s women protesters, the report also details the numerous cases of sexual
assaults against them, including testimonies on major incidents such as the “Girl in the
Blue Bra '', and the forced virginity tests. The report explained how SCAF maintained
barriers of fear and oppression, even more so than Mubarak.
Cook, Steven A.. The Struggle for Egypt: From Nasser to Tahrir Square. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2011.
Cook takes an intensive overview of Egyptian modern history from the 1882 Invasion of
Egypt, until the January 25th Revolution. Cook describes how Mubarak came to rule
Egypt, and how his grip on power caused the widespread deterioration of Egyptian
society. However, Cook is not able to sufficiently cover the post-Mubarak era, but his
work is nevertheless vital to laying out the historical context for the Revolution.
53
ElBendary, Mohamed. The Egyptian Revolution: Between Hope and Despair: Mubarak to
Morsi. (New York, NY: Algora Publishing, 2013).
ElBendary’s work summarizes the events of the revolution by emphasizing the role the
media played in covering the events as they unfolded. ElBendary notes how State Media
attacked the revolutionaries until Mubarak resigned when it switched sides. ElBendary
however, is limited in his relevance, as he published his book in February of 2013, only
five months before the Coup that altered the course of the Revolution. However, it
provides a look into how the Morsi period was seen, without the events of 30/6 tilting the
viewpoint.
Elmeshad, Mohamed. “Back in Egypt, ElBaradei vows to take part in planned Friday
demonstrations.” Egypt Independent, January 27, 2011.
https://www.Egyptindependent.com/back-Egypt-elbaradei-vows-take-part-planned-friday
-demonstrations/
ElBaradei played a role in siting and fermenting the revolutionary fire in 2010. Bardie
was the Director of the IAEA but returned to Egypt as a leader of the liberal opposition
force. Baradei supported the revolution, but played a limited role in its actual course,
although he did have some sway after Mubarak's fall, and the rise of Liberal political
forces.
54
“Gross Human Rights Violations Under President Al-Sisi”, Amnesty International, June 19,
2019, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde12/0253/2019/en/
In a 20-page periodic review to the United Nations, Amnesty International documents the
massive human rights violations committed by Sisi’s regime. From forced disappearances
to extrajudicial killings, the review paints a clear picture of the barriers of fear that Sisi’s
regime upholds against the Egyptian people and their dreams of bread, freedom, and
social justice.
“If You Are Afraid for Your Lives, Leave Sinai: Egyptian Security Forces and ISIS-Affiliate
Abuses in North Sinai ”, Human Rights Watch, May 28, 2019,
https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/egypt0519_web3_0.pdf
In a 144-page report, Human Rights Watch documents the “War on Terror” waged by Sisi
against the Sinai branch of the Islamic State (ISIS). The report’s evidence shows that
Sisi’s troops have, instead of defending the people of Sinai, forcibly destroyed their
villages and have performed the worst of war crimes against them. The report also
includes the crimes of ISIS terrorists, who combined with the Army act as hammer and
anvil, pounding the innocent civilians of Sinai. The barriers of fear that Sisi erected
against the Sinai people, caused thousands of them to resort to extremism as a response,
and they have in turn erected their own barriers of terrorism aginst the Egyptain people,
who are caught between both. The report provided a glimpse into how dictatorship and
fear breed extremism and terrorsim, leading to more misery.
55
Ketchley, Neil. Egypt in a Time of Revolution: Contentious Politics and the Arab Spring.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017.
Ketchley provides data analysis of the Egyptian Revolution and its battles between
protesters and police. The work of Ketchley was able to explain many things among
which were the size of the January 28th anger that swept Egypt, and the shock effect
Rabia had on future protests.
Khalifa, Sherif. Egypt's Lost Spring: Causes and Consequences.
Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2015.
Khalifa’s work on the Egyptian Revolution was the most helpful resource in this
bibliography. By providing a simple sequential timeline of Egyptian events as they
happened and explaining the situation from the viewpoint of that moment, Khalifa was
able to provide a clear overview of the evolution of the Revolution.
Misr25. “Raise your head high.” Youtube. June 18th, 2012. https://youtu.be/zWWPYUrdc2s .
[Translated from Arabic by Author]
Misr25, or Egypt25 in English, was the television channel established by the Muslim
Brotherhood after the Revolution. In the campaign song “Raise your Head High '', Morsi
is defined as the man who will defeat the feloul, symbolized in Ahmad Shafiq. In the first 56
contested vote for the presidency of Egypt, Morsi became the first President elected by
his people.
Noueihed, Lin and Alex Warren. The Battle for the Arab Spring: Revolution,
Counter-Revolution and the Making of a New Era. New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 2012.
Noueihed and Warren’s work on documenting the Arab Spring proved useful in the
writing of this paper. However, their attempt to cover all of the Arab Spring, made their
work less efficient in extracting information than other sources cited. However, their
contributions to understanding the Egyptian phase of the Arab Spring are helpful.
Sayigh, Yezid. Owners of the Republic: An Anatomy of Egypt’s Military Economy. Beirut,
Lebanon: Carnegie Middle East Center, 2019.
In a 360-page detailed report on the economic activities of the armed forces, Dr. Sayigh, a
senior fellow at the Carnegie Middle East Center, outlines the anatomy of the officers'
republic. Including tens of figures and tables, the report helps understand the extent of the
economic empire of the army, and explains why the generals are reluctant to give up their
vast wealth to a civilian government.
57
Trager, Eric. Arab Fall: How the Muslim Brotherhood Won and Lost Egypt in 891 Days.
Georgetown, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2016.
Trager covers the sequence of the January 25th Revolution, from the perspective of the
Muslim Brotherhood. In his book, Trager goes into the decision-making process of the
MB, accumulated from around 100 interviews. Nevertheless, Trager still views the MB
with western eyes and holds a strong bias against them as a power-hungry jihadist group.