Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies

Volume 11 Article 8

1998 The induH Presence in Europe and Implications of Interfaith Dialogue Martin B. Baumann

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Recommended Citation Baumann, Martin B. (1998) "The induH Presence in Europe and Implications of Interfaith Dialogue," Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies: Vol. 11, Article 8. Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.7825/2164-6279.1181

The Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies is a publication of the Society for Hindu-Christian Studies. The digital version is made available by Digital Commons @ Butler University. For questions about the Journal or the Society, please contact [email protected]. For more information about Digital Commons @ Butler University, please contact [email protected]. Baumann: The Hindu Presence in Europe and Implications of Interfaith Dialogue

The Hindu Presence in Europe and Implications of Interfaith Dialogue

Martin B. Baumann University of Hannover

Christian Dominance in Europe but the numerical size and societal impact of The World's Parliament of held in the new non-Christian community in each in 1893 is often referred to as the respective country that appears to be the catalytic start of organized interfaith decisive reason of stirring up requirements activities in Canada and the United States. to reflect upon interfaith relations. Inter­ Europe, however, cannot look back to such religious dialogue with has become a pioneering event. One may point to the a primary issue in most European countries, Religions of the Empire Conference, held in due to the comparatively large numbers of 1924 in conjunction with the British Empire North African, Turkish, and South Asian Exhibition in London, or the World Muslims in France (3,000,000 or 5% of the Congress of Faiths in 1936. These incipient population), Germany (2,500,000 or 3%), initiatives of an interfaith dialogue were Britain (1,500,000 or 2,6%), and the confined to Great Britain only and did not Netherlands (500,000 or 3 %). Dialogue with reach the continent. the Jewish traditions also has a prominent Interreligious activities as the encounter place within the field of interfaith activities, between representatives of different religious due both to the centuries-long history of traditions and interfaith meetings as an in Europe -and the holocaust in expression of an increasing reflection on the Germany under the Nazi regime. relation and- mutual impact of living side by Compared to Muslim-Christian and side in an rapidly expanding multi-faith Jewish-Christian dialogue, interfaith society did not begin in any significant way activities as regards the Hindu presence in in European countries before the 1970s. It Europe are comparatively few and of an may be argued that the demand to consider incipient nature. In the next section I how to treat non-Christian religions in a outline, on the one hand, this low-key non-patronizing and non-hegemonic way concern, which is due to the short history of occurred out of a defensive, reactive Hindu communities iiI various European manner. The sheer fact that from the 1950s countries. On the other hand, up to now the I and 1960s immigration did not only bring Hindu presence has not stirred up any major I' workers and people to Great Britain, France, societal problems or implications felt to be Germany, and other European countries, but threatening to dominant socio-cultural and also non-Christian customs and faiths urged religious norms. Then I sketch a few Christian spokesmen to cope with the new examples of such joint activities and will situation. It must be stated that in most point to representational implications of European countries Christian churches still these interfaith meetings. The last part will play a socio-political leading role, more argue that the offer and invitation to become often than not supported by special involved in a multi-faith dialogue has had a legislation. Thus it is not primarily certain far greater impact on the reconceptualization challenging doctrinal concepts (or whatever), of Hindu traditions than it has had for the

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Christian partners. Living in a diasporic relevant institutions in Britain. 1 situation, faced by both a secular environ­ Since the end of mass immigration in ment and other, non-Hindu faiths, has given 1973, the proliferation of religious organ­ rise to structural, i.e. Christian alignments, izations and activities has continued. sometimes sought after, sometimes Furthermore, the emergence of the second unavoidable. generation led to mother-tongue classes, to youth groups, and to adaptation to the The Diversity of Hindu Diasporas in British life-style. Calculations estimated the Europe existence of 100 Hindu temples in 1982, The so-called "Hindu Diaspora in Europe" growing to more than 300 in the early 90s. consists of a multitude of separate diasporas. The temples and places of worship have Gujarati, Punjabi, Indo-Caribbean, been established in adapted private houses, Surinamese, and Sri Lankan have previous schools, community centres, or in created their own homes away from home, converted churches. In Coventry, Leicester, bringing with them a diversity of ethnic and London purpose-built temples have styles and cultural patterns. Kinship, caste, existed since the early 1990s. It is in these region of origin, and affiliation to a religious regions, Greater London and the conurba­ subtradition (sampradaya) differentiate the tions of the Midlands, that the majority of about 700,000 or more Hindus living in Hindus live. By the mid-1970s, some Europe at the end of the millennium. 300,000 Hindus had settled in Britain. The The current presence of Hindu traditions estimated figure for the mid-1990s ranges 2 in Europe is the result of several waves of from some 400,000 to 550,000 Hindus. numerically strong immigrations. Although The vast majority of Hindus living in in Great Britain individual Zoroastrians, Britain caine from the Punjab and , Muslims, and Hindus have lived since the either directly or via East Africa. Gujaratis 19th century, the number did not rise until make up about 70% of the Hindu popula­ the massive immigrations during the 1950s tion. Far from being a homogenous ethnic and 1960s. Large numbers of South Asians group, the Gujarati population in Britain - and West Indians came to Britain in order to similar to Gujarat itself - is excyssively -fill the labour shortage in British post-war subdivided according to origin from local industry. In contrast to Muslims and , Gujarat region, caste, and sampradaya. Hindus were the last to open proper places Britain's most prominent and energetic for worship, the first being a temple in Gujarati sampradaya is the "Hindu Swami­ Coventry in 1967, followed by a temple in narayan Mission", inaugurating Europe's Leicester in 1969. The establishment of first traditionally styled Hindu mandir temples was due, on the one hand, to the (temple) in Neasden (London) in 1995. arrival of Hindu women and children in the Furthermore, in addition to Hindus from the course of family reunion during the 1960s. Punjab (15 %) and other Indian states, from The former all-male households changed to 1983 onwards an increasing number of family and kinship households. The Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka applied sojourners became settlers and the "myth of (mostly in vain) for asylum. Finally, and return" declined. This process was often forgotten, some 30,000 Hindus from accompanied by the flight of East African Trinidad and Guyana have settled in Britain. Asians to Britain in the wake of the In addition to these Hindus of Indian Africanization policies. These African ongms, "Hindu-related groups" like Indians came to Britain in complete family Transcendental Meditation (TM), ISKCON units and their previous experiences .of (Hare Krishnas), and Divine Light Mission establishing social and religious institutions also became established in Britain. Their was quickly employed to re-establish followers are mainly Western converts.

http://digitalcommons.butler.edu/jhcs/vol11/iss1/8 2 DOI: 10.7825/2164-6279.1181 Baumann: The Hindu Presence in Europe and Implications of Interfaith Dialogue The Hindu Presence in Europe 27

During the 1970s and 1980s, Knott observed Since the mid-1980s, due to the an apparent "diversity of these two forms of escalation of the civil war in Sri Lanka, religiousness, of the Indian Hindu popula­ some 60,000 Tamils came to Germany, tion, and the Hindu related groups". 3 The among them about 45,000 Hindus. The recent dispute over the threatened closure of Tamils maintain, if financially and spatially ISKCON's main temple, the Bhaktivedanta possible, amply decorated temples, some in . Manor, however, generated large support subterrace flats, some in former industrial from the Indian Hindus and brought the two halls. Apart from its religious importance folds closer together. 4 for the carrying out of pujas, life-cycle The Hindu presence in the Netherlands rituals, and festivals, these temples also stems from the mass migration during the function as socio-cultural meeting points. In mid-1970s, as in the wake of the a few places, Tamil language and dance independence of Suriname (former Dutch­ classes have additionally been organized. Guiana) some 80,000 to 100,000 Surinamese Finally, such annual temple festivals as in Hindustanis came. The Hindus from Hamm (Northern Germany) with its public Suriname brought with them their particular procession, attended by some 4,000 to 6,000 form of "Caribbean ", which has people, attract Tamils from all over been perpetuated in the Dutch setting. Both Germany, giving a flavour of "South the central position of the Brahman priest as Indianness" to the industrial town. 6 well as the factionalism in Arya Samaj and Hinduism in Germany is numerically Sanatan Dharm shapes the Hindu presence in dominated by Tamils. Estimates go to about the Netherlands. In 1991, the Arya Samaj 65,000 Hindus all in all, organized in about maintained 26 regional societies and 100 cultural societies. The public profile and foundations and three temples. Likewise, the appearance of Hinduism in Germany is low Sanatan Dharm was organized in three and non-spectacular. Many people would not national and 40 regional societies, even know that some several tens of maintaining 16 temples. As such, Hinduism thousands Hindus reside in Germany. in the Netherlands has become "denomi­ In Portugal the Hindu community is nationalized" into these groupings.5 made up of some 8,000 Gujarati )Hindus, In the shadow of Surinamese Hinduism, most of them refugees from Mozambique. some 4,000 Tamil Hindus, all refugees from Almost all have settled in the capital Lisbon, Sri Lanka, have found asylum in the especially in the poor districts called Quinta Netherlands. In addition, quite a number of da Holandesa and Quinta da Montanha. Hindu-related groups are traceable. The During their by now 20 years of residence : ! academic stock-taking of 1991 lists 27 some very few became affluent as trades­ groups and movements, the Hare Krishna men, doctors, or techni~ians; most of them, (ISKCON) and the tradition however, remained in low paid occupations. being the more active and established ones. Like elsewhere, Hindus in Portugal strive to A purposely built temple, as in Britain, has preserve their Hindu identity by way of not, however, been realized up to now by public festivals, home rituals, and the about 100,000 Surinamese Hindus in the supplementary classes for the children. Netherlands. Temples have been established in Lisbon, In Germany, Hindu immigration started Porto, and Faro. A special problem for the in the 1950s, mainly of skilled professionals Hindus in Portugal, however, stems from from various Indian states. Interest in the fact that their children grow up speaking founding societies and places of worship has Portuguese as the~r mother-tongue, making been, however, very low among these communication with Hindus in Europe and scattered individuals, many of them being much more difficult. 7 married to a German wife.

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Hindu-Christian Dialogue in Practice the Tamil refugees. Due to the absence of As the British Hindu "community", or any other. possibility, the local Brahman rather the multitude of different conducts the weekly puja in that locality, the communities, have the lead in Europe, most crucified Christ hanging above a statue of related interfaith activities within Europe G~esa centred on the temporary altar. take place in Britain. This is due to the Apart from such altruistic supports, to which numerical size of a half million Hindus as many more examples can be added, it also well as to the establishment of Hindu needs to be noted that in some cases societies occurring earlier than those on the meetings and encounters are designed to continent. No attempt will be made to list all convert Hindus to . The local relevant activities and organizations as Brahman from Bielefeld calls some of them observable in Britain, the Netherlands, "potato " , due to the fact that th(;'!y Switzerland, or Germany. Rather, a rough were "converted" in connection with a lunch classification of Hindu-Christian encounters invitation from the Christian pastor. will be given. Apparently, many of these On a next level of organizational face-to-face meetings and institutionalized initiatives, in many bigger towns and cities, events also have parallels in other diasporic especially in Britain, local "Councils of settings where Hindus live, as described in Faiths" have been established. Such "Inter­ this issue. Thus, a few examples taken from Faith Councils" tend to be more formally the European scene will be sufficient. structured and attempt to maintain a On a very basic level, various kinds of balanced representation from among the personal encounters between individual principal religions in that city. Often, such Christians and Hindus are observable. Often councils take on the role of representing the Christians, active in their own parish, have concerns of their local religious communitiesc been supportive to Hindus (and other to the respective authorities and other public "foreign" people) who just arrived in their bodies. town or city as migrants and face all the Finally, in a number of European coun­ difficulties of establishing life, getting along tries national interfaith organizations have with the administration, and so forth. The been established. In Britain, the 1987 set up i I; i'l Christian attitude to help one's neighbour "Inter Faith Network of the UK" links about Iii! . provided the incentive to a wide range of 80 organizations active in interreligious supportive initiatives and activities. dialogue. The Network provides informa­ ,I,II ,. Often, such individual interest and help tion, serves as a forum· for meeting and 'I!' i.! has been transferred or led to an involve­ exchange, and aims to enhance mutual under­ I I)" ment of the local Christian parish or an standing. Likewise, the "World Conference II' interfaith group. Such institutional help on and Peace'! and the "Inter­ again has taken on a spectrum of various national Association for Religious Freedom" I: activities: In Basel (Switzerland), for have branches in many countries. 8

1: 1 , example, in the mid-1980s Tamil Hindus Despite the honourable motives and ( were able to have regular pujas in the initiatives, such organizational dialogue I:, library of the interreligious organization activities also entail the problem of appoint­ Ii Inforel (Information about Religions). Since ing a representative or speaker of a '" Tamils built their own GaI}esa temple in sometimes quite heterogenous "community" . 1996, Inforel has arranged visits and Hinnells rightfully points out conducts guided tours to the Sri Sithi that the Hindus/Muslims/Parsis/Sikhs Vinayakar Alayam temple. In my own home who have been drawn into such city, Bielefeld (Northern Germany), the dialogue have generally been the Catholic students' community has put its educated, the good communicators, meditation room at the temporary disposal of often Westernized, perhaps rather

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liberal, members of the traditions. Their previous experiences when the dharma of role in interfaith dialogue, especially each caste to a very large extent conditioned when this has resulted in contact with ?ne's 'place and function in society, significant social leaders, such as state mcreasmgly, as Milton Singer has termed it governors or British royalty, has given a "ritual neutralization" and "vicariou~ these representatives a status, influence, ritualization" of the non-sacred sphere takes even· authority, back in the community, lO an authority they might not otherwise place. As Knott observed with regard to have had and sometimes despite the fact British Hindus, the perception of being a that they are not necessarily typical or minority religion in a simultaneously secular traditional.9 and multi-faith society The question of leadership and represent­ affected the way Hindus think about ation not only applies to the institutional and themselves and .their faith. Some are personal level, but also stirs up problems as beginning to think of Hinduism as many people do of Christianity, something to regards doctrinal interpretations and be remembered during large festivals conceptualizations. and at births, marriages and deaths. Others have retained a more traditional One's Hindu Faith in a Nutshell view of Hinduism as "a way of Interfaith encounters often involve the cross­ life" .11 religious comparison of specific doctrinal Similarly, Jackson and Nesbitt concluded concepts and norms. Representatives are with regard to Hindu-British children: asked to expound on their faith and give a short but concise portrait of their beliefs. "Hinduism" becomes more of a chosen Christian partners, who most often are the pursuit, a rich subject for organized initiators of meetings or symposia, implicitly children's classes, camps and festivals, assume a comparable grade of rationalization rather than a total way of life. [ ... ] It and conceptualization of doctrinal contents seems likely that "Hinduism", for the children we studied, is becoming a as found in Catholic or Protestant more discrete area of experience, one theologies. Religious dimensions as visual' which can be deliberately avoided or arts, devotional commitment, and symbolic which can be visited, for cultural expressions are not a top priority asked and enrichment or fellowship with co­ looked for, especially not from the religionists, rather than being a total Protestant side. Rather, questions as regards way of life. 12 text and scripture and an essentialization as These processes of compartmentalization to regards contents are sought after. a lasting extent have affected the con­ Each religious tradition must have a central ceptional sphere, as van Dijk has pointed out creed and authoritative texts, the assumption to Surinamese Hindus in the Netherlands. goes. Van Dijk calls it a "process of becoming a In this way interfaith activities also, religion" ("Religionisierung"), in which the among other influences, have contributed to former "ethno-cultural religion changes to a a reconceptualization of the nostalgicly confession of faith": Hinduism as a "lived conceived "Hindu way of life" . In particular and experienced religion develops to a in Britain and the Netherlands, to a growing believed, considered and systematized extent one's Hindu way is more and more re1 IglOn·· ,,13. A clear sign of such perceived as a rationalized "religion" in the reconceptualizations are the creation of modern, Christian sense. The once more or "Hindu catechisms" and ofthe "nine articles less all-encompassing religious-cultural of Hindu faiths" and the emphasized sphere becomes compartmentalized, the importance of texts. 14 sacred sphere relegated to specific places, Such reconceptualizations have not, events, times, and contents. Compared to

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however, taken place in Europe only, as und den Niederlanden", Zeitschrift fUr examples from India, the Caribbean and Missionswissenschaft und Religions­ elsewhere demonstrate. In certain contexts wissenschaft, 80,3 (1996): pp. 179-195. For such processes have emerged without the statistics see the stock-taking by Jan Western and Christian influence, as Singer Peter Schouten, "Nieuwe wegwijzer in hin­ already has pointed out with regard to doeistisch Nederland", Religieuze bewe­ gingen in Nederland, 23 (1991): pp. 49-97. India. 15 In the diasporic context, however, 6. See Martin· Baumann, "Feste tamilischer such processes of compartmentalization may Hindus in Deutschland", in: Remid (ed.), be instigated or initiated by interfaith Religionen feiern, (Marburg: Diagonal, encounters. This may especially be the case 1997), pp. 198-200. Up to now only a rather when such activities are favoured by the impressionistic study on Hindus in Germany dominant dialogue partner, who in the exists, see Elisabeth Dessai, Hindus in European context more often than not comes Deutschland, (Moers: Aragon, 1994), for from the Christian side. This point is not a the Hindu Tamils see pp. 185-204. In criticism, but rather aims to analytically addition, some 5,000 Hindus from point to some implications of interfaith Afghanistan have been granted asylum, see dialogue for the minority, diasporic religion. Dessai, Hindus, pp. 205-14. 7. For Portugal and further Hindu communities in Europe, see Martin Baumann, "Sustaining one's 'Little India': The Hindu Diasporas in Notes Europe", in: Gerrie ter Haar (ed.), Strangers and Sojourners: Religious 1. For overviews see Richard Burghart (ed.), Communities in the Diaspora, (Leuven: Hinduism in Great Britain, (London, New Uitgeverij Peeters 1998, in press). York: Tavistock, 1987) and Kim Knott, 8. For Britain see the overview by Weller, "Bound to Change? The Religions of South, Religions in the UK. pp. 67-80. For topics Asians in Britain", in: Steven Vertovec and issues of Christian-Hindu dialogue see (ed.), Aspects of South Asian Diaspora, most recently Andreas Bsteh (ed.), Der (Vol. 2, Delhi: Oxford University Press, Hinduismus als Anjrage an christliche 1991. Theologie und Philosophie, (Moedling: St. 2. As regards the second generation, see Gabriel, 1997). Robert Jackson, Eleanor Nesbitt, Hindu 9. John Hinnells, "Comparative Reflections on Children in Britain, (Stoke-on-Trent: South Asian Religion in International Trentham 1993). For the statistics see Knott, Migration", in: John Hinnells (ed.), A New "Bound to Change?", p. 91 and Paul Handbook of Living Religions, (Oxford: Weller, Religions in the UK. A Multi-Faith Blackwell, 1997), pp.819-47, quote p. 835. Directory, (2nd ed. Derby: University of 10. Milton Singer, When a Great Tradition Derby, 1997), p. 28. Modernizes, (London: Pall Mall Press, 3. Kim Knott, Hinduism in Leeds, (Leeds: 1972), pp. 325-35. Community Religions Projects 1986, repro 11. Knott, Hinduism, p. 46. 1994), p. 235. 12. Jackson, Nesbitt, Hindu Children; p. 179. 4. Malory Nye, "Hare Krishna and Sanatan 13. Vim Dijk, "Hinduismus", quotes p. 193, Dharm in Britain: The Campaign for 191, 193. Translations by M.Baumann. Bhaktivedanta Manor", Journal of 14. See the Leeds temple circular "Hinduism - Contemporary Religion, 11, 1 (1996): pp. Sanatana Dharma", reproduced in Knott, 37-56. There is a wealth of substantial Hinduism, pp. 295-6 and "Our Prayer" and studies on Hindus and Hindu traditions in "Neun Glaubenssatze des Hinduismus", in: Britain, see the on-line bibliography by VHP(ed.), 5th European Hindu Conference, Martin Baumann, "Hindus and Hindu (Osnabrock: Fromm, 1992), p. 73. p. 163. Traditions in Europe", (http://www.rewi­ 15. Singer, Great Tradition, 1972, p. 323. uni-hannover.de/for2.htm, January 1998). 5. Alphons van Dijk, "Hinduismus in Suriname

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http://digitalcommons.butler.edu/jhcs/vol11/iss1/8 6 DOI: 10.7825/2164-6279.1181