Mapping Saudi Arabia’S
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Key Actors and Abbreviations
Key actors and abbreviations The Assad regime and its allies ‘The regime’ Bashar al-Assad, Syrian President 2000– Hafez al-Assad, Syrian President 1971–2000 Asma al-Assad (née Akhras), Syria’s First Lady 2000– Maher al-Assad, brother of Bashar al-Assad, Commander of Republican Guard and 4th Armoured Division Anisa Makhlouf, mother of Bashar al-Assad Assif Shawkat, brother-in-law of Bashar al-Assad, head of military intelligence 2005–9, deputy minister of defence 2011–12 Rami Makhlouf, cousin of Bashar al-Assad, wealthy businessman Manaf Tlass, Republican Guard General, defected 2012 Farouk al-Sharaa, First Vice President of Syria 2006– Walid al-Muallem, Foreign Minister 2006– Bouthaina Shabaan, political and media adviser to the Syrian President 2008– Ba’ath – Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party, the ruling party of Syria since 1963 Mukhabarat – Set of notorious regime intelligence agencies Shabiha – Gangs of irregular pro-regime thugs NDF – National Defence Force, formed 2013 Russia Vladimir Putin, Russian President 2000–8, 2012–, Russian Prime Minister 2008–12 Dmitri Medvedev, Russian President 2008–12, Russian Prime Minister 2012–20 Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister 2004– Mikhail Bogdanov, Deputy Foreign Minister 2011– Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Supreme Leader of Iran 1989– xii 5146.indd xii 19/06/20 5:00 PM KEY ACTORS AND ABBREVIATIONS xiii Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iranian President 2005–13 Hassan Rouhani, Iranian President 2013– Ali Akbar Salehi, Foreign Minister 2010–13 Mohammad Javad Zarif, Foreign Minister 2013– Qassem Suleimani, Commander -
Saudi Arabia.Pdf
A saudi man with his horse Performance of Al Ardha, the Saudi national dance in Riyadh Flickr / Charles Roffey Flickr / Abraham Puthoor SAUDI ARABIA Dec. 2019 Table of Contents Chapter 1 | Geography . 6 Introduction . 6 Geographical Divisions . 7 Asir, the Southern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �7 Rub al-Khali and the Southern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �8 Hejaz, the Western Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �8 Nejd, the Central Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 The Eastern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 Topographical Divisions . .. 9 Deserts and Mountains � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 Climate . .. 10 Bodies of Water . 11 Red Sea � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Persian Gulf � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Wadis � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Major Cities . 12 Riyadh � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �12 Jeddah � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �13 Mecca � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � -
Repression Under Saudi Crown Prince Tarnishes Reforms WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS THE HIGH COST OF CHANGE Repression Under Saudi Crown Prince Tarnishes Reforms WATCH The High Cost of Change Repression Under Saudi Crown Prince Tarnishes Reforms Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-37793 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBER 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-37793 The High Cost of Change Repression Under Saudi Crown Prince Tarnishes Reforms Summary ............................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations ................................................................................................................7 To the Government of Saudi Arabia ........................................................................................ -
Saudi Arabia's Diplomatic Anger with Washington by Simon Henderson
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2162 Spat or Split? Saudi Arabia's Diplomatic Anger with Washington by Simon Henderson Oct 23, 2013 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Brief Analysis The kingdom's rejection of a Security Council seat has fueled predictions of a major and perhaps rapid shift in bilateral relations. audi Arabia's abrupt October 17 decision to refuse a seat on the UN Security Council -- an unprecedented S occurrence -- has generated international bewilderment and concern about the mechanics of the kingdom's foreign policy. The sense of crisis was increased by reports on October 22 that Saudi intelligence chief Prince Bandar bin Sultan had warned European diplomats of a potential "major shift" in relations with the United States, due primarily to Washington's perceived inaction on Syria and overtures to Iran. Yet the seriousness of such threats is uncertain, and timely U.S. diplomatic outreach may help defuse the situation. UNPRECEDENTED DISCONTENT? C rises have occurred before in the longstanding U.S.-Saudi relationship, such as Riyadh's leadership of the 1973 Arab oil embargo in protest of U.S. support for Israel, and the involvement of so many Saudi hijackers in the September 11 attacks. The latest spike in tensions stems from a number of issues, however. From the Saudi perspective, the Arab uprisings that swept the region over the past three years have traded stability for chaos. -
WAHHABISM and POWER in SAUDI ARABIA: a PRACTICAL TEST of WEBERIAN THEORY by Abdullah Alrebh
WAHHABISM AND POWER IN SAUDI ARABIA: A PRACTICAL TEST OF WEBERIAN THEORY By Abdullah Alrebh A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Sociology 2011 ABSTRACT WAHHABISM AND POWER IN SAUDI ARABIA: A PRACTICAL TEST OF WEBERIAN THEORY By Abdullah Alrebh Weber‘s theory of authority is an important tool when studying power and its relationship to human collectives, especially religious groups. Weber focused on the rise of Protestants‘ power in the West and how this group created and maintained economic power which helped them gain political control in various countries, including the U.S. In this paper, I incorporate Weber‘s insights about the Protestant ethic, bureaucracies, and types of authority to examine Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia. I compare Saudi Wahhabism with Protestantism, analyzing the rise of the Saud family as controllers of the economy and politics. The role of bureaucracies in these processes will also be discussed. The similarities and differences between Protestantism and Wahhabism are used to investigate power inside their respective societies. These comparisons will highlight the types of authority which allowed each sect to enhance power and how those processes of creating, consolidating, and maintaining power relate to the larger social climates in both Saudi Arabia and the Western world. Finally, I investigate images of the Saudi State in the The London Times between 1927 and 1937 to explain how power in the hands of a Wahhabi king was presented to Western readers. Copyright by Abdullah Alrebh 2011 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Special thanks go to my helpful advisor, Dr. -
Crisis, Reform, Or Stagnation?
DISCUSSION PAPER Saudi Arabia under Muhammed Bin Salman: Crisis, Reform, or Stagnation? Ebrar Şahika Küçükaşcı DISCUSSION PAPER Saudi Arabia under Muhammed Bin Salman: Crisis, Reform, or Stagnation? Ebrar Şahika Küçükaşcı Saudi Arabia under Muhammed Bin Salman: Crisis, Reform, or Stagnation? © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED WRITTEN BY Ebrar Şahika Küçükaşcı PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE November 2019 PHOTO CREDIT ANADOLU AGENCY TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON PORTLAND HOUSE 4 GREAT PORTLAND STREET NO:4 LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE, 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC / UNITED STATES www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this discussion paper represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 Saudi Arabia under Muhammed Bin Salman: Crisis, Reform, or Stagnation? Introduction ince 2015, the world has witnessed In other words, MBS is an exception to his Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad predecessors, who only tried to modernise the bin Salman’s (MBS) ascension to country superficially. power and his ensuing designs to initiate top-down economic and However, upon closer inspection, it is clear that cultural reforms in Saudi Arabia. In the modernisation attempts of MBS have several Sthese four years, MBS has not only asserted himself inherent deficiencies, and will most likely fall short both domestically and internationally, but has also just like his predecessors’ efforts. On the one hand, established a positive framing of himself through his the planning process is widely viewed as being narrative of reform. -
A Game of Thrones: Royal Succession in Saudi Arabia
A Game of Thrones: Royal Succession in Saudi Arabia Yoel Guzansky The Formation of the Principles of Succession To a large extent, maintaining regime stability in Saudi Arabia relates to the transition of power among brothers rather than from father to son. It may be that this custom has ensured successors with the requisite experience to manage affairs of state, but it has also reduced the pool of potential heirs, resulting in the possibility that Saudi Arabia’s aging leadership may negatively affect the nation’s stability. Concern about succession struggles is not groundless, as the kingdom’s selection process is not entirely institutionalized. Problems concerning succession of governance in monarchies are not unique to Saudi Arabia – Oman too could face them – but the status and importance of Saudi Arabia as the “custodian” of Islam’s holy sites, its possession of the world’s largest oil reserves, and its role as the leading political and military power among the Gulf’s Arab states lends urgency to the Saudi situation. The advanced age and deteriorating health of King Salman and the nomination of Muhammad bin Nayef as the kingdom’s new deputy crown prince suggest that a transition of power to the grandsons’ generation, or at least a decision on the identity of the next heir, is closer than previously thought. The formation of the process of succession in Saudi Arabia began during the reign of the country’s first king and the founder of the modern Saudi state, Abdulaziz, also known as Ibn Saud. When the modern Saudi state was founded in 1932, the political structure relied primarily on the personal loyalty of the leaders of the dominant tribes to the king. -
No, Saudi to Lift Ban on Women Driving Is Not a Pr Campaign
RIEAS @ (www.rieas.gr) 2017 NO, SAUDI TO LIFT BAN ON WOMEN DRIVING IS NOT A PR CAMPAIGN Quentin de Pimodan (Co-author of The Khaleeji Voice, six-part book series about each of the GCC nations and their respective urban art cultures) Copyright: Research Institute for European and American Studies (www.rieas.gr) Publication date: 14 October 2017 Note: The article reflects the opinion of the author and not necessarily the views of the Research Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS). Ink still is fresh on the many analysis papers that blossomed as soon as the Kingdom’s royal decree was issued on Tuesday the 26th of September. Saudis, and the world alike, learnt that the last societal rule still applying constraint - to say the very least - onto women driving was finally vanishing from the surface of the Earth. Though, observers were not taken by surprised by the move that was everything but unexpected or sudden. But was on the contrary inherited from decades long processes and the ultimate step of long designed reform. Needless to state that the Saudi power is capitalizing on it in order to curb a terrible global reputation, yet it would be a mistake to consider the lift of the ban solely as something it is not: a PR campaign. An old quest Among the many rebukes carried against the Kingdom, the prohibition of driving for Saudi women has long held pole position. Mediatically appealing and socially unbearable, this blatant humiliating treatment targeting women has always been considered the foremost personification of the rampant misogyny spreading and poisoning the country, preventing it from fully embracing the modern time evolution. -
Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations
Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations Christopher M. Blanchard Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs January 23, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33533 Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations Summary The kingdom of Saudi Arabia, ruled by the Al Saud family since its founding in 1932, wields significant global political and economic influence as the birthplace of the Islamic faith and by virtue of its large oil reserves. Close U.S.-Saudi official relations have survived a series of challenges since the 1940s, and, in recent years, shared concerns over Sunni Islamist extremist terrorism and Iranian regional ambitions have provided a renewed logic for continued strategic cooperation. The full effect of the ongoing upheaval in the Middle East and North Africa on the kingdom and on U.S.-Saudi relations has yet to be determined. Official U.S. concerns about human rights and religious freedom in the kingdom persist, and some Members of Congress have expressed skepticism about Saudi leaders’ commitment to combating extremism and sharing U.S. policy priorities in the Middle East, North Africa, and South Asia. However, Bush and Obama Administration officials have referred to the Saudi government as an important regional partner in recent years, and U.S. arms sales and related security cooperation programs have continued with congressional oversight. Since October 2010, Congress has been notified of proposed sales to Saudi Arabia of fighter aircraft, helicopters, missile defense systems, missiles, bombs, armored vehicles, and related equipment and services, with a potential value of more than $90 billion. At home, Saudi leaders are weighing a litany of economic and political reform demands from competing, energized groups of citizen activists. -
The “Arab Spring” in the Kingdoms
RESEARCH PAPER The “Arab Spring” in the Kingdoms Zoltan Barany | September 2012 The “Arab Spring” in the Kingdoms Series: Research Paper Zoltan Barany | September 2012 Copyright © 2012 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies. All Rights Reserved. ____________________________ The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies is an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. The Center‟s paramount concern is the advancement of Arab societies and states, their cooperation with one another and issues concerning the Arab nation in general. To that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose the situation in the Arab world – states and communities – to analyze social, economic, and cultural policies and to provide political analysis from an Arab perspective. The Center publishes in both Arabic and English in order to make its work accessible to both Arab and non-Arab researchers. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies PO Box 10277 Street No. 826, Zone 66 Doha, Qatar Tel.: +974 44199777 | Fax: +974 44831651 www.dohainstitute.org Table of Contents Introduction 1 Varieties of Upheaval 3 Explaining the Different Levels of Upheaval 9 Societal Cleavages 18 Deficiencies of Political Mobilization 20 State Responses 23 Buying Social Peace 23 Political Responses: Carrots and Sticks 25 External Assistance 31 Conclusion 36 THE ARAB SPRING IN THE KINGDOMS Introduction1 The revolutions that have rocked the presidential republics of North Africa and the Middle East since early-2011 have garnered intense scholarly and journalistic interest and, in a short time, spawned an extensive literature.2 The Arab world‟s eight monarchies – Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – with the notable exception of the first, a tiny island kingdom off the coast of Saudi Arabia, have escaped the brunt of the upheaval and received relatively modest attention. -
Embassy of India Riyadh INDIA-SAUDI BILATERAL
Embassy of India Riyadh INDIA-SAUDI BILATERAL RELATIONS India and Saudi Arabia enjoy cordial and friendly relations reflecting the centuries old economic and socio-cultural ties. The establishment of diplomatic relations in 1947 was followed by high-level visits from both sides. King Saud visited India in 1955 and the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru visited the Kingdom in 1956. The visit of the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to Saudi Arabia in 1982 further boosted the bilateral relations. In the recent times, the historic visit of King Abdullah to India in 2006 resulted in signing of ‘Delhi Declaration’ imparting a fresh momentum to the bilateral relationship. The visit provided the framework for cooperation in all fields of mutual interest. The reciprocal visit by Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh to Saudi Arabia in 2010 raised the level of bilateral engagement to ‘Strategic Partnership’ and the ‘Riyadh Declaration’ signed during the visit captured the spirit of enhanced cooperation in political, economic, security and defence realms. The visit of the then Crown Prince, His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (now King) to India in 2014 has further deepened the relations between our two countries. The visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Riyadh from April 2-3, 2016 could be seen as a turning point in our growing engagement with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which has taken an upward strategic direction. The official engagements of Hon’ble Prime Minister included the meetings with King Salman, (the then) Crown Prince Mohammed bin Naif, (the then) Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman {now Crown Prince, Deputy Premier and Minister of Defence}, Foreign Minister Adel Al Jubeir, Health Minister and Chairman of the Executive Board of Saudi Aramco Khalid Al Falih {now Minister of Energy, Industry and Mineral Resources}, and interaction with top Saudi business leaders at the Council of Saudi Chambers. -
Making Sense of the Saudi Rumors: a Guide to Royal Family Politics | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3278 Making Sense of the Saudi Rumors: A Guide to Royal Family Politics by Simon Henderson Mar 9, 2020 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Brief Analysis Reports of royal arrests, a possible coup plot, and a brewing oil price war suggest that the kingdom is facing another period of considerable political tension. ince King Salman succeeded the late King Abdullah in 2015, the House of Saud’s main internal challenge has S been determining how and when power will be transferred to his son and intended heir, Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman (aka MbS). On March 6, the prince reportedly moved against perceived rivals who may have been plotting to thwart his progress toward the throne, though some of the facts remain uncertain and the events in question have yet to surface in the Saudi media. Historically, Saudi succession has been based on age seniority and royal family consensus. But the thirty-four-year- old crown prince clearly does not qualify on the first and apparently cares little about second, having sidelined many princes and temporarily incarcerated various royals and businessmen in the Riyadh Ritz-Carlton in 2017, accusing them of corruption and holding them until they agreed to pay massive financial penalties. The latest crisis has involved additional arrests and interrogations, raising questions about the crown prince’s intentions, his father’s health, and other domestic factors.