Notes

What is Missionary Aestheticism? An Introduction

1Henrietta O. Barnett, Canon Barnett: His Life, Work, and Friends (London: John Murray, 1921), 43. 2Ian Fletcher, ‘Some Aspects of Aestheticism,’ in Twilight of Dawn: Studies of English Literature in Transition, ed. O. M. Brack (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987), 25. 3 In 1977, the art historian Mark Girouard suggested a temperamental alliance between Victorian aesthetes and progressives, ‘The aesthete burning with the hard gem-like flame, alone or with a friend in the seclusion of his exquisitely furnished rooms, might seem a long way removed from the do-gooder working himself to the bone for others in the dingy streets of the East End. But they were only different ends of the same Victorian loaf. In the 1870s and 1880s one constantly finds aestheticism and enlightenment next door to one another or mixed up together’ (Mark Girouard, Sweetness and Light: The Queen Anne Movement, 1860–1900 [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977], 7.) He cites the mutual sympathies between the aesthete Walter Pater and the humanitar- ian Mrs Humphry Ward (7). Girouard goes on to name the artistic slum reformer Octavia Hill, the socialists William Morris and Walter Crane, and the Positivist Frederic Harrison as specimens of progressive-aesthetes (7–8). The seeds for my own study are here, though Girouard uses these examples to foreground a different, broader historical analysis. 4 Ruth Z. Temple, ‘Truth in Labelling: Pre-Raphaelitism, Aestheticism, Decadence, Fin-de-Siècle,’ English Literature in Transition 17, no. 4 (1974): 201–22. 5I adopt the phrase ‘lifestyle aestheticism’ from Kathy Psomiades’s excellent study Beauty’s Body: Femininity and Representation in British Aestheticism (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997), 154. 6John Ruskin, The Works of John Ruskin, eds E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn (London: George Allen, 1903–12), 5: 333. 7 Ruskin, Works, 20: 93. 8 John Ruskin, Unto this Last and Other Writings (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), 211. 9John Rosenberg, The Darkening Glass: A Portrait of Ruskin’s Genius (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1961), 189. 10 Ruskin, Works, 30: xliii. 11 John Rosenberg cites good sales for the letters (Rosenberg, The Darkening Glass, 194, fn.7). These sales attest to Ruskin’s popularity, as Fors was some- what expensive for workingmen and relatively inaccessible: it could only be purchased through the publisher George Allen. See Frederic Harrison, John Ruskin (London: Macmillan, 1902), 168, cited in Seth Koven, ‘Culture and Poverty: The London Settlement House Movement 1870–1914’ (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1987), 18, fn. 22.

218 Notes 219

12 This study looks beyond the institutional confines of museums for the working classes and university settlements to highlight the presence of mis- sionary aestheticism in less obvious venues such as tenement- and church reform. However, because the Barnetts and Horsfall were central in the initial application of Ruskinian theory, I cite them here as representatives. The definitive critical history of late Victorian settlement work and its social implications is Seth Koven, ‘Culture and Poverty.’ 13 Ruskin, Works, 34: 251, original emphasis. 14 T. C. Horsfall, First Principles of Education. The Use of Pictures in Schools and Physical Training. Two Papers read to the Manchester Branch of the Teacher’s Guild (Manchester: J. E. Cornish, 1890), 6. 15 Frederic W. Maynard, Descriptive Notice of the Drawings and Publications of the Arundel Society from 1849 to 1868 inclusive; illustrated by Photographs of all the Publications, One-Fifth of their original Size, arranged in the order of their issue, by Frederic W. Maynard, (secretary to the Arundel Society) (London: J. B. Nichols and Sons, 1869); W. H. Gregory, ‘The Arundel Society,’ Nineteenth Century 15 (April 1884): 610–25. The Fitzroy Picture Society, founded by the designer A. H. Mackmurdo, worked in collaboration with the Kyrle Society. Its contributing artists included Selwyn Image, Heywood Sumner and G. F. Watts (Peter Stansky, Redesigning the World: William Morris, the 1880s and the Arts and Crafts [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985], 107). The artist Walter Crane established the Art for Schools Association with Samuel Barnett (Barnett, Canon Barnett, 285). The Medici Society is still extant and maintains its own website. 16 T. C. Horsfall, A Description of the Work of the Manchester Art Museum (Manchester: J. E. Cornish, 1891), 19–20. 17 Giles Waterfield, ‘Art for the People,’ in Art for the People: Culture in the Slums of Late Victorian Britain (London: Dulwich Picture Gallery, 1994), 39. 18Waterfield, Art for the People, 39. 19 Horsfall, Description, 27. 20 For an overview of Horsfall’s project, see Michael Harrison, ‘Art and Philanthropy: T. C. Horsfall and the Manchester Art Museum,’ in City, Class and Culture: Studies of Social Policy and Cultural Production in Victorian Manchester, eds Alan Kidd and K. W. Roberts (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985), 120–47. 21 Ruskin, Unto This Last, 222; T. C. Horsfall, The Need for Art in Manchester: an address given May 2nd, 1910 at the annual meeting of the governors of the Manchester Royal Institution (Manchester: Charles H. Barber, 1910), 14. 22 Horsfall, Description, 7–12. 23 Horsfall, First Principles, 7. 24 Horsfall, First Principles, 31. 25 Matthew Arnold, Selected Prose (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987), 227; further page references appear in parentheses. 26 Horsfall, Need, 21. 27 Samuel Barnett, ‘University Settlements,’ in Practicable Socialism: Essays on Social Reform, eds The Rev. and Mrs. Samuel A. Barnett (London and New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1895), 173; Barnett, Canon Barnett, 300. 28 George Gissing, Workers in the Dawn, ed. Pierre Coustillas (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1985), 2: 269. 220 Notes

29 Kyrle Society, Kyrle Society Annual Report (1891), 17. 30 Pater may also have felt a sense of unease at Toynbee Hall, where many of the residents and associates had been Oxford protégés of Benjamin Jowett, the Master of Balliol. Jowett had denied Pater the University Proctorship in 1874 following the revelation of Pater’s romance with an undergraduate Willam M. Hardinge. Balliol students Leonard Montefiore and Philip Lyttleton Gell were witness to the scandal; each became a Toynbee Hall resident in the 1880s. See Billie Andrew Inman, ‘Estrangement and Connec- tion: Walter Pater, Benjamin Jowett, and William M. Hardinge,’ in Pater in the 1990s, eds Laurel Brake and Ian Small (Greensboro, NC: ELT Press, 1991), 1–20. 31Ian Fletcher, Walter Pater (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1959), 11. 32 Walter Pater, Selected Writings of Walter Pater, ed. Harold Bloom (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), 134–6. 33 As David DeLaura has illustrated, much of Pater’s essay is a précis on how doubt can be advantageous or dangerous to the disbeliever depending on his innate ‘class of mind’; it is autobiographical in that it expresses Pater’s persistent, self-reflective theme of the personality in development. See David DeLaura, Hebrew and Hellene in Victorian England: Newman, Arnold, and Pater (Austin and London: University of Texas Press, 1969), 287. 34 Walter Pater, Essays from ‘The Guardian’ (London: Macmillan, 1910), 69. 35 Pater, Selected Writings, 20–1. 36 Pater, Selected Writings, 61–2. 37 DeLaura, Hebrew and Hellene, 179. 38 Hilary Fraser, Beauty and Belief: Aesthetics and Religion in Victorian Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 199–200, 201. 39 Paul Tucker, ‘Pater as a “Moralist,”’ in Pater in the 1990s, eds Laurel Brake and Ian Small (Greensboro, NC: ELT Press, 1991), 108, 110–12. 40 Pater, Selected Writings, 61. 41 Pater, Selected Writings, 2. My reference to the Liberty showroom is rather an exaggeration, but Wilde’s admiration during his lectures for interiors that James McNeil Whistler had created as a commissioned decorator – and for a Chinese workman’s delicate porcelain cup – prove my point about Wilde’s consciousness and complicity in the marketability of aesthetic, often exotic, objects: see Oscar Wilde, ‘House Decoration,’ in Essays and Lectures (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, The Knickerbocker Press, 1916), 166, 170. Later, in ‘The Soul of Man under Socialism’ (1891), Wilde questioned the value of gifts of art by well-meaning philanthropists in the East End. Because they were mere palliatives, he argued, such reme- dies were ‘part of the disease’ of poverty (Oscar Wilde, The Complete Works of Oscar Wilde [New York: Harper and Row, 1989], 1079). I discuss Wilde’s relationship to missionary aestheticism at greater length in Chapter 3 and in my essay, ‘Wilde’s The Woman’s World and the Culture of Aesthetic Philanthropy,’ in Wilde Writings: Contextual Conditions, ed. Joseph Bristow (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), 185–211. 42 William Morris, William Morris: Artist, Writer, Socialist, ed. May Morris (New York: Russell and Russell, 1966), 1: 192–205. 43 Margaret Harkness, George Eastmont: Wanderer (London: Burns and Oates, 1905), 88. Notes 221

44 Mrs Humphry Ward, Marcella (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2000), 48, 91, 96. 45 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 120. 46 Mary Warner Blanchard, Oscar Wilde’s America: Counterculture in the Gilded Age (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 58–61, 67–8; Barnett, Canon Barnett, 34, 78. Harriete Harrison does sound a bit like the parodied aesthete in her account of an ‘At Home’ in a letter to Henrietta Barnett. She writes, ‘It was like Botticelli’s picture of the Nativity come true, with the pilgrims being received at the door by the angels with palms, and a loving kiss-like greeting, with a sort of mixed-up merry-go-round of the angels above. Do you remember the picture in the National Gallery?’ (Barnett, Canon Barnett, 218). 47 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 117. 48 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 285. 49 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 102. 50 Gissing, Workers, 1: 232. 51 For twentieth-century discussion of the labor aristocracy and models for classifying the working classes, see Eric Hobsbawm, ‘The Labour Aristocracy in Nineteenth-Century England,’ in Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964), 272–315, and José Harris, Private Lives, Public Spirit: A Social History of Britain, 1870–1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 8. 52 Ellen Ross, Love and Toil: Motherhood in Outcast London (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 12. 53 Ross, Love and Toil, 12. 54 Seth Koven, Slumming: Sexual and Social Politics in Victorian London (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 11. 55 Ross, Love and Toil; Koven, Slumming, 12–13; Ruth Livesey, ‘Reading for Character: Women Social Reformers and Narratives of the Urban Poor in Late Victorian and Edwardian London,’ Journal of Victorian Culture 9, no. 1 (Spring 2004): 43–68. 56 Jonathan Rose, The Intellectual Life of the British Working Class (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002); Regenia Gagnier, Subjectivities: A History of Self-Representation in Britain, 1832–1920 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 138–70.

Chapter 1

1Henrietta O. Barnett, Canon Barnett: His Life, Work, and Friends (London: John Murray, 1921), 225. 2 Helen Meller, Leisure and the Changing City, 1870–1914 (London and Boston: Routledge & Paul, 1976), 76. 3 Ruth Z. Temple, ‘Truth in Labelling: Pre-Raphaelitism, Aestheticism, Decadence, Fin De Siècle,’ English Literature in Transition 17, no. 4 (1974): 201–22; Ian Fletcher, ‘Some Aspects of Aestheticism,’ in Twilight of Dawn: Studies of English Literature in Transition, ed. O. M. Brack (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987), 1–2. 4 Temple, ‘Truth in Labelling,’ 219. As recently as 1990, Elaine Showalter posited ‘aesthete’ and ‘decadent’ as interchangeable terms (Sexual Anarchy: 222 Notes

Gender and Culture at the Fin de Siècle [New York: Viking, 1990], 169). Yet it would be erroneous to define British aestheticism by the Decadence. While all aesthetes may have aimed for the beautification of everyday life, only some pursued the Wildean goal of perfect self-realization. Further, to think of ‘aestheticism’ and ‘Decadence’ as somehow consecutive is also simplistic. Algernon Swinburne’s and D. G. Rossetti’s works of the 1860s certainly anticipate the formal Decadent movement of the 1890s. Likewise, art- philanthropists such as Patrick Geddes and Samuel Barnett continued lobbying into the twentieth century for public galleries and open spaces as provisions under the imminent welfare state. 5 Talia Schaffer, The Forgotten Female Aesthetes: Literary Culture in Late-Victorian England (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000), 4. 6 Regenia Gagnier, ‘A Critique of Practical Aesthetics,’ in Aesthetics and Ideology, ed. George Levine (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1994), 266. 7 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 31, 37. 8 Talia Schaffer has similarly demonstrated how a Decadent-centered criti- cism obscured the work of female aesthetes (Schaffer, Forgotten Female Aesthetes, 6). 9 Karl Beckson, Aesthetes and Decadents of the 1890s: An Anthology of British Poetry and Prose (Chicago: Academy Chicago Publishers, 1981), xii, fn.3. 10 Gagnier, ‘Critique,’ 271. 11 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 108. 12 Jane Abdy and Charlotte Gere, The Souls (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1984); Mark Girouard, The Return to Camelot: Chivalry and the English Gentleman (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981); Ian Fletcher, ‘Some Aspects,’ 32–3; Nancy W. Ellenberger, ‘The Souls and London “Society” at the End of the Nineteenth Century,’ Victorian Studies 25, no. (Winter 1982): 133–60. 13 Caroline Dakers, Clouds: The Biography of a Country House (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 1993), 39–40. 14 Dakers, Clouds, 40. 15 The Times (8 July 1885): 9. 16 Janice Helland, ‘Highland Home Industries and the Fashion for Tweed,’ Journal of the Scottish Society for Art History 9 (2004): 27–34. 17 Margot Asquith, The Autobiography of Margot Asquith (London: Thornton Butterworth, Ltd., 1920), 53–8, 221–9. 18 Lord Ronald Sutherland Gower, Old Diaries, 1881–1901 (London: J. Murray, 1902), 5. 19 Gower, Old Diaries, 67. 20 Phyllis Grosskurth, John Addington Symonds, a Biography (London: Longmans, Green, 1964), 266–7. 21 Gower, Old Diaries, 268–9. 22 Lady St Helier (Mary Jeune), Memories of Fifty Years (London: Edward Arnold, 1909), 188. 23 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 304. 24 Leonard A. Montefiore, Essays and Letters contributed to various periodicals between September, 1877 and August, 1879, together with some unpublished fragments (London: privately printed, 1881), xlii–iii. 25 Montefiore, Essays and Letters, liii. Notes 223

26 Leonard Montefiore is most recently familiar to Pater scholars for his role in alerting the Balliol don Richard Louis Nettleship to the existence of roman- tic letters between Walter Pater and the undergraduate William M. Hardinge. See Billie Andrew Inman, ‘Estrangement and Connection: Walter Pater, Benjamin Jowett, and William M. Hardinge,’ in Pater in the 1990s, eds Laurel Brake and Ian Small (Greensboro, NC: ELT Press, 1991), 1–20. 27 Beatrice Webb, My Apprenticeship (New York and London: Longmans, Green, 1926), 176. 28 Noel Annan, ‘The Intellectual Aristocracy,’ in Studies in Social History: A Tribute to G. M. Trevelyan, ed. J. H. Plumb (London: Longmans, Green, 1955), 252. 29 Geoffrey Squire, ‘Clothed in Our Right Minds: Some Wearers of Aesthetic Dress,’ in Simply Stunning: The Pre-Raphaelite Art of Dressing (Cheltenham: Cheltenham Art Gallery and Museums, 1996), 42. 30 Wilfrid Blunt, England’s Michelangelo: A Biography of George Frederic Watts, O.M., R.A. (London: Hamilton, 1975), 159. 31 Walter Crane, An Artist’s Reminiscences (New York: Macmillan, 1907), 359. 32 The House Beautiful and the Home: A Journal for Those Who Design, Beautify, Furnish and Inhabit Houses, ed. Alice Hart (London, 1904), 1: 4. 33 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 155. Similarly, the Barnetts returned from a holiday in Egypt in 1880 to invite the locals in to view their exotic findings: the evening began with the entrance of Samuel Barnett in a turban (Barnett, Canon Barnett, 154). 34 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 148. 35 The Harts and Barnetts were not only in-laws, but also contributors to one another’s projects. Samuel Barnett composed an article on the healthy home which appears in the second issue of Alice Hart’s magazine; in the same vein, Henrietta Barnett wrote The Making of the Home: A Reading-Book on Domestic Economy, etc. (London: Cassell and Co., 1885); Alice Hart wrote for the Toynbee Journal in 1886, honoring the Popular Ballad Concert Com- mittee, a Toynbee-affiliated club which performed Christmas concerts for the poor and whose members were working-class – she appears to have been the head. She also directed the Donegal Industrial Fund, a society that followed the missionary aesthetic Home Arts and Industries Association in revitalizing dying crafts. 36 Vyvyan Holland, Son of Oscar Wilde (London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1954), 41. 37 Bea Howe, Arbiter of Elegance (London: Harville Press, 1967), 168, 172. 38 Beatrice Webb, The Diary of Beatrice Webb, eds Norman and Jean Mackenzie (London: Virago, 1982), 127. Beatrice Potter recorded in her diary in late 1884 a conflict between Catherine (Kate) Potter and A. G. Crowder, a founder of the East End Dwellings Company: ‘Crowder, cut and dried philanthropist, with little human nature, determined that the tenants should like nothing but what was useful. Paint and furnish all rooms alike. Kate mildly suggested that tenants have taste, are immensely influenced by small things ...’ (Webb, Diary, 127). 39 Webb, Diary, 139. 40 Fiona McCarthy, The Simple Life: C. R. Ashbee in the Cotswolds (London: Lund Humphries, 1981), 25. 41 A. M. McBriar, An Edwardian Mixed Doubles: The Bosanquets versus the Webbs. A Study in British Social Policy 1890–1929 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1987), 6. 224 Notes

42 The Grove Dictionary of Art, ed. Jane Turner (New York and London: Macmillan, 1996), 14: 680; Luke Fildes, Luke Fildes, R.A.: A Victorian Painter (London: Michael Joseph, 1968), 35. There are several excellent sources on aesthetic communities. Mark Girouard has a chapter on Bedford Park and Tite Street, Chelsea in his Sweetness and Light: The Queen Anne Movement, 1860–1900 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), 160–85. See also Ian Fletcher, ‘Bedford Park: Aesthetic Elysium?’ in Romantic Mythologies (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1967), 169–207. On Holland Park, see Caroline Dakers, The Holland Park Circle: Artists and Victorian Society (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 1999). Primary sources by contem- poraries include Walter Hamilton’s The Aesthetic Movement in England (London: Reeves and Turner, 1882) and Moncure Conway’s Travels in South Kensington (London: Trübner, 1882), which each end with a tribute to Bedford Park. 43 Dakers, The Holland Park Circle, 43–4. 44 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 167. 45 Conway, Travels, 218. 46 Conway, Travels, 228–9. 47 Edward Burne-Jones, Burne-Jones Talking: His Conversations 1895–1898, preserved by his studio assistant Thomas Rooke, ed. Mary Lago (London: John Murray, 1982). 48 Fletcher, ‘Bedford Park,’ 177. 49 This training anticipated Lily and her sister Elizabeth Yeats’s later establish- ment with Evelyn Gleeson of the Dun Emer Guild, a missionary aesthetic enterprise which provided the Irish poor employment through the revival of local handicrafts. See Joan Hardwick, The Yeats Sisters: A Biography of Susan and Elizabeth Yeats (London and San Francisco: Pandora, 1996), 61–7, 117–26, and Elaine Cheasley Paterson, ‘Crafting a National Identity: the Dun Emer Guild, 1902–1908,’ in The Irish Revival Reappraised, eds Betsey Taylor FitzSimon and James H. Murphy (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004), 106–18. 50 Hamilton, Aesthetic Movement, 121. 51 Girouard, Sweetness and Light, 172; Fletcher, ‘Bedford Park,’ 203. 52 Seth Koven, ‘Culture and Poverty: The London Settlement House Movement 1870–1914,’ (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1987), 39. 53 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 158; Fletcher, ‘Bedford Park,’ 184. 54 Dictionary of National Biography [1912–21], 269. 55 Moncure Conway, Autobiography: Memories and Experiences of Moncure Daniel Conway (Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin, 1904), 1: 388–9, 2: 193; Moncure Conway, ‘Civilizing the Sabbath,’ The Open Court 278 (22 December 1892): 3495–500. 56 Burne-Jones, Burne-Jones Talking, 118, 140. 57 Shelagh Wilson offers a gender analysis of the power dynamics between the ‘unworldly’ Watts and his ‘worshipping ladies’ in ‘Watts, Women, Philanthropy and the Home Arts,’ in Representations of G. F. Watts: Art Making in Victorian Culture, eds Colin Trodd and Stephanie Brown (Aldershot, and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004), 169–83. 58 Dakers, Holland Park Circle, 262. 59 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 161. Notes 225

60 Judith Flanders, A Circle of Sisters: Alice Kipling, Georgiana Burne-Jones, Agnes Poynter and Louisa Baldwin (London: Penguin, 2002), 278; Veronica Franklin Gould, Mary Seton Watts: Unsung Heroine of the Art Nouveau ([England]: Watts Gallery, 1998); Wilson, ‘Watts,’ 177–82. I further discuss female aesthetic missions in my Conclusion. 61 Stephen Jones, ‘Attic Attitudes: Leighton and Aesthetic Philosophy,’ History Today 37 (June 1987): 32–3, 36–7. 62 Leonée Ormond, ‘A Leighton Memorial: Frederic Leighton and the South London Art Gallery,’ in Art for the People: Culture in the Slums of Late Victorian Britain, ed. Giles Waterfield (London: Dulwich Picture Gallery, 1994), 19. 63 Pope honored John Kyrle of Ross-on-Wye, Herefordshire in his Epistle to Bathurst (1733) ‘as one who on limited means provided considerable service to the local poor’ with no thought of self-promotion. See Alexander Pope, ‘Moral Essays. iii Of the Use of Riches,’ in The Poems of Alexander Pope, ed. John Butt (London: Methuen & Co., 1963), 582. 64 Rafael Cardoso Denis, ‘From Burlington House to the Peckham Road: Leighton and the Polarities of Victorian Art and Design Education,’ in Frederic Leighton: Antiquity, Renaissance, Modernity, eds Tim Barringer and Elizabeth Prettejohn (New Haven, CT and London: Paul Mellon Center for Studies in British Art and Yale Center for British Art, Yale University Press, 1998), 247–66. 65 Lee MacCormick Edwards, Herkomer: A Victorian Artist (Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 1999), 27. 66 Edwards, Herkomer, 110. 67 For instance, Toynbee Record 1, no. 9 (June 1889): 109 and Toynbee Record 2, no. 8 (May 1890): 93. 68 Anne Anderson, ‘Bringing Beauty Home to the People: Women’s Mission to Beautify the Home and the Metropolis in the “English Renaissance,”’ in Women and the Making of Built Space in England, 1870–1950, eds Elizabeth Darling and Lesley Whitworth (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005 [forthcom- ing]); Anne Anderson, ‘“No life can be wholly unhappy which is cheered by the power of playing an instrument, dancing, painting, carving, model- ling, singing”: Recreative Learning and Voluntary Teaching in the Victorian Renaissance,’ a paper presented at the conference, Locating the Victorians, the Science Museum, London, 15 July 2001; Anne Anderson, ‘“Work itself is pleasure”: Mary, Lady Lovelace, the Kyrle Society, and the Home Arts and Industries Association,’ a paper presented at the confer- ence, Women and Built Space, 1860–1960, Centre for Urban Culture, University of Nottingham, 1 June 2002; Elizabeth Cumming, ‘Patterns of Life: The Art and Design of Phoebe Anna Traquair and Mary Seton Watts,’ in Women Artists and the Decorative Arts, 1880–1935, eds Bridget Elliot and Janice Helland (Aldershot, and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002), 15–34; Janice Helland, ‘Rural Women and Urban Extravagance in Late Nineteenth-Century Britain,’ Rural History: Economy, Society, Culture 13, no. 2 (2002): 179–97; Janice Helland, ‘Working Bodies, Celtic Textiles and the Donegal Industrial Fund, 1883–1890,’ Textile: The Journal of Cloth and Culture 2, no. 2 (July 2004): 134–55; Janice Helland, ‘Highland Home Industries,’ 27–34; Janice Helland, ‘Exhibiting Ireland: The Donegal 226 Notes

Industrial Fund in London and Chicago,’ Revue D’Art Canadienne/Canadian Art Review 29, nos. 1–2 (2004): 28–47; Joseph McBrinn, ‘Reviving Peasant Arts and Industries in the North of Ireland, 1894–1914: Sophia Rosamond Praeger and the forgotten workshops of the Irish Decorative Arts Association and the Irish Peasant Home Industries,’ a paper presented at the conference, Art for Life’s Sake, Southampton Institute, 17 November 2002; Elaine Cheasley Paterson, ‘Crafting a National Identity,’ 106–18; Elaine Cheasley Paterson, ‘Decoration and Desire: Women of the Home Arts Movement, 1884–1915’ (PhD diss., Queen’s University, 2003); Elaine Cheasley Paterson, ‘Homemade Industry: Mary Seton Watts and the Potters’ Arts Guild,’ a paper presented at the conference, Art for Life’s Sake, Southampton Institute, 16 November 2002; Shelagh Wilson, ‘The Origins and Intentions of the Home Arts and Industries Association,’ a paper pre- sented at the conference, Art for Life’s Sake, Southampton Institute, 16 November 2002; Shelagh Wilson, ‘Watts,’ 169–83. Joseph McBrinn also discusses women’s craft workshops in Ireland within a broader argument about the literary, ethnographic, and artistic representations of the Irish peasant in an international context. See Joseph McBrinn, ‘The Peasant and Folk Art Revival in Ireland, 1890–1920: With Special Reference to Ulster,’ Ulster Folklife 48 (2002): 14–69. 69 There appears to have been some early division between home arts advocates about their aims to provide rational recreations or a livelihood. See my Conclusion. 70 I take the phrase ‘fellow-workers’ from Octavia Hill’s annual ‘Letters to My Fellow-Workers,’ excerpts of which were later published in Octavia Hill, Extracts from Octavia Hill’s Letters to Fellow-Workers 1864 to 1911, ed. Elinor Southwood Ouvry (London: Adelphi, 1933). Several of these letters have been reprinted in Octavia Hill and the Social Housing Debate: Essays and Letters by Octavia Hill, ed. Robert Whelan (London: IEA Health and Welfare Unit, 1998), 81–93. 71 Cited in Michael Wolff and Celina Fox, ‘Pictures from the Magazines,’ in The Victorian City: Images and Realities, eds H. J. Dyos and Michael Wolff (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), 2: 570. 72 Seth Koven notes a similar panic in the incognito journalist William Greenwood’s response to a man singing a music-hall song about his desire to be a ‘swell’ as he entered the Lambeth Casual Ward. At first simply comic, the impact of the song grew more horrible to Greenwood as other casuals joined in, forming a ‘bestial chorus’ (Seth Koven, Slumming: Sexual and Social Politics in Victorian London [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004], 76). 73 Punch 86 (19 April 1884): 190. 74 Charles Keene, ‘Mrs. M: “Oh you must see my cabinet of cur’osities. I’m awful partial to Bric-Bats,”’ Punch 84 (17 March 1883): 131. 75 ‘Our Academy Guide, No. 163 – Private Frith’s View – Members of the Salvation Army, led by General Oscar Wilde, joining in a hymn,’ Punch 84 (12 May 1883): 220. 76 George Du Maurier, ‘What It Has Come To,’ Punch 80 (16 April 1881): 177. 77 George Du Maurier, ‘The Passion for Old China,’ Punch 66 (2 May 1874): 189; ‘The Six-Mark Tea-Pot,’ Punch 79 (30 October 1880): 194; ‘Refinements of Modern Speech,’ Punch 76 (14 June 1879): 270. Notes 227

Chapter 2

1In his biography, Wilfrid Blunt represents Cockerell as more of a naturalist than a budding artist, and characterizes this crisis as a choice between attending the university and working for the family business (Wilfrid Blunt, Cockerell [London: Hamish Hamilton, 1964], 29). In contrast, Jane Lewis uses Octavia Hill’s correspondence with Cockerell to highlight his prefer- ence for art over business (Jane Lewis, Women and Social Action in Victorian and Edwardian England [Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991], 27). 2 Letter to Sydney Cockerell, 6 July 1889, in Octavia Hill, Life of Octavia Hill as Told in Her Letters, ed. C. Edmund Maurice (London: Macmillan, 1914), 495. 3 Octavia Hill, Octavia Hill. Early Ideals from Letters, ed. Emily Southwood Maurice (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1928), 235–6. 4 Letter to Sydney Cockerell, 6 July 1889, in Hill, Life, 495. 5 Hill, Early Ideals, 236. 6 Letter to Emily Hill, 1 July 1857, in Hill, Life, 97. Hill had also met Edward Burne-Jones through Ruskin (Letter to Miss Baumgartner, 18 January 1863, in Hill, Life, 202). On the bohemian mix of socialists, poets, and painters teaching at the Working Men’s College, see Seth Koven, ‘How the Victorians Read Sesame and Lilies,’ in John Ruskin, Sesame and Lilies, ed. Deborah Epstein Nord (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 2002), 179. 7 Octavia Hill, ‘Colour, Space and Music for the People,’ Nineteenth Century 15 (May 1884): 745. 8 Anthony Wohl’s 1971 essay on Hill is an exception, as it highlights the shortcomings of Hill’s romantic stipulations as a house manager: see ‘Octavia Hill and the Homes of the London Poor,’ Journal of British Studies 10, no. 2 (1971): 124. 9 The ethos of the Charity Organization Society is compelling, but, given my concentration on aesthetics, it will not be discussed here. Hill describes the demoralization that arises from ‘indiscriminate almsgiving’ in Our Common Land (and other short essays) (London: Macmillan, 1877), particularly the essay, ‘A Few Words to Volunteer Visitors Among the Poor,’ 46–62. One can read overviews and critiques of the C.O.S. in Gareth Stedman Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), and Robert Humphreys, Poor Relief and Charity, 1869–1945: The London Charity Organization Society (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave, 2001). 10 Visitation then occurred most frequently between the lady rent-collector and the wife and mother of each household (Lewis, Women, 33). In The Politics of Motherhood: Child and Maternal Welfare in England, 1900–1939 (London: Croom Helm, 1980), Lewis cites the anger directed by working- class mothers at health inspectors in the early and mid-twentieth century (106–7). Although Lewis focuses on their responses to state-employed inspectors, her observations on visitation are relevant. They reaffirm Thane’s conclusion that working families did not necessarily resist state intervention or private philanthropy, but rather opposed the inquisitor- ial nature of assistance and the imposition of middle-class standards of 228 Notes

behavior when they occurred: see Pat Thane, ‘The Working Class and State Welfare in Britain, 1880–1914,’ Historical Journal 27, no. 2 (1984): 877–900. Carolyn Kay Steedman begins her working-class autobiography Landscape for a Good Woman: A Story of Two Lives (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997) by recalling an insulting remark by a health visitor and uses this as a point of departure for exploring her mother’s desires and defenses (2). In Love and Toil: Motherhood in Outcast London (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), Ellen Ross documents the growing pressures on the working-class mother to be a thrifty house- wife as a result of national policymaking (24). Ross further illustrates the extent to which the C.O.S.’s program of self-help was at odds with women’s neighborhood exchange networks: see Ellen Ross, ‘Survival Networks: Women’s Neighborhood Sharing in London before World War I,’ History Workshop Journal 15 (1983): 18–19. More recent scholarship has worked to recover the voices of Victorian men and women subject to visitation by middle-class social workers: see Ruth Livesey, ‘Reading for Character: Women Social Reformers and Narratives of the Urban Poor in Late Victorian and Edwardian London,’ Journal of Victorian Culture 9, no. 1 (Spring 2004): 43–68, and Seth Koven, Slumming: Sexual and Social Politics in Victorian London (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 13. 11 Historians can find one such reaction against physical slum conditions in the white circles that housewives chalked in front of their doors (Ross, Love and Toil, 80). Francis M. Jones speculates on the individual defensive aesthetics of the poor in ‘The Aesthetic of the Nineteenth-Century Industrial Town,’ in The Study of Urban History, ed. H. J. Dyos (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1968), 171–82. 12 Octavia Hill, Homes of the London Poor (London: Macmillan, 1883), 89. 13 Hill, Homes, 78. 14 Octavia Hill, ‘More Air for London,’ Nineteenth Century 23 (February 1888): 188. 15 Hill, Homes, 90. 16 Hill, Homes, 90, 95. 17 Hill, ‘Colour,’ 745; Hill, Homes, 89. 18 Letter to Miss Baumgartner, 21 November 1859, in Hill, Life, 166; Letter to Miranda Hill, Christmas Day 1859, in Hill, Life, 172. 19 It was in the context of the Working Men’s College that Hill first met the Scottish poet and author of fairy-tales George MacDonald, who was arguably the most overtly bohemian of any of her friends. Mention in her letters of his country home and the famous MacDonald family the- atricals attest to Octavia’s exposure to his world and participation in it. MacDonald opened his home to her tenants and his family performed plays in the garden for them. There is another possible, comparable aesthetic connection in the Hill family. An Emily Hill collaborated with popular elocutionist and Kensington personality Madame Jane Ronniger, accompanying her on the pianoforte during her recitations. This Emily Hill also contributed to Ronniger’s magazine, Aesthetic Review and Art Observer (London, 1876–79). It is not clear whether this writer was Octavia Hill’s sister Emily. Notes 229

20 E. Moberly Bell wrote in his 1942 biography, ‘With what seems like a perverse curiosity she had set her heart on being an artist, entirely unaware that her creative gifts in that direction were small …. So com- pletely had she mistaken her vocation!’ (Octavia Hill [London: Constable, 1942], 38). In contrast, see Jane Lewis, Women, 26–7. Gillian Darley also gives some space to Hill’s early training under Ruskin in the context of Hill’s other work: see Octavia Hill; A Life (London: Constable, 1990), 51–3, 60, 64–7, 74. 21 Hill, Early Ideals, 130; further page references appear in parentheses. 22 Letter to Miranda Hill, 10 October 1859, in Hill, Life, 160. 23 Hill, Early Ideals, 127–8; further page references appear in parentheses. 24 Here Hill quotes from Elizabeth Barrett Browning’s Aurora Leigh (1864), a poem that dramatizes the tensions (and ultimately the interdepen- dence) between social responsibility and artistic expression. At its climax, the protagonist, a poetess, claims that practical social schemes will fail if they lack the spirit of poetic imagination. Likewise, by glori- fying the character, Marian Earle, who aids poor friends in the slums, Browning insists that poetry fails if it does not raise contemporary moral and social issues. Hill revered the poem, identifying with both heroines. One finds references to it in Hill, Early Ideals, 130, 192; Hill, Our Common Land, 103, and Octavia Hill, ‘The Relations between Rich and Poor as Bearing on Pauperism,’ The Charity Record 5, no. 2 [1881?]: 19. 25 Letter to ‘A Friend Who is Giving up Art for Business,’ 13 January 1889, in Hill, Life, 485. 26 Ruskin, Sesame and Lilies, 77. 27 Hill, Homes, 26–7, added emphasis. 28 Darley, Octavia Hill, 230. 29 Ellen Chase, Tenant Friends in Old Deptford (London: Williams and Norgate, 1929). 30 Catherine Potter Courtney, Courtney Papers, LSE. Vol. III, folio 8: midnight, 18 May 1882. Cited in Darley, Octavia Hill, 215. 31 E. S. Haldane, Edinburgh Social Union and Social and Sanitary Society, Report 1912: Memorial Address on Octavia Hill, Ouvry Papers. Cited in Darley, Octavia Hill, 248. 32 Anne Summers, ‘A Home from Home: Women’s Philanthropic Work in the Nineteenth Century,’ in Fit Work for Women, ed. S. Burman (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1979), 45. 33 Henrietta Barnett, Canon Barnett: His Life, Work, and Friends (London: John Murray, 1921), 133. 34 Hill, Homes, 66. 35 Hill, Our Common Land, 59–60. 36 Hill, Homes, 37; further page references appear in parentheses. 37 Hill, Our Common Land, 96. 38 Martin S. Gaskell, ‘Gardens for the Working Class: Victorian Practical Pleasure,’ Victorian Studies 23, no. 4 (Summer 1980): 493. 39 Darley, Octavia Hill, 174. ‘At first,’ one memoirist writes, ‘the tenants’ outings were an anxiety; “rough” characters gave trouble, like the drunken man who, refused admission to the steamer taking the party 230 Notes

down the Thames, stood on the pier at London Bridge, tearing off his clothes and shouting he would “swim after them”’ (Amice Lee, ‘Re- collections of Octavia Hill,’ Cornhill Magazine 154 [September 1936]: 319.) Hill arranged for horse-drawn carts to take the children and infirm to the country, carefully steering the party past the local pubs. At the end of each outing, tenants were given tea and a bouquet. 40 Octavia Hill, Letters to Fellow Workers, 1864–1911, ed. Elinor Southwood Ouvry (London: Alephi Book Shop, 1933), 17. 41 Kyrle Society members included established painters Robert Hunter, Audley Mackworth, and Henry Holiday, watercolorist Mary Caroline Vyvyan, landscape painters Edith A. Paine, Ida Bidder, F. M. Cardwell, H. Marshall, and W. W. Fenn, painters of both landscapes and figures such as Mrs Julia A. Keatinge, W. Savage Cooper, and Thomas Ralph Spence, the sculptor Fred C. Mills, and architects Basil Champneys, C. Harrison Townshend, John D. Sedding, Arthur S. Haynes (who was also a landscape painter), and C. F. A. Voysey (who also pursued sculp- ture and design). Sources consulted here were the Dictionary of British Artists, 1880–1940, eds J. Johnson and A. Greutzner (Woodbridge: Antique Collectors Club, 1976), and the Artists’ Directory, 8th edn. (London: E. W. Hodge and Co., 1875). Anne Anderson documents the networks of aristocratic patronage that fortified both the Kyrle Society and the Home Arts and Industries Association in her essay ‘“Bringing beauty home to the people”: Women’s Mission to Beautify the Home and Metropolis in the “English Renaissance,” c. 1870–1917,’ in Women and the Making of Built Space in England, 1870–1950, eds Elizabeth Darling and Lesley Whitworth (Ashgate, forthcoming). She further explores the aristocratic underpinnings of slum philanthropy in her articles ‘Queen Victoria’s Daughters and the “Tide of Fashionable Philanthropy,”’ Women’s History Magazine 41 (June 2002): 10–15, and ‘Octavia Hill’s “Fellow-Workers” Lady Ducie and Lady Brabazon: Wealth, Power and Vocational Philanthropy,’ Women’s History Review (forthcoming). 42 Mrs A. C. White was possibly the spouse of landscape painter Arnold White who exhibited in 1884, and ‘Miss Leycester’ might have been a sister of R. Neville Leycester, the fruit and still life painter who exhibited in 1883. 43 Kyrle Society, Kyrle Society Annual Report (1891): 13. 44 Kyrle Society, Kyrle Society Annual Report (1891): 14. 45 For example, ‘A Kyrley Tale,’ Punch 80 (26 February 1881): 84–5, and ‘Beauty Not at Home,’ Punch 80 (12 February 1881): 71. Margaret Tabor remarks on popular satires of the Kyrle Society in Octavia Hill (London: Shelden Press, 1927), 21. Ian Fletcher gives them great attention in ‘Some Aspects of Aestheticism,’ in Twilight of Dawn: Studies of English Literature in Transition, ed. O. M. Brack (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987), 24–9. In the 1890 Kyrle Society Annual Report, it was remarked that ‘The idea has somehow gained ground that the branch decorates private dwellings gratuitously, and therefore to the detriment of members of [the architec- tural and artistic] professions’ (9). To some extent this ideal was inter- nalized. The misleading phrase ‘bringing beauty home to the poor’ appears to have originated in 1875 with the society, although Miranda Hill’s Notes 231

speech proposing it is no longer extant (Fletcher, ‘Some Aspects,’ 24). Octavia Hill used the phrase ‘bring some of this beauty home to the poor’ in her essay ‘The Kyrle Society,’ The Magazine of Arts (1880): 210. The Kyrle Society Annual Report of 1897 claimed the sympathies of ‘those who believe in bringing light and beauty into the homes of the poor’ (6) 46 ‘Beauty Not at Home,’ 71. 47 Hill, Our Common Land, 141. 48 Hill, ‘Colour,’ 744; further page references appear in parentheses. 49 According to the Kyrle Society Annual Report of 1901: ‘Cut flowers had 67 recipients, 22 of whom were charitable workers who distributed them among the poor they visited, so that a very large number of individuals participated in the benefit’ (22). 50 Hill, ‘Colour,’ 745. 51 Koven, Slumming, 5. 52 Darley, Octavia Hill, 280. 53 Chase, Tenant Friends, 203; further page references appear in parentheses. 54 In her study of Victorian Bristol, Leisure and the Changing City, 1870–1914 (London: Routledge & Paul, 1976), Helen Meller documents the begin- ning of Home Encouragement Societies in the mid-1870s, which orga- nized classes and competitions for tidy homes, best window gardening and best cultivated garden allotments. ‘At a Home Encouragement Society Exhibition in Hotwells in 1881, forty houses were entered for the neat and tidy home competition,’ Meller writes, adding parenthetically, ‘(there is no evidence though, of how many of these were being run by the young lady rent collectors on the Octavia Hill pattern)’ (172). Martin S. Gaskell comments on widespread small garden competitions at the end of the century in ‘Gardens for the Working Class,’ 495. 55 Enid Gauldie, Cruel Habitations: A History of Working-Class Housing, 1780–1918 (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1974), 98. 56 Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor (London: Griffin, Bohn, and Company, 1861), 2: 110. 57 Gauldie describes the spectrum of living standards among the working classes (Gauldie, Cruel Habitations, 92–100). Robert Roberts portrays the exhibited possessions on a family’s mantel and offers accounts of pawn- broking in The Classic Slum (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1971), 17–25. A working-class family’s pride in maintaining standards of home decor and dress could ironically undermine middle-class efforts to get that family to save money in case of sickness or future unemploy- ment: see Gareth Stedman Jones, ‘Working-Class Culture and Working- Class Politics in London, 1870–1900: Notes on the Remaking of a Working Class,’ Journal of Social History 7 (1974): 460–508. Ellen Ross surveys neighborhood participation in the routine pawning of goods in ‘Survival Networks,’ 4–27, and pawning as women’s work in ‘“Fierce Questions and Taunts”: Married Life in Working-Class London, 1870–1914,’ Feminist Studies 8, no. 3 (1982): 588–90. 58 Hill, Early Ideals, 192. 59 Chase, Tenant Friends, 79. 60 Hill, Homes, 31, 40. 61 Wohl, ‘Octavia Hill,’ 110. 232 Notes

62 See Jones, Outcast London, 172, 194; Wohl, ‘Octavia Hill,’ 110. Hill and her followers met with struggle in the 1880s, because casual laborers could not be sure of regular payment each week, and by extension, regular rent-money. As Hill’s rents were too high to attract the humblest worker, she tried to alleviate the problem by creating jobs on the court. The lady visitor constantly urged mothers to send their daughters out to service, where they might support themselves and ease the family budget, and even gave them contacts to speed the process. Both Anne Summers and Frank Prochaska have noted how volunteers met their own growing demand for domestic servants by collecting, cultivating and recruiting poor girls: see Summers, ‘A Home from Home,’ 39, and F. K. Prochaska, Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 148–55. The failure to meet the needs of the very poor was a familiar charge leveled against the Peabody Trust: see Wohl, ‘Octavia Hill,’ 108–9, and John Nelson Tarn, Five Per Cent Philanthropy: An Account of Housing in Urban Areas between 1840 and 1914 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 48. 63 Chase, Tenant Friends, 136. 64 See Hill, Homes, 35–6, and Wohl, ‘Octavia Hill,’ 125–30. In his letter of 8 June 1876, Ruskin declared Hill’s optimism dangerous and her ameliorative methods futile (Hill, Life, 341). 65 Wohl, ‘Octavia Hill,’ 126–7. 66 Paul Thompson, The Work of William Morris (London: William Heinemann, 1967), 62. 67 Gauldie, Cruel Habitations, 215. 68 Hill, Homes, 18. 69 Gaskell, ‘Gardens for the Working Class,’ 494. 70 Sir Lawrence Chubb, Nigel Bond, and Lionel Curtis, Octavia Hill and Open Spaces. Speeches delivered during a meeting held by the Association in the Hall of the Royal Society of Arts on June 13th, 1930 (London: Association of Women House Property Managers, [1930]), 9. 71 Summers, ‘A Home from Home,’ 45. 72 Jones, Outcast, 186; Nikolaus Pevsner, ‘Model Houses for the Laboring Classes,’ Architectural Review 93 (1943): 127. 73 Hill, ‘Colour,’ 745. 74 For a summary of the origins of the myth of urban demoralization as it was framed by medical authorities, see Jones, Outcast London, 130, 286. 75 Gaskell, ‘Gardens for the Working Class,’ 494; Hill, Our Common Land, 74. 76 Gaskell, ‘Gardens for the Working Class,’ 480–4. 77 Hill, Our Common Land, 111. 78 Hill, Homes, 95. 79 Hill, Our Common Land, 176, 178. 80 Hill, Our Common Land, 111; Hill, Homes, 91. 81Hill, Our Common Land, 112. 82 To Mr Cockerell, 26 October 1873, in Hill, Life, 295–6. 83 Howard Malchow, ‘Public Gardens and Social Action in Late Victorian London,’ Victorian Studies 29, no. 1 (Autumn 1985): 122–3. Ellen Chase cites vandalism of Hill’s gardens in an undated letter of 1884 or Notes 233

1885 to Octavia Hill in Hill, Life, 458. Emma Cons claimed that the plants and ivy at the new Drury Lane churchyard were trampled on merely because of an unrestrained enthusiasm (Darley, Octavia Hill, 182). Hill also documents vandalism of the courts themselves (Hill, Homes, 45). 84 Malchow, ‘Public Gardens,’ 122–3. Although Malchow is writing spec- ifically about the founding of late Victorian public parks, his points about ownership and surveillance apply to Hill’s properties as well. 85 Hill, Early Ideals, 197. 86 Howard Malchow, ‘Free Water: The Public Drinking Fountain Movement and Victorian London,’ London Journal 4 (November 1978): 200. 87 Malchow, ‘Public Gardens,’ 122. 88 Malchow, ‘Public Gardens,’ 122–3. In ‘The Future of Our Commons,’ Hill makes an overt appeal for public gardens that would be merely ornamen- tal: ‘Are we as a nation to have any flower-garden at all? Can we afford it? Do we care to set aside ground for it, or will we have beet-root and cabbages only?’ (Hill, Our Common Land, 178). To give credit where it is due, however, Hill did defend the need for practical outdoor spaces such as laundry-spots (Chubb, Octavia Hill, 9). She also stresses the need for walking paths for the workingman’s leisure (Hill, ‘More Air,’ 184–5). 89 William Thomson Hill, Octavia Hill: Pioneer of the National Trust and Housing Reformer (London: Hutchinson, 1956), 71; Malchow, ‘Public Gardens,’ 122. 90 One allegorical poem painted in zinc by the Kyrle Society seems joyfully self-reflective as it appears to praise the work of the happy volunteer who unerringly visits the slums (Hill, Our Common Land, 143–5). 91 Hill, Our Common Land, 146. 92 Hill, Our Common Land, 147. 93 Hill, Homes, 29; further page references appear in parentheses. 94 Darley, Octavia Hill, 241. 95 The layout of Red Cross Hall and Cottages is documented in Hill, Life, 454; Tabor, Octavia Hill, 26–8; Red Cross Hall and Garden, Southwark. Opened 1887 (London: Merser and Sons, Printers, 1896), 3–5. For an analysis of Walter Crane’s murals, see Morna O’Neill, ‘Everyday Heroic Deeds: Walter Crane and Octavia Hill at the Red Cross Hall,’ The Acorn: Journal of the Octavia Hill Society 2 (2003): 4–21. On further mural work by the Kyrle Society, see Joseph McBrinn, ‘“Decoration … should be a common joy”’: The Kyrle Society and Mural Painting,’ The Acorn: Journal of the Octavia Hill Society 3 (2005 [forthcoming]). 96 Red Cross Hall, 10. 97 Lee, ‘Recollections,’ 319. 98 Red Cross Hall, 12. 99 To Octavia Hill from her mother, probably May 1868, in Hill, Life, 244–5. 100 Henry W. Nevinson, Changes and Chances (London: Nisbet and Co., 1923), 89. 101 Deborah Weiner, Architecture and Social Reform in Late-Victorian London (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1994), 172–4. 102 Jones, ‘Working-Class Culture,’ 479. Emma Cons who collected rents for Hill had her own agenda and fought to enforce temperance in her courts. Like Hill, Cons was educated as an artist (under the mother of the 234 Notes

painter and stained-glass designer Henry Holiday) and had worked in the Ladies’ Cooperative Guild under Hill’s mother where she gained the same access to Ragged School children as Hill. Like Hill, in her teens she gained commissions as an artist under Ruskin. Cons was involved in missionary aesthetic schemes, particularly those focusing on working- class leisure. She managed and then bought the Royal Victoria Theatre (later ‘Old Vic’) as an alternative teetotal music hall. A promoter of open spaces and founder of the Women’s Horticultural College in Kent, Cons also hosted working-class students and employees of the Old Vic at her country home. Her biographers describe her in ‘combat against social ugliness’ (Cicely Hamilton and Lilian Baylis, The Old Vic [London: Jonathan Cape, 1926], 264). 103 Tarn, Five Per Cent Philanthropy, 101. 104 Beatrice Webb, My Apprenticeship (New York and London: Longmans, Green, 1926), 268. 105 Lewis, Women, 102–3. 106 Darley, Octavia Hill, 153. 107 Darley, Octavia Hill, 153. 108 Morris was an ally of the Kyrle Society, and assisted its London Decorative branch, yet as Ian Fletcher has noted, in his lectures Morris redefined the aims of the Kyrle to comply with his socialism (Fletcher, ‘Some Aspects,’ 26). See William Morris’s speeches to Kyrle Society branches in William Morris: Artist, Writer, Socialist, ed. May Morris (New York: Russell and Russell, 1966), 1: 192–205. The similarities and diver- gences of Morris’s and Hill’s programs are documented in her letters: she expresses enthusiasm for his poetry and his tapestry-work; her own ideas for decorative garden-cloisters echo his. Yet she objects to a ‘crooked way of looking at things’ in his essays (Letter to Sydney Cockerell, 21 August 1891, in Hill, Life, 517). Though she sympathizes with his ‘longing to better things,’ and reads News from Nowhere with delight at its beauty, she inevitably resists his wish for social and economic revolution (Hill, Life, 517, 519–20). 109 Hill, ‘More Air,’ 181. 110 William Morris, Political Writings of William Morris, ed. A. L. Morton (New York: International Publishers, 1973), 148. 111 Letter to Sydney Cockerell, 31 March 1892, in Hill, Life, 520. 112 Beatrice Webb, My Apprenticeship, 259, 268–9. For further criticism of Hill by her contemporaries, see Barnett, Canon Barnett, 30. 113 Lewis, Women, 50. 114 Hill, Homes, 90; Lewis, Women, 50; Darley, Octavia Hill, 285–6, 293–4. 115 Parliamentary legislation included the Old Age Pensions Act of 1909, the Trade Boards Act of 1910 (to stop sweated labor and fix a minimum wage), and the National Insurance Act of 1911. 116 Malchow, ‘Public Gardens,’ 109. The 1901 Kyrle Society Annual Report reflected, ‘the very unobtrusiveness of [the Society’s] work to a certain degree militates against its interests by preventing its existence from coming prominently before the general public’ (5). 117 Malchow, ‘Public Gardens,’ 109; Darley, Octavia Hill, 183. 118Malchow, ‘Public Gardens,’ 109–11. Lord Reginald Brabazon and Lady Mary Jane Brabazon, later the Earl and Countess of Meath, are Notes 235

largely remembered for their work in preserving open spaces and found- ing small city gardens. Their extended philanthropy is recorded in Reginald Brabazon, 12th Earl of Meath, Memories of the Nineteenth Century (London: John Murray, 1923) and Memories of the Twentieth Century (London: John Murray, 1924). The Earl of Meath’s publication of The Diaries of Mary Countess of Meath (London: Hutchinson, 1928) remains an astonishingly detailed account of aristocratic philanthropy in practice. Anne Anderson has rightly pointed out that the Brabazons were in accord with many of Octavia Hill’s precepts, but arguably, they were also competitive with her, most clearly in supplanting her Kyrle Society with their MPGA. See Anne Anderson, ‘Octavia Hill’s “Fellow-Workers” Lady Ducie and Lady Brabazon: Wealth, Power and Vocational Philanthropy,’ Women’s History Review, forthcoming. 119 Malchow, ‘Public Gardens,’ 115. 120 Malchow, ‘Public Gardens,’ 116; Darley, Octavia Hill, 183. 121 Darley, Octavia Hill, 184. 122 Fletcher, ‘Some Aspects,’ 28. 123Darley, Octavia Hill, 183; Patrick Geddes, Cities in Evolution: an Introduction to the Town Planning Movement and to the Study of Civics (London: Williams and Norgate, 1915), 332–3. 124 Robert Fishman, Urban Utopias in the Twentieth Century: Ebenezer Howard, Frank Lloyd Wright and Le Corbusier (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1982), 74–5.

Chapter 3

1 Seth Koven, ‘Culture and Poverty: The London Settlement House Movement 1870–1914’ (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1987), 249. 2 There is a substantial body of work on Toynbee Hall including J. A. R. Pimlott, Toynbee Hall: Fifty Years of Social Progress 1884–1934 (London: J. M. Dent and Sons, 1935), Asa Briggs and Anne Macartney, Toynbee Hall: The First Hundred Years (London, Boston, Melbourne, and Henley- on-Thames: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984), and Standish Meacham, Toynbee Hall and Social Reform, 1880–1914: The Search for Community (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 1987). Seth Koven’s Harvard dissertation, ‘Culture and Poverty,’ offers a close analysis of ‘pictures, parties, and pianos’ at Toynbee Hall and also examines other university settlements, including women’s settlements. 3 Seth Koven, Slumming: Sexual and Social Politics in Victorian London (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004). 4 ‘From Oxford to Whitechapel,’ The Spectator (17 January 1885), cited in Briggs, Toynbee Hall, 21 and Pimlott, Toynbee Hall, 41. 5 Edward Cumming, ‘University Settlements,’ The Quarterly Journal of Economics (April 1892): 273, cited in Koven, Slumming, 250. 6 Walter Besant, The Alabaster Box (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1899), 38. 7 Pimlott, Toynbee Hall, 74. 8 Pimlott, Toynbee Hall, 73–4 9 Henrietta O. Barnett, Canon Barnett: His Life, Work, and Friends (London: John Murray, 1921), 153. 236 Notes

10 Koven, ‘Culture and Poverty,’ 313–14. 11 Alan Crawford, C. R. Ashbee: Architect, Designer and Romantic Socialist (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), 28. 12 Koven, Slumming, 265. Originally in C. R. Ashbee, Journal, 20 August 1887, Ashbee Papers, King’s College Archive Centre, Cambridge. 13 Crawford, C. R. Ashbee, 29–30, 37. 14 Crawford, C. R. Ashbee, 30. 15 Crawford, C. R. Ashbee, 42, 71. 16 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 314. 17 Deborah Weiner, Architecture and Social Reform in Late-Victorian London (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1994), 168. 18 Andrew Saint discusses Shaw and Bedford Park in Richard Norman Shaw (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 1976), 201–10. 19 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 346. 20 Toynbee Record 3, no. 2 (November 1890): 13. Pater’s lecture was attended not only by working people, but also by aesthete Lionel Johnson, who remarked on it the next day to his friends, the poets ‘Michael Field’ (Katharine Bradley and Edith Cooper). See Michael Field, Works and Days, ed. T. and D. C. Sturge Moore (London: John Murray, 1933), 122. 21 Toynbee Record 1, no. 4 (January 1889): 42. 22 Toynbee Record 1, no. 4 (January 1889): 43. 23 Toynbee Record 1, no. 12 (September 1889): 128. 24 Toynbee Record 1, no. 7 (April 1889): 73; Toynbee Record 1, no. 8 (May 1889): 89. 25 Toynbee Record 4, no. 9 (June 1892): 103. 26 Toynbee Record 4, no. 7 (April 1892): 77. 27 William Rothenstein, Men and Memories (London: Faber and Faber, 1931), 29. 28 Elizabeth Cumming, ‘Patterns of Life: the Art and Design of Phoebe Anna Traquair and Mary Seton Watts,’ in Women Artists and the Decorative Arts, 1880–1935, eds Bridget Elliot and Janice Helland (Aldershot and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002), 24. 29 Margaret Wynn Nevinson, Life’s Fitful Fever (London: A. and C. Black, 1926), 80. 30 Toynbee Review 1, no. 9 (June 1889): 107. 31 Toynbee Review 3, no. 2 (November 1890): 23. 32 Contemporary scholars have analyzed the social purpose of the Whitechapel exhibitions: Frances Borzello, Civilizing Caliban: The Misuse of Art, 1875–1980 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987); Seth Koven, ‘The Whitechapel Picture Exhibitions and the Politics of Seeing,’ in Museum Culture: Histories, Discourses, Spectacles, eds Daniel J. Sherman and Irit Rogoff (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 22–48, and Shelagh Wilson, ‘“The Highest Art for the Lowest People”: The Whitechapel and Other Philanthropic Art Galleries, 1877–1901,’ in Governing Cultures: Art Institutions in Victorian London, eds Paul Barlow and Colin Trodd (Aldershot, Hants and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2000), 172–86. An excellent analysis of women’s journalism in regard to East End art exhibitions is in Meaghan Clarke, Critical Voices: Women and Art Criticism in Britain 1880–1905 (Aldershot, Hants and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005). Notes 237

33 Henrietta Barnett, ‘Pictures for the People,’ in Practicable Socialism: Essays on Social Reform, eds The Rev. and Mrs. Samuel A. Barnett (London and New York: Longmans, Green, 1895), 175–87. 34 Koven, ‘Whitechapel Picture Exhibitions,’ 25. 35 Barnett, ‘Pictures for the People,’ 177. 36 E. T. Cook, ‘Fine Art in Whitechapel,’ The Magazine of Art 7 (1884): 347. 37 Barnett, ‘Pictures for the People,’ 175; further page references appear in parentheses. 38 This practice occurs in other published works by Henrietta Barnett such as the essay ‘The Uses of a Drawing Room’ in The Woman’s World 1 (1888): 290–2. I critique this essay in ‘Wilde’s The Woman’s World and the Culture of Aesthetic Philanthropy’ in Wilde Writings: Contextual Conditions, ed. Joseph Bristow (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 189–90. 39 Barnett, ‘Pictures for the People,’ 185; further page references appear in parentheses. 40 Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), 5. 41 Barnett, ‘Pictures for the People,’ 181; further page references appear in parentheses. 42 Henrietta Barnett, ‘Passionless Reformers,’ in Practicable Socialism: Essays on Social Reform, eds The Rev. and Mrs. Samuel A. Barnett (London and New York: Longmans, Green, 1895), 97. 43 John Ruskin, The Works of John Ruskin, eds E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn (London: George Allen, 1903–12), 5: 333. 44 The only extended critique of the Toynbee Travellers’ Club is Joan D. Brown’s ‘The Toynbee Travellers’ Club,’ History of Education 15, no. 1 (1986): 11–17. Pimlott offers a detailed history of the Toynbee Travellers’ Club (Pimlott, Toynbee Hall, 155–61). Briggs and Macartney briefly mention the Toynbee Travellers (Briggs and Macartney, Toynbee Hall, 31–2). Thomas Okey provides a firsthand account in his memoir, A Basketful of Memories: An Autobiographical Sketch (London and Toronto: J. M. Dent, 1930), 82–3. Henrietta Barnett describes the early journeys in Canon Barnett (359–65). 45 There is a chart of the Travellers’ occupations in Barnett, Canon Barnett, 361, which is also cited in Brown, ‘The Toynbee Travellers’ Club,’ 16. The Toynbee Travellers’ Club anticipated the Workmen’s Travel Club, founded in 1902 by Toynbee Hall resident R. A. Scott-James to ensure cheaper, shorter trips for genuine working men; this developed into the national Workman’s Travel Association after the war. 46 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 326. 47 Toynbee Travellers’ Club, Log Book of the Expedition to Florence, March and April 1888, 102. This source is located in the London Metropolitan Archives, file A/TOY/12/1, HMC ref. 7; further page references appear in parentheses. 48 This image is reproduced in Barnett, Canon Barnett, 361. 49 In the galleries, Vernon Lee (Violet Paget) and her partner Clementina (‘Kit’) Anstruther-Thompson physically mimed the shapes and formal ten- sions in art, and recorded the associative memories that these sensations evoked for them. Lee fervently believed this process of mimesis and reflection fostered good bodily health. I have discussed this method of 238 Notes

art-criticism as an extension of Pater’s subjective aesthetics in ‘Engaging “Delicate Brains”: From Working-Class Enculturation to Upper-Class Lesbian Liberation in Vernon Lee and Kit Anstruther-Thompson’s Psycho- logical Aesthetics,’ in Women and British Aestheticism, eds Kathy A. Psomiades and Talia Schaffer (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999), 215–17. The Toynbee Travellers appear to have been resistant to Lee’s instructions and determined to use the historical method comfortable to them. As the editor writes, ‘a visit to Florence has done more to alter such a state of mind than we could have regarded possible, and this though we never had the privilege of hearing the addresses by Miss Paget or the other guides who expounded the mysteries of art criticism. But visiting the Galleries and Churches in which their works are preserved and the scenes in which they lived we acquired familiarity with their biographies and chronological succession and hence to form some idea of their relative posi- tions and influence’ (Toynbee Travellers’ Club, Log Book of the Expedition to Florence, 149–50). The phrases ‘this though we had never had the privi- lege of hearing the addresses...’ and ‘mysteries of art criticism’ cast doubt on the clarity and helpfulness of Lee’s guided tours. 50 Toynbee Travellers’ Club, Log Book of the Expedition to Siena, Perugia, Assisi, Easter 1890, 52. London Metropolitan Archives, file A/TOY/12/1, HMC ref. 6; further page references appear in parentheses. 51 Following a group trip to Venice in 1889, one of the Travellers lecturing for the settlement joked, ‘Our Travellers neither “lisp nor wear strange suits,” nor affect any other established signs of “having swam in a gondola,”’ (Toynbee Record 1, no. 9 [June 1889]: 107). Clearly his companions would have understood his allusions to aesthetic effeminacy. 52 Toynbee Travellers’ Club, Log Book of the Expedition to Siena, Perugia, Assisi, 32. 53 Toynbee Travellers’ Club, Log Book of the Expedition to Florence, 16. 54 Toynbee Travellers’ Club, Log Book of the Expedition to Siena, Perugia, Assisi, 48. 55 Toynbee Travellers’ Club, Log Book of the Expedition to Florence, 173. 56 ‘On Wednesday we dined at the Harts’, met Mrs A–– A–– of Chicago – a beauty in jewels who took philanthropy in vain and “drew” me to tell her that her sort would never help the poor because of the beam which prevent them seeing the poor’ (Barnett, Canon Barnett, 325). 57 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 436–7. 58 Koven, ‘Culture and Poverty,’ 118. 59 Alison Adburgham, A Punch History of Manners and Modes, 1841–1940 (London: Hutchinson, 1961), 143. 60 Koven, Slumming, 37, 77, 82, 140. 61 Beatrice Webb, The Diary of Beatrice Webb, eds Norman and Jean Mackenzie (London: Virago, 1982), 241–9. 62 George Du Maurier, ‘The Very Latest Craze; Or, Overdoing It,’ Punch 85 (22 December 1883): 294. 63 George Du Maurier, ‘In Slummibus,’ Punch 86 (3 May 1884): 210. 64 This definition is from the Oxford English Dictionary. The year 1883 saw a series of masher jokes in Punch magazine: see, for example, Punch 84 (13 January 1883): 14; Punch 84 (10 February 1883): 65, and Punch 84 (24 February 1883): 88. Notes 239

65 The journalist Thomas Wright characterizes Charley the lodger as a masher in Some Habits and Customs of the Working Classes, by a Journeyman Engineer (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1967), 220, 233. 66 Alan Sinfield, The Wilde Century: Effeminacy, Oscar Wilde, and the Queer Moment (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 27, 34. 67 Walter Pater, Selected Writings of Walter Pater, ed. Harold Bloom (New York: Signet, 1974), 61. 68 Oscar Wilde, The Picture of Dorian Gray (Oxford: World’s Classics, 1981), 15, 151. 69 While Samuel Barnett assumed a dichotomy between sensational journalists and his cultural philanthropists, it is clear that the two groups overlapped. For instance, according to the 1891 Kyrle Society Annual Report, the slum journalist G. A. Sala attended a meeting of the Kyrle Society’s Musical Branch, which sponsored free concerts in poor neighborhoods. As I show in this chapter, Henry Nevinson was both a settler and a slum journalist. 70 Henry W. Nevinson, Changes and Chances (London: Nisbet and Co., 1923), 192–4; further page references appear in parentheses. 71 Beatrice Webb, My Apprenticeship (New York and London: Longmans, Green, 1926), 176. 72 Nevinson, Life’s Fitful Fever, 80. 73 Stephen Hobhouse, Forty Years and an Epilogue: An Autobiography, 1881–1951 (London: James Clarke and Co., 1951), 67; further page references in parentheses. 74 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 312. 75 H. R. Haweis, My Musical Life (London: W. H. Allen and Co., 1884), 115.

Chapter 4

1 Edmund Gosse, Father and Son: A Study of Two Temperaments (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965), 185; further page references appear in parentheses. 2 John Wigley, The Rise and Fall of the Victorian Sunday (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1980), 106. 3 John Ruskin, Praeterita (London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1949), 39. 4 Analyses of Victorian working-class respectability and solidarity as expressed by leisure practices are provided in Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830–1885 (London and New York: Methuen, 1987), and Gareth Stedman Jones, ‘Working-Class Culture and Working-Class Politics in London, 1870–1900: Notes on the Remaking of a Working Class,’ Journal of Social History 7 (1974): 460–508. 5 John Charleton, Speech of John Charleton, M.P., House of Commons. May 2, 1894. Lord’s Day Obligation: The Sabbath for Man – The Toiler’s Right to Sunday Rest (London, 1894), 1. This idea is also stated by the Society for Promoting the Due Observance of the Lord’s Day, Address #32. Evils of Saturday and Monday Markets and Fairs (London: LDOS, 1836), 1. The Society for Promoting the Due Observance of the Lord’s Day will hereafter be cited as LDOS. 6 John Gritton, D.D., The Obligation to Observe the Lord’s Day for Rest and Worship. A Paper read at the Manchester Conference of the Evangelical Alliance, 1890, by John Gritton, D.D. (London: LDOS, [1890]), 7. 240 Notes

7 Wigley discusses the class issues inherent in Sabbatarian literature in Rise and Fall, 71, 106. 8 LDOS, Address #9 (London: LDOS, [1838]), 2. 9 Brian Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom: Stability and Change in Modern Britain (Oxford and New York: Clarendon Press, 1982), 132. 10 LDOS, Appeal on the Subject of the Due Observance of the Lord’s Day. No. 3 (London: LDOS, [n.d.]), 3. 11 LDOS, Second Annual Report, June 1833 (London: LDOS, 1833), 4. 12 Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom, 133. As Harrison points out, however, the backbone of the LDRA’s financial support came from larger subscriptions by the bourgeoisie (Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom, 134). 13 Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom, 132. 14 Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom, 135. 15 LDOS, Address #6. To the keepers of inns, taverns, coffee-houses, &c. &c. (London: LDOS, [n.d.]). 16 LDOS, Address #8 (London: LDOS, [n.d.]), 2. 17 Andrew Agnew, A Letter on the Responsibilities of Railway Directors and All Shareholder Members of Christian Churches, 4th edn. (Edinburgh and London: John Johnstone, 1848), 6. 18 Charleton, Speech, 2, 15. 19 LDOS, A Well-Spent Sabbath a Foretaste of Heaven. Tracts for Working Men and Their Firesides. No. 21 (London: LDOS, [1850s]), 2. 20 LDOS, Address #1. To Masters and Heads of Families (London: LDOS, 1831), 1; LDOS, Address #32, 1. 21 As Brian Harrison has noted, Sabbatarians’ insistence upon simultaneous rest-days for all citizens was increasingly anachronistic, given the demands of a new recreational mass market that required that suppliers of goods labor out of sync with recreational shoppers (Peaceable Kingdom, 141). 22 John Gritton, D.D., The Continental Sunday: an examination (London: LDOS, 1884), 6–7; John Gritton, D.D., Sinless Sabbath-Breaking (London: LDOS, [n.d.]), 4. 23 Wm. Arthur, The People’s Day, an appeal to the Right Hon. Lord Stanley, M.P., against his advocacy of a French Sunday (London: Hamilton, Adams, 1855), 13–14. 24 Gritton, Continental, 4. 25 Gritton, Continental, 5. 26 Gritton, Obligation, 4. Ironically, defenders of rational recreations used the same rhetoric of antithesis and balance, but in order to juxtapose play and work as necessary, healthy complements of one another (Bailey, Leisure, 78–9). 27 The phrase ‘the thin end of the wedge’ appears in John Kennedy, DD, The Sunday Society: How its projects concern the citizen and the Christian (London: S. W. Partridge and Co., 1880), 10–11, and Marvin R. Vincent, The Pleasure-Sunday a Labor Sunday, a Sermon (New York: Rufus Adams, [n.d.]), 7. The anti-Sabbatarian response is from B.M., ‘A Fellow Workman,’ The Races Defended as an Amusement (Newcastle, 1853), cited in Bailey, Leisure, 39. 28 Harrison, Peaceable, 153. Some working men seeking self-education through museums and galleries sided with the Sunday Society against Notes 241

Sabbatarians: the Sunday League was founded by London artisans (Harrison, Peaceable, 139). 29 Stoddard Dewey, ‘The Triumph of Sunday Opening,’ Westminster Review 145 (1896): 479. 30 Howard Malchow, Gentlemen Capitalists: The Social and Political World of the Victorian Businessman (London: Macmillan, 1991), 392. 31 Dewey, ‘Triumph’, 482. 32 Henrietta O. Barnett, Canon Barnett: His Life, Work, and Friends (London: John Murray, 1921), 544. 33 Dewey, ‘Triumph,’ 482. 34 ‘The Present Situation of Sunday Opening,’ Westminster Review 146 (1896): 261. This source is a roundtable discussion of brief letters printed in volumes 145 and 146 of the Westminster Review following the passing of the Sunday Bill in 1896. The letters are here cited under the general title of the series, ‘The Present Situation of Sunday Opening,’ and abbreviated in citations as ‘Present.’ 35 ‘Present,’ 145: 611. 36 As late as 1905, the secretary of the LDOS continued to lobby for strict enforcement of fines for Sunday trading (Frederick Peake, ‘The Lord’s Day Observance: A Reply to Lord Aveling,’ Nineteenth Century 58 [1905]: 741). 37 Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom, 138. 38 ‘Present,’ 145: 603. 39 ‘Present,’ 145: 603. 40 ‘Present,’ 146: 15. 41 Alfred R. Wallace, ‘A Suggestion to Sabbath Keepers,’ Nineteenth Century 36 (1894): 606. 42 John Dennis, Review of Sunday. Its Origin, History, and Present Obligations Considered in The Bampton Lectures by James Augustus Hessey, DCL and Sunday by E. H. Plumptre, M.A., Fortnightly Review 4 (1866): 764. 43 G. D. Haughton, Review of The Literature of the Sabbath Question by R. Cox, FSA, Fortnightly Review 3 (1865) 374. 44 James W. Davis, ‘The Sunday Opening of Public Libraries, Art Galleries and Museums,’ Westminster Review 134 (1890): 10. 45 Davis, ‘Sunday Opening,’ 18. 46 ‘Present,’ 145: 493; further page references appear in parentheses. 47 Earl of Shaftesbury, The Right Hon. The Earl of Shaftesbury on the Sunday Question (London: Working Men’s Lord’s Day Rest Association, 1882), 24. 48 LDOS, Well-Spent, 16. 49 LDOS, Well-Spent, 16. 50 Joseph Kingsmill, The Sabbath the Working Man’s True Charter. Thoughts for the thinking men of the industrial classes on the Sabbath Question (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1856), 23. 51 Alexander M’Arthur, Sunday opening of museums, galleries, etc. A speech delivered in the House of Commons on Friday, May 19th, 1882 (Working Men’s Lord’s Day Rest Association, 1882), 2. 52 Gritton, Continental, 7–8. 53 ‘Present,’ 146: 14. 54 H. R. Haweis, Arrows in the Air (London: Kegan Paul, 1878), 422. 55 ‘Present,’ 146: 12–13. 242 Notes

56 ‘Present,’ 146: 11. 57 Davis, ‘Sunday Opening,’ 11. 58 Henry Broadhurst, Mr Broadhurst on the Sunday Question (London: Working Men’s Lord’s Day Rest Association, 1882), 3. 59 Vincent, Pleasure-Sunday, 11. Shaftesbury similarly declares, ‘The enor- mous masses that are thus to be reclaimed, men addicted to the gin- palace and ardent spirits, could only by special miracle be suddenly diverted to arts and sciences’ (Sunday Question, 8). Alexander M’Arthur writes ‘my conviction is that not a single drunkard has been redeemed by such means,’ and points to the Continental Sunday in Germany as the day in which ‘drunkenness and riotousness celebrate their greatest triumph’ and when ‘most of the misdemeanors are committed ... or are intimately connected with the misuse of [Sunday]’ (Sunday Opening, 3, 7). Gritton traces a growth in inebriation among the people of those coun- tries practicing a Continental Sunday, even extracting lines from Sunday Society literature about the popularity of beer gardens (Continental, 8, 10). 60 Ellen C. Clayton, ‘A Sunday Afternoon in Cavendish House,’ Sunday Review 1, no. 1 (October 1876): 34. 61 ‘Present,’ 146: 365. 62 ‘Present,’ 146: 263. 63 LDOS, Well-Spent, 7. 64 Kingsmill, Sabbath, 11, 14. 65 Kingsmill, Sabbath, 16–17, original emphasis. 66 Kingsmill, Sabbath, 16. 67 Arthur, People’s Day, 7. 68 M’Arthur, Sunday Opening, 2; Vincent, Pleasure-Sunday, 9; Gritton, Continental, 12–13; Thomas Chambers, Should the National Museums Be Opened on the Lord’s Day? (London: Working Men’s Lord’s Day Rest Association, [n.d.]), 5. 69 Kennedy, Sunday Society, 12. 70 Shaftesbury, Sunday Question, 23. 71 ‘Present,’ 146: 263. 72 ‘Present,’ 145: 478. 73 ‘Present,’ 145: 598, 488. As necessary as they found it to redefine ‘re- creation,’ anti-Sabbatarians went to great lengths to clarify the meaning of ‘work’ by putting it in its proper context. Alfred R. Wallace explains that what is work to some may be leisure to others, depending on whether it offers variety to weekly pursuits. ‘To the summer tourist in the Alps the ascent of a mountain or the passage of a glacier is pleasure and health-giving recreation; to the guides who accompany him it is their work’ (‘Suggestion,’ 606). He goes on to cite cooking and gardening as similar labors that are pleasure to some, though weekday work to domes- tic servants and hired gardeners. Wallace’s suggestion for leisured house- holders to assume their servants’ duties on the Sabbath resembles the call for volunteerism at galleries, a parallel of which he is conscious (607–8). 74 Vincent, Pleasure-Sunday, 8. 75 Haweis, Arrows, 410; Vincent, Pleasure-Sunday, 12; M’Arthur, Sunday Opening, 3–4. 76 M’Arthur, Sunday Opening, 3. Notes 243

77 M’Arthur, Sunday Opening, 3. 78 M’Arthur, Sunday Opening, 5. 79 Bailey, Leisure, 114. 80 Bailey, Leisure, 101. 81 Thomas Wright, Some Habits and Customs of the Working Classes, by a Journeyman Engineer (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1967), 204–48; further page references appear in parentheses. 82 Peter Bailey questions scholarly assumptions about the consistency of working men’s respectability, proposing instead a performance that is more elastic, ambiguous, and unstable. He reviews ‘situational con- texts of behavior, particularly in inter-class relationships’ in ‘“Will the Real Bill Banks Please Stand Up?” Towards a Role Analysis of Mid- Victorian Working-Class Respectability,’ Journal of Social History 12, no. 3 (1979): 348. Ellen Ross examines the domestic performance of respectability by working-class women in ‘“Not the Sort that Would Sit on the Doorstep”: Respectability in Pre-World War I London Neigh- borhoods,’ International Labor and Working-Class History 27 (1985): 39–59. 83 ‘Present,’ 145: 607. 84 Theodore Duret, ‘The Royal Academy and the Grosvenor Gallery Exhibitions, 1881,’ Gazette des Beaux Arts 23 (June 1881): 554, cited in Colleen Denney, At the Temple of Art: The Grosvenor Gallery (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1999), 106. 85 Joseph Moore, ‘The Sunday Society and the Grosvenor Gallery,’ Sunday Review 3, no. 1 (October 1878): 21–5, cited in Denney, At the Temple of Art, 62–3; Paula Gillett, ‘Art Audiences at the Grosvenor Gallery,’ in The Grovesnor Gallery: A Palace of Art in Victorian England, eds Susan P. Casteras and Colleen Denney (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996), 57–8. 86 Leonore Davidoff, The Best Circles: Women and Society in Victorian England (Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1973), 77–8, cited in Denney, At the Temple of Art, 63. 87 Charles Keene, ‘Shocking!’ Punch 82 (6 May 1882): 207. 88 ‘Present,’ 145: 491. 89 ‘Present,’ 145: 603. 90 Moncure Conway, ‘Civilising the Sabbath,’ The Open Court 278 (22 December 1892): 3498; further page references appear in parentheses. 91 ‘Present,’ 145: 608. 92 ‘Present,’ 145: 604, 607, 608; ‘Present,’ 146: 359; Sunday Society, Report read and adopted at the annual meeting of the society ([London], 1878), 4; Conway, ‘Civilising the Sabbath,’ 3500. 93 ‘Present,’ 145: 605. 94 LDOS, Occasional Paper (March 1877): 562, cited in Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom, 123. 95 ‘Present,’ 146: 256. A Fortnightly Review critic writing on the Sunday League’s endorsement of Sunday bands conveys the same doubt more con- vincingly: ‘Sunday bands, like any other good music, may afford a pleasant amusement, but listening to waltzes and polkas is not particularly con- ducive to elevation or purity of thought; neither do picture-galleries lead 244 Notes

men, as the League petitioners assert, to “reverence and love of the Deity.” A fine taste has no necessary affinity to a good heart, and intellectual culture is not spiritual life’ (Dennis, Review, 4: 766). 96 Roundell Palmer, MP, A speech delivered in the House of Commons on Thursday, February 21, 1856, in opposition to Sir Joshua Walmsley’s motion for Opening the British Museum and the National Gallery on Sundays (London: John Henry and James Parker, [1856]), 11. 97 Arthur, People’s Day, 28. 98 Arthur, People’s Day, 28. 99 Kennedy, Sunday Society, 15–16. 100 Arthur, People’s Day, 29. 101 Kingsmill, Sabbath, 21. 102 Gritton, Continental, 14–15. 103 Gritton, cited in Sunday Review 1, no. 3 (1877): 180. 104 ‘Present’ 145: 614; M’Arthur, Sunday Opening, 14–15; Kingsmill, Sabbath, 12–13. 105 M’Arthur, Sunday Opening, 14. 106 Walter Hamilton, The Aesthetic Movement in England (London: Reeves and Turner, 1882), 46. 107 Ann Thwaite, Edmund Gosse: A Literary Landscape, 1849–1928 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 173, 201, 272, 300, 327. 108 Haweis, Arrows, 172. 109 Haweis, Arrows, 174. 110 Bea Howe, Arbiter of Elegance (London: Harvill Press, 1967), 113. 111 Howe, Arbiter of Elegance, 229. 112 Talia Schaffer, The Forgotten Female Aesthetes: Literary Culture in Late- Victorian England (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000), 108–10. 113 Howe, Arbiter of Elegance, 151, 193; further page references appear in parentheses. 114 Cited in Sunday Review 2, no. 1 (July 1877): 4. 115 Toynbee Record 2, no. 1 (October 1889): 9. 116 Davis, ‘Sunday Opening,’ 18. 117 ‘Present,’146: 14. 118 Howe, Arbiter of Elegance, 54. 119 Haweis, Arrows, 408; further page references appear in parentheses. 120 David Paton, ‘The P.S.A. Movement. An Interview with Mr Abraham Park,’ Sunday Magazine 25 (1896): 377. 121 Kenneth Stanley Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes in Victorian England (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1963), 81. 122 Paton, ‘P.S.A. Movement,’ 379. 123 Paton, ‘P.S.A. Movement,’ 377; Inglis, Churches, 81. 124 Inglis, Churches, 83. 125 Inglis, Churches, 83.

Chapter 5

1 Compton Mackenzie, Sinister Street (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1960), 695–6. 2 Mackenzie, Sinister Street, 695. Notes 245

3 Richard Frederick Littledale, ‘The Missionary Aspect of Ritualism,’ in The Church and the World: Essays on Questions of the Day in 1866, 3rd edn, Orby Shipley (London: Longmans, Green, Rider, and Dyer, 1867), 39. 4 In this chapter, I use the terms Ritualist, High Anglican, High Church, and Anglo-Catholic interchangeably. Because not all High Churchmen were extreme Ritualists, I qualify the phrase with the term ‘moderate’ when necessary. My reference to particular novels as anti-Tractarian should remind the reader that these were published before 1869. 5 John Richard Orens, ‘Christ, Communism, and Chorus Girls: A Reassess- ment of Stewart Headlam,’ Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church 49, no. 3 (1980): 247. 6 John Richard Orens, Stewart Headlam’s Radical Anglicanism: The Mass, the Masses and the Music Hall (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2003), 10–11; further page references appear in parentheses. 7 On Christian Socialists and masculinity, see Norman Vance, The Sinews of the Spirit: The Ideal of Christian Manliness in Victorian Literature and Religious Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), and Donald E. Hall (ed.), Muscular Christianity: Embodying the Victorian Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). Headlam appears to have exhibited none of the anxieties about manliness manifested by Hughes and Kingsley. There is no first-hand evidence of Headlam’s response to his wife’s discovery of her lesbianism and her separation from him in 1885. But it may have been an amicable parting: they had shared an intellectual life in common in the late 1870s; she had affirmed Headlam’s theological ideas and love of the theater, even writing her own treatises on the ballet and the Gospels (Orens, Stewart Headlam’s Radical Anglicanism, 47, fn. 4). Headlam’s support of Oscar Wilde follow- ing Wilde’s indictment for gross indecencies with men is more concrete evidence of his tolerance of non-normative sexuality. 8 F. G. Bettany, Stewart Headlam, a Biography (London: J. Murray, 1926), 76, 211. 9 Stewart Duckworth Headlam, The Laws of Eternal Life (London: F. Verinder, 1888), 3. 10 Stewart Duckworth Headlam, The Service of Humanity and Other Sermons (London: John Hodges, 1882), 46; Headlam, Laws, 25. 11 Headlam, Laws, 97. 12 Stewart Duckworth Headlam, Priestcraft and Progress; Being Sermons and Lectures (London: John Hodges, 1891), 47. 13 Headlam, Service, 11. 14 Kenneth Leech, ‘Stewart Headlam: 1897–1924 and the Guild of St Matthew,’ in For Christ and the People: Studies of Four Socialist Priests and Prophets of the Church of England between 1870 and 1930, ed. Maurice B. Reckitt (London: SPCK, 1968), 75. In ‘God’s Visitations’ in The Service of Humanity, Headlam urges the building of a swimming bath to com- memorate 600 killed in a Thames accident: he is not only justifying God, but arguing that training in swimming is healthy (105). This seems to me also suggestive of William Morris’s aesthetics. Father Robert Dolling similarly defended gymnasia in his Ten Years in a Portsmouth Slum (London: Masters and Co., Ltd., 1906), 31. 246 Notes

15 Headlam, Laws, 81. 16 Headlam, Service, 65. Through his interpretation of Scripture, Headlam argued that the Virgin also restored respect for women and called for eco- nomic equality between consumers and producers. Headlam’s Cult of Mary was especially defiant in the context of the widespread late Victorian antipathy to saint worship. 17 Headlam, Service, 84, 86. 18 Headlam, Service, 109. 19 John Ruskin, Praeterita (London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1949), 461. 20 Headlam, Laws, 112. 21 Ruskin, Praeterita, 121, 460. 22 Headlam, Priestcraft, 15–16. 23 Headlam, Priestcraft, 77. 24 Headlam, Priestcraft, 78. 25 Edward Norman, ‘Stewart Headlam and the Christian Socialists,’ History Today 37 (April 1987): 27. 26 Headlam, Laws, 79. 27 Stewart Duckworth Headlam, Theatres and Music Halls: a lecture given at the Commonwealth Club, Bethnal Green, on Sunday, October 7, 1877, 2nd edn. ([London]: Women’s Printing Society, Ltd., [1878?]), vi. 28 Headlam, Laws, 46. 29 Orens, ‘Christ,’ 239. 30 Stewart Duckworth Headlam, The Function of the Stage. A Lecture by Stewart D. Headlam (London: F. Verinder, 1889), 8; Headlam, Theatres, 2; Headlam, Service, 17. 31 Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 58. 32 Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 70. 33 Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 99. 34 Headlam, Function, 9–10; Headlam, Theatres, vi, 2. 35 Headlam, Theatres, 27. 36 Orens, ‘Christ,’ 247. 37 Ruskin conveyed his approval of the Church and Stage Guild to Headlam. An account of the relationship between Headlam and Ruskin is in Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 102. Headlam quotes an excerpt from one of Ruskin’s letters on stagecraft in The Function of the Stage, 17–18. 38 Headlam, Theatres, vi; further page references appear in parentheses. 39 Headlam, Function, 23. 40 Published as Stewart D. Headlam, The Theory of Theatrical Dancing, With a Chapter on Pantomine, Edited from Carlos Blasis’ Code of Terpsichore, with the Original Plates, by Stewart D. Headlam (London: F. Verinder, 1888). 41 Headlam, Function, 16–18, 28. 42 Headlam, Service, 23. Whistler wrote, ‘Nature contains the elements, in colour and form, of all pictures, as the keyboard contains the notes of all music. But the artist is born to pick, and choose, and group with science, these elements, that the result may be beautiful – as the musician gathers his notes, and forms his chords, until he brings forth from chaos glorious harmony’ (J. A. M. Whistler, Ten o’Clock, a Lecture by James A. McNeill Whistler [Portland, ME: Thomas Bird Mosher, 1916], 12). Similarly, while lecturing in America, Wilde claimed, ‘For all beautiful colours are gradu- Notes 247

ated colours, the colours that seem about to pass into one another’s realm – colour without tone being like music without harmony, mere discord’ (‘Art and the Handicraftsman,’ in Essays and Lectures [New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, The Knickerbocker Press, 1916], 178). 43 Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 138–9. 44 Headlam, Service, 23. 45 Headlam, Service, 23. 46 Headlam, Service, 66. 47 Further evidence of his participation in missionary aesthetic circles, Headlam started a clerical campaign to support the National Sunday League (Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 35). Headlam’s affirmation of the ‘Continental Sunday’ is in agreement with his anti-Puritanism and his love of healthy amusements as evidenced in Headlam, Priestcraft, 57 and Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 86. 48 Orens, Stewart Headlam’s Radical Anglicanism, 20. 49 Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 128. 50 Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 105. 51 Lawrence Waltman, ‘The Early London Diaries of Elizabeth Robins Pennell,’ (PhD Diss., University of Texas at Austin, 1976), 372–3. 52 Orens, Stewart Headlam’s Radical Anglicanism, 119. 53 Orens, Stewart Headlam’s Radical Anglicanism, 119, 124. 54 Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 184. 55 Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 185. 56 Bettany, Stewart Headlam, 213–14. 57 Martin Wellings, ‘Aspects of Late Nineteenth-Century Anglican Evan- gelicalism: The Response to Ritualism, Darwinism and Theological Liberalism’ (PhD Diss., University of Oxford, 1989), 19. 58 Frank Michael Reynolds, Martyr of Ritualism: Father Mackonochie of St Alban’s, Holborn (London: Faber and Faber, 1965), 109. 59 L. E. Ellsworth, Charles Lowder and the Ritualist Movement (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1982), 148–9. 60 Mrs Humphry Ward, The History of David Grieve (New York and London: Macmillan and Co., 1892), 378. 61 Ward, History, 415. 62 Dolling, Ten Years, 97. 63 Reynolds, Martyr, 65. 64 John Shelton Reed, ‘“Ritualism Rampant in East London”: Anglo- Catholicism and the Urban Poor,’ Victorian Studies 31, no. 3 (Spring 1988): 379–80. 65 Reynolds, Martyr, 104. 66 Dolling, Ten Years, 90, 230–1. 67 Dolling, Ten Years, 53. 68 Ellsworth, Charles Lowder, 148. 69 E. R. Norman, Anti-Catholicism in Victorian England (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1968), 120–1. As Norman has reflected, the Church Associa- tion must have found in King a perfect representative of dangerous Ritualism. Prior to his consecration as bishop, King had served as chap- lain and principal of Cuddesdon, the High Church theological college notorious for the sentimental friendships and alleged effeminacy of its 248 Notes

curates. As Bishop, he was prone to wearing a miter, celebrating Holy Communion daily, and practicing ceremonial popularly recognized to be Ritualist. Because bishops were empowered to veto prosecutions of Ritualists under the P.W.R. Act, and because a bishop with High Church leanings was certain to protect Ritualist vicars, the Church Association sought to make an example of Bishop King by pursuing a case against him. 70 Littledale, ‘Missionary,’ 32, 37; further page references appear in parentheses. 71 Historians have availed themselves of Booth’s and Mudie-Smith’s surveys: Alan Wilson, ‘The Authority of Church and Party among London Anglo-Catholics, 1880–1914, with special reference to the Church Crisis, 1898–1904,’ (PhD Diss., University of Oxford, 1988), 27, and W. N. Yates, ‘The Only True Friend: Ritualist Concepts of Priestly Vocation,’ Studies in Church History 15 (1978): 410, 414. Both Reed and Munson tabulate middle- and upper-class attendance at Ritualist churches: see Reed, ‘Ritualism Rampant,’ 382–3, 388–90, and J. E. B. Munson, ‘The Oxford Movement by the End of the Nineteenth Century: The Anglo-Catholic Clergy,’ Church History 44, no. 3 (September 1975): 391. For other denials of the extraordinary success of slum Ritualists among the poor, see Gerald Parsons, Religion in Victorian Britain (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press in association with the Open University, 1988), 232; Kenneth Stanley Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes in Victorian England (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1963), 49; and David Brown McIlhiney, A Gentleman in Every Slum: Church of England Missions in East London, 1837–1914 (Allison Park, PA: Pickwick Publications, 1988), 21, 43–4. In this section, I am especially indebted to Reed’s ‘Ritualism Rampant.’ 72 Charles Booth, Life and Labour of the People of London. 3rd Series: Religious Influences (London: Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1902), 2: 90. 73 Booth, Life and Labour, 2: 79. 74 Richard Mudie-Smith, The Religious Life of London (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1904), 30–1. 75 Mudie-Smith, Religious Life, 37. 76 Wilson, ‘Authority,’ 30. Founded in 1855 to defend High Church clergy against prosecutions, the Society of the Holy Cross evolved into a social, representational forum through which Ritualists deliberated and debated their unifying policies. 77 Booth, Life and Labour, 3: 203. 78 Reed, ‘Ritualism Rampant,’ 397. 79 Reed, ‘Ritualism Rampant,’ 392; Leonard W. Cowie, Religion. Examining the Evidence (London: Methuen, 1973), 65. 80 Wilson, ‘Authority,’ 160. 81 Wilson, ‘Authority,’ 170. 82 Reed also claims this using different evidence in ‘Ritualism Rampant,’ 396. 83 Wilson, ‘Authority,’ 171–2. 84 Inglis, Churches, 46; Munson, ‘Oxford Movement,’ 392; Reed, ‘Ritualism Rampant,’ 377, 398. Notes 249

85 Ellsworth, Charles Lowder, 74–9; Desmond Bowen, The Idea of the Victorian Church: A Study of the Church of England, 1833–1889 (Montreal: McGill University Press, 1968), 289. 86 Orens, Stewart Headlam’s Radical Anglicanism, 26. 87 Mudie-Smith, Religious Life, 37. Charles Masterman observed of South London: ‘The working man has no affection for elaborate ritual; he accepts with resignation, as part of an inexplicable activity, the ornaments, the processions and the ceremony. If [High Church clergymen] processed round their churches standing on their heads, he would accept it with the same acquiescence. But they have gone down and lived amongst the people; they have proclaimed an intelligible gospel of Christian Socialism; they have demanded not charity, but justice. The campaign has earned them a storm of obloquy from the world of orthodox religion; it has earned them the affection of the poor’ (Mudie-Smith, Religious Life, 216). 88 Reynolds, Martyr, 190–1. 89 Hugh McLeod, Class and Religion in the Late Victorian City (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1974), 48. 90 McLeod, Class and Religion, 50. 91 George Haw, Christianity and the Working Classes (London and New York: Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1906), 253. 92 Reed, ‘Ritualism Rampant,’ 382. 93 Yates, ‘Only True Friend,’ 11; Wilson, ‘Authority,’ 30. Contrast Alan Wilson’s statement, ‘Anglo-Catholic churches did best where other churches did best – in the suburbs, where more parishioners were likely to have the skills and desire for voluntary organization’ (‘Authority,’ 30) or Parson’s that it was ‘more rural than urban’ (Religion, 233) to J. E. B. Munson’s argument that Ritualism was essentially ‘an urban phenome- non’ (‘Oxford Movement,’ 390–1). The term ‘suburb’ was used with great flexibility: while Mudie-Smith concludes his survey with George Haw’s essay on evangelical neglect and failure in ‘Greater London,’ Charles Masterman, in his contribution on South London, calls districts like Dulwich and Streatham suburbs, and locates the progress of Ritualism among the middle classes there (Mudie-Smith, Religious Life, 205, 337–44). 94 Is Ritualism in the Church of England Popular among the Masses? by ‘The Rector of Manaton’ (1894), 13. Cited in Munson, ‘Oxford Movement,’ 394. 95 Munson, ‘Oxford Movement,’ 390; Nigel Yates, The Oxford Movement and Anglican Ritualism (London: The Historical Association, 1983), 27. 96 John Shelton Reed, ‘“A Female Movement”: The Feminization of Nine- teenth-Century Anglo-Catholicism,’ Anglican and Episcopal History 57, no. 2 (1988): 199–238; John Shelton Reed, ‘“Giddy Young Men”: A Counter-Cultural Aspect of Victorian Anglo-Catholicism,’ Comparative Social Research 11 (1989): 209–26. 97 Acknowledging, of course, the anachronism of the term ‘homosexual.’ See Reed, ‘Giddy Young Men,’ 221–3, and David Hilliard, ‘UnEnglish and Unmanly: Anglo-Catholicism and Homosexuality,’ Victorian Studies 25, no. 2 (Winter 1982): 181–210. 98 Reed, ‘Giddy,’ 211. 250 Notes

99 Wilson, ‘Authority,’ 50. 100 ‘The Protestant Alliance Verbatim Report of Speeches delivered at the Great Demonstration, Held in the Queen’s Hall, Langham Palace on May 3rd, 1898,’ 22–5, cited in Munson, ‘Oxford Movement,’ 387 and Hilliard, ‘UnEnglish,’ 189, 191. John Kensit’s own history is recounted in G. I. T. Machin, ‘The Last Victorian Anti-Ritualist Campaign, 1895–1906,’ Victorian Studies 25 (Spring 1982): 277–302. 101 Reed, ‘Giddy,’ 214. James Adderly tentatively defines the term ‘spike’ in his autobiographical In Slums and Society (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1916), 82–3, and characters in Compton Mackenzie’s The Parson’s Progress also use it, as in ‘I hope you’ve spiked him up’ and ‘you think I am thirsting after spikey services’ (London: Cassell and Co., Ltd., 1923), 57, 67. 102 Adderly, In Slums, 130. 103Walter Besant, In Deacon’s Orders (New York and London: Garland, 1976), 82–3. 104 This adage occurs in religious fiction: for instance, Mrs Humphry Ward, Robert Elsmere (London: Smith, Elder, 1901), 186, and Compton Mackenzie, The Parson’s Progress, 127. 105 Maria Trench, Charles Lowder: A Biography by the Author of ‘The Life of St Teresa,’ 12th edn. (London: Kegan Paul, Trench and Co., 1887), 284, cited in Hilliard, ‘UnEnglish,’ 190. 106 Charles E. Osborne, The Life of Father Dolling (London: E. Arnold, 1903), 74. 107 Osborne, Life, 47. 108 Wilson, ‘Authority,’ 196. 109 Wilson, ‘Authority,’ 195. 110 Wilson, ‘Authority,’ 223; Yates, ‘Only True Friend,’ 413; Yates, Oxford Movement, 38. 111 Yates, ‘Only True Friend,’ 411. 112 Booth, Life and Labour, 2: 92. 113 Booth, Life and Labour, 2: 92. 114 F. W. Robinson, Beyond the Church (New York: Garland, 1977), 1: 6, 7; further page references appear in parentheses. 115 Charles Maurice Davies was also the author of several volumes of articles describing his own dilettantesque, peripatetic travels throughout the reli- gious houses of London: Unorthodox London (1871), Heterodox London (1872), Orthodox London (1873), and Mystic London (1878). In addition to his first novel, Philip Paternoster (1858), Davies’s novel Verts or, The Three Creeds (1876) also pinpoints the junctures between religious aestheticism, Decadence and class difference: ‘Let us go … and lead a Bohemian life in London,’ says one character as she and her ever-vacillating husband embark on a career of journalism and low-life quarters in the midst of a Ritualist scare (New York: Garland, 1975), 1: 210. 116 Charles Maurice Davies, Philip Paternoster (New York: Garland, 1975), 1: 220, 1: 237, 2: 87; further page references appear in parentheses. 117 Robinson, Beyond the Church, 3: 80; Davies, Philip Paternoster, 1: 102. Novelists also commonly portrayed popular violence as a viable reac- tion to Ritualist innovations. In Robinson’s Beyond the Church, the nar- Notes 251

rator remarks offhand that, had his hero gone in for Ritualism, he ‘might have been a thuribler, banner bearer, acolyte – what not, and suffered amateur martyrdom at the hands of irate and protesting mobs’ (2: 323). For representations of riots, see Robinson’s High Church and the conclusion to Hall Caine’s The Christian (1897). In Compton Mackenzie’s The Heavenly Ladder (1924), parishioners desecrate the village crèche to protest changes in the church ceremony; shortly after, a mob physically ousts the Ritualist priest and his possessions from the vicarage. Novelists were conscious of the 1859 riots in London’s St George’s-in-the-East as a referent. The upheaval at the church and desecrations within it were not solely due to popular dis- content with the church’s formal ceremonial. John Shelton Reed attributes local dissatisfaction to the Rev. Bryan King’s obstinacy and personal unpopularity among communicants, and quotes from King’s autobiography as evidence of his pastoral style (Reed, ‘Ritualism Rampant,’ 400). Further, brothel-owners, threatened by the work of the mission priests, bribed young locals to wreak havoc (S. L. Ollard, A Short History of the Oxford Movement [London: Faith Press, 1963], 135). Philip T. Smith offers a comprehensive analysis of the St George’s-in-the-East riots in ‘The London Police and the Holy War: Ritualism and St George’s-in-the-East, London, 1859–60,’ Journal of the Church and State 21, no. 1 (1986): 107–19. 118 F. W. Robinson, High Church (New York: Garland, 1975), 1: 121, original emphasis. 119 Littledale, ‘Missionary,’ 31. 120 Margaret Maison, Search Your Soul, Eustace: A Survey of the Religious Novel in the Victorian Age (London and New York: Sheed & Ward, 1961), 287, 289–90, 307. 121 This tension continues into the twentieth century. In the 1920s, Compton Mackenzie offered an optimistic portrayal of slum Ritualism with its aesthetic worship intact through his laudatory fictionalization of the Portsmouth mission priest Robert Dolling in the first two novels of his Anglo-Catholic trilogy, The Altar Steps (1921) and The Parson’s Progress (1922). But his final volume, The Heavenly Ladder (1924) con- tradicts these when its protagonist, Mark Lidderdale, aiming to convert his uneducated, rural parishioners to Anglo-Catholicism, priggishly alienates them. Mark also ultimately converts to Roman Catholicism. 122 Maison, Search Your Soul, 292, 295–6; Robert Lee Wolff, Gains and Losses: Novels of Faith and Doubt in Victorian England (New York: Garland, 1977), 169, 189. 123 Maison, Search Your Soul, 292. 124 J. H. Shorthouse, John Inglesant (New York: Macmillan, 1882), 252; further page references appear in parentheses. 125 Reed, ‘Giddy Young Men,’ 217. Erected in the infamous slum of Holborn, St Alban’s was one of those eclectic churches whose locale has undergone reinvestigation by John Shelton Reed. Reed concludes that allegations about the neighborhood’s poverty and criminality have been exaggerated, maintaining that it was socially heterogeneous and 252 Notes

bordered on affluent neighborhoods (Reed, ‘Ritualism Rampant,’ 383). In his census account of Holborn at the turn of the century, Walter Warren cited overcrowding, a high death rate, the displacement of locals through large-scale demolitions and the particular poverty of Drury Lane and its environs, and then went on to describe St Alban’s as ‘a fashionable church of every ritual and art’ (Mudie-Smith, Religious Life, 144–5). 126 W. H. Mallock, The New Republic, or Culture, Faith, and Philosophy in an English Country House, ed. J. Max Patrick (Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press, 1950), 172. 127 Mrs Humphry Ward, ‘Marius the Epicurean,’ Macmillan’s Magazine 52 (June 1885): 132–9. 128 Wolff, Gains and Losses, 180, 188–9. 129 Walter Pater, Marius the Epicurean (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), 244; further page references appear in parentheses. 130 Maison, Seach Your Soul, 305. 131 Walter Pater, Selected Writings of Walter Pater, ed. Harold Bloom (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), 198. 132 Pater, Marius the Epicurean, 231; further page references appear in parentheses. 133 Pater, Selected Writings, 59. 134 Pater, Selected Writings, 18. 135 Pater, Marius the Epicurean, 228. 136 Pater, Marius the Epicurean, 228, 239. 137 Pater, Selected Writings, 111, 113. 138 Pater, Marius the Epicurean, 249–50; further page references appear in parentheses. 139The exception is, of course, Elsmere’s passing defense of a Kyrle-like society that performs concerts for the poor; through this, he endorses the aspirations of the violinist and demi-aesthete Rose. 140 Parsons, Religion, 226–33; Bowen, Idea, 288–89. The evangelical methods of Victorian Ritualist mission priests were first theorized in Dieter Voll’s Catholic Evangelicalism: The Acceptance of Evangelical Traditions by the Oxford Movement during the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century (London: Faith Press, 1963). 141 Peter J. Keating, The Working Classes in Victorian Fiction (London, Boston and Henley: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971), 177. 142 Arthur Morrison, A Child of the Jago (Chicago: Academy Chicago Publishers, 1995), 78; further page references appear in parentheses. 143 Like Stewart Headlam, James Adderly also scandalized Victorian society through his support of Oscar Wilde following Wilde’s indict- ment in 1895 for acts of gross indecency with men. While Headlam had put up Wilde’s bail and accompanied him to the courtroom during the trials, Adderly visited Wilde in Reading Gaol shortly before his release in 1897 (Adderly, In Slums, 178–9; Hilliard, ‘UnEnglish and Unmanly,’ 199). 144 James Adderly, Stephen Remarx (New York: Garland, 1975), 6, 24, 63, 69; further page references appear in parentheses. 145 Adderly, In Slums, 170. 146 Adderly, Stephen Remarx, 127; further page references appear in parentheses. Notes 253

147 Hall Caine, The Christian (London: Garland, 1975), 225; further page references appear in parentheses. 148 Adderly, Stephen Remarx, 47–50. 149 Adderly, Stephen Remarx, 121. 150 I am referring to the Kyrle Man in the satirical ballad, ‘Beauty Not at Home,’ Punch 80 (12 February1881): 71.

Chapter 6

1 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 1 September 1884, reprinted in The Collected Letters of George Gissing, eds Paul Mattheison, Arthur C. Young, and Pierre Coustillas (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1991), 2: 249 (hereafter cited as Letters). 2 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 3 February 1883, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 113. 3 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 3 February 1883, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 113; Letter to Margaret Gissing, 27 February 1883, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 122. 4 Letter to Margaret Gissing, 15 September 1883, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 159, original emphasis; George Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, ed. Pierre Coustillas (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1969), 2: 122. 5 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 3 February 1883, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 136–7; George Gissing, The Unclassed, ed. Jacob Korg (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1976), 217. 6 Letter to Gabrielle Fleury, 9 August 1898, in Gissing, Letters, 7: 142, 143. 7 Letter to Ellen Gissing, 26 September 1884, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 259. 8 Letter to Ellen Gissing, 18 May 1885, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 308; Letter to Algernon Gissing, 14 March 1885, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 296. 9 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 1 September 1884, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 249. 10 Letter to Eduard Bertz, 8 January 1890, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 181. 11 As much as he loathed having to support his writing through tutoring, Gissing was in fact a natural teacher. His pedantic temperament is clear in letters to his family. Gissing challenges the paradigms limiting his brother Algernon’s pastoral fiction by exposing Algernon to innovations in continental novels. In letters to his sisters Margaret and Ellen, Gissing sets a strict course for their self-improvement, particularly insisting that they master languages, and prescribing texts in French, German, Italian, and Latin. ‘Do your best to make every moment of your waking day serve towards the great end of your inward culture,’ he wrote to Margaret (18 June 1881, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 43). He prodded Ellen towards art appreciation as well (19 August 1882, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 97), and in anticipation of the sisters’ trip to London, he sent them Lucy Crane’s Art and the Formation of Taste (London: Macmillan, 1882) for study, ‘the very foundation you need’ for exploring London’s galleries (2 September 1885, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 345). This last directive reveals Gissing’s early aesthetic leanings. While Crane’s book begins by critiquing the figure of the fashionable aesthete, her later chapters nevertheless recommend the purchase of ebonized furniture, Japanese fans, and blue and white china. 12 In Demos (1886) Gissing discredits political programs that would improve the material conditions of the laborer as both unnecessary and tasteless. Here Gissing rationalizes that true happiness is only ‘relative to the habits and capabilities of the people,’ thus asserting that workers do not know 254 Notes

enough to be discontented with their lot and are best left alone: see Demos: A Story of English Socialism, ed. Pierre Coustillas (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1972), 384. In Thyrza (1887) Gissing approves art socialism only because the aestheticism at its heart is escapist and incomprehensible to the masses: it ironically obfuscates political outreach. Both novels preach the ideal of a depoliticized art that transcends social commitment. 13 Michael Collie, George Gissing, A Biography (Folkestone: Dawson, 1977), 115–16, 122–3, 129. 14 In Gissing in Context (London: Macmillan, 1975), Adrian Poole suggests Gissing’s heartfelt alliance with ‘fellow skeptics and subversives’ in the context of Gissing’s self-conception as an exile of artistic integrity within the 1890s literary market (135). Poole, however, does not explore this imaginary community in terms of Gissing’s received images of bohemia. 15 Letter to Eduard Bertz, 24 June 1894, in Gissing, Letters, 5: 212; Letter to Eduard Bertz, 23 June 1895, in Gissing, Letters, 5: 351. 16 George Gissing, London and the Life of Literature in Late Victorian England: The Diary of George Gissing, Novelist, ed. Pierre Coustillas (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1978), 214 (hereafter cited as Diary). 17 Letter to Ellen Gissing, 11 October 1889, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 123, fn. 6. 18 Letter to Ellen Gissing, 11 October 1889, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 122; Letter to Margaret Gissing, 11 October 1889, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 124. 19 Letter to Catherine Gissing, 21 January 1889, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 25. 20 Letter to Eduard Bertz, 22 June 1890, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 226. First published in 1877, and then in English translation in 1890, Marie Bashkirtseff’s diary, focusing on the author’s experiences in Paris ateliers and salons, saw phenomenal popularity in England. It was particularly a text claimed and promoted by aesthetes. Its translator, Mathilde Blind, critiqued the artist and her work in ‘Marie Bashkirtseff: the Russian Painter, Parts 1, 2,’ The Woman’s World 1 (1888): 351–6, 454–7. In her own memoir, the female aesthete Marion Hepworth Dixon, who had studied painting with Bashkirtseff in Paris, wrote of the diary, ‘She speaks to the artistic instinct of the world’ (‘Marie Bashkirtseff: A Personal Reminiscence,’ Fortnightly Review 53 [1890]: 276). 21 Gissing, Diary, 5 December 1890, 231. 22 Letter to Eduard Bertz, 26 April 1891, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 288. 23 Letter to Eduard Bertz, 19 November 1893, in Gissing, Letters, 5: 163. 24 Poole, Gissing in Context, 120–1, 123, 127. 25 He did eventually join the Society of Authors association for business reasons: it provided him with a literary agent, W. M. Colles. 26 Letter to Clara Collet, 6 June 1895, in Gissing, Letters, 5: 343. 27 Stanley Weintraub (ed.), The Yellow Book: Quintessence of the Nineties (New York: Doubleday, Anchor Books, 1964), xix. 28 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 14 February 1884, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 197. 29 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 8 December 1884, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 274. 30 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 7 September 1884, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 254. 31 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 26 October 1884, in Gissing, Letters 2: 264. 32 Gissing, The Unclassed, 150. 33 Letter to Margaret Gissing, 12 May 1883, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 135. 34 Letter to E. Halpérin-Kaminsky, 28 August 1898, in Gissing, Letters, 7: 164. Notes 255

35 George Gissing, Workers in the Dawn, ed. Pierre Coustillas (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1985), 2: 269, original emphasis; further page references appear in parentheses. Since Jacob Korg’s influential essay on ‘Division of Purpose in George Gissing’ (PMLA 70, no. 3 [June 1955]: 323–36), critics have generally followed Korg’s reading of this as a Shelleyan speech. John Sloan observes that it is a legacy of Helen’s early education under her father in Arnoldian and Ruskinian values (George Gissing: The Cultural Challenge [Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1989], 22–3). 36 It is odd in the context of this line that Jacob Korg and, more recently, John Sloan would claim Helen’s project an absolute failure (Korg, George Gissing, a Critical Biography [Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1963], 36; Sloan, George Gissing, the Cultural Challenge, 24). David Grylls rightly notes that Helen’s teaching ends because of her consumption, not because her program is ineffective (The Paradox of Gissing [London: Allen and Unwin, 1986], 27). 37 The climate of Gissing’s classical education and its false promise of social mobility are fully explored in Sloan’s introduction. Pierre Coustillas’s George Gissing at Alderley Edge (London: Enitharmon Press, 1969) offers an overview of his school’s late Victorian educational curriculum. 38 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 16 January 1881, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 3. 39 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 18 May 1882, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 84. 40 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 20 August 1885, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 337. 41 Letter to Margaret Gissing, 23 May 1884, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 220. 42 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 19 June 1881, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 46. 43 Letter to Margaret Gissing, 23 November 1881, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 65. 44 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 15 May 1887, in Gissing, Letters, 3: 313. 45 ‘Lou and Liz’ first appeared in The English Illustrated Magazine (August 1893): 793–801, and has been reprinted in George Gissing, The Day of Silence and Other Stories, ed. Pierre Coustillas (London: J.M. Dent, 1993), 1–13. 46 Edith Sichel, ‘Two Philanthropic Novelists: Mr Walter Besant and Mr George Gissing,’ Murray’s Magazine 3 (April 1888): 506–18. The most famous of Sir Walter Besant’s philanthropic romances, All Sorts and Conditions of Men (1882), was the inspiration for the People’s Palace, founded in 1887. Besant edited the Palace Journal. Generally regarded as the source of more popular entertainments than those offered by univer- sity settlements, the People’s Palace did sponsor art exhibits and encour- age working people’s exhibitions. Ironically, while Toynbee Hall’s founders never saw their settlement evolve into a workers’ university as they had hoped, the People’s Palace was eventually endowed as Queen Mary College, University of London. See From Palace to College: An Illustrated Account of Queen Mary College (University of London), eds G. P. Moss and M. V. Saville (London: The College, 1985). 47 Pierre Coustillas, Brief Interlude: The Letters of George Gissing to Edith Sichel (Edinburgh: Tragara, 1987), 16. 48 Gissing, Diary, 19 October 1888, 54. 49 George Gissing, The Emancipated, ed. Pierre Coustillas (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1977), 205. 50 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 2: 172. 51 Gissing, The Unclassed, 271; further page references appear in parentheses. 256 Notes

52 George Gissing, ‘On Battersea Bridge,’ Pall Mall Gazette (30 November 1883): 4. 53 Gissing, Workers in the Dawn, 2: 390. 54 Letter to Edmund Gosse, 20 March 1893, in Gissing, Letters, 5: 96–8. Gissing also states this idea in Thyrza in his estimation of the rarity of Gilbert Grail’s literary interests (London: Smith, Elder, and Co, 1907), 67–8. 55 Letter to Edmund Gosse, 20 March 1893, in Gissing, Letters, 5: 98. 56 This oft-repeated phrase is first used in Morley Roberts, The Private Life of Henry Maitland (The Richards Press, 1958), 239. 57 Peter J. Keating, The Working Classes in Victorian Fiction (London, Boston, and Henley: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971), 63. 58 Gissing, Thyrza, 396, 399. 59 George Gissing, Born in Exile (London: Hogarth Press, 1985), 128. 60 Gissing, Born in Exile, 41. 61 Gissing, Born in Exile, 129. 62 Gissing, The Unclassed, 44. Gissing’s use of ‘Philistine’ here to denote the laboring classes obviously differs from that of Arnold. 63 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 2: 95–6. 64 Gissing, Thyrza, 111. 65 Gissing, Workers in the Dawn, 2: 380. 66 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 2: 111, 106. 67 George Gissing, Denzil Quarrier, ed. John Halperin (Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1979), 35. 68 George Gissing, Demos, 368. 69 Gissing, Demos, 136. Jacob Korg has observed Gissing’s indecision about the biological or environmental basis for vulgarity (George Gissing, a Critical Biography, 88–90). For another example of Gissing wavering and crediting both, see Gissing, Demos, 350. This ambivalence is also found in late Victorian scientific treatises about aesthetics and the working-class body, notably, Grant Allen’s Physiological Aesthetics (London: H. S. King, 1877). As early reviewers noted, Mutimer’s biological defects seem to have the last word, ensuring the permanency of class distinctions (unsigned review, New York Daily Tribune [9 May 1886]: 10, reprinted in Gissing, the Critical Heritage, eds Pierre Coustillas and Colin Partridge [London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1968], 90–1.) John Sloan has noted this fatalism (George Gissing: The Cultural Challenge, 66–7). While Gissing deals gingerly with Jean Izoulet’s theory of bio-sociology in Our Friend the Charlatan, he relies on it – or a rendition if it – quite often as a means of consolidating distinctions of class and hence, of power. 70 Gissing, Thyrza, 87. 71 Gissing, Thyrza, 208, 225. 72 Gissing, Demos, 339, original emphasis. 73 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 316. 74 George Gissing, Eve’s Ransom (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, Ltd., 1915), 301. 75 Gissing, Eve’s Ransom, 384. 76 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 1: 185. Notes 257

77 Gissing, Workers in the Dawn, 2: 19, original emphasis. 78 Though ironically, in his horror of money-grubbing, Gissing voiced some very Morrisian ideas about work and rest. See, for example, The Nether World on ‘men who have multiplied toil for toil’s sake’ (George Gissing, The Nether World, ed. John Goode [Brighton: Harvester Press, 1974], 11). John Goode notes echoes of Morris’s rhetoric in Gissing’s prose in ‘Gissing, Morris and English Socialism,’ Victorian Studies 12, no. 2 (December 1968): 204–5. 79 Gissing, Demos, 462. 80 Gissing, Demos, 383–4. 81 Gissing, Demos, 383. Morley Roberts questioned the logic of this equa- tion in his correspondence with Gissing (1 August 1886, in Gissing, Letters, 3: 50–1). Gissing voiced this idea in passing in other fictional works, including Workers in the Dawn, A Life’s Morning (1888), and the short story, ‘A Poor Gentleman’ (1899), reprinted in The Day of Silence, 126–38. 82 Gissing, Demos, 383. 83 Grylls, Paradox, 39. 84 Gissing, Demos, 90. All characters in Demos are in fact measured by this moral-aesthetic yardstick: in Chapter 1, we see Mrs Waltham admitting that although the view is spoiled by the mining works, she ‘would never have thought of objecting to a scheme which would produce money at the cost of the merely beautiful’ (4). This aesthetic coarseness anticipates her moral coarseness in ‘selling’ Adela to Mutimer. 85 Grylls, Paradox, 43; Goode, ‘Morris,’ 212, 214. 86 Gissing, Demos, 339, added emphasis; further page references appear in parentheses. 87 Letter to Margaret Gissing, 26 November 1882, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 107. 88 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 2: 135. 89 Letter to Ellen Gissing, 20 December 1887, in Gissing, Letters, 3: 171. 90 George Gissing, The Odd Women, ed. Arlene Young (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 1998), 100. 91 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 2: 5. 92 Gissing, Denzil Quarrier, 52. 93 Gissing, Denzil Quarrier, 30. 94 Gissing, Denzil Quarrier, 198. 95 The novels in this section are all published after J. K. Huysmans’s A Rebours (1884). Gissing’s ambivalence with aestheticism is clear as late as The Crown of Life (1899), where aestheticism masculinizes Olga Hannaford and effeminizes Mr Kite, yet produces one of Gissing’s most spirited, cheering characters, Miss Bonnicastle, who is neither criminal- ized for her complicity in professional advertising nor for inhabiting a Chelsea attic-studio. 96 The exception is Gissing’s representation of Mallard in The Emancipated. Here Gissing again undercuts Wildean tenets of formal artistic freedom, but in their place he advocates a restored Ruskinian practical aesthetic. Early in the novel, Mallard has shocked Miriam by insisting – in defiance of Ruskin – that art’s ‘usefulness’ consists merely of enabling the artist to live in harmony with himself: ‘Art may, or may not, serve [mankind]; 258 Notes

but be assured that the artist never thinks of his work in that way ... . this work gives me keener and more lasting pleasure than any other would ... The one object I have in life is to paint a bit of the world just as I see it .... I am right to persevere, I am right to go on pleasing myself’ (95–6). In the context of her brother Reuben’s languor and dissipation, such Wildean statements appear dangerous to Miriam. We have seen how Gissing softens Miriam’s character through her growing tolerance of beauty; but Mallard changes as well. Gissing gradually affirms Mallard’s honor by illustrating Mallard’s own private renunciations and by design- ing a final scene in which Mallard counsels Miriam to abandon her origi- nal endowment of an Evangelical chapel in her hometown. He advises that in its place she erect a public bath – whose attention to the joys of the body and the beauty of the human form define it as a species of art-philanthropy. 97 Gissing found the Wilde scandal ‘frightfully depressing’ and a ‘catastro- phe’ (Letter to Morley Roberts, 27 May 1895, in Gissing, Letters, 5: 339). At the nadir of his second marriage, Gissing complained that his wife Edith maligned him before her neighbors for ‘terrible, unspeakable things, such as no good woman has ever heard of’ (Letter to Gabrielle Fleury, 6 February 1899, in Gissing, Letters, 7: 288, original emphasis); he confided to Morley Roberts that Edith had accused him of being a ‘disciple of Oscar Wilde’ (Letter to Morley Roberts, 6 February 1899, in Gissing, Letters, 7: 290, original emphasis). Gissing was dismayed when, after the trials, the wife of an acquaintance mentioned Wilde’s name in company (Letter to Clara Collet, 26 December 1897, in Gissing, Letters, 7: 23, fn. 6). 98 George Gissing, The Whirlpool, ed. Patrick Parrinder (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1977), 82–4. 99 Gissing, The Whirlpool, 82. 100 Gissing, The Whirlpool, 40, original emphasis. William Greenslade judges The Whirlpool in the context of turn-of-the-century beliefs in eugenics, female neurasthenia and degenerative reproduction: see Greenslade, ‘Women and the Disease of Civilization: George Gissing’s The Whirlpool,’ Victorian Studies 32, no. 4 (Summer 1989): 507–23. 101 Gissing, The Odd Women, 104–5. 102 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 1: 90. 103 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 1: 155. 104 Gissing, The Odd Women, 159, 164. 105 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 1: 221–2. 106 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 1: 222. 107 Gissing, Isabel Clarendon, 2: 9. 108 Gissing, The Emancipated, 14. 109 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 19 June 1881, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 47. 110 Gissing, Workers in the Dawn, 2: 6. 111 Gissing, The Unclassed, 293. 112 Gissing, Thyrza, 409. 113 Letter to Eduard Bertz, 4 November 1889, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 140. 114 George Gissing, Human Odds and Ends: Stories and Sketches (New York: Garland, 1977), 297–8. Notes 259

115 George Gissing, In the Year of Jubilee (New York: Dover Publications, 1982), 7; further page references appear in parentheses. 116 Gissing, The Whirlpool, 341. 117 Gissing, The Whirlpool, 342. 118 Letter to Algernon Gissing, 26 March 1897, in Gissing, Letters, 6: 257. 119 Gissing, The Whirlpool, 452. 120 Gissing, The Whirlpool, 452. 121 George Gissing, Our Friend the Charlatan, ed. Pierre Coustillas (Ruther- ford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1976), 154; further page references appear in parentheses. 122 Letter to Margaret Gissing, 7 October 1885, in Gissing, Letters, 2: 352. 123Letter to Ellen Gissing, 2 September 1885, in Gissing, Letters 2: 346; Letter to Ellen Gissing, 21 May 1886, in Gissing, Letters, 3: 38. 124 Letter to Margaret Gissing, 15 April 1886, in Gissing, Letters, 3: 34, original emphasis. 125 ‘Over there was fought the battle of Actium; over there lay the land of Hellas! And so it will always be. I cannot deeply interest myself in medieval history, & therefore Florence & Venice are not so much to me as they ought to be’ (Letter to Eduard Bertz, 13 February 1889, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 45). His comment, ‘To enjoy myself among buildings, I must be at Paestum’ again posits a disregard for Ruskin (Letter to Ellen Gissing, 5 February 1889, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 39). 126 Letter to Eduard Bertz, 13 February 1889, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 46. 127 Letter to Eduard Bertz, 3 January 1889, in Gissing, Letters, 4: 6. 128 George Gissing, By the Ionian Sea (London: Chapman and Hall, 1905), 8. 129 Gissing, By the Ionian Sea, 9. 130 Gissing, By the Ionian Sea, 10.

Conclusion

1 Jonathan Freedman, Professions of Taste: Henry James, British Aestheticism and Commodity Culture (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990). 2 Regenia Gagnier, Idylls of the Marketplace: Oscar Wilde and the Victorian Public (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1986), 3. 3 Richard Dellamora, Masculine Desire: The Sexual Politics of Victorian Aestheticism (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1990). 4 Talia Schaffer, The Forgotten Female Aesthetes: Literary Culture in Late- Victorian England (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000), 20, 25. 5 Regenia Gagnier, ‘A Critique of Practical Aesthetics,’ in Aesthetics and Ideology, ed. George Levine (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1994), 264–82; further page references appear in parentheses. 6 E. T. Cook, ‘Fine Art in Whitechapel,’ The Magazine of Art 7 (1884): 347. 7 Beatrice Webb, My Apprenticeship (New York and London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1926), 138. 8 Seth Koven, Slumming: Sexual and Social Politics in Victorian London (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 3. 9 Octavia Hill, Homes of the London Poor (London: Macmillan, 1883), 41. 10 Hill, Homes, 95. 260 Notes

11 Peter Bailey reviews these arguments in his introduction to the revised edition of Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830–1885 (London and New York: Methuen, 1987). 12 Henrietta Barnett, ‘Town Children and Country Interests,’ in Towards Social Reform, eds Canon and Mrs S. A. Barnett (London: T. Fischer Unwin, 1909), 326. 13 John Rosenberg, The Darkening Glass: A Portrait of Ruskin’s Genius (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1961), 189; William Thompson Hill, Octavia Hill: Pioneer of the National Trust and Housing Reformer (London: Hutchinson, 1956), 71; Howard Malchow, ‘Public Gardens and Social Action in Late Victorian London,’ Victorian Studies 29, no. 1 (Autumn 1985): 122. 14 Nicola Smith, ‘A Brief Account of the Origins of the South London Art Gallery,’ in Art for the People: Culture in the Slums of Late Victorian Britain, ed. Giles Waterfield (London: Dulwich Picture Gallery, 1994), 13. 15 Philip T. Smith, ‘The London Police and the Holy War: Ritualists and St George’s-in-the-East, London, 1859-60,’ Journal of the Church and State 21, no. 1 (1986): 107–19. 16 A growing body of scholarship has uncovered instances of working-class people’s resistance to middle-class reform programs: Ruth Livesey, ‘Reading for Character: Women Social Reformers and Narratives of the Urban Poor in Late Victorian and Edwardian London,’ Journal of Victorian Culture 9, no. 1 (Spring 2004): 43–68; Seth Koven, Slumming, 12–13. Koven’s Harvard disser- tation analyzes working-class demands for club leadership at the Oxford House university settlement: see Seth Koven, ‘Culture and Poverty: The London Settlement House Movement, 1870–1914’ (PhD Diss., Harvard University, 1987), 179–234. 17 George R. Sims, How the Poor Live and Horrible London (New York and London: Garland, 1984), 79. 18 Cook, ‘Fine Art,’ 345. 19 Octavia Hill, Our Common Land (and other short essays) (London: Macmillan, 1877), 141. 20 Lucy Yates, ‘Art for the People: an International Association,’ The House Beautiful and the Home: A Journal for Those Who Design, Beautify, Furnish and Inhabit Houses 1, no. 4 (1904) 141. 21 Walter Hamilton, The Aesthetic Movement in England (London: Reeves and Turner, 1882), 127. 22 Yates, ‘Art for the People,’ 141. 23 Bea Howe, Arbiter of Elegance (London: Harvill Press, 1967), 254–5. 24 Howe, Arbiter of Elegance, 255. 25 Gareth Stedman Jones, ‘Working-Class Culture and Working-Class Politics in London, 1870–1900: Notes on the Remaking of a Working Class,’ Journal of Social History 7 (1974): 474. 26 Kathleen Woodward, Jipping Street (London: Virago, 1983), 139. 27 Grace Foakes, My Part of the River (London: Futura, 1988), 34. 28 William Morris, The Collected Letters of William Morris, ed. Norman Kelvin (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 2: 12. 29 Cook, ‘Fine Art,’ 347. There were art-socialists who reconciled missionary aesthetic work with their politics, most notably Walter Crane and C. R. Ashbee, whose activities I have discussed in Chapters 2 and 3. To some Notes 261

extent, Victorian socialist aesthetics in practice were implicated in a larger philanthropic, paternalistic ethos. See Chris Waters, British Socialists and the Politics of Popular Culture, 1884–1914 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990). 30 Oscar Wilde, The Soul of Man under Socialism and Prison Writings (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 1–2. When Wilde toured America in 1882 as a missionary aesthete par excellence, he echoed John Ruskin and William Morris on the value of handicraft. However, while they had been concerned to enhance the worker’s quality of life through imagi- native labor, Wilde shifted his focus to insist on an environment of beauti- ful things as a precondition for the worker’s (and anyone else’s) elevated consciousness. 31 Jack London, People of the Abyss ([S. I. ]: Joseph Simon Publisher, 1980), 193. 32 The Rev. and Mrs Samuel A. Barnett, eds, Practicable Socialism: Essays on Social Reform (London and New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1895); Henrietta O. Barnett, Canon Barnett, His Life, Work, and Friends (London: John Murray, 1921), 458–60. 33 Barnett, Canon Barnett, 559–60. 34 In 1987, following the collapse of the Arts Council in Britain, art critic Frances Borzello traced what she called the ‘misuse of art’ back to the cul- tural and philanthropic ethos of the Barnetts. Borzello set up a dichotomy between the Barnetts’ gift of fine art to the poor and William Morris’s ideal of community liberation through craft. Borzello pressed her evidence into service for a diatribe against institutional values under Thatcher, but her suggestion that art is only as liberating as it is participatory seems a point worth considering. See Frances Borzello, Civilizing Caliban: The Misuse of Art, 1875–1980 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987). 35 Local industrial exhibitions traditionally displayed workers’ crafts, although Toynbee Hall did not (Borzello, Civilizing Caliban, 58). 36 Toynbee Record 5, no. 2 (November 1892): 18. 37 Toynbee Record 4, no. 1 (October 1891): 5. 38 Toynbee Record 5, no. 10 (July 1893): 119. 39 Walter Crane, An Artist’s Reminiscences (New York: Macmillan, 1907), 296–9. 40 After some contestation in 1888, the names of specific artisans appeared on the catalogue in subsequent years (Peter Stansky, Redesigning the World: William Morris, the 1880s, and the Arts and Crafts [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985], 205, 234). Socialists like Morris feared that the exhibits would appear a mere furniture showroom, and indeed, they ultimately did function that way. 41 Diary of Sydney Cockerell, 29 September 1888, British Library, 52, 625, f. 57, cited in Stansky, Redesigning the World, 249. 42 Arts and Crafts Exhibition Society, Minutes of the Finance Subcommittee, 1893, 1896, Victoria & Albert Museum, Archive of Art and Design, Record # 1/45–1980. I am grateful to Morna O’Neill of Yale University for directing me to this resource. 43 Diary of Sydney Cockerell, 4 October 1890, British Library, 56, 627, f. 55, cited in Stansky, Redesigning the World, 249. Cockerell later served as secre- tary of the 1893 ACES exhibition. 44 Mabel Cox, ‘The Arts and Crafts Exhibition,’ Artist 18 (October 1896): 15–16. 262 Notes

45 Janice Helland, ‘Working Bodies, Celtic Textiles and the Donegal Industrial Fund, 1883–1890,’ Textile: The Journal of Cloth and Culture 2, no. 2 (July 2004): 134–55; Janice Helland, ‘Highland Home Industries and the Fashion for Tweed,’ Journal of the Scottish Society for Art History 9 (2004): 27–34; Janice Helland, ‘Exhibiting Ireland: The Donegal Industrial Fund in London and Chicago,’ Revue D’Art Canadienne/Canadian Art Review 29, nos. 1–2 (2004): forthcoming; Elaine Cheasley Paterson, ‘Decoration and Desire: Women of the Home Arts Movement, 1884–1915’ (PhD Diss., Queen’s University, 2003). 46 Anne Anderson, ‘Charles Leland and Practical Education: The Philosophy and Practice of the Handicrafts in the USA and England in the 1880s,’ unpublished essay in the possession of the author. 47 M. C. Wentworth, ‘The Home Arts and Industries Association,’ The Woman’s World 1 (1888): 418. 48 Helland, ‘Exhibiting Ireland’; Helland, ‘Highland Home Industries,’ 27–34; Elaine Cheasley Paterson, ‘Crafting a National Identity: The Dun Emer Guild, 1902–8,’ in The Irish Revival Reappraised, eds Betsey Taylor FitzSimon and James H. Murphy (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004), 106. 49 Mary Seton Watts had initially met with resistance, though outside the central council of the HAIA. Her husband G. F. Watts (and his fellow members in the all-male Art Workers Guild, founded in 1884) feared that amateurs would flood the market with inferior work. See Shelagh Wilson, ‘Watts, Women, Philanthropy, and the Home Arts,’ in Representations of G. F. Watts: Art Making in Victorian Culture, eds Colin Trodd and Stephanie Brown (Aldershot, Hants and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004), 178. 50 Elizabeth Cumming, ‘Patterns of Life: The Art and Design of Phoebe Anna Traquair and Mary Seton Watts,’ in Women Artists and the Decorative Arts, 1880–1935, eds Bridget Elliot and Janice Helland (Aldershot, Hampshire and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002), 24–5. 51 Helland, ‘Exhibiting Ireland.’ 52 Mrs Ernest Abraham Hart, The Cottage Industries of Ireland, with an Account of the Work of the Donegal Industrial Fund (London, 1887), 3. 53 Janice Helland, ‘Rural Women and Urban Extravagance in Late Nineteenth- Century Britain,’ Rural History: Economy, Society, Culture 13, no. 2 (2002): 188–9. 54 Waters, British Socialists, 47, 50. Works Cited

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Note: All clergymen are listed as ‘Rev.’ regardless of the clerical office held.

Adderly, Rev. James, 15–16, 151–2, anti-Tractarian novels, 135, 154–7, 168–70, 172–3, 250n101, 167 252n143 Arnold, Matthew, 3, 6–8, 12, 20, 175; Aesthetic Movement. See British values of, 52, 182, 207 aestheticism Art for Schools Association, 6, 219n15 aesthetic neighborhoods: Bedford Arthur, William, 125 Park, Chiswick, 19, 29–30, 69; Artists’ Directory (1875), 53 Chelsea, 27–8, 175, 178, 257n95; Arts and Crafts Exhibition Society, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, 27–9, 214–5, 261n40 128, 175; Hampstead, 28; Arundel Society 5, 219n15 Holland Park, Kensington, 25, 28, Ashbee, C. R., 28, 32, 68–70, 213–15; 31–2, 69, 213; Kelmscott, 174–5; and Guild of Handicraft, 32, Melbury Road, Kensington, 28, 68–9, 214–15; and School of 69; ‘Peacock Room,’ South Handicraft, 32, 68–9, 215 Kensington, 127; Tite Street, Asquith, Margot (née Tennant), 22 Chelsea, 27. See also popular ‘At Homes’ and Conversaziones, 27, lifestyle aestheticism 29–30, 70, 127, 130, 142, 167, aesthetic Ritualist novels, 135, 157–66 179, 183 Aitchison, George, 22 Alden, Percy, 149–50 back-to-the-land movement, 33, 63 Alexander, George, 118 Bailey, Peter, 119, 243n82, 259n11 Alford, Marion, 22 Bank Holidays, 100, 198 Alighieri, Dante, 81, 84, 177, 193 Barnett, Henrietta, 22–3, 25, 27, Allen, Grant, 180 29–31, 33, 63, 67–8, 96, 124, 184, Alma-Tadema, Lawrence, 72, 107, 128 209; as missionary aesthete, 1–2, Anderson, Anne, 230n41, 235n118 5–6, 12, 14, 19–20, 70, 79, 213–14; Anglo-Catholicism. See Ritualism and popular aestheticism, 12; Annan, Noel, 24–5 ‘practicable socialism’ of, 212; on Anstruther-Thomson, Clementina pupil teachers, 80, 84. See also (Kit), 81, 237n49 ‘Pictures for the People’ anti-Catholicism, 82, 136. See also Barnett, Rev. Samuel, 23, 25, 27, anti-Tractarian novels; Ritualism: 30–1, 33, 63, 67, 69, 73, 96, 184; accused of Roman Catholicism against asceticism, 96; against anti-sabbatarianism, 101, 106, 126–7, casual slumming, 88; as 129; as ramification of missionary aesthete, 5–7, 14, aestheticism, 15, 126–7, 129. See 19–21, 107, 111–12, 207, 213–14; also Continental Sunday; counter- ‘practicable socialism’ of, 212; on attractionists; rational recreations; pupil teachers, 80; against Sunday League; Sunday Society sabbatarianism, 106–7, 111, 124

279 280 Index

Barrington, Emilie, 25, 32 Burdett-Coutts, Angela, 106 Bashkirtseff, Marie, 179, 254n20 Burne-Jones, Edward, 12, 22, 28, Beale, Sophia, 109 30–1, 70, 73, 81, 121, 199 Beardsley, Aubrey, 3, 180 Burne-Jones, Georgiana, 31–2 Beckson, Karl, 21 Burnett, John, 18 Bellamy, Edward, 71, 197 Benson, A. C., 25 Caine, Hall, 16, 168, 170–3, 250n117 Bermondsey Settlement Guild of Play, Cambridge Camden Society, 134 63 Cardoso, Denis Rafael, 32 Bertz, Eduard, 175, 178 Carlisle, ninth earl of (George Besant, Walter: opposition to Howard), 70, 107 Ritualism of, 152; philanthropic Carlyle, Thomas, 68 romances by, 184, 186, 255n46; Carpenter, Edward, 68 and Society of Authors, 179 Carr, J. Comyns, 29 Bethnal Green Museum, 102, 124 Carr, Jonathan T., 29 Blake, William, 209–10 Carson, Edward, 161 Blasis, Carlo, 141, 144 Century Guild, 143, 214 Blouet, Paul, 118 Chadwick, Edwin, 45 Booth, Charles, 58, 64, 89, 148–9, Charity Organization Society, 28, 30, 151, 154 44, 176, 202, 212, 217 Booth, William, 8, 22, 184 Chase, Ellen, 50, 56–8, 207 Borzello, Frances, 261n34 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 129, 202 Bosanquet, Bernard, 25, 28 Children’s Country Holiday Fund, 70 Bourdieu, Pierre, 74, 77 Christian Socialists, 42, 46, 135–6, 138 Brangwyn, Frank, 178 Clarke, Meaghan, 236n32 Bright, Jacob, 108, 121 Clayton, Ellen C., 107 British aestheticism, 41, 121, 126–7, Clifford, Edward, 23 133, 174, 176, 206, 210; and ‘art Clodd, Edward, 179 for art’s sake,’ 3; female aesthetes Clough, Arthur Hugh, 88 in, 22, 31–3, 206; inherently Cockerell, Sydney C., 41–2, 214 politicized, 206; and modern Collie, Michael, 177 assumptions about dandyism and commercialization of leisure, 100, decadence, 20–2; and Renaissance 104, 113–14, 117–18, 130. See Italy, 37, 54, 72, 74, 81, 88, 162, also working-class leisure 171, 177. See also missionary Commons Preservation Society, 52 aesthetes; popular lifestyle Compton Potters’ Arts Guild, 32–3, 215 aestheticism; religion of art concerts, 2, 16, 96, 104–5, 127, 183, British Museum, 32, 100, 116, 118, 202, 243–95, 252n139 123, 125 Cons, Emma, 32, 232–83, 233–4n102 Broadhurst, Henry, 116 Continental Sunday, 104, 114, 117, Brown, Ford Madox, 46 125, 242n59 Browning, Elizabeth Barrett, 171, Conway, Rev. Moncure, 22, 29, 31, 229n24 107, 123–4 Browning, Robert, 72, 80, 84, 171, Cook, E. T., 209 183 cooperativism, 45–6, 71 Brownlow, countess of (Adelaide counter-attractionists, 15, 106, 111, Talbot Brownlow), 22 113–14, 116, 130, 134 Brownlow, third earl of (Adelbert Courtney, Catherine (née Potter), 28, Wellington Brownlow Cust), 22 50, 223n38 Index 281

Courtney, Leonard, 28 Fildes, Luke, 28–9 Craig, Gordon, 94 Finch, Rev. E.T., 153 Crane, Lucy, 253n11 Fitzroy Picture Society, 6, 219n15 Crane, Walter, 11–12, 55, 62, 70, 128; Fletcher, Ian, 2, 20, 40 at Red Cross Hall 25, 213 Fleury, Gabrielle, 175 Crystal Palace, 99–100, 113–14, 117, Forster, E.M., 16, 217 184 Fraser, Hilary, 10 Freedman, Jonathan, 206 dandies, 12, 16, 20–3, 25, 41, 69, 91, Frith, W.P., 34–6 93, 158, 167, 176, 192, 194–7, Fry, Roger, 25 205–7; satires of Ritualist priests Furnivall, F.J., 46, 106, 183; New as, 15–16, 135, 155, 154–7, 161, Shakspere Society of, 183 217 Davies, Charles Maurice, 153, 155–7, Gagnier, Regenia, 18, 21–2, 206–7 250n115 Gaskell, Martin, 58 Davis, James V., 114, 116 Gaussen, Elizabeth Sarah, 174–5 De Morgan, William, 14, 28, 30, 55, Gautier, Theophile, 3 60, 213 Geddes, Patrick, 66 decadents, 3, 8, 10, 12–13, 15, 20–3, Gilbert, W.S., and Arthur Sullivan, 21, 41, 43, 143, 176, 180, 194–5, 202, 54, 62, 183, 194 205; and decadent personality, Gimson, Ernest, 214 21–2, 206–7; and decadent Girouard, Mark, 218n3 slumming, 43, 88–9, 93–4. See Gissing, Alfred, 200 also dandies; slummers Gissing, Algernon, 180, 183, 253n11 DeLaura, David, 10, 220n33 Gissing, Ellen, 178, 203, 253n11 Dellamora, Richard, 206 Gissing, George, 7, 16, 89, 117, 174–95, Devey, George, 69 197–205, 217; aesthetic phase of, Dickens, Charles, 45, 144 175; alliance with naturalists of, Dictionary of British Artists, 177; anti-Sabbatarianism of, 185; 1880–1940, 53 attitudes towards missionary Disraeli, Benjamin, 8 aestheticism, 7, 175–6, 181–6, 191, Dolling, Rev. Robert, 15, 145–7, 153, 195, 201–2, 257–8n96; classicism 245n14, 251n121 of, 203–4, 259n125; Comtean Donegal Industrial Fund, 33, 216 Positivism of, 197; continental Dowson, Ernest, 143 literary influences on, 177; dandies Du Maurier, George, 20–1, 28, 33–4, in works by, 16, 192, 194–7, 204; 37–40, 70, 88–91, 93, 142, 157. and desire for bohemian See also missionary aesthetes: community, 177–80; exceptional satire of; missionary aesthetes: sentient protagonists of, 187–90, satirized in Punch 192–3; in Exeter, 179, 183; on Dulwich Gallery, 46 female missionary aesthetes, 16, Dun Emer Guild, 33, 224n49 176, 194, 201–2, 204; as a Duret, Theodore, 121 formalist writing social novels, 184; ‘half-educations’ in works of, Evans, Rev. H.M.M., 149–50 197–9, 201; idealization of aestheticism as reclusive, 16, Fabian Society, 142–4 176–7, 194, 202–4, 253n12; on Farr, Florence, 30, 94 male missionary aesthetes as Fichte, J.G., 10 decadents, 16, 176, 194–6; 282 Index

marriage to Edith Underwood, Grafton Gallery, 107 179, 200; marriage to Nell Grant, Corrie, 30 Harrison, 174, 183; as a natural Grant, Marion, 30 teacher, 253n11; neurasthenia in Green, Rev. John Richard, 127 works of, 188; at Owens College, Green, T. H., 8, 30 174, 183; perception of freedom Greenslade, William, 258n100 on the continent, 178, 184–5; Gritton, Rev. John, 107, 125–6 responses to John Ruskin’s Grosvenor Gallery, 12, 19, 25, 107, aesthetics, 175–6, 180–2, 194–5, 121, 183, 193, 213; Clergy Club 198, 200–2, 257n96; responses to of, 121; library of, 183 Oscar Wilde, 194–5, 257n96, 258n97; and socialism, 190–2, Haldane, Elizabeth, 50 194, 205; on vulgarity of mass Hamilton, Walter, 126, 210 culture, 176, 197–8, 201; on Hampstead Garden City, 70 Walter Pater’s aesthetics, 16, 177, Hansard, Rev. Septimus, 106 203–5; on working-class Harkness, Margaret, 11 educations in discontent, 190; on Harrison, Brian, 102, 240n12, working-class insensibility, 176, 240n21, 240n28 182, 184–9, 191–2, 197; works of: Harrison, Emily, 12 Born in Exile, 187; By the Ionian Sea, Harrison, Harriete, 12, 53, 221n46 204; The Crown of Life, 257n95; Harrison, Maria, 53 Demos, 185, 188–94, 253n12, Hart, Alice, 27, 33, 216 257n84; The Emancipated, 185, Hart, Ernest, 27, 65 194, 197, 257n96; Eve’s Ransom, Hartley, Alfred, 178 190; ‘The Foolish Virgin,’ 180; In Haw, George, 151, 249n93 the Year of Jubilee, 117, 199; Isabel Haweis, Rev. H. R., 15, 19, 22, 28, 96, Clarendon, 175, 185, 188, 190, 107, 114, 124, 127–30, 208 194–6; ‘Lou and Liz,’ 184; The Haweis, Mary Eliza Joy, 15, 19, 28, Nether World, 117, 174, 184, 197; 107, 127–9, 210–11 New Grub Street, 176, 179; The Odd Headlam, Rev. Stewart, 7, 15, 22, 25, Women, 16, 176, 194–6; ‘On 107, 127, 134, 173, 208; aesthetic Battersea Bridge,’ 186; Our Friend home of, 142–3; Church and the Charlatan, 16, 201–2, 256n69; Stage Guild of, 140–1, 143, ‘A Son of the Soil,’ 197; Thyrza, 246n37; defense of the ballet and 174, 189–90, 197, 253n12, music hall, 135, 139–42, 144; 256n54; The Unclassed, 174–6, formalist aesthetics of, 141–2; on 178–9, 181, 185–6, 188, 197; The the fringes of Ritualists and Whirlpool, 16, 195, 197, 200–1; socialists, 135–6, 144; as fusion of Workers in the Dawn, 7, 89, 176, aestheticism, socialism, and 181–2, 184, 187–8, 190–1, 197, Anglo-Catholicism, 135; marriage 199 of, 245n7; as paternalistic Gissing, Margaret, 178, 194, 203, missionary aesthete, 141–4; 253n11 relation to earlier Christian Gissing, Walter, 200–1 Socialists of, 135–6, 245n7; Gleeson, Evelyn, 33, 224n49 relation to Fabians of, 142–4; Godwin, E. W., 27 relation to John Ruskin and Gosse, Edmund, 25, 71, 98–101, 114, William Morris of, 138–9, 126–7 245n14, 246n37; reputation of, Gower, Ronald Sutherland, 23 135; sacramental socialism of, Index 283

135–7, 141, 144, 153, 168; on the ‘Open Spaces,’ 61; ‘Space for the sacred and aesthetic as daily People,’ 45, 208. See also Kyrle practice, 137–8, 140; as self- Society for the Diffusion of identified Ritualist, 136, 144; and Beauty among the People Single Tax, 136; support of Oscar Hobhouse, Stephen, 95 Wilde by, 135, 142–3, 245n7; Hogarth, William, 182 theology of, 135–42, 144 Holiday, Henry, 70–1, 233n102 Helland, Janice, 216 Holl, Frank, 28 Herkomer, Hubert, 14, 32, 72 Holyoake, George Jacob, 121 Highland Home Industries, 22, 33, Home Arts and Industries Association, 216 22, 31, 33, 214–16 Hill, Miranda, 52, 62–3 home arts associations. See Compton Hill, Octavia, 13, 18–20, 25, 28–30, Potters’ Arts Guild; Donegal 32–33, 41–66, 69, 96, 116, 202, Industrial Fund; Dun Emer Guild; 207–10, 213; administration as Highland Home Industries; Home aesthetics, 42, 49; aesthetic Arts and Industries Association; education of, 42–7; attitude to Irish Decorative Arts Association; and connections with aesthetes, Irish Peasant Home Industries; 41–3, 55, 60, 62, 64, 66, 228n19, Terra Cotta Home Arts 229n24, 230n41; austerity of, 25, Association 42; childhood and family Hoole, Elijah, 62–3, 69 background of, 45–6; in contrast Horsfall, T. C., 5–6 to William Morris’s aesthetics, 13, Horsley, Rev. John W., 30 64–5, 234n108; debates with Howard, Ebenezer, 66 John Ruskin on art by, 47; ethos Hudson, W. H., 178 of service of, 42–3, 46–7; and Hughes, Tom, 46, 136 George MacDonald, 228n19; Hunt, William Holman, 70, 73, 99, institutionalization of charity 107, 128 work by, 43, 49, 56; merging of Huysmans, J. K., 22, 93, 128, 155, sanitary and moral discourses by, 195, 257n95 51, 116, 146; as a missionary aesthete, 13, 20–1, 43; nostalgia Image, Selwyn, 71, 143, 214 of, 13, 63; and open spaces, 43, Inglis, Kenneth, 130 52, 56, 59–60; pastoralism of, International Society of Popular Art 58–9, 66; and program of lady and Hygiene, 210 visitors, 13, 19, 28, 42–4, 49–52, Irish Decorative Arts Association, 56, 61–2, 65, 210; program of 226n68 lady visitors and aestheticism of, Irish Peasant Home Industries, 226n68 13, 50–2, 56–8; relations with Irving, Henry, 130 working classes, 13, 18, 42–5, 51–2, 56–7, 59–61, 208; resistance Jackson, Rev. John, 140 to state intervention by, 64–5; James, Henry, 127 rhetorical approach to slumming Jay, Rev. Arthur Osborne, 167–8 by, 13, 43, 45–6; self-questioning Jebb, Eglantyne Louisa, 22, 33, 215 of, 208; sensory response to Jewish Board of Guardians, 23 slums of, 44–5; use of crafts by, Johnson, Lionel, 3, 94, 143, 236n20 48, 60–1; variety of managed Jowett, Benjamin, 88, 220n30 buildings by, 63; and working- Joy, G. A., 149 class leisure, 13, 59–61; works of: Judge, Mark, 106–7, 111, 118, 129 284 Index

Keble, Rev. John, 140 Lowder, Rev. Charles, 15, 144–7, Keene, Charles, 34–5, 121–2. See also 149–50, 152 missionary aesthetes: satire of; Lushington, Vernon, 175 missionary aesthetes: satirized in Punch Mackenzie, Compton, 132–3, Kennedy, Rev. John, 118, 125 250n101, 250–1n117, 251n121 Kensit, John, 152, 249n100 Mackmurdo, A. H., 143, 214 King, Bolton, 79, 81, 88 Mackonochie, Rev. Alexander, 144–5, King, Rev. Edward, 15, 147, 150 247–8n69 Mackworth, Audley, 53 Kingsley, Charles, 136 Maison, Margaret, 157–8 Kingsmill, Rev. Joseph, 113, 117 Malchow, Howard, 233n84 Kipling, Rudyard, 200 Mallock, W. H., 160 Koven, Seth, 18, 67, 72, 89, 207, Manchester City Art Museum, 5–6, 211 219n12, 226n72, 235n2, 260n16 Marius the Epicurean (Walter Pater, Kyrle Society for the Diffusion of 1885), 15, 155, 158, 160, 203; Beauty among the People, 2, 8, aesthetic sensibility as a means 13, 23, 43, 52–6, 61–2, 65–6, 142, to conscience in, 165–6; ethics 173, 181, 201–2, 210, 213, 217, and aesthetics in, 161–4; as an 230n41, 230n45, 234n108; as historical defense of Ritualism, potential slummers, 43, 56; 161; ideal aesthetic apprehension satires of, 2, 13, 54, 252n150 in, 161–3; poor people as models of sympathy in, 165; poor people Lee, Thomas Stirling, 178 as objects of pity in, 164–5; Lee, Vernon (Violet Paget), 72, 81, reclusive consciousness in, 166; 237n49 romantic male friendships in, Leech, Kenneth, 137 161; sorrow as a standard of Lehmann, Rudolf, 107 sensibility in, 165 Leighton, Frederic, 25, 32, 34, 70, 73, M’Arthur, Alexander, 119, 126 107, 128, 183 Marshall, T. O., 149 Leland, Charles W., 215 mashers, 91. See also dandies Letchworth Garden City, 66 Masterman, Charles, 248–9n87, 249n93 Lethaby, William, 214 Maurice, Rev. Frederick Denison, 8, Lewis, Jane, 43, 63, 227n1, 227n10 31, 42, 46–7, 135–6, 138 libraries, 119, 183, 190 Mayall, David, 18 Lindsay, Coutts, 107 Mayhew, Henry, 57 Littledale, Rev. R. F., 133–4, 145–8, Mazzini, Giuseppe, 79 157, 161 McBrinn, Joseph, 226n68, 233n95 Livesey, Ruth, 18, 228n10, 260n16 McCormick, A. D., 178 Loch, Charles, 30 Mearns, Rev. Andrew, 8 London County Council (LCC), 58, Meath, countess of (Mary Jane 67, 95, 217 Maitland Brabazon), 234–5n118 London, Jack, 212, 216 Meath, twelfth earl of (Reginald London University, 174, 201 Brabazon), 30, 65, 234–5n118 Lord’s Day Observance Society Medici Society, 6, 219n15 (LDOS), 15, 100–3, 107–8, 117, Meller, Helen, 231n54 124–5, 126; origin of, 100–2; Metropolitan Association for popular constituency in, 102. Befriending Young Servants See also sabbatarians (MABYS), 1, 12, 25, 184 Index 285

Metropolitan Building Act (1884), 45 resistance to, 18, 209. See also Metropolitan Public Gardens anti-Sabbatarianism; rational Association, 60, 65, 209 recreations; Religion of Art; Meynell, Alice, 94 Ritualism; Ritualist slum priests; Meynell, Wilfred, 94 Sunday Society; Toynbee Hall Michelangelo, 82–3, 124, 171 Montefiore, Leonard, 23–4 Millais, John Everett, 34, 183 Moore, George, 179 Millet, Jean-François, 143 Morris, Jane, 174 Milner, Alfred, 23–4 Morris, May, 11, 30, 143 mission novels: ambiguous adoption of Morris, William, 12, 14, 21, 25, 28, evangelical methods in, 167–9, 31, 41, 58, 63–4, 71–2, 175, 178, 171–2; asceticism in, 169, 172; 199, 203, 211, 214, 216; alliances Christian Socialism in, 168–70; with missionary aesthetes, 11, 13, churchly aestheticism as dandyism 22, 234n108; on class injustice, and decadence in, 168–73; 10, 211; contempt for palliatives, churchly aestheticism as social 11, 211, 217; defense of crafts, negligence in, 135, 167; definition 213; in relation to Stewart of, 166–7; obscuring of Ritualism Headlam’s Christian Socialism, in, 135, 157–8, 167–72; secular 137–40; self-representation of, missionary aestheticism in, 172–3; 25; socialism of, 13, 25, 217; social work in, 157, 168, 170–1 socialist aesthetics of, 64, 70, missionary aesthetes: asceticism as 137–40; wallpapers and textiles lifestyle choice of, 95–6, 172; by, 28, 30, 68, 143 commissioned fine artists among, Morrison, Arthur, 15–16, 167–8, 172 31–2, 213; in contrast to decadents, Moscheles, Felix, 121 3; on crafts and fine arts, 213–14; Mudie-Smith, Richard, 148, 249n93 dandies among, 22–4; defining, Munson, J. E. B., 249n93 1–3, 20, 43, 79; and emancipatory Murger, Henri, 178 aesthetics, 16–18, 206–7, 213–17; Muscular Christianity, 136 inegalitarianism of, 207, 213–15; Museum Sundays. See Sunday Opening institutional programs of, 2–3; origin of term of, 2; and popular Nassau Senior, Janey, 1, 25–6, 208 lifestyle aestheticism, 3, 11–12, 40; National Gallery, 32, 100, 108, 116, relation to Scottish and Irish 118, 124–5 colonialism and patriotism, 17, 33, National Portrait Gallery, 32 216; satire of, 21, 40, 194, 206; Nesfield, William Eden, 69 satirized in Punch, 20–1, 33–5, Nevinson, Henry, 71, 94–6, 208, 239n69 37–40, 43, 54, 88–91, 97, 121–2, Nevinson, Margaret Wynn, 71, 95 211, 216–17; self-knowledge and New Gallery, Bond Street, 214 motivations of, 18, 207–8; social Newman, Rev. John Henry, 232 networks of, 3, 12–13, 19–20, 25, 27; socialist critique of, 209–12, Oakes, Grace, 211 217; theoretical foundations and Okey, Thomas, 79, 88 historical origins of, 3–8, 48; Omar Khayyám Club, 180 variety of aims and methods O’Neill, Morna, 233n95 among, 212, 214–15; and the open spaces, 96, 110. See also Hill, Victorian intellectual aristocracy, Octavia: and open spaces 24; women’s role in, 13, 22–3, Orchardson, W. Q., 91, 93 31–3, 215–16; working-class O’Rell, Max. See Blouet, Paul 286 Index

Orens, John Richard, 140–1 Sabbatarianism; rational Osborne, Charles, 153 recreations Oxford House settlement, 96 Plymouth Brethren, 98, 101 poor, the, and critical terminology, Palace of Art, 210 17–18 Palmer, Roundell, 125 popular lifestyle aestheticism, 40, 43, Parsons, Anna J., 114 96, 133–4, 180, 186; appropriated Pater, Walter: aesthetic subjectivity by lower middle class, 14, 72, 79, of, 9, 81, 157, 159, 161, 166, 177, 97; commodities of, 3, 11–14, 203–4; affinity for ritual of, 160; 20–2, 25, 27–8, 30, 34, 37, 40, and Auguste Comte, 8, 10; 53–5, 60–1, 67–9, 91–3, 127–8, autonomous personality of, 8–9; 133–4, 142–3, 146–8, 155–7, 170, complicates missionary 174–5, 180, 194, 210–16; eastern aestheticism, 3: disregard for class exoticism of, 170, 175, 194, distinctions of, 10–11; and ethics, 212–13; mannerisms and activities 10; literary style of, 16, 148, of, 14, 21, 24, 30, 34–5, 37–40, 69, 162–4, 203–4; as missionary 79–82, 84, 88, 97, 101, 121, 142, aesthete, 9; on self-realization 147, 152, 154–7, 193–7; with through aesthetic choice, 41, 93; regard to missionary aestheticism, at Toynbee Hall, 8, 70, 220n30; 19, 21, 70. See also aesthetic works by: Appreciations, 161; ‘The neighborhoods; dandies Child in the House,’ 9–11, 155, Potter, Beatrice. See Webb, Beatrice 162, 204; Studies in the History of (née Potter) the Renaissance, 9–10, 93, 161–3, Potter, Catherine. See Courtney, 203–4; ‘Style,’ 163; ‘Wordsworth,’ Catherine (née Potter) 8, 70. See also Marius the Epicurean Poynter, Edward, 22 Paterson, Elaine Cheasley, 224n49 Praeger, Sophia Rosamond, 225n68 Peabody Trust, 59 Pratt, Hodgson, 106, 111 Peake, Rev. Frederick, 108, 117–18, 124 Pre-Raphaelites, 12, 16, 24–5, 32, 42, Pennell, Elizabeth Robins, 70, 94, 143 63, 162, 175, 177, 180 Pennell, Joseph, 70, 94 Prinsep, Val, 22, 28, 70 People’s Palace, 184, 255n46 Prynne, Rev. George Rundle, 150 People’s Playground, 31 Psomiades, Kathy, 218n5 Pevsner, Nikolaus, 59 pub as a community center, 114 Picton, J. Allanson, 124 Public Worship Regulation Act (1874) ‘Pictures for the People’ (Henrietta and prosecutions of Ritualists, Barnett, 1895), 14, 72–8; critique of 134, 144, 147, 149–50, 161 poverty in, 77; critique of working- Punch. See missionary aesthetes: class customs in, 78; framing satirized in Punch; ritualism: technique in, 72–7; paintings satirized in Punch described in: Ariadne by W. B. Pusey, Rev. Edward Bouverie, 133 Richmond, 75; The Canal Boat by Jozef Israe¨ls, 76; Dying Gladiator by Radford, Ernest, 71 Briton Riviere, 74; Forever by rational recreations, 16, 101, 104–6, Herbert Gustave Schmalz, 78; The 111–12, 114, 116, 118–20, Lint Pickers by Mihály Munkácsy, 129–30, 199, 215 77; tone and irony in, 74–6; on Red Cross Hall and Cottages, working-class readers of art, 74–8 Southwark, 25, 42–3, 61–3 Pleasant Sunday Afternoon Reed, John Shelton, 149, 151, movement, 130. See also anti- 248n71, 251n117, 251n125 Index 287

Religion of Art, 14, 99, 101, 121, 161; sensitivity to beauty of, 147, 123–4, 127–8, 175, 207. 153; troubled by affiliation with Richardson, Benjamin Ward, 180 secular aestheticism, 134, 146–7 Richmond, W.B., 71, 75 Roberts, Morley, 178 Ritualism, 15, 136, 138–9, 142, 144–54, Robinson, A. Mary F., 127 161, 209; accused of effeminacy, Robinson, F. W., 154–5, 157, 250n117 135, 152–5, 157, 169–70; accused Rolfe, Frederick, 206 of manipulative aesthetic mission, Roman Catholicism, 133, 150 154–7, 167, 209; accused of Ronniger, Jane, 107, 228n19 pastoral neglect, 153–7, 167; Rooke, T. M., 30 accused of Roman Catholicism, Rose, Jonathan, 18 134, 150, 153, 168–72; appeal to Ross, Ellen, 17–18, 228n10–11, ‘giddy young men,’ 152–3; appeal 231n57, 243n82 to middle and upper classes, 151; Rossetti, Dante Gabriel, 27–9, 31, 42, classification of, 133, 245n4; as a 84, 88, 127–8, 143, 175, 180 distinct social movement from Rossiter, William, 5–6, 32, 209 Tractarianism, 133, 245n4; Rothenstein, William, 71 doctrinal purport of, 144–5, 147, Royal Academy, 175, 178, 183, 196, 153, 157; eclectic congregations of, 213–14 151; homosexual sensibility in, Royal Albert Hall, 130, 183, 214 152; as missionary aestheticism, Royal Commission on Housing 132–4, 141–2, 144–8, 157, 173; (1884), 49 prosecutions against, 134, 144, Royal Institute of Painters in 147, 149–50, 161; question of Watercolours, 107 appeal to working classes, 132–4, Royal School of Art Needlework, 22 145–51, 209; question of appeal to Royal Society of British Artists, 107 working classes in fiction, 151, 157; Ruskin, John, 10, 16, 21–2, 25, 40, 42, redefinition of priestly vocation, 44, 46–7, 49, 68, 79–80, 88, 93–4, 153; satire of, 135, 152, 154–7; 96, 100, 128, 139, 175, 177, satirized in Punch, 152; theological 180–1, 194, 199, 203, 209, 215; training schools of, 155; working- deconversion from Evangelicalism, class sense of party from, 150. See 138; at Ferry Hinksey, 5, 24; and also aesthetic Ritualist novels; anti- Guild of St George and its projects, Tractarian novels; mission novels; 4–5, 31, 68, 180, 209; influence on Ritualist parish churches; Ritualist missionary aesthetes, 2–3, 5–6, 8, slum priests 14, 21, 32, 46, 68–9, 79, 101; Ritualist parish churches, 136, 145, paternalism towards working 147–9, 151–4, 160 classes, 4–5; union of ethics and Ritualist slum priests, 15–16, 18, 133–5, aesthetics in, 4, 7, 31, 40, 72, 176, 144–53, 156–8; alliances with 180–1, 188, 195, 198, 200–2; works secular missionary aestheticism, by: Fors Clavigera, 5–6, 68; Modern 134, 146–8; biographical Painters, 4, 46, 177, 181; Mornings treatments of, 148, 152–3; in Florence, 203; ‘The Nature of charisma of and labor for people Gothic,’ 4; ‘Of Queen’s Gardens,’ by, 150, 153–4; as confessors, 153, 49; Praeterita, 100, 138; St Mark’s 160; depicted in fiction as having Rest, 203; Stones of Venice, 128; ‘The popular support, 154–5, 167; idea Storm Cloud of the Nineteenth of priestly vocation of, 153; Century,’ 180; Time and Tide, 68; political affiliations of, 150–1, 153; ‘The Two Boyhoods,’ 6; Unto This practical aesthetics of, 133, 157, Last, 4, 6, 181 288 Index

Sabbatarians, 14–15, 99–109, 111–14, Sinfield, Alan, 91 116–21, 123–7, 129, 217; and slum journalists, 93–5, 209, 239n69 alcohol, 113–14, 116–17, 242n59; slum mission novel. See mission definition of rest by, 15, 101, 105, novel 242n73; idealization of family life slummers, 43, 45, 49, 88–91, 93–4, by, 108, 112–13; on labor, 14–15, 96–7, 147, 151, 217 101–5, 107–8, 112, 126, 130; Smith, Philip T., 251n117 legislation by, 100, 114, 116; Snell, Rev. Bernard J., 108 questioning the ethical value of social control theory, 208 art, 125–6; rhetoric of class social Darwinism, 197, 200 division and class rights by, 14, socialist aesthetics, 63–4, 70, 139, 103; on Sunday licensing of 211. See also Morris, William: private, ‘low’ entertainments, 15, socialist aesthetics of socialist 104, 114, 117–18, 130. See also critique of missionary Lord’s Day Observance Society aestheticism. See missionary (LDOS); Working Men’s Lord’s aesthetes: socialist critique of Day Rest Association (WMLDRA); socialist education in desire and Sunday rest associations discontent, 7, 190, 217 St Helier, Lady (Mary Jeune), 23 Society for Promoting the Due St Jude’s art exhibitions, 12, 14, 25, Observance of the Lord’s Day. 32, 70, 72–8, 124, 184, 209, 213; See Lord’s Day Observance ‘watchers’ at, 73, 78, 209; Society (LDOS) working-class and bourgeois Society of the Holy Cross, 149, 153, responses to art at, 74–8. See also 156, 248n76 ‘Pictures for the People’ Souls, The, 22–3, 25, 107 St Jude’s, Whitechapel, 12, 19–20, South Kensington Museum, 32, 107, 124, 213 123–4, 196, 213 Sala, G. Augustus, 93, 239n69 South London Art Gallery, 5–6, 31–2, Salisbury, third marquess of (Robert 209, 214 Cecil), 49 South Place Chapel, 31, 123 Saltaire, 66 Stanley, Rev. Arthur Penrhyn, 106, Salvation Army, 22–3, 28, 37 125 Sarony, Napoleon, 92–3 Stanton, Rev. Arthur, 150 Schaffer, Talia, 20, 206, 222n8 Steedman, Carolyn Kay, 227n10 Schreiner, Olive, 95 Stephen, Caroline, 63 Shaen, William, 29, 106 Stephen, Leslie, 63 Shaftesbury, seventh earl of (Anthony Summers, Anne, 50, 54, 232n62 Ashley Cooper), 45, 102, 112, 118 Sunday League, 105–6, 199 Shakespeare, William, 7, 98, 141, 144, Sunday Opening, 2, 7, 14, 28, 31–2, 197 96, 104–14, 117–21, 123–7, 130; Sharp, Evelyn, 94 domino theory about, 103–5; Shaw, G. B., 143 legislation for, 100–1, 108, 121, Shaw, Norman, 19, 28, 69 124; of public libraries, 119, 123, Shaw-Lefevre, Emily, 53 130. See also Continental Sunday; Shelley, Percy, 84 rational recreations; Sabbatarians; Shorter, Clement, 180 Sunday Society Shorthouse, J. H., 15, 158–60, 165 Sunday religious observance, 98–9, Sichel, Edith, 178–9, 184 103–4, 108–9, 112–13, 115–16, Sims, George, 209 118–9, 123 Index 289

Sunday rest associations, 102, 112. See Terry, Ellen, 34, 94 also Lord’s Day Observance Thornycroft, Hamo, 14, 69 Society (LDOS); Working Men’s Tolstoy, Leo, 177, 181 Lord’s Day Rest Association Toynbee Hall, 1, 8–9, 23, 31, 50, 63, (WMLDRA) 67–71, 79–80, 94–5, 106, 129, Sunday Society, 16, 100–1, 104–14, 116, 209, 212–14, 255n46, 261n35; 118–19, 121, 124, 128–30, 214; aestheticism as daily practice at, admiration for Continental Sunday, 14, 70; as a center for popular 104; aesthetic rhetoric of, 14, 101, aestheticism, 12–14, 67–71; 107–8, 110–12, 121, 123–4, 127, design of, 69; housing University 129; Biblical exegesis by, 109–110, Extension classes, 71; pupil 129; as counter-attractionists, 15, teachers at, 80; socialist aesthetics 106, 114–16, 130; definition of rest at, 70; sympathy for strikers at, by, 15, 101, 105, 110–11; and 70–1, 212; and visits by and to discomfort with popular aesthetic figures, 70–2; and visits amusements, 118; endorsement of by casual slummers, 89; Wadham rational recreations by, 101, 104–6, House at, 129; working-class 111–12, 116, 118–20, 129; on haves clubs at, 70–1, 213–14 and have-nots, 14, 108–9; on labor, Toynbee Record, 32, 70, 72, 214 profit motive, and volunteerism, Toynbee Travellers’ Club, 18, 70, 72, 107–8, 130; links to aesthetic milieu 79–88, 96–7, 217; aesthetic among, 107; membership and class attitudes among, 14, 72, 79–85, constituencies in, 106; origins of, 88; Italian artistic destinations of, 105–6; socialists in, 106; subversion 80, 82; journals of, 80–8, 97; of Sabbatarian strategies by, 105, slummers in, 14, 88–9, 97 118–19; on Sunday family relations, Tractarians, 133–4, 140. See also 108, 114–15, 129; and Sunday Ritualism Review, 106–7, 116. See also Trench, Maria, 152 anti-Sabbatarianism; Continental Tucker, Paul, 10 Sunday; counter-attractionists; Turner, J. M. W., 124, 128 rational recreations; Religion of Art Sunday theatre, 100, 104, 114, university settlements, 19–20, 88, 118–19, 123, 130 141, 170, 210. See also Toynbee Sutherland, fourth duchess of Hall (Millicent Leveson-Gower), 22, Unwin, Raymond, 66 33, 216 Swinburne, Algernon Charles, 84, 127 Vick, Harry, 150 Symonds, John Addington, 14, 71–2 Victorian intellectual aristocracy, 24, Symons, Arthur, 3, 127, 143 46 Villari, Pasquale, 88 Taylor, Peter, 100 Vincent, David, 18 Temple, Rev. Frederick, 140 Temple, Ruth Z., 20 Wakefield Literary Society, 183 Tennant, Laura, 22 Wakefield Mechanics Institute, 183 Tennant, Margot. See Asquith, Margot Ward, Mrs. Humphry, 9; The History (née Tennant) of David Grieve, 146; Marcella, 12; Tennyson, Alfred Lord, 84, 128, 130 on Marius the Epicurean, 160; Terra Cotta Home Arts Association, Robert Elsmere, 9, 167, 173, 215 252n139 290 Index

Waters, Chris, 260n29 Hoxton, 95, 154; Marylebone, 44, Watts, G. F., 14, 19, 25–6, 28, 31, 34, 62, 127, 155; Shoreditch, 149, 73, 75–6, 107, 213 167; Southwark, 42, 61–2; Wohl, Anthony, 57 Stepney, 95, 97; Wapping, 22, Wolfe, Robert Lee, 158, 160–1 211; Whitechapel, 6, 19, 22–3, Woodward, Kathleen, 211 28, 31, 32, 67, 69, 74, 76, 79, 93, Working Men’s College, 4, 31, 42, 46, 97, 107, 212, 215 228n19 working-class longing for beauty, 57, Working Men’s Lord’s Day Rest 211 Association (WMLDRA), 15, working-class subjectivity, 17–18, 101–2 209, 211 working-class clubs, 106, 130, 150, Wright, Thomas, 119 155, 167, 190, 214. See also under Wyndham, Madeleine, 22 Toynbee Hall working-class leisure, 59–61, 100, Yates, Lucy, 210 108, 112–16, 119–20, 183–4, 197, Yates, Rev. S. A. Thompson, 22 207 Yates, W. N., 151 working-class London Yeats, Susan (Lily), 30, 224n49 neighborhoods: Aldgate, 63; Yeats, W. B., 30, 94 Bethnal Green, 96, 106, 127, 135, Yellow Book, 180 142–4, 149; Drury Lane, 140, 183; Yorke, Harriot, 53