The PLO and the Genesis of the Palestinian Authority: the Inside Story
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The Changing Forms of Incitement to Terror and Violence
THE CHANGING FORMS OF INCITEMENT TO TERROR AND VIOLENCE: TERROR AND TO THE CHANGING FORMS OF INCITEMENT The most neglected yet critical component of international terror is the element of incitement. Incitement is the medium through which the ideology of terror actually materializes into the act of terror itself. But if indeed incitement is so obviously and clearly a central component of terrorism, the question remains: why does the international community in general, and international law in particular, not posit a crime of incitement to terror? Is there no clear dividing line between incitement to terror and the fundamental right to freedom of speech? With such questions in mind, the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung held an international conference on incitement. This volume presents the insights of the experts who took part, along with a Draft International Convention to Combat Incitement to Terror and Violence that is intended for presentation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Need for a New International Response International a New for Need The THE CHANGING FORMS OF INCITEMENT TO TERROR AND VIOLENCE: The Need for a New International Response Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה )ע"ר( THE CHANGING FORMS OF INCITEMENT TO TERROR AND VIOLENCE: The Need for a New International Response Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה )ע"ר( This volume is based on a conference on “Incitement to Terror and Violence: New Challenges, New Responses” under the auspices of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs and the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, held on November 8, 2011, at the David Citadel Hotel, Jerusalem. -
Haaretz20170122 Annexing Settlements Like Thieves in the Night Haaretz Editorial
Haaretz20170122 Annexing settlements like thieves in the night Haaretz Editorial In bid to push annexation, Israeli government tries to give Trump crash course in Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is doubtful whether U.S. President Donald Trump knows exactly where Ma’aleh Adumim is, or whether the term E-1 – the area that was annexed to the Ma’aleh Adumim municipality – brings back childhood memories. But this won’t last for long. It seems the Israeli government has decided to give Trump a crash course in understanding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and, mainly, to give him a loyalty test without any preparation. Only two days after Trump’s swearing-in, the Ministerial Committee for Legislation is scheduled to discuss Sunday the annexation of the West Bank settlement to the State of Israel, in order to quickly prepare a 1 draft of the bill to be presented to the Knesset for approval. The conventional wisdom is that from the moment Trump was elected president, Israel received a stamp of approval to carry out any scheme it could think of in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. >> Citing pressure from Trump, Netanyahu tries to torpedo legislation to annex West Bank settlement << Based on this logic, there is actually no need to put Trump to the test, and no need to rush as if this were a window of opportunity that might close at any second. But as everyone knows, gangs of thieves are never confident that the policeman they bribed will not turn against them at the last minute. Hence the urgency to grab Ma’aleh Adumim and annex it to Israel. -
Arrested Development: the Long Term Impact of Israel's Separation Barrier in the West Bank
B’TSELEM - The Israeli Information Center for ARRESTED DEVELOPMENT Human Rights in the Occupied Territories 8 Hata’asiya St., Talpiot P.O. Box 53132 Jerusalem 91531 The Long Term Impact of Israel's Separation Tel. (972) 2-6735599 | Fax (972) 2-6749111 Barrier in the West Bank www.btselem.org | [email protected] October 2012 Arrested Development: The Long Term Impact of Israel's Separation Barrier in the West Bank October 2012 Research and writing Eyal Hareuveni Editing Yael Stein Data coordination 'Abd al-Karim Sa'adi, Iyad Hadad, Atef Abu a-Rub, Salma a-Deb’i, ‘Amer ‘Aruri & Kareem Jubran Translation Deb Reich Processing geographical data Shai Efrati Cover Abandoned buildings near the barrier in the town of Bir Nabala, 24 September 2012. Photo Anne Paq, activestills.org B’Tselem would like to thank Jann Böddeling for his help in gathering material and analyzing the economic impact of the Separation Barrier; Nir Shalev and Alon Cohen- Lifshitz from Bimkom; Stefan Ziegler and Nicole Harari from UNRWA; and B’Tselem Reports Committee member Prof. Oren Yiftachel. ISBN 978-965-7613-00-9 Table of Contents Introduction ................................................................................ 5 Part I The Barrier – A Temporary Security Measure? ................. 7 Part II Data ....................................................................... 13 Maps and Photographs ............................................................... 17 Part III The “Seam Zone” and the Permit Regime ..................... 25 Part IV Case Studies ............................................................ 43 Part V Violations of Palestinians’ Human Rights due to the Separation Barrier ..................................................... 63 Conclusions................................................................................ 69 Appendix A List of settlements, unauthorized outposts and industrial parks on the “Israeli” side of the Separation Barrier .................. 71 Appendix B Response from Israel's Ministry of Justice ....................... -
SOL STERN Misdirected Palestinian Rage a Political Demonstration
SOL STERN Misdirected Palestinian Rage A political demonstration keeps Palestinians focused on the wrong issues. 25 February 2011 Palestinians on the West Bank were summoned by their government to attend a “Day of Rage” demonstration last Sunday. What were the demonstrators so angry about? Curiously, the Day of Rage wasn’t directed against the tyrannical regimes currently brutalizing Muslim and Arab protestors in a half dozen Middle East countries. Nor did the Palestinian demonstrators express rage over the fact that they don’t yet have an independent state of their own. Rather, it seems that Palestinian leaders are angry because the Obama administration dared to vote against a United Nations Security Council resolution declaring that Israel’s settlements on the West Bank are “illegal.” U.S. leaders “are liars who pretend to support democracy and peace,” said Al Fatah official and former Palestinian intelligence chief Tawfik Tirawi, in calling for the demonstration. Here in a nutshell is everything that is wrong with the Obama administration’s approach to the Israel-Palestine conflict and the so-called “peace process.” When Obama arrived in office in January 2009, he was aware that just four months earlier Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert had offered Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas an independent state on a silver platter. With land swaps from Israel, the Palestinians would have received the equivalent of all the territory the Arabs controlled before the 1967 war, and they could have built their capital in East Jerusalem. Only one significant concession was demanded of President Abbas in return—a declaration that the Palestinians were giving up the “right of return” to Israel for the refugees from the 1948 war and their millions of descendants. -
Turkish Policy Towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity Change in the Relations of Turkish
Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of Justice and Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) policy towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity change in the relations of Turkish- Turkish The AKP’s material and ideological interests have been used as a ‘goal’ and also as a ‘tool’. This means that whenever the AKP government is threatened and confronted with internal or external troubles, these interests can move from being a ‘goal’ to be used as a ‘means’ to consolidate AKP’s power. In the case of stability, Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine these interests can be seen in the context of being a ‘goal’, which the AKP is Continuity and change in the relations of the Turkish- looking forward to achieve. This AKP pragmatic policy is called exploitation-via- Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of the Justice and cooperation. Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) Mohammed Alsaftawi Mohammed Alsaftawi is a researcher at the Ghent Institute for International Studies at the Department of Political Science, Ghent University. Mohammed Alsaftawi Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervised by Prof. Dries Lesage Faculty of Political and Social Sciences Department of Political Science Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine: Continuity and change in the relations of the Turkish- Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) Doctoral dissertation submitted by: Mohammed Alsaftawi in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervised by Prof. Dries Lesage Academic Year 2016-2017 January 2017, Ghent Belgium Samenvatting Het Turks buitenlandsbeleid is een beladen onderwerp, bestudeerd door verscheiden academici. -
Annual Report 2020
Neve Shalom -Wahat al Salam ANNUAL REPORT 2020 A Message from the Director Dear Friends, As a graduate of the School for Peace and staff member for the last fourteen years, I was honored to have received the support and confidence of the staff and board of the NSWAS educational institutions in being chosen as the new director of the School for Peace. I began in October 2020 with the challenge of filling Nava's 'big shoes' and building the direction for the future. I'm happy to say that I feel very much at home and look forward to carrying the organization forward. The arson attack at the SFP this September left us with the big challenge of rebuilding the school and raising the necessary funds. I am happy to say that after the fire we were able to quickly organize and find additional space in the village to continue our important work. The support we received from all of our friends in the region and abroad helped us once again realize how significant the School for Peace is to all of us. The political situation in the country reminds us on a daily basis that there are few places where Jews and Palestinians can meet and work together as equals and the uniqueness of our work and methodology has become much more apparent and indispensable. In the coming years, the SFP will work to help our graduates become more active and influential in peace activities. Based on our unique voice, we will strengthen our connections with peace activists nationally and internationally as we continue operating our important programs. -
Survey of Terrorist Groups and Their Means of Financing
SURVEY OF TERRORIST GROUPS AND THEIR MEANS OF FINANCING HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON TERRORISM AND ILLICIT FINANCE OF THE COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION SEPTEMBER 7, 2018 Printed for the use of the Committee on Financial Services Serial No. 115–116 ( U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 31–576 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 VerDate Mar 15 2010 14:03 Dec 06, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 G:\GPO PRINTING\DOCS\115TH HEARINGS - 2ND SESSION 2018\2018-09-07 TIF TERRO mcarroll on FSR431 with DISTILLER HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES JEB HENSARLING, Texas, Chairman PATRICK T. MCHENRY, North Carolina, MAXINE WATERS, California, Ranking Vice Chairman Member PETER T. KING, New York CAROLYN B. MALONEY, New York EDWARD R. ROYCE, California NYDIA M. VELA´ ZQUEZ, New York FRANK D. LUCAS, Oklahoma BRAD SHERMAN, California STEVAN PEARCE, New Mexico GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York BILL POSEY, Florida MICHAEL E. CAPUANO, Massachusetts BLAINE LUETKEMEYER, Missouri WM. LACY CLAY, Missouri BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan STEPHEN F. LYNCH, Massachusetts SEAN P. DUFFY, Wisconsin DAVID SCOTT, Georgia STEVE STIVERS, Ohio AL GREEN, Texas RANDY HULTGREN, Illinois EMANUEL CLEAVER, Missouri DENNIS A. ROSS, Florida GWEN MOORE, Wisconsin ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina KEITH ELLISON, Minnesota ANN WAGNER, Missouri ED PERLMUTTER, Colorado ANDY BARR, Kentucky JAMES A. HIMES, Connecticut KEITH J. ROTHFUS, Pennsylvania BILL FOSTER, Illinois LUKE MESSER, Indiana DANIEL T. KILDEE, Michigan SCOTT TIPTON, Colorado JOHN K. DELANEY, Maryland ROGER WILLIAMS, Texas KYRSTEN SINEMA, Arizona BRUCE POLIQUIN, Maine JOYCE BEATTY, Ohio MIA LOVE, Utah DENNY HECK, Washington FRENCH HILL, Arkansas JUAN VARGAS, California TOM EMMER, Minnesota JOSH GOTTHEIMER, New Jersey LEE M. -
Egyptian Policy Toward Iran and the Challenges of Transition from Break up to Normalization
JOURNAL FOR IRANIAN STUDIES Specialized Studies A Peer-Reviewed Quarterly Periodical Journal Year 1. issue 4, Sep. 2017 ISSUED BY Arabian Gulf Centre for Iranian Studies Egyptian Policy toward Iran and the Challenges of Transition from Break Up to Normalization Mo’taz Salamah (Ph.D.) Head of the Arab and Regional Studies Unit and Director of the Arabian Gulf Program at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Mohammad Saied Alsayyad Intellectual and Ideological Studies Researcher in the Arabian Gulf Center for Iranian Studies espite the news and calls of some Egyptian and Iranian personalities to restore relations between the two Dcountries, no significant development has been noticed in Egypt-Iran ties for about four decades. Some observers expected that the Iranian nuclear deal in 2015 would enhance rapprochement between Cairo and Tehran, but so far, no changes have been made, nor do signs indicate a normalization of relations between the two countries.(1) Journal for Iranian Studies 41 Diplomatic ties between Egypt and Iran have been severed since the Iranian revolution in 1979, the Camp David Accords, and process of establishing peace between Egypt and Israel. These relations deteriorated primarily due to Egypt’s hosting of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi– Iran’s former monarch – despite the new Iranian leaders’ demands that Egypt hands him over for trial. In addition, the Iranian leadership adopted a hard line against Cairo by naming one of Tehran’s main streets after Khalid Islambouli, who assassinated President Sadat in 1981 – and hosting a number of Egyptian Islamic groups that escaped trial in Egypt and took refuge in Iran.(2) Iran’s practices also included inciting the Egyptian people against their regime and even hosting terrorist groups that, until recently, the Iranian media called Muslim Rebels.(3) Egypt and Iran are two key powers in the region. -
Lamia Joreige a Brief History of Ouzaï
ﳌﻴﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺞ، Lamia Joreige A Brief History of OuzaÏ Produced for the exhibition Under-Writing Beirut Marfa’ ©2017 A Brief History of OuzaÏ, 2017 Graphite pencil and inkjet print on paper 15 drawings, 40 x 30 cm Images based on photographs and documents from Assayad magazine, Elyssar, Ahmad Gharbieh, Lamia Joreige, Life Collection. Texts based on conversations with Firas Beydoun, Makram Beydoun, Wadah Charara, Elie Chedid, Farouk Dakdouki, Fadi Fawaz, Mustapha Nasser, Ramzieh Nasser, Salah Nasser, Zahed Clerc-Huybrechts, Wafa Charafeddine, Mona Fawaz, Mona Harb, Falk Jähnigen, Steven Judd, Mohammad Nokkari. professional actors, who were improvising and performing scenes inspired by their love affairs, professional lives, friendships and the places that are dear to them. The city and with their daily lives, I highlighted a malaise in present day-Beirut. One of the main characters of And the Living Is Easy is Firas Beydoun, who was born and lived then in Ouzaï, and whose grandfather, Ali Hassan Nasser, a pioneer, established his life and professional activities there, but also built a mosque, and a local leader (‘za3im’). As I pursued my project Under-Writing Beirut, I got interested in researching the history of Ouzaï, and met several members and acquaintances of the Nasser family. This piece, part of the project’s third chapter: Under-Writing these encounters as well as on the mundane and historic places that are enmeshed with the narratives of this area. Special Thanks to: Joumana Asseily, Firas Beydoun, Makram Beydoun, Wadah Charara, Sandra Dagher, Farouk Dakdouki, Ahmad Gharbieh, Ramzi Joreige, Cherine Karam, Mustapha Nasser, Ramzieh Nasser, Salah Nasser, Zahed Nasser, Anna Ogden-Smith, Lea Paulikevitch, Intisar Rabb, Ely Skaff, Scope Ateliers, Faysal Arabic Translation: Nisrine Nader اﻟﺘﻘﻴﺖ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺷﺨﺎص واﳌﻌﺎرف ﻣﻦ آل ﻧﺎﴏ. -
Caesarea Forum - Xvii
CAESAREA FORUM - XVII PROGRAM Chair: Dr. Yuval Steinitz, Minister of Finance Academic Director of the Forum: Mr. David Brodet Wednesday and Thursday, 1st -2nd July 2009 Hotel Royal Beach, Eilat WEDNESDAY, 1st JULY 2009 8:30 - 9:30 Registration and assembly 9:30 - 13:00 First Session : "The Requisite Size of the Government - between Economy and Politics" [The Olive and Acacia Hall] Presentation of the Team's Recommendations: Prof. Joseph Zeira , Department of Economics, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Presenters: Prof. Avishai Braverman, Minister of Minority Affairs Mr. Yoram Ariav , Director General and Acting Head of the Budget Department, Ministry of Finance Prof. Zvi Eckstein , Deputy Governor, Bank of Israel Dr. Michel Strawczynski, Director, Macro-Economic and Policy Department, Bank of Israel Prof. Omer Moav, Department of Economics, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Prof. Manuel Trajtenberg , Head, National Economic Council, Prime Minister's Office Ms. Yael Andorn, Director General, Amitim Pension Funds Dr. Yossi Bachar , Economic Consulting and Business Development Ltd. Dr. Eldad Shidlovsky , Head, Economics and Research Department, Ministry of Finance Plenary discussion 13:00 - 14:15 Minister of Finance's Session : [The Ranch House Restaurant] Luncheon Address by the Dr. Yuval Steinitz, Minister of Finance 14:30 - 18:15 Second Session : "The Future of Growth Promotion in Israel: A Return to Boosting Avant-garde Industries and Scientific Technological Innovation" [The Olive and Acacia Hall] 14:30-16:30 Presentation of the Team's Recommendations: Prof. Arnon Bentor, Dean, Civil and Environmental Engineering Faculty, and Senior Researcher, The Neaman Institute, The Technion Presenters: Mr. Eli Hurvitz, Chairman, Teva Pharmaceutical Industries Ltd. -
Pia Jansen Phd Thesis.Pdf
THE CONSEQUENCES OF ISRAEL’S COUNTER TERRORISM POLICY Pia Therese Jansen A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St. Andrews 2008 Full metadata for this item is available in the St Andrews Digital Research Repository at: https://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/439 This item is protected by original copyright This item is licensed under a Creative Commons License The Consequences of Israel’s Counter Terrorism Policy Pia Therese Jansen Degree of PhD at University of St. Andrews Submitted on May the 25 th 2007 I, Pia Therese Jansen, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately ………..words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. Date …………………. Signature of candidate …………………………………….. I was admitted as a research student in ……….. and as a candidate for the degree of PhD in ……..; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St. Andrews between ……….. Date …………………. Signature of candidate …………………………………….. I herby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of PhD in the University of St. Andrews, and that the candidate is qualified to submit this thesis in application for that degree. Date …………………. Signature of supervisor …………………………………….. In submitting this thesis to the University of St. Andrews I understand that I am giving permission for it to be made available for the use in accordance with the regulations of the University Library for the time being in force, subject to any copyright vested in the work not being affected thereby. -
Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As Of, January 27, 2015) Elections • in Israel, Elections for the Knesset A
Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As of, January 27, 2015) Elections In Israel, elections for the Knesset are held at least every four years. As is frequently the case, the outgoing government coalition collapsed due to disagreements between the parties. As a result, the Knesset fell significantly short of seeing out its full four year term. Knesset elections in Israel will now be held on March 17, 2015, slightly over two years since the last time that this occurred. The Basics of the Israeli Electoral System All Israeli citizens above the age of 18 and currently in the country are eligible to vote. Voters simply select one political party. Votes are tallied and each party is then basically awarded the same percentage of Knesset seats as the percentage of votes that it received. So a party that wins 10% of total votes, receives 10% of the seats in the Knesset (In other words, they would win 12, out of a total of 120 seats). To discourage small parties, the law was recently amended and now the votes of any party that does not win at least 3.25% of the total (probably around 130,000 votes) are completely discarded and that party will not receive any seats. (Until recently, the “electoral threshold,” as it is known, was only 2%). For the upcoming elections, by January 29, each party must submit a numbered list of its candidates, which cannot later be altered. So a party that receives 10 seats will send to the Knesset the top 10 people listed on its pre-submitted list.