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'A Place full of rich and Industrious People': Art and patronage in in the first half of the 18th century Author(s): Katharine Eustace Source: The British Art Journal , Spring/Summer 2006, Vol. 7, No. 1 (Spring/Summer 2006), pp. 3-16 Published by: British Art Journal Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/41614660

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This content downloaded from 77.102.183.201 on Mon, 15 Jun 2020 16:17:38 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Volume VII, No. 1 The BRITISH ART Journal

'A Place full of rich and Industrious People' Art and patronage in Bristol in the first half of the 18th century

Katharine Eustace

1 William III by Michael Rysbrack (1694-1770), Queen Square, Bristol, 1731-6. Bronze. © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives In William III by Michael Rysbrack (1694-1770) (PI 1) Bristol In in Queen in Queen William Square is andSquare the Stone Mary III byRedcliffe of Michael and the the great Rysbrack St Mary cities Redcliffe (1694-1770) of the Altarpiece world. (PI 1) 2 Altarpiece for St Mary Redclijfe by William Hogarth (1697-1764), 1756, in the now deconsecrated church of St Nicholas, Bristol (see Pis 35, 36, 37). by William Hogarth (1697-1764) (PI 2), Bristolians commis- Oil on canvas. Photo: GA Nichols sioned two of the most significant pieces of public patronage 3 Blackamoor label stops by Thomas Paty, 1740. West end of . in the eighteenth century. Bristol was not culturally indebted Photo: GA Nichols to , but rather in a financial position to commission the best artists of the day. In the matter of equestrian statues and in the Grand Manner, Bristol achieved some- thing that London never did. There are three categories of patronage under consideration: private, civic, and ecclesiasti- cal. Inevitably there are overlaps, some individuals falling into two or more groups. The social milieu from which they came, and the presence of high quality craftsmanship in Bristol in this period, provided a context for the outstanding artistic achievements of the time. Bristol at the beginning of the 18th century was the gateway to Britain's first Empire (PI 3), trading to the eastern seaboard of North America. Its cultural and religious links since the Reformation were with Northern Europe, and it is significant that in 1725 the Quaker ironmaster, Thomas Goldney (1696- 1768), made a European Tour that excluded France and and was firmly confined to the Low Countries.1 Coal was important to the industrial development of Bristol, for smelting iron and copper, for sugar refining and for the pottery kilns and glass houses, and it was within easy reach.2 Bristol's wealth came from this, and from the sugar houses or refineries, themselves dependent on rum, molasses and raw sugar from the plantations of the , Louisiana, Georgia and South Carolina, so inextri- cably linked with the triangular trade with West Africa: the

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Slave Trade (PI 4). 3 In 1724 Alderman Beecher4 was sent by 4 A Place full of rich and Industrious People', A North West Prospect of the City the Corporation to London to represent the city in the dis- of Bristol by S and N Buck, 1734. Etching and engraving, 26.1 x 111 cm pute over the monopoly of the Africa trade. In 1726 he (image size). Signed and dated in the plate, and inscribed with title. is in the upper middle plain to the right, Queen Square below it to presented a petition on behalf of the merchants of Bristol to the left, with St Augustine's, the Cathedral and College Green in the middle the Board of Trade, opposing the reinstatement of the Royal right foreground. © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives, Mb6691 Africa Company's monopoly The petition claimed that there 5 and his Family by William Hogarth, 1729. Oil on canvas, 35.5 x had been an increase from eight to 60 ships out of Bristol, 45.5cm. National Maritime Museum, London (BHC2973). 'where of the Plantations are well supplied with negroes, his Photo: National Maritime Museum, London, M1616 majestys revenues greatly increased, vast quantities of woollen, iron, pewter, copper and other manufactures of this globe, a pair of compasses, his wife, Sarah Whetstone holding kingdome are exported, many thousands of families in this a book,13 and the fort which Rogers had repaired and gar- city and places adjacent imployed and supported'.5 risoned at Nassau. It is no coincidence that the capital on New In many cases merchants were also industrialists, Bristol Providence Island should be so called: 'Great Nassau' was a being the first industrialized city, well before the accepted popular mnemonic for William III, Prince of Orange. Roger's dates for the Industrial Revolution. Merchants were what we wife was the daughter of a Bristolian career naval officer, Rear- would call entrepreneurs, and, having made money, they did Admiral Sir William Whetstone (d 1711), Commander-in-Chief what the moneyed do, they invested. In Bristol in the first half in the in 1705. 14 By his marriage in 1705 Rogers of the 18th century, Bristolians invested in civic pride in a spir- obtained the freedom of the City of Bristol. His son William it of philanthropy, in education and in health of body and Whetstone Rogers holds out a map of the region, the lower soul, and in monuments and memorials to themselves and Mississippi Basin and the Florida Keys. This portrait might be their interests. The men who led this great city were self-made seen as a transitional work between Hogarth's earlier conver- men with enormous energy and staying power. The best sation pieces, on a small scale for domestic consumption, and known example is Woodes Rogers, famous for leading an larger portraits such as Thomas Coram (1740), which elevat- expedition with the William Dampier as his pilot,6 ed entrepreneurial imperialism to a new status. round Cape Horn into the Pacific in 1709. John Romsey, Town A catalyst to Hogarth's change in approach to portraiture Clerk of Bristol from 1676 to 1722, helped finance Woodes was the innovative quality of the portrait bust at the time and Rogers' privateering expedition.7 In this mercantilist enter- of the work of Michael Rysbrack in particular. As the engraver, prise to attack Spanish competitors on the Chilean and antiquarian and connoisseur George Vertue put it, Rysbrack's Peruvian coasts, Woodes was wounded and his brother John 'superior merit to other Sculptors is very apparent in his killed. It was on this three year voyage that they encountered Modells of portraits... none equalizing for truth of Likeness Alexander Selkirk on Juan Fernandez, an event later immor- and property of ornaments or head dress'.15 Given the dull talised by Daniel Defoe in Robinson Crusoe (1719). 8 Rogers state of portraiture in the first quarter of the century it is retired with his profits to the houses he had built at 33 and 34 hardly surprising that the portrait bust as executed by Queen Square, Bristol.9 He was called out of retirement in Rysbrack, and others who followed him, was so in vogue that, 1718 and appointed 'Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief as the author of The London Tradesman reported, the 'Taste in and over our Bahama Islands in America'.10 This was a spe- of Busts. . . prevails much of late Years, and in some measure cific government policy of expansion in the West Indies, filling interferes with Portrait painting. The Nobility now effect to a vacuum left by the Spaniards and French in 1708, and dri- have their Busts done that Way rather than sit for their ving out the prevailing piracy along the Carolina coast which Pictures'.16 And not just the nobility: Rysbrack extended the had adversely affected trade.11 In 1721 Rogers returned and range of social milieu from which sitters were drawn to spent some time in the debtors' prison, fuelling Hogarth's include the emergent professional middle-classes: printer- and others' indignation at the treatment of debtors. Sir Hans publishers, architects, lawyers. That Bristol should have six, Sloane and others bailed him out, and a new commission as and, in the bust of John Strahan now lost, a seventh, of the Governor of the Bahamas came to him in late 1728. finest examples of Rysbrack busts is indicative. The portrait by Hogarth, dated 1729, was perhaps painted One of the aspects of Bristol patronage in an 'Age of in vindication of Rogers' treatment in London (PI 5). In the Philanthropy' was, undoubtedly, its theocratic nature. In a city tradition of Dutch conversation pieces,12 it includes ships, largely given over to nonconformity,17 Defoe recorded 'seven

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Meeting-Houses, two Presbyterian, one Independent, two deed of restriction, which provided for a uniformity of Quakers, one Baptist' in 1724. 18 The Press was largely in the design, itself made possible by the technological develop- hands of the Farley family, a Quaker dynasty, anti-establish- ment of the sash window (PI 8). One of the earliest of these ment and Jacobite in sympathy In a ferment of Christian deeds, in 1702, was between Woodes Rogers, 'of the same activity, Bristol became the centre of Methodism when John City Marriner', and the committee appointed by the Wesley and George Whitfield were excluded from preaching in Common Council for the development of the Marsh.23 The the city's churches in 1739 by Joseph Butler, Bishop of Bristol. deed granted a 50-year lease on a peppercorn rent for the The outstanding acts of patronage were at this time driven by first two years, during which Rogers would build 'a substan- religious motives, whether in expression of a profound dislike tial Mansion House of 42 foote in ffronť. Regulations as to of Catholicism, or, more specifically, in attempts to assert the building materials, brick with stone quoins, and 'Iron worke reformed and established church. Almost all the city churches to be substantial', followed. No tenements for the poor, or were reordered and redecorated during this period. There workhouses 'such as Chandlers, Brew or Bake houses' ,were were tensions, however, in the degrees of Protestantism: the to be built, lest they 'annoy the Neighbours by Noise, the High Cross (PI 6) had been taken down in 1733 in response to Smells, danger of Fire' and so on. The choice of brick, in a a petition which 'when we consider that we are protestants, hitherto almost entirely timber city, was, as in London, and that popery ought effectually to be guarded against in this undoubtedly a civic response to fire risks and subsequent Nation' requested the removal of the 'ruinous and supersti- insurance procedures.24 Further brick squares followed: St tious Relick'.19 It was restored shortly afterwards, however, and James's Square (1709) (PI 9), demolished by bombs and re-sited outside the Cathedral on College Green in 1736.20 developers in the mid-20th century; Dowry Square in 1727; Bristol was a timber city ringed by developments in red- and George Tully's King Square in 1741. brick or Flemish bond until the 1750s,21 and the visual Other civic initiatives included the Library and the connection must be not only with the Low Countries, Holland Exchange both begun in 1740. 25 The former may have been and Belgium, but also the cities of the empire, Boston, designed by George Tully (cl700-1770) with interiors by Massachusetts, and Savannah, Georgia. As late as 1836, James Paty (d 1747); the latter was by John Wood of Bath.26 Johann Passavant referred to the 'Dutch houses' of Bristol as His published account of the building described the 'peri- the result of trade.22 Elsewhere in Britain, Anglo-Dutch archi- style. . . in the Corinthian Order', (PI 10) the capitals executed tecture was swept away by an Italianate style in imitation of by Thomas Paty, and the internal 'Festoons which represent Palladianism, but in Bristol, where Italy meant and Great Britain and the four Quarters of the World, with the Popery, a robust form of Protestantism prevailed and may be Chief Products of and Manufacturers of every Country'.27 seen to be reflected in civic design and patronage. These now gaudily painted details (PI 11) were executed by Queen Square (PI 7), dominated by the Custom House Boni & Co, a firm of London stuccadors, or plasterers.28 built in 1712 by John Hollidge, was begun as a civic initiative Charming as they are, they do not compare in quality or by the Town Clerk, Thomas Romsey. Individuals purchased invention with the work of Bristol plasterers such as Joseph from the Corporation the right to build, but had to sign a Thomas, who worked at Clifton Hill House, the Assembly

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Rooms, in Orchard Street, and possibly on the fine plaster work in the interiors of Nos 10-12 Guinea Street. The Guinea Street houses were built in brick in 1718 by Captain Edmund Saunders (d cl743) as a single house with a Dutch gable (PI 12). A ships' master,29 Saunders was - man and church warden of St Mary Redcliffe until his bankruptcy in 1741. 30 In 1726 he was appointed, among oth- ers, 'to contract & agree wth. Workmen to erect a Handsome Ornamental Gallery to contain the said Organ'.31 An engraving by Elisha Kirkall (cl682-1742) (PI 13), naming John Strahan 6as The Bristol High Cross (detail) by Samuel Scott. Oil on canvas, 58.4 x 49.5 the designer, is corroborated by Vestry Minutes in 1727 when cm. Georgian House. © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives the was instructed to pay 'Mr Strahan 7 Queen Square, from New Method of Perspective Made Easy by William Architect for his Draught of the Organ Seven Guineas'.32 The Halfpenny, 1731. Engraving. © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives, M1616 organ builders were John Harris and John Byfield of London, 8 No. 29 Queen Square, built for Alderman Nathaniel Day. Photo: author who were paid £700 for an organ that, for technical quality, was second only to that in St Paul's Cathedral.33 The first 9 St James's Square, by a member of the Pole family, cl806. Watercolour, 21x 26.2 cm. © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives, K4352 organist, Nelme Rogers, was to play 'mornings and afternoons on Sundays'.34 This was intended to encourage people to 10 . peristyle. . . in the Corinthian Order' designed by John Wood and execut- ed by Thomas Paty, 1743. Bristol Exchange. Photo: author come to Church, as it were to a concert, and would have been 1 1 ' Festoons which represent Great Britain and the four Quarters of the World, with an affront to the strong Low Church and Non-Conformist ten- the Chief Products of and Manufacturers of every Country', by Charles Boni and dency within the City, to which playing music on a Sunday Co, 1743. Bristol Exchange. Photo: author would have contravened the Sabbatarian ethic. 12 Nos. 10-12 Guinea Street. Built as a single house in 1718 for Captain John Strahan (d cl74l) was a gentleman architect in the Edmund Saunders. Photo: author

tradition of Pratt, Vanbrugh and Archer.35 His name appears 13 The East Prospect of the Stone Gallerie & Magnificent Organ of St Mary Redclijf, in a list, made by Vertue, of portrait busts 'Modelld from the Bristol by Elisha Kirkall, c.1728. Engraving, 53 x 27.7 cm, inscribed lower left: life' by Rysbrack, as 'Mr John Straughan Surveyor of Bristol'.36 Jo: Strahan delint and lower right: E.Kirkall sculpt. Photo: © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives, Mb.6683 In 1728 Strahan petitioned the Mayor and Corporation to be admitted a free burgess, but appears not to have paid his 'fine'.37 When in 1729 Michael Sidnell was paid £120.3.0 for House, had been apprenticed to John Elbridge in 1718.40 pulling down and rebuilding Redcliffe Gate (PI 14), Strahan John Elbridge (cl682-1738 (PI 16) was Deputy Controller of was paid two guineas, presumably as architect surveyor.38 Ahis Majesty's Customs from 1708, and Receiver of Dues of number of houses in the region have been attributed to him, Wharfage and Tonnage for the Society of Merchant among them Frampton Court, built for Richard Clutterbuck Venturers.41 His grandfather Giles had been Mayor of Bristol, in 1731. 39 Clutterbuck, an official of the Bristol Custom but had fallen foul of the political situation in the Civil War, and

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his father, Thomas Elbridge, emigrated to Pemaquid, a fishing settlement inhabited by 80 transportées in Northern New England. In 1676 the family fled from native attacks to Marblehead in the County of Essex in Massachusetts, where John was brought up. When his parents went to to establish the Spring plantation, he was sent to Bristol aged 12 to live with a cousin, Thomas Moore, Controller of the Customs, to whom he was apprenticed in 1697. Elbridge inher- ited one of the great sugar houses, at St Peter's, refining cane from the family's Jamaican plantations, and acquired Hanham Mills which supplied much of Bristol's water in 1737.42 He built a country house at Cote, in the of Westbury-on-Trym, on land he inherited on Thomas Moore's death in 1724.43 From 1727 Elbridge lived in the Royal Fort.44 The books listed in the inventory of his well-appointed house are indica- tive of his attitudes and interests, for example The Whole Duty of Man , Grounds and Reasons for the Christian Religion, The Cause of Decay of Christian Piety .45 Like others he was inspired by a charitable and missionary zeal for his city, and founded a school to teach 24 poor girls the 'Christian Protestant Religion so far as would qualify them to be Good Christians, useful servants, of an exemplary Industry, and virtuous Life, and Conversation' (PI 15). 46 He was a member of the Colston Charities standing committee, and was the fundraiser and organising energy behind the commissioning of the equestrian statute of William III in Queen Square. In 1735 the Bristol Infirmary opened on Maudlin Street under the auspices of Elbridge, in a brew house set out with beds. Elected Treasurer,47 he oversaw the earliest building for the Infirmary, and supplied the furnish- ings for the wards and the apothecary's shop at his own expense. He died in 1738 leaving ¿5,000 in his will to the Infirmary.48 The Infirmary is in the parish of St James, a cen- tre of Anglican revivalism whose vicar Benjamin Baily published sermons,49 and who was succeeded by Samuel, later Dean, Creswicke. It was to St James that the trustees of

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14 The South View of Redclijfe-Gate by James Stewart. Pen and ink, signed and dated 20 May 1751. Bodleian Library, University of Oxford (MS Gough Somerset 8, foll2). Photo: Bodleian Library, University of Oxford

15 The Mansion House & Charity School for Girls in Fort Lane by James Stewart. Pen and ink. Signed and dated 10 January 1746/7. Bodleian Library, University the Infirmary processed for the annual sermon, the first of of Oxford (MS Gough Somerset 8, fol49r). Photo: Bodleian Library, University of Oxford which made the point 'we are Men of different Opinions and Persuasions in Religion... [it being] the great Duty of our common Christianity'.50 The earliest work by Michael Rysbrack in Bristol is a wall Martha Innys (1688-1762) (PI 22) the youngest daughter of tablet of 1726 to Andrew Innys, who died aged 82, in St John Andrew Innys and Elizabeth Martin, was baptized, like her the Baptist.51 Described as 'gentleman' on the tablet, Innys brothers, in St John's.63 She may have met her future husband was a lawyer, and a substantial property holder in the city.52 when visiting her brothers, William and John, in London, for His second wife Elizabeth, by whom he had 14 children,53 John Cossins lived on the same south side of St Paul's Church was one of the daughters of Jeremy, or Jeremiah, Martin of Yard. The Innys brothers and the Cossins were to be neigh- Redland Court, Doctor of Physic. Elizabeth had died in 1711 bours in London for a further 20 years. John Cossins and soon after her family's house and land at Redland was described as 'an eminent grocer' (PI 21) 64 was a member of mortgaged to her widower. Of Andrew and Elizabeth's sons the Company of Bowyers. They were married on 5 October who were engaged in the business of Bristol, Jeremy, or 1714 when John was aged 32 and Martha twenty-six. A pair of Jeremiah, was a tobacco importer, Warden of the Society of portraits by Vanderbank are, if marriage portraits, very early Merchant Venturers, and Master in 1724; and Martin was a examples of his work, but they are more likely to date from lawyer.54 Another, William (1685-1756) (PI 17) was baptised at about ten years later.65 When Cossins commissioned them in St John's in 1685.55 William became one of the leading book- the early 1720s, he was backing a rising star, for Vanderbank sellers in London and an active member of the Stationers' was considered by contemporaries as a successor to Lely.66 Company.56 In the 1730s William published as Innys and Cossins bought the Manor of Redland from his in-laws in Manby, booksellers, on the corner of Ludgate Street, printing 1732. He was nominally resident in London, for he was nom- the second edition of Gibbs's Book of Architecture with inated Sheriff of London, as 'citizen and bowyer', in 1737, but engravings by Elisha Kirkall in 1739. William continued trad-had in effect retired to Redland in 1735. He took no part in ing as Innys and Richardson, Paternoster Row, until 1755,the life of the city of Bristol, but was a friend of many who when he appears to have retired to Redland, where he did.died In 1755 he was appointed High Sheriff for the County of the following year.57 John Innys (1695-1778) (PI 18), ten yearsGloucestershire, but though sworn in, was represented by younger than his brother, was apprenticed to William, and, his inbrother-in-law John Innys. He died in 1759 and was 1720, he too became a member of the Stationers' Company. interred in the in Redland Chapel. He bequeathed The deed of endowment for Redland Chapel in 1749, money to the poor in the of St Faith and St Gregory, described him as 'of London, Stationer',58 but by 1754 he London was and Westbury-on-Trym, to Charity schools in the two resident at Redland,59 where he lived until his death in 1778.former, and to the Hospitals of St Bartholomew, Bethlehem It seems likely that Rysbrack's Innys busts were carved and in Christ's in London and to the Infirmary in Bristol.67 about 1734. The busts are en négligé , in informal or indoor The pair of Cossins' busts was commissioned in 1734, the last dress, and both sitters wear indoor caps. Rysbrack's portrait year they lived full time in London. If so they may be ad vivam , busts were an innovation, whether informal as here, wigged and not based, as the effigy of Colston was, on a portrait. The like Colston (PI 19), or classical like Henry Blake (PI 20).sitters are not idealized, they both have the comfortable look of Blake, or Blaake, had been Steward of the Sheriff's Court settling into middle age, detectable in the incipient double when he succeeded Romsey as Town Clerk (1720-31), 60 chins. he John would have been fifty-two and Martha forty-six. seems to have played little part in the daily life of Bristol, and A new house at Redland was begun for them in 1732, and was probably more often in London,61 where he may havecompleted three years later (PI 23, 23a). It is one of the few frequented the houses of other Bristol families, the works that can be firmly attributed to John Strahan.68 In 1740 Edwardses,62 who were lawyers like himself, and the Innyses. work began on what was a private family chapel for the estate, He solicited a Bill for the building of the Exchange in 1721, and the trustees were all members of the family.69 Controversy and the following year received the freedom of the City. This continues to surround the question of the design of the may explain his appearance as a Roman senator, all ' antica. Chapel (PI 24) 70 but it is probable that John Strahan was the It is one of the earliest in this manner, and has all the appear- architect. A possible source, on a grander scale, may have ance of being from life, although it does not appear in been the Chapel by Gibbs for the Foley family at Great Vertue's list of 1732. Whitley, Worcestershire, begun in 1733 but not completed

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21 19

17 20 22

16 John Elbridge by Marcus Henry Holmes (detail), 1716. Oil on canvas. Signed and dated. Bristol Royal Infirmary. Photo: author

17 William, Innys by Michael Rysbrack, cl734. Marble, h: 67.3 cm. Redland Chapel, Bristol. Photo: © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives

18 John Innys by Michael Rysbrack, cl734. Marble, ht 64.8 cm. Redland Chapel, Bristol. Photo: © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives

19 by Michael Rysbrack, cl723, terracotta, ht 57cm. Photo: © 'Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives, K4753

20 Henry Blake by Michael Rysbrack, beforel731. Marble, ht 62.5 cm. Lord Mayor's Chapel, Bristol. Photo: © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives

21 John Cossins by Michael Rysbrack, cl734. Marble, ht 62.2 cm. Redland Chapel, Bristol. Photo: © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives

22 Martha Cossins by Michael Rysbrack, cl734. Marble, ht 61cm. Redland Chapel, Bristol. Photo: © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives

18 until 1747. Certainly there are recognizably Gibbsian charac- the carved detail to Rysbrack; the fourteen cherub heads teristics,71 and Strahan was open to influence, moving as he around the wainscot do appear indebted to those on the wall probably did in circles with a close proximity to Gibbs. tablet to Martha Cossins's father Andrew Innys in St John the It appears that, on Strahan's death, was Baptist (Pis 29, 30). It is clear from the documents that in appointed to oversee the completion of the Chapel. He also September 1740, Thomas Paty agreed to carve the '4 Ionick undertook to measure the building inside and out, and capitals Cherbims head and festoon sides of the Keystones in became responsible to some extent for the fitting out of the the West Front' for £10: 4:0, and '2 patern mors for Mr interior of the Chapel.72 A drawing of the interior (PI 25), Gingel's use l/6ď (PI 3) and in 1743 he was paid £106.8.0 for dedicated to John Cossins by James Stewart, is clearly by 'carving the ornaments of the and pulpit in another hand possibly the Bristol based William Milton. Its Limewood' (PI 31), and other details.75 The gates were made sophisticated monochromatic tone compares with the work in 1742 (PI 32), and have been attributed to Nathaniel of Milton, who demonstrated a predilection for grisaille, Arthur.76 They compare with recently restored gates at probably because as a designer of trade cards (Pis 26, 27, 28), Hanham (PI 33) on the outskirts of Bristol, owned at the time insurance notes,73 and personal bookplates, it was intended by the Creswicke family. The altarpiece, the Descent from the for the engraver.74 He also designed inn signs, the remark- Cross after Annibale Carracci, is possibly by Vanderbank's able thing about which is that they are in the vanguard of the brother Moses. taste for the rococo, which is generally considered to have A third philanthropist, whose reputation has been che- come into metropolitan vogue in the 1740s. quered from the start, is Edward Colston (1636-1721) (PI 19). The first service was held in Redland Chapel in October He is the nearest thing to a saint the came 1743, and the fitting out was completed in 1747. The decora- to have in the eighteenth century, and was virtually canon-, tion is of such high quality that Dening and others attributed ised by his city:

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He was one of the best and most religious men that ever existed; evocative passages in Latimer's ^ His monu- his universal benevolence and extended charity, like the sun in ment was commissioned by his executors Francis Colston and the firmament, diffused blessings on all around; he was eyes to Thomas Edwards (Pi 34). The designer, , was the the blind, feet to the lame, a father to the fatherless, and the architect of the new buildings at St Bartholomew's Hospital, London. Colston had been a Governor of Bart's and left the widow's tears he wiped away . . . and thousands that are yet unborn shall celebrate with thankfulness and festive joy, the hospital £500 in his will. Francis Colston became a Governor annual return of that auspicious day, which gave him birth.77 the same year as Gibbs, in 1723. On 17 October 1728, the Standing committee of the His birthday became a public holiday in Bristol, marked by Colston Charities were instructed to wait upon Mr Francis processions, bells and feasting. Farley's Bristol Newspaper Colston 'now he is in this City' to discuss outstanding sums, recorded: perhaps relating to the monument in All Saints 'and Mr

Thursday being the nativity of that late Glorious Benefactor Colstone be desired to return the picture of the late Edward Colston Esq., the Bells from each steeple began about 5 Benefactor Mr Colstone which... [word deleted] was lent in the morning to proclaim his immortal memory; and at Night [inserted] him sometime ago'.87 This suggests that Francis were several Private Entertainments in Commemoration of him, Colston was in Bristol to see the monument and participate as Tokens to perpetuate his Memory to latest posterity.78 in the anniversary celebrations. The monument, dated 1729, is signed by Michael Sidnell. He was a subscriber to Gibbs's Edward Colston, whose motto was 'Go, and do thou likewise', Book of Architecture (1728) in which it is illustrated, and was a member of a Bristol dynasty His grandfather had been from which we know that Rysbrack was the sculptor of the Mayor in 1597. He was brought up in Winterbourne, one semi-recumbent of effigy and of the cherubs.88 Sidnell was a eleven children of William, a merchant and royalist alderman leading Bristol builder who undertook construction work who lost his office in 1645 by order of parliament. The Colstons such as Redcliffe Gate and the Corn Market for the moved to London, and in 1654 Edward was apprenticed toCorporation.89 a The terracotta model (PI 19) was probably member of the Mercers' Company of which he later became based a on the portrait borrowed by Francis Colston.90 This member. He is said to have worked in Spain, and he certainly outstanding head is an early example of what gave Rysbrack traded with Spain and Portugal in oil and dried fruits. He was the a edge over his contemporaries, and it is possible that in partner in the Elbridge sugar refinery at St Peter's Churchyard, modelling it he had the advantage of advice from Jonathan and imported muscovado from the Caribbean between 1661 Richardson, who knew both the sitter and the sculptor 91 and 1679.79 He was an active member of the Africa Company from 1680. He became a member of the Society of Merchant Venturers, and a burgess by right of birth in 1683. Colston In enough enough the to initiate1720s to one initiate of the and most '30s prestigious one the of ofBristol public the most oligarchy prestigious was confidant of public retired from business to live at Mortlake in 1689. The rest of commissions his in Britain in the first half of the 18th century. In life was devoted to works of charity, which still play a part this in they were well ahead of London, and more impressive in Bristol life.80 These projects were largely concerned with edu-their patronage. In so doing the merchants of Bristol were cation and the aged, but Colston clearly empathized with making the point that they were loyal to a principle not to a bankrupts. He is credited with sending £3,000 to free debtors person. They would not have George II, who had retained in Ludgate prison, and annually paid for the freeing of debtors Robert Walpole as his Prime Minister, to demonstrate their in Whitechapel and the Marshalsea Prisons.81 loyalty to constitutional monarchy, instead they preferred A High Church Tory, Colston attended daily service at Williamthe of Orange, William III, as a symbol of their mercantile Cathedral when in Bristol. He was a hardline opponent and religiousof liberties. A similar and overtly political statement Catholicism, dissent and Whiggism, and was elected a member was being made elsewhere at the time, in the garden pro- of the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge gramme in at Stowe in Buckinghamshire, by Richard Temple, 1709. The following year he was returned as a member of Viscountpar- Cobham. One of the sculptors employed there was liament for Bristol. He left money for the 'beautifying' ofMichael a Rysbrack.92 None of this was lost on that astute number of Bristol churches, as is recorded on his monu- woman Queen Caroline, who, noting that it was a free and sta- ment 82 which probably entailed restoration and redecoration, ble country that prospered, made the connection between while sermons were to be given at Newgate Prison and these visual statements and expressions of discontent. She is throughout Lent each year in the city's churches.83 Colston's quoted by the memorialist John, Lord Hervey, as saying:

motive appears to have been a desire to re-establish the Your island might be a very pretty thing in that case for Church of England in Bristol, which perhaps reflects on his Bridgeman and Kent to cut out into Gardens. . . and for this youthful experiences of Puritanism, and of Inquisition Spain. reason as impudent and insolent as you all are with your All Colston's benefactions had the strictest conditions troublesome liberty, your princes if they are sensible will rather attached to them concerning the religious practice and beliefs bear with your impertinences than cure them.93 of their inmates and staff: no books of a Whiggish persuasion were allowed. The children of Dissenters were excluded, On 4 December and 1731 'a great Number of Gentlemen' pre- he refused to allow schoolboys to be placed out or appren- sented a memorial to the Common Council, and the Chamber ticed to 'any Men that are Dissenters'. As the city was four-fifths agreed to a statue to William III being erected in Queen Whig, this led to opposition and accusations of bigotry Square, and and toa contribute 'to so agreeable a Design'.94 Ten smear campaign, and some of his offers were turned days down. later, at a meeting of the Society of Merchant Venturers, His charities were administered by a standing committee Thomas Freke, of owner of a sugar house, put what was clearly the Society of Merchant Venturers, which in the period a counter up motionto 'to desire a piece of Ground to erect an 1738 included John Elbridge, his nephew Francis Colston, Equestrian Statue of his present Majesty King George the John Beecher, James Hollidge, Chamberlain, Sheriff and Secondbroth- & this Hall to contribute one thousand pounds er of John, and the charities' lawyer, Thomas Edwards Senior.84 towards it'.95 This was rejected on the grounds that the soci- When he died in 1721 he left £71,000 to his many charities, ety had alreadyand given £500 towards a statue of William III, and £100,000 to his relations.85 The splendour of his interment now voted whatin appears to be a further £300 to th#t end. the family vault in All Saints, Bristol, provides one of the There most was clearly much confusion and disagreement, indeed

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ďi the minutes of this particular meeting, which usually record- ed only decisions, are crossed out in several places, and the phrasing itself is confused, as in 'and the previous question 23, 23a The Entrance of Mr Cossins Avenue, by James Stewart, both inscribed being putt whether that question should be putt. . .'.96 and dated April 1746. Bodleian Library, University of Oxford (MS Gough, Somerset, 8, 9). Photo: Bodleian Library, University of Oxford In May 1731 Alderman Beecher, who had interests in the copper-smelting industry, suggested a sub-committee of three 24 Redland Chapel, Bristol. Photo: author from the Council, three from the Merchant Venturers and 25 The Interior of Redland Chapel, Bristol, attributed to William Milton, cl743. three from the subscribers to oversee the commissioning and Pen and ink and wash, 52.1 x 67.9 cm. Inscribed lTo John Cossins. .. James progress of what was to be one of the finest equestrian figures Stewart Junior'. The British Library (K.TopXIII 95a). Photo: © British Library in Europe. John Elbridge was appointed 'Treasurer to King Williams Statue'.97 Vertue tells us, in August 1732, that both Capitoline Hill in Rome. Rysbrack's acquaintance with this was Rysbrack and his fellow Fleming Peter Scheemakers sent through engravings. We know that one of the perceived draw- 'Möddels or casts guilt with Gold' to Bristol (PI 38) .98 backs to Rysbrack's classicism was that he had never been to Scheemackers was paid £50 for his trouble, and then success- Rome, and relied entirely on a Northern European training fully submitted it to Hull. A more strictly classical equestrian and tradition. Although no documentary evidence has yet in gilded base metal, a composite of lead and tin, it cost Hull emerged, there is circumstantial evidence to suggest, howev- £900. There clearly were problems in casting in what today is er, that Rysbrack may have worked in France, possibly on the generically called bronze.99 It was doubly expensive, but to grand sculptural programme at Versailles. If so, he would have Bristol at the centre of the industry, it was a matter of civic been acquainted with Bernini's marble equestrian at Versailles, pride to have it in brass.100 Queen Caroline visited the work- and would have had first hand knowledge of Girardon's Louis shop in 1735 to see the finished statue a month before it was XIV. m He would also have known the equestrian Henri N by shipped to Bristol. The London General Evening Post report- Giambologna and Pietro Tacca (destroyed in the Revolution). ed that 'Yesterday... the famous Equestrian statue of King If William III was a visual expression of independence, William the Third cast in Brass by Mr. Rysbrack, the famous then the choice of Hogarth, no lover of Robert Walpole, was, Statuary, was put on Board Ship in the River in order to be car- perhaps, as intentionally radical. The altarpiece for St Mary ried to Bristol'. Rysbrack was paid £1,800. Though there is no Redcliffe (PI 2) is the most significant religious painting made documentary evidence, it is likely that John Elbridge made up in Britain in the 18th century. It is one of only three commis- any shortfall, as the sums publicly voted amount to much less sions for public places that Hogarth undertook, it followed than the overall cost. The City Audit records paying a further twenty years after The Pool of Bethesda and The Good sum to Elbridge in 1737, 'towards defraying the Expense of Samaritan , painted for James Gibbs's Great Stair at St Erecting the Equestrian statue'.101 Bartholomew's Hospital. Hogarth, described by George Equestrian figures had been the symbol of the struggle of Vertue as a 'Scheemist', literally stole the St Bartholomew's Christianity against paganism since the time of Constan tine: commission from the Italian Jacopo Amiconi by offering to the source was, of course, the statue of Marcus Aurelius on the do it for free. He thereby gained a very public display in the

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centre of London, and, incidentally, a place among the 26 'Bristolia' by William Milton, from A Book of Ornaments. The Original draw- Hospital Governors. At the Foundling Hospital with Thomas ings of William Milton. Pen and ink and coloured wash, 24.7 x 21.5 cm. Coram's backing, he put in motion the scheme that provided Inscribed: 'No. 2, No.llJPF [Freke?]'. Bristol Art Library, Reference Library, artists with a public space in which to exhibit, and laid the College Green (B10124. SR 31). Photo: Andrew Eason, Reference Library

foundation for the Royal Academy He included Rysbrack 27 Design for trade card for 'Edward Webb Goldsmith, Clock and from the outset, an indication of the public esteem in which Watchmaker' by William Milton, from A Book of Ornaments. The Original draw- the sculptor was held at the time. Hogarth's Moses Brought ings of William Milton. Pencil and grey wash, 20.7 x 16.7 cm. Bristol Art Library, Reference Library, College Green (B10124. SR 31). Photo: Andrew Eason, before Pharaoh's Daughter and Rysbrack's terracotta relief Reference Library Charity , were displayed in this semi-public space, and other artists, including the young Thomas Gainsborough, soon fol- 28 Trade card for Edward Webb by William Milton, from A Book of Ornaments. The Original drawings of William Milton. Engraving, plate size 16.5 x 13.2 cm. lowed. Hogarth's next public commission Paul before Felix Signed in the plate: 4 Milton feciť. Bristol Art Library, Reference Library, (1749), was painted for the Chapel of Lincoln's Inn. College Green (B10124. SR 31). Photo: Andrew Eason, Reference Library The St Mary Redcliffe Vestry Minutes for May 1755 record an invitation to be delivered to Hogarth inviting him to 29 Cherub's head by Thomas Paty, 1743. One of fourteen adorning the wainscot. Carved and gessoed wood. Redland Chapel. Photo: GA Nichols Bristol to make an estimate for an altarpiece.103 It is not clear how he won the commission. The sale of prints may have 30 Monument to Andrew Innys (detail) by Michael Rysbrack, 1726. Marble. St John the Baptist, Bristol . Photo: © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & played a part, as Paul before Felix was obtainable in provin- Archives cial printing houses such as Samuel Farley's in Wine Street. In 1730 Farley's Bristol Newspaper was advertising the sale of 31 Chancel ornament by Thomas Paty, 1743. Limewood. Redland Chapel, Bristol. Photo: GA Nichols prints at Samuel Farley's printing house in Wine Street:

'Gentlemen may be supplied with Curious English, French, 32 Redland Chapel gates attributed to Nathaniel Arthur. Iron, 1742. Dutch and Italian Prints, for adorning Stair Cases, Rooms, Photo: author Closets, etc...'. Ronald Paulson suggested it was through 33 Gates at Hanham Court, Bristol, attributed to Nathaniel Arthur. contacts, and pointed out that Thomas Broughton, the rec- Iron, gilded, cl740. Photo: author tor of St Mary, Redcliffe from 1744 to 1775, was a nephew of John Wootton, the sporting painter.204 Wootton, a close gious reformers of the day, and Hogarth's own campaign to friend of Michael Rysbrack, had employed Hogarth to paint establish a British School of History painting to rival any in heads in 1732. A further link was that Broughton, author of Europe, combined in this Bristol project. the Dictionary of All Religions (1744), was a friend of Handel The three canvases were painted in London, and at 17 feet and wrote the libretto for the oratorio Esther. The link is high, with a total length of 51 feet, Hogarth obtained per- most likely in this web of connections surrounding early mission to use the gallery at Somerset House to paint 18th-century expressions of public welfare in London them.108and They were reviewed in June 1756 in the Critical Bristol, in the hospitals and schools, and the care of the poor, Review , before being cased and sent by wagon to Bristol. all of which were paid for by reforming members of Johnthe Thomas was engaged by the Vestry to take down the old established Church. altarpiece on 19 June. The canvases were finished in situ in As André Rouquet put it in 1755, 'in England, religion thedoes , when Hogarth stayed in Bristol in July 1756. 109 He not avail itself of the assistance of painting to inspire devo- was paid £500 for the paintings and £25 expenses by the tion: their churches at the most are adorned with an Churchwarden Nathaniel Webb.110 The frames were built, altarpiece which nobody takes notice of'.105 He carved might and be gilded in Bristol by Brice Seede, Thomas Paty and paraphrasing a conversation with Hogarth; indeed John one Simmonds can respectively. almost hear the latter 's frustrated tones.106 Hogarth The was influence rec- of Rubens and in particular of Raphael's ognized among his contemporaries for the high moralCartoon tone (Royal Collection, on loan to the Victoria & Albert of his work, exposing as it did 'the follies and the vices Museum) of the is apparent. These latter designs for tapestries had world', and so he was the obvious choice. Hogarth's been ownin the Royal Collection since the reign of Charles I. views on the current state of the Anglican Church Hogarth's are pre- father-in-law, James Thornhill, had copied them, sented in the engraving The Sleeping Congregation and (1736),father and son-in-law had had a scheme to publish them from which, as Paulson pointed out, art and religious as engravings. feeling In addition, Raphael's Transfiguration and the had disappeared.107 Thus, propaganda for the social fresco and reli-in the Vatican, The Liberation of St Peter , have general-

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34 Monument to Edward Colston by Michael Rysbrack and Michael Sidnell, 1729. Marble. All Saints, Bristol. © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives

35 (Note: Pis 35, 36, and 37 together form the triptych seen in PI 2) The Sealing of the Sepulchre by Willliam Hogarth. Oil on canvas, 521 x 465 cm. © 'Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives (K2430)

36 The Ascension by Willliam Hogarth. Oil on canvas, 873 x 685 cm. © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives (K2429) ly been considered to be sources which Hogarth would have 37 The Three Marys at the Tomb by Willliam Hogarth. known from engravings.111 Raphael was admired at the time Oil on canvas, 521 x 465 cm. for his empathetic observation, gesture and facial expression. © Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives (K2431) The bearded heads and the restless gesturing of all the pro- 38 Model for William III by Michael Rysbrack, 1732. tagonists are from Raphael (PI 36), but the concept is entirely Gilded plaster, ht 69 cm (including base). Hogarth's. The three canvases were painted as a series, with a Wilberforce Museum, Hull narrative in Hogarthian manner. For the left-hand panel, The Sealing of the Sepulchre (PI 35), Hogarth uses the version given in Matthew in which the chief priests and Pharisees the face of it, gospel narrative, but it might also suggest a were given permission by Pilate to seal the tomb, lest the dis- Pauline awakening, of enlightenment or admonition. The nar- ciples should steal the body: 'So they went, and made the rative of the centre piece, The Ascension , is taken from John sepulchre sure, sealing the stone, and setting a watch.'112 where Mary Magdalen runs to tell Peter '. . . and we know not Hogarth's literal interpretation of the word seal has been where they have laid him'.116 In keeping with what we know regarded as a comic device,113 but placing the emphasis on of Hogarth's symbolism, he places a harlot centre stage. It this detail dramatizes the narrative. It may also be a visual play may also refer to an incident in which Handel, as a young man on the word 'sincere' as in 'yours sincerely', literally 'without- in Rome in 1709, had received a papal rebuke for employing wax' or 'without seal', from the French 'sans cire', as in a letter a woman to sing the role of Mary Magdalen in La sent unsealed. The Pharisees, being hypocrites, were 'with- Resurrezione .117 If so, Hogarth's composition may be a coded wax', and thus devoid of trust. A contemporary commentator reference to Roman and Papal attempts to control art forms. in the Critical Review for June 1756 remarked that 'the labour This is Hogarth's statement about native 'history painting', and exertion which is naturally express'd in this scene is very and about the Reformed Church, for Bristol gave him the happily contrasted by the tenderness and elegant softness opportunity to prove that Britain could produce its own art which prevails in the other side-piece'.114 The picture on the forms and manner to rival those of the Old Masters of right, The Three Marys at the Tomb (PI 37), is taken from Europe. The St Amry Redcliffe triptych is in the grand man- Mark , 'He is risen; he is not here; behold the place where ner, and and on a grand scale, and was the culmination of they laid Him.'115 It is typical of Hogarth that one of the Marys Hogarth's life's work. As the Critical Review concluded: 'This should be peering in a very ordinary and inquisitive sort of opulent city does honour to its own taste in this instance of way, but it is remarkable that there is nothing of a contempo- its love of the fine Arts: and if this noble ornament should rary nature in this work by one of the most contemporary of make its way into our churches, it will be the likeliest means contemporary painters. The city in the background is not to raise a British school of painters.' Bristol, it is Jerusalem, but the river with the city on its north- It would appear that sermons, organ music, and narrative ern bank, the flood plain on its southern, evokes a subliminal painting were part of a concerted strategy to bring people reference to the topography of Bristol, particularly when into church in Bristol. It cannot be entirely coincidental that viewed from a distance and from below, as a contemporary the Assembly or New Music Room opened on Princes'- Street congregation would have viewed it. The thunderbolt is, on in 1756 with Handel's oratorio Messiah.

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This article began as a lecture given in Rectory of St Stephens, Bristol, in British West Indies in the year 1802 aid of the Paty Project, for the con- 1730; James Stewart 'The History of and 1803, Giving a particular servation of the lime wood carving in the Famous City & Port of Bristol'; Account of the Bahama Islands , Redland Chapel in October 2005. 1 Bodleian Library, Oxford, (18211, MS London 1804, p239. 1 am grateful to am most grateful to Gerry Nicholls Gough, Somerset, 2, foll49). Joan Coutu for drawing my attention and Andrew Eason for photography. I 5 He continued to represent the City of to this publication. am grateful too, to Anthony Beeson, Bristol in this matter until 1729; BRO, 12 Mario Praz, Conversation Pieces: A Art Librarian, Bristol Central Merchants Hall, Books of Proceedings Survey of the Informal Group Reference Library, who first drew my Book 4 (Microfilm). Quoted in WE Portrait in Europe and America, attention to the Milton drawings, to Minchinton, 'Politics and the Port of London, 1971, pi 17 Sheena Stoddard and Karin Walton, Bristol in the 18th Century: Petitions 13 The book may be a reference to Fine and Applied Art Curators at of the Society of Merchant Venturers Woodes Rogers' popular account of Bristol City Museums and Art 1698-1803', Bristol Record Society vol his three year voyage, A Cruising Gallery, to Caroline and Michael XXIII, 1963, p21. Voyage round the World, published in Baker, and James Hamilton for their 6 William Dampier (d 1715) was of 1712. encouragement and assistance, and Huguenot origin, and a privateer, or 14 There is a portrait of Whetstone by to all of them for reading this article licensed pirate. In the next generation Michael Dahl (National Maritime in draft. I would also like to thank Henry Dampier, one of the dominat- Museum). Whetstone was buried in St Caroline and Michael Baker, Julia ing figures of the Africa trade, ed what it had been at the Black Michael's, Bristol, 3 April 1711; ODNB. Carver at the City Art Gallery, Crispin established the second Lewin's Mead Death); Marcy, as at note 18, pl7. 15 G Vertue, Notebooks I-VI, Walpole John at the Vestry, St Mary Redcliffe, sugar house in 1727. He was a 22 JD Passavant, Tour of a German Society, Oxford 1930-55, reprinted Colin Harris, Modern Manuscripts, founder of the Bristol Infirmary in Artist in England, 2 vols, London, 1968, vol III, p84. and Patricia Buckingham, Library 1735, a member of the building com- 1836, reprint Wakefield, 1978, p319 16 R Campbell, The London Tradesman, Services, Bodleian Library, Oxford mittee for the Exchange, and Mayor in 23 The rent was two guineas a year for a compendious view of all the trades and the staff of the Bristol Record 1756. As Mayor he sealed the Poor the rest of the lease, 8 December now practised in London and Office for their assistance. Rates, Watch Rates etc for the parish 1702; BRO, Root of Title, Info Box Westminster , London 1747 (reprint, 1 Oxford Dictionary of National of St Mary Redcliffe. BRO 6/30 (typed transcript). This may London 1969) Biography , Oxford 2004, hereafter P/StMR/55(a) have been Woodes Rogers Senior, 17 The High Church character of the oli- ODNB; PK Stembridge 'The Goldney 7 The profits were so large that Romsey who was lost at sea; BRO, Root of garchies of Liverpool and Bristol and Family: A Bristol Merchant Dynasty', had silver candle sticks made and title, Info Box 14/70 (cutting). their Dissenting populaces were Bristol Record Society, vol XLIX, 1998. presented to the Cathedral; see R 24 The Crown-Fire Office was established remarked on by Defoe at the time, and 2 In one year, 1723/24 Dr William Marsh Thorold Cole 'The Church Plate of in 1718; Stewart as at n4, fol 149) recently by Hugh Thomas; Thomas, as raised £4,204.2.10 at the Coal works the City of Bristol', part 1, Bristol & 25 CFW Dening, The Eighteenth Century at note 3, p247. at Colepitt Heath, Westerleigh for the Gloucestershire Archaeological Architecture of Bristol , Bristol 19223, 18 Quoted in PT Marcy, 'Eighteenth Smyth and Edwards families; Bristol Society , 1932, fig. 23. pis XXII, XXVIII. A pair of reliefs Century Views of Bristol and Record Office (hereafter BRO), AC/AS 87. 8 The Life and Strange Surprizing above windows on the main façade at Bristolians' in P McGrath, ed, Bristol 3 See selected documents in 'The Years of Adventures of Robinson Crusoe of first floor of the Library (destroyed in the Eighteenth Century , Newton Expansion 1698-1729' and 'The Years York, Mariner, by Himself which cl970), of infants studying the arts Abbot 1972, p38 of Ascendancy 1729-1743', ed D appeared in four editions in the first and sciences, display a Flemish, and, 19 John Vaughan a silversmith on High Richardson, Bristol Record Society year of publication, and innumerable in this context, a Rysbrackian influ- Street, a Huguenot, led the petition XXXVIII and XXXIX volsi- 2, 1986 and chapbooks thereafter (eg, Bodley ence. The frieze and coat of arms on against the High Cross. Barrett, 1789 1987. For an overview of Bristol's par- Library, Oxford, Harding A55 (19), the main façade of the Exchange are p474-5; quoted in full in MJH ticipation in the slave trade see H 57(3), 158,(27)), but was not directly by Thomas Paty. Liversidge, 'The Bristol High Cross', Thomas, The Slave Trade: the history attributable to Defoe. Probably 26 The Corporation had invited George Bristol Branch of the Historical of the 1440-1870, because, as subsequent literary analy- Association , No 42, 1978, p2. Dance the Elder, 'Mr Danse', to sub- New York 1997. sis has shown, he plagiarized Woodes mit proposals for an Egyptian Hall, in 20 An early example of antiquarianism, 4 John Beecher, Becher or Becker, ship Rogers' account (see nl3 below), the manner of London's Mansion Alderman Price, a house carpenter owner, was Mayor of Bristol (1722 itself dependent on William House, and William Halfpenny sub- and considerable property developer and 1732), and Master of the Dampier 's Collection of Voyages, the mitted numerous proposals; 26 in Queen Square, Orchard Street and Merchant Venturers (1723). He latter not published until 1729, for September 1740; BRO, elsewhere, paid for its repainting and leased Nos. 27 and 28 Queen Square which see WH Bonner, Captain M/BCC/XCM/1, and 04713, CTS Dept gilding. He was a vestryman of St from the Corporation and had hous- William Dampier, Buccaneer- Maps and Plans: 2 1/A21 Mary Redcliffe; J Latimer, Annals of es built on the plots in 1718. In 1725 Author , Oxford 1934. 27 John Wood, Description of the Bristol in the Eighteenth Century , vol he was leasing plots in Prince's Street 9 William Whetston's executors held Exchange of Bristol , 1745. III, Bristol 1893, p325. It was later re- for development. Eight Sergeants' tenements behind No. 33 Queen 28 'Cha: Boni and Co for stucco work sited at Stourhead, Wiltshire, National Maces by George Adams, bearing the Square, in the possession of James Trust. £50:12:0'; BRO, 04221 1/C30, fol23; and City Arms and Beecher's name, must Day by lease granted to Woodes 21 Between 1712 and 1735 1,390 houses receipts for 'Festoon work' and travel- date from his Mayoralty. He died in Rogers; BRO, Root of Title, Info Box, were built in Bristol, evidence of a ling expenses signed for by Charles 1743. His son, 'Rector of St James's, 111/18, (typescript, no date). Boni in 1743; BRO, 04223, fols 35, 37. . demographic explosion (when for Duke's Place, London' was presented 10 ODNB. 29 The Saunders' engaged in most the first time the population exceed- by the Lord Chancellor to the 1 1 Daniel McKinnen, A tour through the aspect of the city's business, Edmund

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Saunders as well as captaining ships 45 BRO, AC/ WO 10 (14) b. though the marriage took place in 93 John, Lord Hervey, Memoirs of the owned or had part shares in the 46 BRO, 28049 (25). Wren's St Benet's Church. The Reign of George the Second from his Colston, Roebuck (made in New 47 7 January 1736 among whom were balustraded arcades at first floor level Accession to the Death of Queen England, 1725) and Susanna ; the Sheriffs, Joseph Eyles, Henry in the painting compare with the east Caroline, from an original manu- Richardson, as at note 3, 1986, vol 1, Dampier, Dean Creswicke, the end of Redland Chapel. script at Ickworth, ed JW Crocker, pp6l, 188, 189. Recorder of the City, Sir Michael 72 Redland Papers (Redland Chapel London, 1848, vol II, p30. 30 13. Geo. II. April 26; BRO, JS 62 Foster and twenty eight other gentle- Thist); quoted in Colvin, as at n33. 94 BRO, Common Council Proceedings (17), and JS 64(2, 5). As men: BRO, Smith, as at n4l. 73 Milton designed the letter head for 1722-38, fol265. Churchwarden he bought 'ffour new 48 His executors were Dean Creswicke, the Bristol Crown-Fire Office in 1734. 95 BRO, as at n84. brass Branches of the newest fashion Minister of St James's 1720-53, and Insurance notes with Milton's engrav- 96 Ibid. with brass Chains'; 11 February 1733; Dean of Bristol from 1727, John ing survive for the vicarage and 97 BRO, Vouchers, 1737 Box. BRO, P/StMR/V/l(a), fol23. Scrope Whig MP and Recorder of houses built by John Cossins to sup- 98 Vertue, as at note 15, vol III, p6l. 31 11 October 1726; Ibid. Bristol, and John Cossins of Redland, port the Chapel in 1758; BRO, There is another version of Rysbrack's 32 27 March 1727; Ibid, foll3. and to these his 'very good friends' P/HTW/RC 5a) b) and c), Nos 8370-2. model in Wilberforce House 33 12 January 1727; Ibid, toll4, and G he left substantial sums of money; In 1742 Milton was paid a guinea for Museum, Hull. Beard, Dictionary of English BRO, attested copy of Elbridge's will, 'drawing City Arms'; BRO, 04221 99 Ibid, p72; for a discussion of pre-nine- Furniture Makers 1660-1840, Leeds AC/WO 10(l4)b. 1/C30, fol. 32v. teenth century understanding of 1986. Harris also built an organ for St 49 His portrait was engraved by George 74 These are from a bound volume of bronze, copper and brass see MG Thomas, Bristol in 1728; A Gomme, Vertue for the frontispiece of a book Milton's collected designs, the first of Sullivan, 'Brass sculpture and the ide- M Jenner and B Little, Bristol, an of sermons published in 1721. which is inscribed: A Book of ology of bronze in Britain 1660-1851', Architectural History, London, 1978, 50 BRO, Smith as at n4l, vol II, pl38 Ornaments the Original Drawings of Sculpture Journal, vol Xiy (2005), pll9. 51 The wall monument is a pre-Gibbsian W/*71 Milton. The earliest, a bookplate pp30-40. Baptist Mills on the Frome 34 Appointed in. 1727 and still in post in model, and was imitated by Michael for Samuel Pye is dated 1717. It was was the first place to make brass, with 1758, when his salary was raised to 20 Sidnell in the monument to Thomas presented to the Bristol Library Society Dutch workers, for the Africa trade. guineas a year; BRO, P/St.MR/V/la), and Jane Edwards (1733, St James); by William Milton's son John, whose The works at Hanham produced brass folsl5, 59v. see K. Eustace, et al., Michael bookplate is on the inside cover; Bristol the purity of which was important for 35 Strahan may have worked in Bristol Rysbrack Sculptor 1694-1770 , exh cat, Art Library, Reference Library, College navigational instruments; Mathew's as early as 1711 on the Bishop's Bristol Museum and Art Gallery, 1982, Green (B10124. SR 31). New History of Bristol or Complete House; T Mowl, To Build the Second figs 28, 29, 30. 75 Redlanď Papers (Redíand Chapel Guide 1794, p39. City: Architects and Craftsmen of 52 BRO, 36031 (12-14), 3810 (8, 9), and Thist). 100 I am grateful to Professor Douglas Georgian Bristol, Bristol 1991, pl3. 6608 (10). 76 The main and garden gates to Merritt for drawing my attention to a He was paid 5gns 'for a Draught of 53 The Innys family married into the Redland Court are by the same black- report on the scientific analysis of the another Isle of y e. Church' in 1729 by Day, Baker, Parker, and Morris fami- smith; Ison, as at n35, p31. Nathaniel metallurgical content of the statue, the of St Michael's, lies. Arthur was made a freeman of the (, 1999). itself an indication of demographic 54 BRO, 0884 l(4g, h and 5g), 088417 a)l city in 1727. Ison attributed to him 101 BRO, 04026 (105), fol65. expansion; W Ison, The Georgian and b)l-4. the remnants of the gate and railings 102 Rysbrack's studio sales included a Buildings of Bristol, London 1952, 55 BRO, P/St.JB/R/lb) at No. 29 Queen Square (see PI 8). plaster model of the Girardon; reprint Bath 1978, p70 56 He became an Upper and an Under 77 ShierclifF's Guide to Bristol and the Langford and Son sale catalogue, 18 36 Now lost; Vertue, as at note 15, vol Warden between 1739 and 1744 and Hotwells, Bristol, 1793, p43. April 1767 (4). III, p57. Master in 1747 and 1748; DF 78 Saturday, 4 November 1727 103 BRO, P/StMR/ Vestry Minutes, 1709- 37 Ison, as at note 35, p46; BRO, Burgess McKenzie, ed, Stationers' Company 79 D Jones, 'Bristol's Sugar Trade and 66, fol54. Books. Apprentices 1701-1800, Oxford Refining Industry', Bristol Branch of 104 Ronald Paulson, Hogarth: his Life, 38 BRO, Audits, 04026 (99), fol84. Bibliographical Society, 1978. the Historical Association, No 89, Art and Times, 2 vols, New Haven 39 See Howard Colvin, A Biographical 57 His will, dated 13 September 1756 2003, d6. and London 1971, vol II, p228, n2. Dictionary of British Architects 1600- describes him as 'I William Innys of 80 Colston School and the societies 105 André Rouquet, L'Etat des Arts en 1840, 3rd edn, Yale 1995. London Bookseller but now resident founded at the time to administer his Angleterre, 1754, and London 40 Clutterbuck is described as 'armiger' at my brother-in-law's John Cossins of charities, the Colston, Dolphin, 1755, p60, quoted in MJH Liversidge, in the Apprentice Books; Stephen Redland Court'; BRO, 8015 (22). Grateful and Anchor. 'William Hogarth's Bristol Altar-piece', Clutterbuck, Mayor in 1740, was pay- There is an incised stone in the crypt 81 Chilcott's Descriptive History of Bristol Branch of the Historical ing Poor Rate on a sugar house and of St John's, inscribed: Mr William Bristol, Ancient and Modern; or a Association, No 46, 1980, p7. other property in Redcliffe in 1721; Innys, Bookseller of London. Guide to Bristol, Clifton and the 106 John Nicholls claimed Hogarth paid BRO, PR/St.MR/20-29 58 BRO, P/RG/R3b. Hotwells, 6th edition 1844. Rouquet, 'his near neighbour', to 41 BRO, Richard Smith, 'Bristol Infirmary 59 Recorded in John Innys's copy of 82 See IM Rudder, Monumental Effigies clothe his sentiments 'in foreign dress'; Biographical Memoirs 1735-66', vols 1- Camden's Britannia; BRO, 08482 (2). of Gloucestershire and Bristol, J Nicholls, Biographical Anecdotes of 3, vol 1, pl3. There are two pencil He collected topographical material Gloucester 1931, pp87-92. William Hogarth, London 1785, (fac- drawings of Elbridge in the volume, in a hundred volumes, now at 83 W Barrett, History and Antiquities of simile, London 1971), pl03 one after the painting of 1716. There Holkham Hall, Norfolk. Bristol, Bristol 1789, p387. 107 R Paulson, Hogarth's Graphic Works, are two portraits of John Elbridge, one 60 Stewart, as at n22, foll51. 84 BRO, Merchants' Hall, Books of cat. 140, p99, ill. p319. A persuasive signed and dated: M [ ] H [ ] Holmes 61 The absence of the Town Clerk on Proceedings, Book 4 (Microfilm). argument for Hogarth's committed 1716 (Bristol Royal Infirmary). See also City business in London is remarked 85 ODNB anti-Catholic position is made in E D Jones, 'The Elbridge, Woolnough on in Elizabeth Ralph, Government of 86 Latimer, as at note 20, pp8-9. Einberg, 'Milton, St John, and the and Smyth families of Bristol in the Bristol 1373-1973, Bristol 1973, pl6 87 In April 1730 he had still not settled importance of 'Bottom', another look 18th century, with special reference to 62 Walter, Thomas senior, 'of the Six accounts and the Clerk was instruct- at Hogarth's March of the Guards to the Spring Plantation, Jamaica', MA Clerks Office in Chancery Lane, ed to write and take legal action if the Finchley ', British Art Journal, V, 3 Dissertation, University of Bristol, London, Gentlemen' (BRO, portrait remained unreturned; BRO, (Winter 2004), pp27-34. 1971; BRO, 34328(a); Elbridge pedi- 30631(12a)), and Thomas junior. as at n84. The portrait was the 108 History file, Department of Fine Art, gree; BRO, 36772 Box 3. 63 22 October 1688; BRO, P/StJB/R/lb). Merchant Venturers' version of Bristol Museums and Art Gallery. 42 BRO, AC/WO/20(1) 64 London Magazine, 1759, vol28, p221. Jonathon Richardson's Edward 109 Vestry Minutes provide evidence for 43 Demolished in the 1850s, it had a 65 Eustace, as at n 51, cats. 17 and 18, ill. Colston (missing, presumed this in payments to John MacCree for castellated appearance, perhaps 66 Vertue, as at nl5, vol III, p97-8. destroyed, 1941). Another version is being in attendance when 'Mr inspired by Elbridge's town house 67 23 December 1756; BRO, Redland 8015 in the Council House, Bristol; Hogarth was putting up the Altar- within the Royal Fort. It is possible, (10), P/HTW/RC 6a) and b), copies. Eustace, as at note 51, cat. 5, ill. piece' and to William Carter for '6 but undocumented, that Strahan was John Cossin's endowment of Redland 88 James Gibbs, Book of Architecture, days helping Mr Hogarth and the involved in its building. Thomas Chapel provided that if there were no London 1728, pi 13. upholsterer', 8 and 17 July 1756; for Moore left his house and contents on pastor for the Chapel the endowment 89 BRO, Audits 04026(99), No. 22 and documents relating to the altar-piece St Michael's Hill to 'my said cozen was to go to the Infirmary. No. 82, fol80. Sidnell was being paid see MJH Liversidge, as at nl05, Thomas Longman'; BRO, 68 A drawing of the front elevation of sums by the Vestry Committee, 4 May Appendix I. AC/WO/10(4)). The Longmans were a Redland Court dated 1735 states 1728 and 11 August 1729; BRO 110 Nathaniel Webb 'mariner' had a dynasty of soap manufacturers with 'Executed by I Strahan Archit.'; British P/AS/ChW/3(b). Sidnell, 'freemason lease on 31 Queen Square, from premises in Redcliffe where they paid Library, (K.Top. XIII 773b); Eustace, as and stone Cutter' was a vestryman at 1736. In 1750 this was renewed in the the Poor Rate etc. This Thomas used at n51, cat. 21, ill. St James's, until in 1746 he became name of Mary Webb who sub-let it; Moore's inheritance to buy a publish- 69 Deed of Endowment; BRO, Redland Sexton; BRO, P/StJ/V/4. BRO, Root of title, Info Box 111/18. A ing house at the sign of the Ship in 19835 (4m). Later Paul Fisher, linen 90 It was engraved by George Vertue in Nathaniel Webb, 'grocer', was a part- Paternoster Row, by St Paul's, and draper, who built Clifton Hill House folio and octavo, in 1722, the year ner in a sugar refinery in Old Market; thus was the founder of the publish- between 1746-1750, to designs by after Colston died; Bristol Museums BRO 36772 Box 3. ing house of Longman; ODNB. Isaac Ware (published in Ware's A and Art Gallery, (M3002); H Walpole, 1 1 1 F Antal, Hogarth and his place in 44 For which he paid rates to the Complete Body of Architecture, 1756), Anecdotes of Fainting in England, European Art, London 1962 , ppl54-5. Corporation; eg, BRO, Audits 1731/2 became a trustee of the endowment. List of Vertue's Works, plO (bound in 112 Matthew, 22, v66 No 23, fol 18, 04026 (100). The Royal 70 See Gordon Priest, The Paty Family: with vol III). 113 D Bindman, Hogarth, London 1981, Fort had become a suburb of Bristol Makers of Eighteenth-century Bristol, 91 A pencil drawing of Rysbrack by pl91; J Uglow, Hogarth, A Life and a above St Michael's Hill, where the Bristol, 2003, p50. Jonathon Richardson is in the Victoria World, London, 1997, p579. prosperous moved to escape the pol- 71 Others were: Hogarth's Marriage of and Albert Museum, (E. 1-1942); 114 Critical Review, June 1756, p478-9, luted atmosphere of the city below. It Stephen Beckingham and Mary Cox Eustace, as a note 51, cat. 4, ill. quoted in Liversidge, as at nl05, had Jacobite connotations as the place 1729 (Metropolitan Museum, New 92 K Eustace, 'The Politics of the Past: Appendix II. that Prince Rupert fortified during the York), is set in the newest, most fash- Stowe and the development of the 115 Mark, 16, v6 Civil War, and from which he had ionable London church, St Martin in historical portrait bust', Apollo, 116 John, 19, v2 made a ceremonial retreat. the Fields designed by James Gibbs, CXLVIII Guly 1998), pp. 31-40 117 ODNB. 16

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