“You can’t forget our roots anyway”: French College Students’ views on a Racially and Religiously Pluralistic France Mariel Elyssa Tabachnick University of Pittsburgh, [email protected]
ABSTRACT Despite the longstanding presence of Islam in the territory of France, Muslim French must still claim and justify their belonging in the context of widespread public skepticism over Islam’s compatibility with “French” social and cultural values, such as laïcité, or secularism. The general public’s skepticism is also, in part, due to the historical and ongoing racialization of Muslim populations. Many French sub-populations, including those who are perceived as more “liberal” such as college students, are a part of this skeptical public. Therefore, how have these students specifically been shaped by contemporary French discourses and understandings of laïcité? There is a lack of scholarly research on French college students in particular and their understandings of French identity, laïcité, and Muslims in France. To fill this gap, I conducted nine semi-structured interviews and drew on informal participant observation. In this article, I discuss French college students’ opinions on French identity as well as the desire for widespread assimilation, specifically regarding Muslim women and their choice to wear a hijab in France. I examine these viewpoints within the framework of dominant French discourse, which often perpetuates the idea of a racialized Islam that is inherently incompatible with French culture. I argue that students on both the left and right sides of the political spectrum still reiterate opinions that fit within this dominant French discourse. Keywords: secularism; Islam; France; laïcité; racism
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At the end of our interview, Helene got into a heated debate with Paul, who was doing homework next to Helene and I, when he overheard Helene’s solution to immigration and how to preserve French culture. In Helene’s opinion, immigration should be completely stopped and the focus should shift onto developing the home countries of immigrants. Paul began to argue with Helene, asking her to explain her plan to “fix” the immigration crisis and questioning the validity and viability of this was sitting down at a crowded table next to plan. Helene defended her idea by saying that a French friend from high school, Paul, and direct intervention is needed in other countries some other students who were working on a I in order for them to progress. The idea that group project. I had just finished a group direct intervention is necessary can be tied to interview with Paul and his friends at a business colonialist discourse on how it is imperative school outside of Paris and was now waiting for that Europe colonizes other nations in order to him to finish up some work before we headed civilize and modernize these societies. Helene’s to the student bar. Before I knew it, Paul had plan would stop immigration and allow France run away from the table to call over someone to keep its historically white Christian culture who he thought would be the perfect person to while simultaneously pretending to aid others. talk to for my research. That is when I met Helene, who had just grabbed a chocolate bar While many may assume that Helene’s from a nearby vending machine and sat next to positionality is specific to the ideologies of the me, eager to speak about her views on France far-right in France, the complex intersection of and French identity. race, religion, and republicanism in France displays a more nuanced picture—it shows I was surprised to learn that Helene is a that students of diverse political opinions still member of the Le Front Nationale, the far-right often agree with mainstream conservative party led by Marine Le Pen. She told me that discourses. Opinions surrounding French she is active in Le Front Nationale and was identity today are inextricably tied to France’s especially active during the 2017 presidential minority populations, specifically French election, sticking up posters, handing out flyers, Muslims, who have been targeted in part handling money for the campaign, and even because of their visible religious expression. participating in a think tank about the French- French Muslims face discrimination and speaking world. While Helene became prejudice in the name of French republicanism, interested in activism at the age of 14, her which emphasizes the privatization of religion. parents, who are more liberal, never approved Within the framework of French republicanism of her affinity for Le Front Nationale. Helene it is necessary that the wider community work and I spent a lot of time talking about how she together towards the greater good, with a understands her French identity, especially in specific focus on self-realization through civic the context of increasing immigration to France. participation. In other words, “citizens must She believes that French culture is being lost embrace the democratic process and its and that people are no longer proud to be attendant obligation for reasonable, good faith French. According to Helene, if you want to interaction resulting in eventual wear anything “French,” such as a clothing item consensus” (Mechoulon 2017, 239). with a French flag design, people will think you are a right-wing extremist. Ultimately, she France’s history with secularism began with laments the fact that France has not done the laïcité law of 1905, which established the anything “impressive” since colonialism and separation of church and state. This law was World War II and therefore, French people have originally created to act against the immense nothing to be proud of anymore. power of the Catholic church in France (Kelly 2017, 111). While the concept of laïcité was initially founded on the idea of limiting the
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Catholic Church’s power and privatizing religion and laïcité within contemporary France religious identities, the meaning of laïcité has and how they position themselves in a way that evolved over time and has various definitions simultaneously feeds into the racialization of according to different academics. According to French Muslims and publicly challenges visible Idriss (2005), “behind the French secular system Muslim religious expression. These urban is the principle that no one religious code students have not only grown up in a time of de should be imposed by the state on its citizens, -facto racial and religious pluralism, but also and references to religious beliefs in order to following the 9/11 attacks in the United States justify public policies are considered politically and the French 2004 headscarf debates. This is wrong” (261). This necessitates that religious a unique context where there is a lack of beliefs and customs should be relegated to the studies that examine the majority’s views of the private sphere. The emergence of new Islamic French-Muslim population through an identities among France’s post-colonial academic perspective. More specifically, there is minorities led to the reworking of the historical a lack of literature on French college students notion of laïcité (Kelly 2017, 4). The recent re- and their unique positionality within French articulations of laïcité—a notion that can be society. Through this analysis, I seek to described as elastic as opposed to immutable— understand how the positions of students have primarily impacted the Muslim population undermine or reinforce the racialization of the in France, further isolating French Muslim French-Muslim population. citizens for their religious and cultural In the spring and summer of 2018, I spent a differences. total of six months conducting ethnographic Furthermore, certain French republican research in Paris. I spent time with and ideals, such as secularism, have painted Islam interviewed nine French college students as fundamentally incompatible with French studying for professional degrees in order to culture. This has resulted from the racialization better understand how these young students of French Muslims, where race is defined as an have been shaped by contemporary French “abstract signifier for separating human groups discourses and understandings of laïcité. The socially, politically, and economically. As such, only requirements for the participants were culture, ethnicity, religion, nationality and (but that they hold French citizenship and are not always) skin colour can all stand for race at between the ages of 18 and 27. I did not aim to different times” (Lentin 2008, 490). More obtain only non-Muslim students, but all of my specifically, the racialization of Muslims in interlocutors self-identified as non-Muslim. France has been an ongoing process of Furthermore, all of the participants came from dehumanization and infantilization (Fanon a relatively similar middle to upper-middle class 1967) that allows religious affiliation to be economic background and were a mix of men equated with race while subsuming both under and women. My own identity as a young person a more general label of “ethnicity” or studying for a university degree positions me as “culture” (Lentin 2008). an in-group member to my interlocutors, but I was also an out-group member because I am The idea that one must be secular in order to not French. Specifically, as an in-group member, be a modern French citizen has widely affected I felt as though my interlocutors were more Muslims in France, who are perceived to comfortable discussing certain issues that may practice their religion in the public as opposed have been harder to discuss with an older to private sphere. Despite the prominence of researcher. As an out-group member, I felt that Catholicism and Christian religious traditions in my status as an American inhibited discussion, the public sphere, Muslim religious traditions as there may have been an assumption that I are not afforded the same space. French was ignorant about French history and culture. Muslim individuals find themselves in the midst of constant debates about Muslim practices Based on my interviews, I argue that urban deemed to be incompatible with French norms. French students’ views are, in fact, consistent Therefore, my article examines how French with the dominant French discourse college students understand the question of surrounding Muslims and laïcité. Furthermore,
The JUE Volume 10 Issue 2, 2020 59 although I am researching a younger Libre Pensée, complained about the scene. generation and younger generations tend to Other small towns faced similar problems think more liberally than their predecessors, as regarding their nativity scenes which were we tend to think in the United States, I argue located on public property. Ultimately, there that some concepts may be so culturally were widespread debates among citizens who ingrained that it often makes it difficult for supported the secular protests and others who young students to critically deconstruct the argued that secularism, in this scenario, was norm. While the students have a variety of being taken too far (Dunham 2014). opinions about how Muslims fit into a “secular” Although I spoke with the group interviewees France, they often stay within mainstream four years after the nativity scene controversy, French discourse. This impacts how we the topic was brought up early on in our understand the influence of social and religious interview. Christine chimed in first, bringing up cultural norms, traditions, and histories on the nativity scene scandal, mentioning that not younger populations within France. Ultimately, everybody was upset and that the small often in spite of claiming to be anti-racist, these controversy is related to France’s cultural norms undermine the capacity of some interconnectedness with Christianity. She goes of these young, well-meaning students to on to say: become aware of the racializing narratives in their own understandings of difference. Nobody’s Christian in my family, but we still celebrate Christmas and Easter and stuff like French Students’ thoughts on that. It’s just ingrained in the French culture French identity in some way. My mom’s not even French to begin with; she moved to France when she I was astonished to discover how important yet was seven. She’s Vietnamese. So, that really contentious France’s relationship to Christianity wasn’t her culture to start with, but all the was for my interlocutors, especially after holidays are based on...they still happen reading so much literature on the importance around all the Christian religious days like of secularism to the French state. During a Toussaint, All saints, Christmas…and then group interview, an argument about France’s there is Easter. So, there are many things origins and identity emerged almost that revolve around it and it’s hard to get immediately. During this interview, I was joined away from it because it’s really just French by four friends in Paul’s apartment, located culture or French Catholic culture. near his business school in the suburbs of Paris. At the table, I sat between Paul and As Christine understands it, despite the fact another boy, Thomas, who was rather timidly that her family is not Christian, she still sitting next to me. Across from me were two celebrates Christian holidays. Four of my girls, Christine and Ariane, wide-eyed and interviewees share a similar sentiment with seemingly excited to start the interview. Both Christine, saying that they or their family are Paul and Thomas are white French and did not not religious, but they still often celebrate say they were particularly religious. In contrast, Christian holidays, especially because they are Christine is of French and Vietnamese seen as cultural facets. This shows how background and Ariane’s father is from Christianity has become a cultural staple of Northern Africa, but Ariane does not identify as France, in contrast to religions such as Judaism Muslim. or Islam, which are not considered to be part of the cultural landscape. The topic of French origins specifically emerged in reference to a particular incident in Throughout my conversations, the dominant the West of France. In 2014, the small town of narrative that France is now a very “secular” La-Roche-sur-Yon (in Pays de la Loire) installed nation occasionally came into conflict with a nativity scene on the public property of their France’s proclaimed Christian history. In the town hall. The nativity scene was quickly group conversation, Thomas in particular was banned by a local court after the secular quick to interject his opinion on the true origins campaign group, Fédération Nationale de la of France as a nation. He stated: “About the whole Christianity in France…in France we can
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say that France was actually born when clear that she believes that the only France that Claudius was baptized. So the roots of France, matters today is the French Republic, as it’s a Christian thing.” Later in the discussion opposed to the French monarchy or the history Thomas states, “Nos ancetres sont les Gaulois,” of the Gaulois. The issue that this argument which means “Our ancestors are the Gaulois,” reveals is part of a wider tension between another saying that clarifies French origins and French republicanism, which encompasses the dates French roots back to the Gaulois tribe or concepts of universalism and secularism, and the Gauls (5th c. BC- 5th c. AD). The Gauls, a French Catholicism, which has been so group of Celtic people, emerged north of the culturally ingrained that even non-religious Alps around 5th c. BC and spread throughout people treat Christianity as the norm. Many modern-day France and nearby countries. To scholars have noted the prominence of forge a sense of national identity in post- Catholicism in French society (Gray 2008; revolutionary France, there was an appeal “to Laborde 2008), an institution so powerful that it the antiquity of a common ethnic remains socially relevant even after the heritage” (Dietler 1994, 587). Consequently, introduction of laïcité. This has become some French citizens will refer back to the increasingly relevant with the changing Gauls when discussing the origins of French demographics of France, which places identity. While Thomas may have made the immigrants and Muslims in a precarious comment about the Gaulois a bit ironically, a position in a society that promotes universalism couple of minutes later in our discussion he yet points out visible differences. states, “you can’t forget our roots anyway.” Other students also grappled with the Thomas’ statement about the Gaulois and contradictory nature of Christianity and French ancestry not only places French identity secularism in France. I met with Jean, a French in the context of Christianity and a long history white engineering student, on a beautiful sunny dating back to the Gaulois tribe, but also day in July. We sat outside on a picnic bench in inextricably ties together religion, culture, and the middle of a large, green grassy area located ethnicity. In fact, referencing the Gaulois to in the center of his university campus, and we demarcate French origins is done in order to began our interview by talking about Jean’s make the case for a real French bloodline or to understanding of laïcité. This quickly led Jean to authenticate one’s Frenchness. In this discuss how laïcité is understood on his understanding of the origins of French roots, campus. Jean goes to a top military engineering Christianity becomes tied to both whiteness school outside of Paris, and the school has and Frenchness, in turn racializing religious about 2,000 students—500 per class, 20% of affiliation. This racialization happens when “a whom are female and barely any, to his particular set of phenotypic features, knowledge, who are Muslim. I also noticed that understood in a specific social and historical the campus contained mostly white men. Jean context in western nations, comes to be told me that there are a lot of Christian associated in the popular mind with a given students at his school, including students who religion and/or with other social traits” (Joshi formed an association that organizes Christian 2016, 127). This process is specifically tied to events that happen up to four times a week. Western expansion and colonialism. In general, Jean also mentioned that the group had associating French identity with the Gaulois recently organized a debate over the question, (and thus whiteness) excludes other possible “Is God real?” which he respects as it opens up a formations of French identity. dialogue and shows that this group of The point made by Thomas was immediately Christians is “good” and “open-minded.” Despite rebuked by Ariane, who argued that there is a the existence of this Christian group at his difference between the kingdom of France and school, Jean says that it is often the norm in the Republic of France. She clarifies: “I don’t France to be secular and that many people in believe in France. I do believe in the 5th France do not believe in God anymore. Jean’s Republic. To me, it’s France. France is an anecdote about the Christian organization on abstract notion. The political regime of France is his campus is not common, and none of my a reality. It is the 5th Republic.” Ariane made it other interviewees mentioned a similar
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experience on their campuses. Ultimately, the French Revolution of 1789, certain Jean’s explanation shows the potential ideologies, such as secularism, began to acceptability of Christianity in places that develop into central tenets of French political normally remain secular. self-understanding in order to curtail the power of the monarchy and its close ties to the Furthermore, when talking about French Catholic church. The desire for a secular state origins with my interviewees, most students did became most evident with the codification of not directly address how the prominence of the 1905 laïcité law that “officially” separated Christianity excludes other populations. Only church and state. This accelerated the process Danielle, a French white student who I met in through which Catholicism was refashioned an airy bright apartment in the center of Paris, into a cultural staple as opposed to a dominant explicitly mentioned the hypocrisy of allowing religion. While France takes pride in its Christian symbols to be displayed publicly while secularism, Christian traditions and norms have other religious symbols are seen as opposing been transformed into taken-for-granted facets French culture. She specifically states: of French culture. Therefore, the modern nation I know that’s quite a contradiction from what -state almost expresses a “crypto- I said before on public schools, but as the Christianity” (Scott 2007, 92), a term that refers state should not interfere, I was quite to the secret practice of Christianity by disturbed. I agree with what you said, you pretending to celebrate other religions publicly will never see Jewish or Muslim symbols on or through other means of camouflage. Joan the city hall. To me, there is a huge Scott understands crypto-Christianity in France difference between one person having a as the covert way in which Christian traditions hijab or a religious sign on them and the have become a central part of secular French mayor who has a public role and who society. represents the state in a way, showing that. I Overall, it is important to consider how my know that in France, even people who are interviewees view the role of Catholicism within not religious at all have a crèche [nativity French identity in order to better understand scene] in their houses. Just like my boyfriend how they perceive others. Most of my has a huge crèche and nobody’s Christian in interviewees recognize that there is an his family. inextricable tie between Christianity and French Danielle was the only interviewee to history. Whether they believe this connection is acknowledge the double standard between crucial to French identity varies. Furthermore, how Muslims and Christians are able to visibly while some interviewees recognized that most express their religion. Most of the other French citizens are non-religious, many still interviewees did not express discontent with celebrate Christian holidays—an act that the prominence of Christianity in French culture excludes those who are religiously different. but treated it as a given and something This demonstrates that these French students immutable within French society. Christianity is understand that there is some interplay clearly not something that can be left in the between the Christian cultural aspects of past, as its influence can be seen in various French society and France’s republican ideals. It public places. Similarly, the connection between is important to keep this in mind in the French culture and whiteness is also seen as a following section, as the students’ given, unchanging aspect of French identity. understanding of French identity and origins Although France’s history is rooted in a will inform how they understand the French- Catholic past, the relationship that many French Muslim population and their place in French citizens have with this French-Christian identity society. varies. Throughout France’s history, Catholicism Assimilation: Culture, Religion, has been an essential part of French culture. Before the establishment of the Republic, the and Minimizing Visible Otherness French government consisted of “divine” From the first moment I sat down at the kitchen monarchies, meaning the French king or queen table for my group interview, Christine was had the God-given right to be the ruler. During enthusiastic, alert, and engaged. Although she
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was busy with her schoolwork, she made time Asian people, so when we’re with my to sit with me and her friends to talk about their cousins, depending on if I’m standing by my perspectives and experiences. Christine was mom or my sisters, or if my cousins are specifically very open about her background standing beside us, you can see the way throughout the interview, which is important to people look which is very different. When know in order to contextualize her viewpoints. they see my sisters or me, we look more As mentioned above, Christine’s mother is French. We don’t look more Asian, so she Vietnamese and, while Christine wants to keep feels more integrated. She speaks French. learning about her heritage, growing up, her Here, Christine explains how the presumed mother continuously made sure Christine whiteness of French identity affects her mother, understood French culture, including who feels more assimilated when she is with Catholicism. Christine’s mother does not believe her daughters who “look” more French, in God but would urge Christine and her sister meaning they look less Asian. In short, the to learn about Catholicism because they lived in assessment of Christine’s or her mother’s France. Her mother knew the best way for her “Frenchness” is racialized. to fit in was to thoroughly understand, as Christine puts it, “old French conservative It is evident from this anecdote that a certain culture.” Christine admits that by learning about level of assimilation helps Christine’s mother to Catholicism, she was better able to understand feel more “French.” By speaking French and French culture. This is not uncommon as “the learning about French culture from her mother, normative power of whiteness and Christianity Christine was able to more easily assimilate into in the West…results in the racialization of French society. Although both Christine and her religion. For non-white non-Christian mother were able to employ certain tactics in immigrants who have settled in western order to assimilate, their visible “otherness”— nations, their racial and religious minority which is racialized—still makes it almost status…is an essential challenge in becoming impossible to be perceived as completely part of the social fabric of the receiving French. This is seen in the case of Christine’s nation” (Joshi 2016, 128). Throughout our mother who is often impacted by racist discussion, Christine uses her personal attitudes, including when she went to go vote in experience as half-Vietnamese to explain her the 2017 French presidential election. At the complex understanding of assimilation. voting poll, Christine’s mother had a small issue with her registration when suddenly, out of Her mother’s desire for Christine to fit in with nowhere, a man walked up to her and yelled, French culture is one reason why she attended “you’re foreign, you shouldn’t have the right to a private Catholic high school in the south of vote.” According to Christine, her mother France. After spending a lot of time learning screamed at the man in response, but this type about French culture, Christine is trying to of othering is not uncommon. Christine’s actively learn about her Vietnamese heritage. mother is the perfect example of an assimilated Although balancing these two realities may be non-European migrant who is still impacted by difficult, Christine talked about navigating exclusionary racist mechanisms that are a part cultures with ease. Despite this, racism often of the French imaginary. This again exemplifies acts as an impediment to integration. In fact, how French identity gets tied to racial identity, Christine states: “I’ve had people ask me ‘oh, thus permanently excluding those who have does your mom speak French?’ when she different religious and racial subjectivities. arrives. Because she’s Vietnamese, so she looks Asian. ‘Does your mom speak French?’ And I’m As discussed previously, when it became like yeah, duh. I can’t speak Vietnamese. What clear that Muslim immigrants who migrated language do you think we speak together?” She during the 20th century were in France to stay, goes on to say: it became a goal of many French politicians and citizens to promote their assimilation, while She’s the only person in the family who others wanted these immigrants to return to married a French guy so I’m half Vietnamese. their respective home countries. Despite this, All her sisters and brothers married other much of the immigrant population from West
The JUE Volume 10 Issue 2, 2020 63 and North Africa, many of whom migrated after know and understand their heritage while also World War II, decided to stay in France because navigating acceptance into French society. This of financial incentives provided by the French idea is most clearly recognized by Christine, government. In order to fit into wider French who states that many second or third culture, many of these immigrants had to generation immigrants, including herself, try to compartmentalize their cultural differences into find different ways to connect to their heritage; their private lives (Parekh 2008; Fernando often, they do this through religion. She states: 2014). Some immigrants even stopped “They [second and third generation immigrants] practicing their religion as well as further don’t know the place they come from, or if separating themselves from their home culture they’ve never been there, or don’t really speak by speaking French and teaching their children the language. The only thing they can find often only French cultural norms. that really links them is religion.” Multiple interviewees recognize this complex Religion then becomes a way for both nature of assimilation and expressed this in immigrants and their children to remain their interviews. They understand that while it is connected to their heritage. Yet, from the a reality that residential segregation has caused perspective of the republican assimilationist many segments of the French Muslim model, Muslim immigrants and their children population to live in the same neighborhoods, are seen as individuals who “refuse” to which is perceived by the French as “separate assimilate because of their desire to practice communities,” these individuals did not their religion. The idea that many Muslims necessarily choose to be isolationist of their “refuse” to assimilate is reiterated in various own volition. External factors, including policies ways by some of my interviewees, who believe by the French government, have forced various that Muslims can still practice their religion and populations to separate themselves. Christine simultaneously assimilate into French culture. personally understands this reality and Jean, the student at the military-engineering compares it to the United States when she university, expresses the notion that steps must states: be taken to avoid segregation amongst communities in France. In order to avoid The American way of integration is more like segregation, minority communities, not the a melting pot, you bring your own culture. In state nor majority communities, must actively France, you really have to leave your culture try to “mix in well.” He goes on to say: back. You have to fit inside the pieces and it’s really, really tough and when you finally fit In France, it is not a question of color or inside the pieces, you have forgotten where origins, it’s just your culture. If you reject you come from. French culture, people won’t be nice to you. You can be whatever color, whatever race. If Here, Christine is exposing an emotional you have lived in France all of your life and personal reality, a sense of loss that she feels in you understand how it works, there is no relation to her heritage. She is saying that, problem at all. unfortunately, in France, you have to compartmentalize your different identities in an As Jean points out, as long as you understand effort to assimilate, but this often leads to the French culture, such as the French republican forgetting of certain aspects of oneself. Some ideal of laïcité, you will not have a problem. Jean interviewees share a similar understanding of reiterates the widespread French discourse of the loss of cultural identity while simultaneously color blindness by reinforcing the idea that arguing for a certain level of assimilation. This is assimilation is not a matter of skin color, but one reason why many children and instead simply a matter of knowing French grandchildren of immigrants are, in fact, very culture and choosing to fit in. Furthermore, culturally French, but are not fluent in their elements of racial tension exist in Jean’s desire parents’ native language and do not feel any for social integration, specifically in his sense of patriotic attachment to their home countries discomfort of separate communities. Alana (Silverstein 2018). Often, many second and third Lentin (2008) emphasizes that this discomfort generation immigrants simultaneously want to “impels us to find solutions to the ‘living
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together’ (Touraine 2000), of culturally (racially) jobs” (Bowen 2011, 33). In this statement, different—incompatible groups” (498). Jean Guéant shows how the culture of Muslims has specifically uses the phrasing to “mix in well,” been problematized instead of focusing on the which is an English translation of the French socio-economic issues that they face (Yilmaz concept mixité sociale. 2016). The racial to culturalist discourses about the very heterogeneous Muslim populations in In general, the concept of mixité sociale Europe, in combination with concerns over promotes the idea of social mixing, which economic stability, has ultimately led to the assumes that an individual will have more stigmatization of Muslim minority populations. opportunities for social mobility if they mix with In previous times of economic instability, people of different social classes, participating Muslim communities were targeted as “alien” in the ideal French republican model (Sabeg populations that threatened social cohesion. In and Xuan 2006). While Jean promotes the idea the 1980s specifically, with the rise of of mixité, he ignores the social reality for neoliberalism, the focus changed from Muslim Muslim populations. In fact, Jean is fully immigrants’ social problems to their subscribing to the French doctrine of color “problematic” culture culminating in the shift blindness, which makes it nearly impossible for from an economic to a cultural burden. This people to recognize racism and different forms process resulted in the racialization of Muslim of racialization. According to Beaman and Petts populations in France who are consistently (2020), “Colorblindness is an ideology that associated with specific inherent cultural norms enables people to ignore the persistence of (Yilmaz 2016). racism by providing nonracial explanations for enduring racial inequalities” (1). Ultimately, the notion that separate communities are bad for immigrants both Furthermore, Muslims who are not socially and politically is consistently spread by considered by others to fit into the mainstream politicians, despite the lack of ideas for how to idea of a “French citizen” face discrimination economically integrate marginalized based on their actions. This is because Muslim populations. Although there is a lack of and black migrants and their descendants are concrete policy ideas to tackle what is perceived seen as “mobilizers of cultural and religious to be communalism, some of my interviewees values fundamentally deemed incompatible still believe that it is important for secluded with French secular, liberal norms” (Silverstein communities to make a personal effort to 2018, location 713). Therefore, Muslim assimilate. In this way, some interviewees seem populations are seen as separate communities to prioritize, in quite a neoliberal fashion, that are unable to assimilate. In general, it is individual initiative over structural policies seen as a good goal by various French pundits targeting the socio-economic issues faced by to rid France of “communalism” or Muslim and immigrant populations. communautarisme, a term deployed in media and political discourse to suggest a tendency Ariane, who has made strong statements in for Muslim French and other immigrant favor of assimilation, understands that it is populations to congregate in “enclaves” with important to keep your own culture while their own community values (Silverstein 2018). simultaneously adjusting to life in France. She By doing this, France can achieve its goal of states: having all citizens seen as simply French as I think that you can live with your own opposed to any other hyphenated identity. As culture within another frame and I think that various political actors state, living together the French laïcité is good. I like this model. would improve conditions for immigrant and Sometimes people are thinking that it’s Muslim communities. In fact, “in 2010 Interior tough and that it’s a way to erase the culture Minister Claude Guéant said that high of the immigrants, but you can still have your unemployment among those who come to culture and adopt to some codes and I’m France from outside the European Union okay with these codes, because I still want proves ‘the failure of communalisms’ because the laïcité to apply to the Catholic church. those immigrants tend to clump together by culture and doing so keeps them from getting
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Ariane uses the concept of laïcité to express Muslim Women and the Hijab in why it is crucial for immigrants to assimilate. France She also highlights that some parts of cultural heritage are more acceptable, while others The hijab in France is a sensitive topic and was must be hidden away. By assimilating, especially contentious amongst the students in immigrants show that they recognize the the group interview. In the beginning of the importance of laïcité to the French Republic and interview, after I explained the premise of my its citizens. By publicly expressing their religious research, I asked my interviewees about the beliefs and living in separate communities, recent incident involving Maryam Pougetoux, a which were created by segregating housing student union leader who, while speaking on policies, immigrant communities are interacting television about student reform, became known with the French Republic in a way that is and then criticized for wearing her hijab. Ariane different from many other French citizens. This was quick to state her opinion: often becomes a point of tension and is This kind of reaction…can come from both expressed in some of Ariane’s and Jean’s sides of the political landscape. From the sentiments. right because people are like, “she’s Muslim It cannot be concluded from these interviews and she’s wearing a hijab so this is not how being of mixed ethnic background affects possible because if she wants to be French, one’s opinion on assimilation. Christine comes she has to endorse the values of France,” from a multi-ethnic background and talks whether that is to say laïcité or Catholicism. negatively about various aspects of But there is also a trend on the left side, that assimilation, especially the loss of cultural is to say that she’s fighting for freedom, heritage. Christine also recognizes the equality, and things like that and she cannot pressures of assimilation that many individuals do it with a hijab on her head, because a face. In contrast, Ariane, whose father is from hijab is basically the opposite of freedom. North Africa and therefore is also of mixed Christine elaborated on this point by describing heritage, has differing opinions about how the political right views the hijab as an assimilation. In her view, you can instrument of oppression, but in France it simultaneously hold onto your culture, that is cannot necessarily be considered an instrument certain legitimate aspects of your culture, and of oppression, at least not in the same way. fit within the framework of the French Republic. Ariane solidifies her viewpoint when she says In general, Ariane is very optimistic about the that personally, she thinks that anything that a possibility of maintaining some cultural aspects. woman has to do, that a man does not, is a It thus follows that perhaps the only real French form of oppression. She goes on to say that republican way to “live with your own culture there are two cases in regard to the hijab: within another frame,” as Ariane states, is reduced to facets such as food and music. In The case where you have to do it, someone general, the other interviewees tended to agree tells you to do it or you have to do it to be that assimilation is important, although some integrated into your family and community. were more hesitant about how to assimilate And there’s another case where you choose immigrants. it, you are free to choose it. But it is not because you are free to choose that you are From these interviews, there seems to be a not alienating anyone. general consensus that Muslims should be assimilated in some way in order to fit into In this understanding, a Muslim woman is French society. To what extent they should be either forced to wear a hijab or has chosen to assimilated was a more difficult question for my wear a hijab, but then has willingly alienated interlocutors to answer. Ultimately, even the herself from society at large. Christine quickly most seemingly assimilated individuals still face agreed that a hijab-wearing Muslim woman is discrimination. excluding herself from broader French society, no matter her intentions. Christine tentatively
expresses that “it is not integration.” Whether
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or not she personally believes this notion is the guise of anti-sexist and even feminist difficult to decipher. I saw during this discussion liberatory discourse” (877). Therefore, Muslim that Christine had a hard time explaining how women are seen as “backward” and “traditional” others may understand the hijab and if they choose to veil. Both Ariane and Christine reconciling her own views surrounding the are coming from admittedly leftist hijab. Despite earlier expressing her own sense backgrounds, but they understand the hijab as of loss and regret related to her heritage, she an object that is inherently oppressive in still had a hard time grappling with hijab- nature. In this case, it is difficult for these wearing Muslim women in France, as many interlocutors to understand that the Muslim believe that it is in opposition to French women in question could be in control of their republicanism to embody one’s religion in the decision to wear a hijab. public sphere. Other left-leaning and centrist interviewees When I asked about the new availability of also shared similar sentiments about the hijab hijabs in popular clothing stores in America and being oppressive. When discussing the hijab Europe, Ariane responded that the hijab is with Jean, he mentioned that he never sees never about fashion. The implication was that them on his campus unless someone is visiting no matter how much one may dress up their from the outside. He explained that this is likely hijab, it is still a symbol of oppression. Despite because the university is a military school so French Muslim women’s best efforts to style there is a lack of girls. The hijab would also be and make fashion statements with their hijabs, considered a violation of the uniform because it non-Muslim citizens often still understand the is not seen as compatible with the typical hijab as oppressive. Interestingly enough, French military uniform. Although Jean did not although fashionable hijabs are seen as disclose his political position to me, he dressing up something that is oppressive, the highlighted his belief that even people in the contrary, such as women who are scantily clad, center do not like hijabs because of their are rarely seen as a problem. Ariane argued association with the oppression of women. He about this with Christine, saying that it is goes on to quickly clarify, “I wouldn’t say, for different to wear something recognized by most people it’s not a racist thing. Yes, it’s really society as a sign of vanity, such as high heels, associated with women’s repression and in and wearing something to hide from someone France we are really against women’s else’s gaze. This resonates with Joan Scott’s oppression.” Here, Jean is ignoring the (2007) point that Western feminists believe in intertwining of racism, white supremacy, and the innate desire of women for emancipation in Muslim women’s specific positionality within Western terms, meaning openness to sexuality these histories (Scott 2007). This falls in line and desirability or the freedom to have agency with dominant French discourse that promotes over one’s sexuality. This also fits into a wider a “color-blind” ideology that does not recognize history of the racialization of Muslim race. Thus, despite Jean’s claim that it is not populations who were initially of interest to racist to oppose the veil, he ignores France’s France due to the inherent “sexual” and “exotic” colonial history that has racialized Muslim nature of oriental societies (Scott 2007). Thus, women and the act of wearing the veil itself. culture becomes racialized and is subsequently According to Joan Scott (2007), Muslims have tied to gender. been singled out as incapable of assimilation This idea that the hijab is inherently and have had various traits, including oppressive, as stated by Ariane, is based on its presumed sexual proclivities and the veil, seen supposed purpose of hiding oneself from the as a representation of inherent Muslim gaze of a man and to not entice his desire. inferiority. The attribution of racial traits to Subsequently, Muslim women who veil are Muslim populations can be traced back to often ostracized because they are seen as France’s colonial “civilizing missions” in refusing to assimilate into French society. predominantly Muslim communities. The According to Al-Saji (2012), “what is at stake…is cultural information gained from these a form of cultural racism that hides itself under missions resulted in the dissemination of books
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that detailed the innate “profound differences” women, their agency, and the headscarf bans. between France and Muslim communities (Scott While there was significant opposition to the 2007). The foundations for a racial headscarf ban, a majority of public actors, understanding of Muslims was subsequently especially self-proclaimed feminists, were solidified in the public imaginary. forcefully in favor of the law (Teeple Hopkins 2015). Despite divergent perspectives, rarely is To further understand Jean’s colorblind the reality of Muslim women and the issues reasoning, I asked him about the possibility of they face given any space in these discussions. agency of Muslim women and if they ever truly As Nadia Fadil (2011) describes, many Muslim have a choice to wear a hijab. Similar to other women recognize that obedience to religious interviewees, Jean reassures me that while rules should be a result of one’s personal Muslim women in France are in a good convictions. In this interpretation, Muslim environment to be able to choose, he is still not women understand that the hijab is a matter of sure if this is the case, especially because he is personal choice, despite what popular opinion not familiar with anyone in the Muslim says. Furthermore, many of the women in community. This is similar to other interviewees Fadil’s article believe that wearing the hijab is a who hold strong opinions about the French- religious obligation, but there is also a sense of Muslim community but lack much direct freedom in the act of personally choosing to experience with them. Many of the interviewees wear it. Similarly, in Jeanette Jouili’s (2015) work, have varied opinions, but none of them brought she uses her ethnographic research with up personal opinions and experiences of Muslim women in France and Germany to Muslims. argue that, in actuality, many women struggle in Furthermore, Jean argues that in his school, choosing whether or not to veil. This kind of which is mostly male and somewhat ethnically internal struggle was not mentioned by any of diverse (but not economically), there are no my interviewees because it is a particular attitudes of xenophobia because everyone narrative that is left out of popular discourse. there is “educated and open-minded.” This Many of Jouili’s interlocutors recognized the reflects ideas of a middle-class superiority, a agency of other Muslim women and respected group that is automatically deemed open- where other Muslim women were in their minded and widely seen in a positive light. personal veiling journey. Despite this, my Although his school and similar places are open interviewees focus on whether or not the hijab -minded, he states that some women from itself is oppressive and if it can fit into the lower classes may not necessarily get the choice French public sphere at all. to veil because there would be more pressure Ultimately, in public discourse, Muslim from their community. With this class women who veil are painted as both having no distinction, Jean is constructing his argument choice and as active agents of political within a wider French framework. Furthermore, resistance. This is done in fear of political Islam, thinking within the framework of class is a which is seen as a rejection of the French privilege that people of color are not necessarily political model because of a refusal to afforded because their race cannot be assimilate. These two popular portrayals of separated from their economic situation. Jean’s Muslim women are technically incompatible but privilege allows him to dismiss the effects of are widespread in France. This understanding structural racism because of the lack of Muslim of Muslims as unwilling to integrate by wearing students on campus. the hijab was also a common theme with some In general, education is often associated with of my interviewees. Multiple interviewees becoming more modern, liberal, and secular. brought up the wearing of a hijab as a form of Therefore, if a woman happens to be more protest. How can the hijab be both an religious and expresses this religiosity by instrument of oppression and a way to show wearing a hijab, she may automatically be one’s resistance? Regarding the hijab as an considered less educated, less liberal, and less agent of resistance, Jean stated, “It’s also that secular. Ultimately, there has been much it’s associated with the fact that certain groups variance in public opinion surrounding Muslim of people don’t want to fit in. It’s kind of a way
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to say that they don’t want to fit in the culture as problematic and the hijab ban as of France.” Jean explains that it may be the case Islamophobic, but these opinions are often in that some Muslim women do not want to fit in the minority. or assimilate into French society. By wearing a In her statement, Ariane interestingly mixes hijab, Muslim women are sometimes knowingly up the terms burka and burkini, implying that engaging in what other French citizens may she views the burkini as essentially the same as consider a rejection of French ideals. the burka, despite the actual look of the burkini. This issue was also brought up in the context During this discussion, Christine also of the burkini debate that arose during my mentioned that at first, she did not understand group interview. The burkini, a modest bathing the purpose of the burkini, because all of the suit that Muslim women can wear, caused suits she saw were tight and form-fitting. This waves of controversy throughout France when confused her as she believed the purpose of it was first introduced. Because the burka, a the burkini was to hide the woman’s body. She misnomer of the face veil that few Muslim goes on to say that these women could easily women in France actually wear, is not allowed just wear a big t-shirt to cover-up, which would in public spaces, the burkini was quickly banned ultimately be easier because they would not be on beaches by many small-town mayors during breaking any laws. In actuality, the woman who the summer of 2016, making Muslim women was forced to unveil during the 2016 who wear the burkini seem “subversive and controversy was not wearing a burkini but excessively religious” (Jung 2016). None of the simply a blue tunic, black pants, and a interviewees commented on the viral photos of headscarf. Ariane jumps in after Christine the women who were forced to unveil by male makes her point, emphasizing that the reason police officers on the beach. Instead, Ariane Muslim women want their bathing suits to look was quick to state her opinion on the issue of like a burka is so that they can make a political the burkini, saying how both the right and left- statement. When hearing the term burkini, the wing disliked the burkini but for different French imaginary sees it as a political statement reasons. Specifically, she said, as opposed to a modern-day fashion choice for The burkini phase was quite interesting Muslim women. It is also important to note that because the far-right started to yell about Ariane assumes that the burkini and burka look this burka on the beach and a part of the left similar, whereas Christine perceives the burkini -wing started to say, ‘oh my god, we fought in as very tight, which is unlike other traditional ‘68 in order to liberate women.’ So, I’m from covers. Christine’s understanding of the burkini the left-wing. I’m not particularly is more in line with how the suit actually looked Islamophobic, but don’t do it. in the incident during the summer of 2016. It is clear that both Ariane and Christine are Ariane goes on to say, confused about the issue, and their arguments If I was saying no burkini on the beach, it was about the burkini and its place in modern, like ‘oh my god you are so Islamophobic’ and popular French fashion displays a general lack I am just like ‘no I am just for equality of of knowledge around Muslim head coverings in women in general’ and they’re like ‘they can France. Ultimately, both Ariane and Christine choose freely.’ express their discontent with the burkini and how the situation has unraveled with Muslim While Ariane is against the hijab in public women in France. spaces in general, she emphasizes her personal feminist philosophy, which is shared by some of Paul also spoke up for the first time during my other interviewees. According to this view, the group interview in order to agree with Muslim women can only become truly Ariane. He brought up the fact that at the time emancipated when they are able to rid of the 2011 burka ban, many people started to themselves of the hijab or burka and fully wear burkas in order to support the wider assimilate into French society. Despite this, Muslim community. He also agreed with Ariane Ariane still shows that there is a divergent that this is the case for the Islamic scarf in opinion that does see these forced unveilings general—people will wear it as a sign of
The JUE Volume 10 Issue 2, 2020 69 solidarity with the French Muslim community. seen as a given within younger generations and In this understanding, it is clear that the hijab is especially college students, at least in America. simultaneously an instrument of oppression as Throughout my stay in Paris and the time I well as an instrument of resistance. My spent with French college students, my interviewees from both left and right-leaning understanding of them began to change. I parties discussed the hijab as oppressive, non- started to think in terms of traditionalism, feminist, and anti-assimilation. assuming that maybe French college students were more influenced by dominant French While there is much divergence in opinion discourses than I originally thought. This about the hijab across France (Teeple Hopkins change in thought occurred during my initial 2015), much of the conversation does not seem interviews, where interviewees held views to consider the actual opinions of Muslim consistent with dominant discourses founded women. Many of the interviewees in my study in French republicanism. As time went on and I share the sentiment that the hijab is oppressive began to thoroughly analyze my data, I realized and that if you do in fact choose to wear it, you that the variance between students on different are actively excluding yourself from French sides of the political spectrum was not drastic society. This common thought process does not and fit within the wider frame of French consider the actual lived experiences of Muslim republicanism. women in France. The public discourse surrounding the hijab has ultimately presented As stated before, while one would assume Muslim women as a homogenous group. This that students have been raised in a time of de- affects Muslim women negatively because they facto racial and religious pluralism, especially in are all painted in the same way, without urban areas, some have little to no direct acknowledgement of their differences. The contact with Muslim populations, and they still general discourse surrounding the hijab, as express the commonplace belief that there is a seen in my and others’ work, also clearly shows “problem” that needs to be solved within the Muslim women as oppressed when they choose French-Muslim community. Overall, throughout to veil. Although they are viewed without my interviews it became clear that the agency when they publicly display their religion, racialization of Muslims has become such a they are also argued to be active agents of large part of dominant French discourse that resistance. This is seen when Muslim women some of my interlocutors reiterate ideas that chose to wear either the burkini or other are founded in the historical processes of modest clothes on the beach. Overall, it is racializing Muslim populations. Many of these interesting to note how the racialization of young students, who are even admittedly Muslim women has become an integral part of “leftist” and well-meaning, rationalize racist dominant French discourse, so much so that exclusions of Muslims in a typical French “color- the veil is understood in racist terms—either blind” fashion. Again, even as leftists, it is hard denoting excessive sexuality or a lack thereof. It for these young students to dismantle racial is clear that this is the framework in which my hierarchies and forms of domination; therefore, interlocutors try to make sense of Muslim they used culturalist language to explain their women in the French public sphere. beliefs, which ultimately attributes responsibility to individual Muslims for their Conclusion fate. No matter how they understand issues Although the scope of my research is limited, facing the Muslim community, these students notably by the small number of participants, my were still re-articulating broader French study provides valuable insight into French discursive trends and framing the discussion college students’ opinions on laïcité and within French republicanism. Muslims in France. At the beginning of my study, I had various preconceived notions about what French college students think about Islam and laïcité in France. Originally, I believed that these students would be more liberal and progressive, ideologies which are sometimes
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