SPATIAL DIMENSION OF SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC INEQUALITIES —A CASE STUDY OF BIHAR
DISSERTATION SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF
IN GEOGRAPHY
BY SYED NAUSHAO AHMED
Under the supervision of Prof. MEHDI RAZA (CHAISMAN)
DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 1987 DS1225 CO'.
PJ qe
Ac knowl f^dgerrent .#». T
List ot- ^;ap3 .... II List ot Tables .... Ill Introduction .... IV-VIII aiAPTER I : Welfare Approach in Human
Geography ' .... 1-19
CHAPTER II : Causes of Inequality .... 20-43
CHAPTER III : Selection of Indicator and
Measurment of Inequality .... 44-7 4
CHAPTE;; IV : Review of Work Done So Far .... 7 5-94
CHAPTER V s Bihar: A Geographjcal Outline .... 9 5-116 Bibliography .... 117-124 (0
LIJT OF yjM'S
MAP No. PAGE
1. Lorenz Curve 70
2. Lorenz Curve Showing Privileged and
under Privileged Class 72
3. Location of Bihar in India 96
4. Bihar: Administrative Divisions 97
6. Bihar : Geomorpholoqy 10 2
6. Popul 7. Percentage of Literacy in Bih.^r (1981) 116 (11) I 13T OF TAHLE TAbLr; No. PAGb" I Population IDensity in Bih-r (1981) 110 II Level of Literacy in Bihar (1981) 114 (HO ACKNO.'\a.LD(;c;r EN : I feel piedi>ure to express my deep sense ot qratitute to m y supervisor Profei^sor hehai Raza Chairmdn, Dep^irtn^ent ot Geography, A.^.l;. Aiiymh tor his valuable cjuiaan'c and suggestion in preparation oi this dissert at ion. I a.r also tnanklul to Miss Farkhunda Burke, one of the ^senior Research ocholar ot my department who helped me in dis_ cussing some ot my research problems and making vital comments, I feel short of vocabulary to express my thanks to my rrother whose love and at lection has always been a source of inspiration for me. My special thanks are due to my elder brott-iers who encouraged me every time ind provideport without which this work would have not been po^^sible. I an, also very thankful to rry friends c>, Aaley Al i, 3. Faroo iue A/an and 1^,-i^uoc Ah^an who helpr-d r.e varii^u^ wa/s- My tnanks ire also t ae uo i unne Kaan anu Mohd, fa'.^r ''•or their cartoyr pnic nelp. i i^tj-y, I an, >jrciteii>3 tr o.-sinar •bibrarianj ot luj aepartnent *or provicinc] tno nf='je-J3 irv research material-^ in tim.e. (tv; . ' V U Ilk) In c ii I r'> t ;. d >\ c.ci'-ty '/LtU c>n iivrc .• in lit" : ', '!•] VM ot IJvin; is conr^K--"-i -i tj Lh=it in tfio pint, t tr: p' K '< [p oi Bfxi"^'' ."r:"' r f ort3 ooin:;! in ni''i tc» iii- '. ' L'lC glarins) >. p oetween the 'hsves* and 'hiMve? notsS L.i • S''*«='-ater is ta,> inrro'ise of inequality, for there i;j an in]icr«-nt ten dency of th" rich to qrovy richer at the ext'enr,'^ ' . t' •• if':.j fortunate. On tho one hand the majority of our onopl-' • •-'•> poor, illitercite, mal-nourished or undernourir.hed, chrcmir.-! 1 ly iT], have no medi'Ml care and arc poorly housed or in ;'snjr ^wi.v. houGele.'is, while on the oth^^r hand a winority of the rich are virtually living in paradise on the same land with acconn to ail tvpf's cit Itixury an-f Cnr. fort. This co-existence o. io .-J rich -"n ' the poor i.. !Jority rt-im.i Lrom the unequ.t 1 ()\/nr rs..-'p Oi. cis-^ti. which seen'3 tn t)r> worsening and widenin' v-n .tj our >^ -noric qro\yth acce I'^ra trj. 1 ; ' .p. ; ' • •-'^ 1'.- !^r impf~c '.'r , -^p' L * i ' ( ' - * " livi'.' i .'j 'I. iili''i!.0'- ct "t-orori.ic C ^v Ic ^r, ^it, • ' prove ,1 ;s,it. < i , » .!]'' O^"! il llli, \jit i>>v..t > occ '.oric .^' "C 'T ^ ; •" o''v\ >vf'lop i.'-nv, lo' *' ' (V) criterion ot well-bt>ing must be incorporatt.c 'u LL. 'iiiu:, deveiopmoiit is a multlfacptnd phrnomp>m in Jt^; n-^l"--!^ md impact. The inequality of r:ocicil weJ]-bein'/ or Jrv ^ of livin'j can be perceived not only on the internation not analysed th^ p.tt'^rn: r :~id ^^ore- sses oC lr.(H aali-ty in ito spdtial diwenbion. One ol th«^ (ip'-^'at dangers ^;hich Lhf worid i . cini f'l"- to tie prevalence o"" inequality i::- its potf^ni. 1 J '' ' iur ~r conflict irc tencaon. The evil of region liniii . -•' > from region"Hl ine Tua J 11 i cs in almost all counLrJ'^ i ' ttto Cvi world. ReoiDnal dispirities havo assumed al'rminq dln'onsiona in our country which pose qrave danger to national integration. The recent developme^nt in Assam and other North-f^st^t-i ytatf; are pointers to such dangers. The diabolical activ i Lif's of: the protagonists of Khalistan can hardly be glossed over. The growing trends of the secessionism as are dcscernlble, stem from frustration of the people, particularly of the young generation, arising out of prolonged existance of regional economic dispnrities. It has been experienced that problems arising out of the economic disparities, often get inter linked with linguistic and cultural affinities of the region. For fighting the divisive challanges and strengthnlnq the forces of national integration we shall have to direct efforts for a strong attack on disparities in well-being which have a crippling effect on human society and breed social evils of regionalism, communalism and secessionism, Anot^l^•r problem rooted in regional inequality 1- that of hurs.fin miriration i rom rural to urban areas and vit iln urb but il:,o disturb thK^ baJ inched -cje and sex ztr'.ir-' •,-' t.' ' ,'^, 1 areas, in a<.;JitIon it <' J, to ;jhorL i^!': o' work '-i ^ r < T ,- areas. Thus, it we comb it the r roblerti of socid .^nd economic- Inequality we would get rid of many r,t its ssBoci-itod problems. The study ot sociyl and economic inequality in Jihar alms at (i) identifying areas of affluence and distress in terms of social, well-being in order to pavo the w^iy Tor improving the quality o i- lite witii a tilt tovmrdn territorial social justice in Bihar which is a densely pon-i'dt'-d state ot India (ii) highlighting the factors and procojcos responniole for the emerging patterns of inequalities (iii) aS'^ossing th" impact of inequality on life styles (iv) determining logir.'lly tihe extent to which the inequalities can bo minimised and (v) GuggeLitinc] /-'^medial measures for the alleviation of :.oci, 1 ?< economic inr .qualities. ':\i3 present xM. Phil dissertation In divid i into tiv" Cha^^terj. The first chapter deals with the concontu.. 1 trar > v,'0'-k c^" t'' wf^ ' f '.-e approach in geoqr'.phy ana T Jjr^f^f h^ ,t o* t . "v. .ALiur. li ' rowth of this be n.-li n' • ''•.-''/, The second r-npt^'r ^•-'^Ir with the aenerU c-rnit •-, o: ine'uiility because nc^t )nly M ' '• enlial to rAv y tn*- t^ ' tf-rn" ) f inequ 11 i t y Lul t o d* • i M u i > .lO ut^'ie • 1 v ' 'i nTO<" •, i n ot ( ci to 'ml st •' n J t .. rprrov , _ < r 11 rd ch. p.' ' li » 1 u i . s» ' 1 (vtnj to Lh" urr1<"'lY! ntj r- n ents tor t/ic r.c 1 ctson a ir.'ii 'or and tncsu'i i.ont c" ineciuality •.•viiJc:i .in tl:-^ r "a ^ •.* n-.f i .; the fiK^Ll.odo lo ;y cr' Llie ^.rosont work. The tourt.i ;..jt.ei. dt.i^' wll.. I T' vi ••'.%• < litf^r iLurf on , if;l -^ ' I i sprtLial ciiaonsion ol social and economic inequ ' ' ^.i-^^ as it is essential in nx)dulatinf7 future trends of ctudy ;n th. is field. The tifth chapter dcils with n pfiyjictl, '"'oiio^ic and reqiondl qeoqraphy of Bih^r. The author h=is not ino'^rtilcrn any empirical work on spatial dimension o*^ scjcial and economy inequttlities in Bihar because the prcsnnt M.Phil \/ork 1.^ a prepratinq v/ork tor the proitis^^d doctoral rc.icirch •, ^rl^. aiAPTP^R - I V^EIFAHK APPROAQI IN HUMAN GKOCJRAPilY Welfare GpoqrHp:)hy developed as a nptici^l br mcii of Geography in the 1970's. Its basic riim is a concern for man in the society and focuses its attention primarily on mapping spatial variations in the quality of life. In the latter half of the 1950's many geographers came to the conclusion that physical planning had not been as effective in fostering social change and equality, as many people had hoped. Empirical researches have demonstrated that economic development and tec hnological changes, more often than not, led to mari<:tediy incre ased spatial disparities through the natural process of national and regional.development. This is largely the result of concent ration of disproportionate growth generating factors in already developed regions, thus, putting other regions to serious dis advantages. The cumulative result is the localization of dis advantages in already disadvantaged regions. Kquity md equality in opatidl distribution of advantages, is therefore, the need ot the day if a more just society is to be cmted. The r.oclal st^te of c. region is more important than its «conomi r state. Traditionally, Geography as a discipline w,s .nore intre- sted in pr.ulems of noods and services and their dlritributi-^n in space thm studies of social problems. The question of spatial social justic^'^ brings to a large extent an et'iir.-' ind politi' 'i judgement which geoc^r phera h^ve traditionally academic debate between •economic justice' and 'social justice' geographers generally sided with the former. This lack of social conscience among mainstream geographers started receiving jolts in the 1950's and there are emerging signs of overcoming earlier inhibitions. In a sense this shift is the reflection of a general reaction to materialism in all social sciences. The geographers • could not remain immune to an ever growing public conco -n over social deprivation generated as a result of market orie.ited economic development. An ever-increasing number of main itream geographers are taking up research in spatial variation; in social conditions, highlighting the concept of territor al social justice. Social justice is concerned with the di.;tribvir- tion and redistribution of benefits and advantages b<"t " en different individuals and groups in such a manner that .o indi vidual, group or territorial unit is consciously or unc 'nsciously discriminated against. In order to fully compreherd spatial variations n social conditions a good deal of empirical research i.s needed s geo graphers had traditionally ingnored social prob 1 esi,.: in he pdst. As already pointed out geographers of late are becoming more and more socially aware. The Concept of We If a re_ Some cl ir • f ication of the term weltar(> is n'^'f-'Jori .it trie out set. The term welfare has a variety of meanings in common 3 use. The concise Oxford Dictionory defines welfare as satis factory state, health and prosperity, well-being, and the concept of welfare in this sense may be thought as Incorpo rating every thing that can distinguishes one socidi state from another . "Welfare embraces all thing contributing to quality of 2 human existance" , The level of welfare is not held to be an observable phenomenon subject to cardinal moasurment, but capable of assignment to an ordinal scale at bt'st, "Welfare embraces not only the stc.te of society but also policy instruments designed to alter that state" , In broader sense it also includes a set of soci."'1 progrHmmet. .nd policies in order to achive well-being. Thus general welfare may be advanced by more even territorial distribution of we J fare, perhaps accomplished by welfare polcies which increase we->lfare payments to people .in poor areas. According to Winch welfare may be dcfinr>(i .u<; tii't which society attempts to maximise as utility. The natui r^ of. utility or welfare rests entirely on the value judgment of individual or society concerned. In spatial context the term welfare occasionally refers to local or territorial level of- something 1. Smith, D.M. (1975), On the concept of Welfare, Area Vol 7, No. 1, p. 3 3- 2. Smith, D.M. (1977), Human Geoqraph;a welfare approach, Edward Arnold Ltd London, p. 8. 3. Smith op. cit., (197b), p. 33. which has to do with standard of living i.e., welf^ire as a spatially variable condition. Though jt is constituted by agg regate of goods and tods, yet domestic product or real income is preferred. The spatial distribution of income has direct bearing on the quality of life. The st^^^te of society can be differenciated by income or assemblage of goods and sarvicos. In a welfare society where income is adequate for the b.isic needs of foods, clothing, shelter and a reasonable standered of living, people will not live in poverty. The stp.tus and dignity of individual will be respected, and he will bo socially and economically mobile. Good quality of education and health services will be available to all, and their use \;ill be refle cted in a high level of physical and ment^il health and in an informd populace able to perform their societal roles, in satisfactory manner. People will live in decent houses, in decent neighbourhood and v,ill enjoy a good quality of physical environment. They will have access to recreational tadilitics, including culture and the arts, and adequate leisure timo to enjoy these things. Society will show a low doqr i ». ol di The concept of welfare provides a framework for making judgement between alternative state of society. It aL;Gists in identifying states of society as 'better' or Worse'. It advo cates spatial allocation of goods and bads froro which individuals derive their satisfaction. In short we can say that 'thr^ term welfare includes to all thing which determines aggregate quality 4 of life of people occupying in different territories . "The term real income in broad sense adopted by Harvey can be used as a convenient surrogate of welfare. Provided ttiia includes psychic gains or losses from experience of externalities as 5 well as the value of conventional goods and services consuitied" , If we are going to study conditions of society wc must look Into various sources on which it is dependant. 'Social well-being' 'level of living' and 'quality of life' all of which seem incomplete unless they include every source t f human satisfaction, positive or negative . It may be employmfrt, wealth, real income, gross domestic product or governmei t policies and programmes. Besides income and wealth, policy instrumf^nt alsc plays a vital role in determining the well-being or ill-being of society in different areas. Thus policy analysis in welfare 4, Smith, op. cit,, p. 35. 5, Chishlom, M. ..^t al (ed) (1971) Reqional Forecnstinq, Butter Worth, London, pp. 270-300. 6, Smith, op. cit,, p. 35. 6 approach becomes significant. The conditions of people living in deprived areas can be improved by liberal policie;i an.3 schemes of the government. Similarly even developed area 3 may lag behind in providing social services to their residen:e, if policy is discriminating. Thus equality can be achiv?3 either by altering or reforming the existing policy para meter. Therefore, in such situation geographer should not remai 1 neutral or objective in their work. They must involve in crea tion of policy oriented research and plead for its implenenta- tion for bringing about territorial social justice. But advocacy is not an easy task. It is just the kind of background taat 7 faciliates establishing necessary dialogue with policy makers „ Geographers can influence policy making bodies by advocating the fact in the light of their research findings. Advocating the role of policy oriented research in alleviating social ills. Smith pointed out that if Geography does not broaden its domain of concern to include the full range of contemporary societal problems with a significant spatial dimen:jion, its contribution to policy research will be limited. According to Berian Berry there are two important groups of social activist geographers whom he described as 'bleeding heart liberals* and 'Marxist revolutionaries*. The former can make valuable contribution by drawing attention on important 7. Smith, D.W:, (1973), Alternative relavent Professional Roles, Area, Vol 5, No. 1, pp. 1-2, 7 problems and the latter in search for alternatives to existing institution and policies. This is the case vjith those countries where it often takes crises to stimulate government's actions and which are usually unprotected from 'socialitic* revolu tions. In United States where there is a Laisses Fair develo pment the solution of problem like urban chaos and regional deprivation is very complex and should be solved by policy alternatives, A similar and more extreme situation exists in south Africa where there is separate developnent of races and a the government is not in/mood of change. There may not be any compromise on issues like racial equality and the freedom and dignity of individual. To become part of a system which denies fundamental rights de-jure (as in South Africa) or defecto (as in united states) requires a degree of pragmatism which some way regard as abandonment of principle. However abandonment of principles and compromise with change in policy is necessary in favour of realism. In short run, those willing and able to attain positions of influence where deceisons are made may well be more effective. In long run., however the implementation of policies which con fronts root causes rather merely symtoms of social ills requires fundamental changes in the attitudes and values of policy makers and those they serve. Thus as Berry hints out "Perhaps the most 8 important influence we can have on the way policy makers looks at the world, much of which may occur in the edrJier process ..8 of education" * Before making and pleading any policy for social change some considerations are necessary. The most impoxi:ant points which need attention are diagnosis of social ills, peoples aspiration and strategies for reform. According to Blower if our goal is fundamental social reform, we must consider values that repersent our aspiration for social change. We can not diagnose real problem unless we have some idea of real choice and need of society which comes from value judgment. This approach will ba .very helpful for disadvantaged group and will bring about social reform or redistribution of real income based on notion of social justice. Further he suggests that policy approach seems to ignore the social and politi;al milieux in which those statements are made. The whole questions of deprivation and inequality and its spatial porspec-ive must be seen not only as the description and explanation oc pattern but as the examination of process and structure. It 1 > assxxmed that structure undergoing poJicy alternative is sound but needs minor adjustment. But some times this adjustment leads to q greater problem and inequality. 8o As quoted by Smith, in Alternative 'relevant* professional Roles, Area Vol 5, No. 1, p. 3. 9. Eyles, J. (1973) Geogr^-,phy and Relavance, Area ^oi.5. No, 2 P, 159. 9 A Brief History of Evolution and Growth of Welfare Approach in Hximan Geography The conceptual Human geography reveals that it has been subject to perpetual variations, Th6 past two decades have seen some perticularly important changes in subject matter* methodology and philosophy of the subject. The impacts of these changes have been so vital that they can be termed as •revolutions* Untill the middle of 19 50*s the approach of human geo graphy v/as far from scientific. Facts were often established in the field with observation without careful measurment. Causal relationship came from intruitive judgment rather than from formal hypothesis testing. To a greater extent geograph ical enquaries were confined to regional studies v/hich hardly gave any generalization. The only theories of that period v;ere •environmental determinism' and its latter variant of 'possi- bilism'. Applied Human geography was confined to vague conn ections with town planning, conservation and resource inventory. However, all geographical works of this era were not entirely without value of course. Some of the Human geographers tried to establish iien-land relationship in the field with acute skill which perhaps enable them to reach closer to real life 10, Smith, op, cit., p. 2. 10 than most practiceners of todays having more sophisticated approach. Never the-less Human geography remained largely oblivious of scientific methods as arc in common use in other disciplines such as Economics and Sociology After the middle of 1950's Humrin Geography experienced another change known as 'quantitative revolxition*. Statistical methods began to be used in measurment of and estfsblishment of empirical associations. Some of the pioneer gcogrc^phers of this period who wrote books on statistical geography were Mac carty, Gregory, Cole and King. To say 'new' Geography of 1960*s as quantitative or statistical will be over simplifica tion because it led to the development of models as tool in geographical analysis, ^fodel building is itself related to the development of spatial theories because mathem.itical models are generally specific or operational versions of some theoratical structure. The mainstream ot quantitiative analysis proceeded to a substantial extent independent of theoratical thrust, the main inspiration for which was spatial Economics rather than statistics or Mathematics, Much of the energy of quantitative geographers was spent on development of research techniques. By the middle of 1960*s the preoccupation with statistical models and theories began to generate a new integrated approach to the substantive content of the subject. 11, Ibid, pp, 2-3, 11 During quantitative revolution the focus of attention in Human geography was methods rather than subject matter. Topics which received special attention were diffusion of inn ovations, social ecology of cities and multivariate regionali" zatio4-- n 12« The second revolution of Human Geography v;hich nccured in 1970's primarily as a reaction against, too much emphasis on quantification, has been termed as the relevance movement. The relevance movement in geography started as e result of general feeling- that mechanistic approach of qvantitauAve revolution has failed to focus attention on contempora -y social issues. From the end of 1960*s the main target of Huma'i Geog raphy became alleviation or solution of social problem.! such as pollution, poverty, hungers, racial discriminf''tion, social inequalities or justice, diseases,unemployn)ent 6< exploitation of colonial territories by the government in business capita list nations. As a result an extensive body of research on social relevance has been produced. Problem of regional economic distress received much attention in Western Europe nd North America, Researches on topics like •Economic Health' 'I'hysical health' 'Welfare indicators' problems of inequality and social justice, geography of crime and health care were carried out. 12, Ibid, p. 4, 12 Antipode, -a new journal which large]y contains articles on poverty and inequality emerged in this decade. Ala rye number of articles on relevance and policy analysis appeared in 1970's issue 13 It is now clear that welfare geography deals with ter ritorial distribution of various welfare programmes and its impact on the quality of life. It attempt to measure whether welfare programmes are impix»ving the condition of people or if the impact is negative what are those constraints which hinder the implementation of the schemes and what are possible remedies. It tries to find out whether people of a particular area are satisfied with the states or spatial arrangement of social facilities or dissatisfied. A geographical 'state* or 'situation* in the sense used above may refer to any aspect of spatial arrangment of human existance. It may relate to spatial allocation of resources, income or any other source of well-being. It may concern with spatial incidence of poverty or any other social problem. The expression may also be used to described industrial location pattern, distribution of population, the location of social service facilities, transportation networks, pattern of move ment of people or goods and indeed any spatial arrangments 13. Ibid. p. 5. 13 %-hivrh has a bearing on the quality of life as geographically Variable condition. The question of who gets what, where provides a frame work for restructuring of Human geography in moif 'socially* relevant terms, without abandoning the quantitative techniques. The welfare oriented geography may be viewed as an applied geography which contributes to understand and solve contempo rary social problems with spatial dimension. It requires to identify the desirable or undesirable aspects of human existancc to find out and measure how these are allocated betwee^n indivi duals or groups distinguished by place or area. In addition, the resurgance of applied geography requires that thii. knowledge be put to th" service of society, in the design of preditability •better* spatial allocation of benefits and penalties of modern 14 life • Welfare Theory Making distinction between geographical states of society as * better' or 'worse* are welfare function. It in a theoratical device which yields measure of desirability of alternative state of society. It also assists in defining necessary and sufficient conditions for welfare improvment and for attain ment of an optimal state. 14. Smith, D.M. (1974), Who gets what where, and How: A Welfare Focus for Human geography. Geography, Vol 59, No. 254-6 5, pp. 289. 14 The 'who' refers to all individuals within society while the 'what* represents the utility or satisf,-tCtion (positive or negative) derived from vnrious goods (or bads) which people consume or otherwise experiences. Tho social v/elfare function will be maximised where the ide.il or optimal collection o£ goods is optimally distributed between indivi dual members of society. In theory society attempts to maximise a welfare function, the magnitude of attainment, It'vel of which reflects who gets what 15 To introduce the 'where* element requires recognition that individuals making up a society may be differenciated by area or place of residence. To incorporate the dltrension of space, the l®vels of welfare in a society most have some functions of the utility arising from particular quantities of goods (and bads) as distributed between individuals and between geographical territories. In other words the social welfare function now expresses who gets what where. It is with the introduction of the 'where' question tliat the welfare analysis becomes specifically geographical, posing the problem of optimal distribution of sources of satisfaction within a society. Since there is regional variations in resources, technology and societal preferences between goods, so utility levels of individuals may vary between locations and the? local levels of welfare. If some uniform numerical indicator is 15, Smith, op. cit., p. 290. 15 developed which allows social welfare to be comp.ired, then a judgment can be made as to whether society is 'better off or 'worst off. It is a fact that well-being of society is a function of experiences of its individual members. But it ir> very difficult and impracticable to study the nature and behaviour of each individual. The satisfactory way is on the basis of classification of society into demographic, ethnic, racial or class grouping. Besides describring the distribution of satisfaction among individuals, it also gives spatial expre ssion that each group occupies certain space. For example in South Africa the racial and (spatial) subdivision of Africans, colour-red Indians, and Whites would be an obvious choice and in U.S.A. a whlte/non white division is frequently used. In Britain however, the distribution/income is often portrayed simply by shares of people in particular income categories without reference to space and it is only recently that attention has been given to question of 'who' deirined geographically The inclusion of 'where* or space dimension in welfare analysis poses problems of appropriate level of terrii:orial aggragation. Thet^ual areal allocation of income at o le spatial 16, Atkinson, A. B. (ed) (197 3), Wealth, income and inequality, Penguim, Harmonds worth. Part Two. Ifi level may appear unequal at another spatjal level. Inter reg ional equaJity may nide substantial inter-reqional inequality because it relates to group of people. Territorial ^^^uality defined by area of residence does not nocossarj ly mr-an that 17 all individuals or groups areoqual The 'How' question concern the processess by which society allocates its resources between the production of different goods and distribute them between individuals or groups identified by area of residence. The allocation of resources depends upon choice of goods of various combination while production is decided by transformation of factor of production or input with a given technology. Thub welfare function is determined by the weight attached to the various components of welfare, optimal resource allocations and output from the set of production function. Thus welfare is miximised subject to transformation constraints describing all socifty's input-output relationships, economic and social , The analysis of distribution of income which is the source of satisfaction of people and territories nmst concern with influence on decision making bodies. A social group or a territory may enjoy benefit of life and avoide penalties if it has influence upon the government. Thus political factor plays a vital role in spatial allocation of resourcej which 17. Smith, op. cit., p. 192, 17 decide well-being or ill-being of the society. Though 'evel of living of individual members of society is governed by their share as regard in market place or raonetry income yet, provison of public goods and other social services are made in recog nition of the unmet needs of certain section of society. The way in which society is organised in space and distribution of goods and services is m<^de should be judged in terms of territorial social justice. Some spatial arrange ment may be more jusf than others and if by the unjust arran- gment the survival of society is threatened, the question of social justice becomes paramount. Our attention is confined to differential treatment of individuals or groups on the basis of race, co-''our or creed. The idea of geographical discrimina tion is less familiar. As intrest in this idea grows 'spatial injustice* is becoming one of the major thems of new socially activist geography 19 Territorial discrimination is different from other forms of discrimin tion. People can not change the skin clour which make them subject to racial discrimination but they can change their place of residence if by doing so they can have a better standard of living. They are attracted to the areas of better social and economic opportunities, justice or life quality. 18. Isard, W. et al (1969), General theorvji Social Political Economic and regional, MIT Press Cambridge, Qiapter 12 and 13, 19, Chishlom, op. cit., pp. 270-300. 1 But such mobility is undesirable because it creater. oLher problems such as over concentration, pollution and traffic jam in metropolitan areas. Many countries attempt to Jimit metropolitan concentration by regional developmont programises aimed at 'balanced growth* and 'dispersal*. In th >oc! circums tances there are strong argxmients for greater territorial equality in the distribution of society's benefits in the interest of equity in addition to being an instrument of population stablization. Migration which is the root cause of various problems may be restricted by providing better opportunities in less privileged areas. Facilities provided in peripheral areas should be regarded as compaHsation to people living in areas with low quality of life. But this is seldom the case in practice. Perfect equality is neither attainable nor desirable. It is a principle of market economy that productive region get more allocation of benefit as reward of the efficiency than the less productive region. But provisons of better qu-ility of life should be open to all. The needs of underprivilegod regions or neighourhoods for greater share of new expenditure on education, helath and other social seirvJces must be recog nised. In reality advantages tend to create more advan':ages in most of the democratic nations because wealth brings forth 19 political power to expropriate yet more of social surplus. Thus it will be right to conclude that selfare is inf roased by reducing territorial differentiation rather than by increa sing it. Ideally of course geographers and planners intrested in creating spatial social justice should pay attention to equity. It is impoirtant to recognize the fact that while judging the past and planning for the future in terms of equity and social justice, the "who gets what where, and how" for-mat must not be avoided. CHAPTER - II iU\ CAUSES OF INEQUALITY Physical Causes of Inequality Prosperity and backwardness of a region to some extent depends upon its physical factors of the envlronrnont. As we see areas which have good climate with long growing season, abundance of Sun shine & rainfall, fertile soil and level plain are very prosperous and rich. They are agriculturally very developed. There is concentration of population because people easily get job in agriculture. On the other hand, areas where there is rugged topography, extreme of climate and poor soils are generally inhospitable for human inhabitation. There is limited scope specially for agriculture, For example the desert the polar and the quatorial regions of the worl '. are very backward due to their environmental constraints, whereas river basins of the world are very advance and has been center of great human civilization. Some areas are ecologically very repulsive but have huge reserve of minerals. Itiey have potential of development, if they are backward, they can be developed by exploitation of their minerals. They become source of attraction for people from other areas because job is available there. Apart from mining activities, a large number of industries are established there, Infrastrutural facilities are also provided. The all round development of such areas starts with income realized from 21 minerals. Thus, depite not being suitable intertn of their physical invlronraent. Some regions becorpcs highly developed on account of their mineral v;ealth. The same idea is putforth in a more forceful albeit controversial manner by Niradh Chaudhry he says thati "There are many geographical regions which are utterly incapable of developing a high civilization, but there is perhaps not one other as irresistable as does the Indogengatic plain. It is the vampire of geography, which sucks out all creative energy and leaves its victims as listless shadows. The high means of tem perature together with its immense daily range of rise and fall, hardly allows body to attend to any thing more forceful than the daily adpatirn to the weather. The unbroken flatness of plain finds its counterpart in dullness of the mind, monotony of experience and narrowness of intrests. With this climnte and Physiography is combined a diet which is so highly adopted to the environment that it is for to creative energy as other two starched season with spices is the typical food of the Indo- gangetic plain, and it is capable to nurturing no other forms of human activity or out look on human life than what possesses 1 its own insipidity , 1. As quoted by A.E. Punit, (1982), Profiles of Poverty in India, B.R. Publishing Corporation Delhi, pp. 26. 22 Historical Causes of Tnecfualitv Colonial exploitation was one of the icnporL During British period farmers were under heavy burden of land revenue. They had to pay one half of their gross produce out of which nine-tenth or ten-eleventh was extracted by the government leaving one-tenth or one-eleventh to land lords as net rent. In addition, land lords were given certain special powers by which they used to collect extr^T taxes from tenant farmers. Thus the conditions of farmers were very misera ble. More than fifty percent of their produce was taken by government and land lords. Poor farmers had to bear all expenses of seeds, fertilizers, irrigation etc out of the remaining produce at their hands which was much less, Consiqucntly poor farmers were tightly bound in the chain of debt . Urban centres were developed at the cost of rural areas. Almost every types of facilities and amen^ities were provided there oncausc thiey 2, Ganguli, B.N. (197 5), Concept of EqualityiThe Ninteenth Century Indian Debate, Indian Institute of Advance"study Simla, p. 29. 23 were place of residence of British and upper class Indian spe cially those who worked as internnediatries of British Commer cial enterprises, plantation and mining. The Gulf lietween rural areas and urban centers in term of development v.iid vjelfare function was created and widened very much, for which colonial administration was responsible. It will be better to quote ideas of some of the eminent Indian scholars regarding heavy taxation imposed by British government on Lower class. Dadabhai Naoroji and Ram Mohan Roy mentained that poor, the vast masses of tenant farmers were growing poorer under the pressure of increasing landtax. R. C. Dutt was also most powerful and acknowledgeble exponent of this thesij. He pointed out that the burden of taxation was not equal to all classes. It was higher on poor cultivators and lower on upper class. It was due to fear that rich section 3 of society may agitate against their exploitation . Itie regre ssive nature of Indian society has also been described by Jamshed Jee N, Tata in his article to the London "Daily Chroni cle", Mr. Tata said - "I have always held opinion that all taxation in India bears most heavily on the poor and most lightly on the well to do classes. Those whose life and pro perty require the greatest protection from government have the least to pay for it, while those who have nearly nothing to lose, even by achange of government. All taxes were so regulated 3o Ibid, ppo 34-35. 24 that the poorest subjects contribute nearly equal ahcire with the richest. The only tax taat reaches the pocketj o£ the •wealthy is the income tax. But how significant this is, compated with the privileges, protection and benefits enjoyed at the hands of a power ful government whose very oxistcmce and main- tanance depend upon means which the peasant and the day-worker 4 principally supply . Till the advent of British rule in India cottage indu stries were at the peak of progress, Itiey were so developed and produced high quality of goods that European goods h?d to face tough competition in the world market. Some of the items like Muslin of Dacca, Sarees of Banaras and silk of Murshidabad were of world fa'.ie. Since the demand of European goods was lov^er than the Indian goods in the world market the British govern ment destroyed the Indian cottage industries by Icveying exhor- bitant tariff rates on Indian goods in England and on the other hand used political power to clear the wiy to flood the Indian markets with machine made goods of England. Tlie handicraft goods lost ground in competititon with machine goods. Indian crafts were largely cattering the traditional consumption patterns. But coming in contact with modern education and western civilization, the consumption demand of Indian tented 4. As quoted by B.N. Garguli, op, cit., p, 35, 25 to shift from handicn^ft goods to imported manuf-r.ctur'd goods. Another reason for the popularity of machine goods wij also its cheapness as compared to the handicaratt goodij. The cotton Industry was not the onlv Industry o sufier in India. Others like silk, woollen, brass, copper, b^ll metal, enametted Jewellary, stone carving, embroidry, paper etc. also vtett similar fate. Failure of indiyinous industries le<; to un employment of million of artisans engaged in this sector of economy. The consiquences of colonial exploitation appeared in the form of creation and maintanance of inequality between rich and poor as well as between rural and urban areas, ^5ont of artisans were made unemployed as a result of destruction of indiginous Indian industries. Upper class people were encouraged to improve their conditions. Government gave attention to the development of Urban centers and such areas which were produc tive while neglected countryside where majority oi indian popu lation live. British governi'ient paid attention only to those section of society or regions which could serve, thnir purpose. For example those regions which were rich from agricultural point or were mineral rich were developed at the cost of others, thtis creating marked regional disparities. 26 Caste system as a cause of Inequality Social and economic inaqualltles are deeply roofed in caste system in India, Every lUndu nece^i.-ari ly Ix^lonqs to tho caste of his parent and in that caste he inevitably renains. No accumulation of welath and no exercise of talent ca i alter his Caste status and marriage outside his caste is prohibited or serverely discouraged. If there ivere a casteless society every caste had equal place or status in society, Ther? were no any concept of low or high. Bankim chandra Condemming the evils of caste system mentioned that notion of caste superiority and inferiority is one of the major cause of inequality in India. Social differen ces in the name of caste is an unnatural inequality and it is the product of social customs and institutions, He holds the view that it is responsible for Indian social backwardness 5 and even social retrogression . Having seen atrocities in the name of caste, Gandhijee vigorously opposed it. He ecnouraged intercaste marriage for its removal. According to him untouchbility is crime against humanity and God, Rivindra Nath Tagore has condemend caste 6 system as a gigantic system of cold blooded repression , 5. Garguli, B.N. (197 5), Concept of Equality: The Ninteenth Century Debate, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Snimla, pp. 94-5. 6. Punit A.E. (1982), Profiles of Poverty In India, B. R. Publishing Corporation Delhi, p, 129. *>7 The traditional Indian society is charactf-^rized by "statuo summation" where a persona birth in a particular caste sums up his other positions. In such a system a p-^rson vjho has a low status in tho caste hierarchy of society autoro tlcally is relagated to a disadvantaged socio-econon>ic positioi. Thus the fact that there is a close correspondence betweer :aste 7 status and socio-economic status has been recognised . Wo find that the caste system is based on Inequality of status, power, privileges, property and income. The hierarx;hlcal order of the system is built like this: Brahmans or priests have th^ higher rank, the Kastriya or Warrior are next in higher rank, the vaishya or the merchants are the third higher rank and the shudra occupy the bottam position. There are in addition, the out castes or untauchables. In villages individuals or groups of each caste enjoy certain civil or religious privileges. For example a Brahman never bows to anyone who is not a Brahman Q and require other to salute him , The impure castes still in some of villaqf^s are not allowed free access to certain streets, temples etc. In ancient period lower castes were kept alien from any sort of power. A Brahman could not be punished by Shudra. Shudras were not ent rusted judicial power even at lowest level. Generally judicial 7. Punit, op. cit., p. 111. 8, Pandey, R. (1982), Social Inequality; Feature3 Forms and Function, ANJU Publication Luc know pp. 14 5-53. 28 millitry and other functions of the government were the mono poly of Brahmans. According to Banklm Chandra "While there is racial dominance in modem India there \ias domindrr-c> of varna in ancient India" 9 . Iyer had described the miserable conditions of untouchables specially prihars and pallis in the following words. "They are exceedingly poor, they live on scantie.-it and least wholesome meal and are treated with contempt and neglected by higher classes. They live in locations at some d-i stance from the village proper where the landlords and their Crjste depen dents live. They are not allowed to enter or pass through the village and they talk to a person belonging to a highe : caste, they must stand at a distance, lest their approach sho ild communicate pollution There are several myths regarding the origin of four fold division of caste. According to Prusha Sukta of tne Rigveda "His moiith became a priest (Brahmana), his arm tnarie a noble man (Rajanya) , his thigh was transformed into farmer (vaishya), from his feet sprang the servile man (Shudra). In the vishnu Purana we get the following statements: "Brahma made this four fold division for the performance of sacrifice". And when "true to his design Brahma became desirous to create worJci, creatures 9, Garguli op. cit., ppo 57-58. 10. Garguli, op. cit., p. 47, 29 in whom harmony and goodness (Sattva) prevailed spi^incj from his mouth; other in whom both passion (rajas) prcdoruj nated came from his breast; other in whom both passion isnd ignor.mt darkness of (tamas) were strong proceeded from ni? thighs; others he created from feet whose chief characteristic:: was ignorant darkness, of these was composijd of system of four varnas, Brahma, Kashtriya, vaishya and Shudras who had res- pectxvely issued from his mouth, breast, thighs and feet 11 There is similar statement in Gita also: "Tne four fold system (Chaturvarnya) was created by Mo according to the division of qualities (gunas) and f\inctions (Karmas)". Manu the great law-giver pleaded the origin of four varn^s from different part of the body of lord who assigned them different duties. We find common explanation of the origin o^ caste that caste system was creation of super-human agency with separate duties. On the basis of distinction between varna and jati, Panikkar has argued that caste system has no basi;; in the Hindu religion and is a product of Hindu traditional law and of weakness of central political authority during much of Indias history. But this plea is generally not accepted. 11, Pandey, op. cit., pp. 146, 12, Pandey, op, cit., p. 147, 30 Some studies have shown that caste and educational status was highly related at turn of: 19th century. Tho lov/ catcs were overwhelming illiterate a,nd were educationally backward due to discriniinatory ediic tional pclicios in dif"fercnt perio. d ,13 After Independence liberal educrition policy was imp lemented by v/hich doors of educational institutions wero opened to all. Various facilities of freeships^ scholar.ships and hostels are provided to lower class students. Thera is no dovibt these liberal policies of free India did encourags many youths from the lowly class to avail these educational oppor tunities. Even then the gap between lov; castes and high castes remain wide . Data collected by Bhatt indicate that both in Urban and rural areas, corelation between caste status and occupo- tional status is very high. There is a high concentration of Harijans and low castes in the lowest category o£ occupation in urban areas. Highest jobs were virtually monopolized by the highest castes. In rural areas also picture it; more or less same. Similarly a study made by Anil Bhatt reveals that there is a high degree of positive relation between caste and income. Low castes are poorer than high castes. There is high 13, Bhatt, Ao (1975), Caste Class and Politics, Delhi, p. 27. 14. Ibid. p. 31. 31 concentration of Harijans and low castes in the lov/est income level. 70 percent and 60 percent of low castes are found at the lowest level. The Brahmans and other castes are concent- rated in the upper income level IS Thus having seen the relationship between caste status and socio-economic status, we can conclude that there is a close correspondence between cate and class. It can be said that Brahman and other high castes are more privileged v/hile the lov; castes and Harijans are deprived. Racial Discrimination Discrimination in the name of coloxir has been one of the important cause of inequality in some part of the \;orld. Now a days south Africa is the typical example of racial dis crimination, African whites are treating Blacks just as Nazis treated jews. Blacks who are original inhabitant of south Africa since the begining of hviman existence have been suffering from extreme exploitation by the iijhites , Racial segregation and domination of Whites over Balcks has been a feature of south African society since the Eighteenth century. The Present policy of Apartheid had emerged 15, Punit, op. cit,, pp, 119-24, 16, The Hindustan Times, Weekly Sunday, January 12th, j986. 32 in 19 48, It is discriminatory against Blacks. Accordinq to this policy/ there is provison of .separate developif.ant tor Blacks and whites each lov; v,'el}~beln<; with only minOi. local 17 peaks corresponding with siibvirb of wealthier inhabltanta In poorer Black areas nximerous symboles of' depriva tion can be identified. For example two third of Johansberq's African families are living with low educational fac-iliticc, high rate of violent crime, long and uncomfortable corar.mnity journeys, over croweded health services, inadequate recrea tional facilities, high incidence of anxiety, instability etc. Thus the conditions of Black community in South Africa is pathetic If we see the magnitude of poverty in South Atrica, we find that only 2 percent of whites are in poviirty whearas half of the colour-reds, perhaps two fifth of Natal Indians anything from one third or even foxir fifth of urban Af -icans are in poverty. Those Blacks who live in rural areas a .1 of them are poor. More or less the same condition is of w.ge level. Since bulk of the Black can not settle any whero accor ding to their will either nationally or within cities. In roost of the African cities the race space pattern is such tiat there is separate residential areas lor Blacks, colour-rod 17. Fair, T, J.D. (1970), Population indicators and Regional Elconomic development. South African Geographical Journal Vol. 52, pp. 59-71. 18. Duncan, S. (1970), The Plight of Urban African, Tropical Talks 23, SAIRR, Jdiannsburg, 33 Indian^ and whites. Industry and open space are used as inter racial buffer zone. Each races are segregated in order to prevent interaction and intermixing of blood 19. Blacks constitute 71 percent of the total popula tion of south Africa but occupy 14 percent of country's territory. On the other hand the White population repersents 16,7 percent of the total population but occupy two third land of the country. Thus most of the land of South Africa is owned by Whites xi;hich are in minority. For maintaining control over economy vjhich depends upon largely on Black labour force, >^ites have created two different geographical space (1) A racially integrated eco nomic space in which the movement of Black workers into the white economy is faciliated, (ii) A racially segregated social and political space in which mixing of the races is discouraged and Blacks are prevented to exerciese thdir political powers. The racially segregated space which is in control of Whites employs a large number of Black labourers in different sector of economy but they are denied to exercise their political rights. They can only exercise their powers in their home lands known as Bantustan, alloted to them. 19. Smith, D. M. (197 4), Human Geoaraohyx A welfare Approach. Edward Arnold Ltd, London pp, 241-42, 34 Areas occupied by Blacks are backward from every point of view. Wiey are socially, economically and culturcilly deprived. Itiough colour-reds and Indians live in scime intoyrated space but they have no separate home lands as Blacks or whites. Some of the important studies made by Board, Davis and Fair show that there is a close relationship between level of living and racial groups in South Africa. Tlie level of living is high among Whites which are mainly concentrated in metropolitan core while it is very low among Blacks which live in periphery. Despite lack of data it seems safe to say that African Blacks, colour-red and Indians repersent trough of population depends upon Agriculture,, the differential is greatest in agriculture. The white farmers and traders occupy personal peaks on the local rural vell-being surface as do the often well endowed African tribal chiefs. Racial discrimination which is one of the cause of ineqtiality also exists in India but it is camouflaged in the caste system, "In India the caste system has long been built upon racial differences and conflicts and has been perpetioated by religion" 20 . Ihe racial explanation of the origin of caste suggests that on the whole people belonging to higher caste have lighter skin colour and sharp nose while people of lower 20. Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, Volume 13-14. p. 38. 35 caste have darker skin and broad nose. Therefore, caste sys tem seems to be based on racial differences and supported by- religion. Most of the scheduled castes and schedulted tribes which are depressed belonq to Proto Austroloids Paleo-Medite- rrenean Negritosand Mongoloids races. They are largly black in colour. It is true that one ot the Hindu words for caste^ "Varna** means colour but we too often use colour in sense of Physical traits. The history of racial discrimination in India is very old. The Negritos are supposed to be the first imigrants in the Indian subcontinent, while second wave of imigrants were proto Austroloids who pushed the previous one into ecologi cally in-hospitable hilly and jungle tracts. This process continued, a series of races forced the earlier races into less favourable environment. They keep themselves in isolation and tried to prevent their intermixing. Even now a days, tribes who live in hilly and jurgle tracts are being exploited in different ways by fair complexioned people. They are being alienated from the forest which is the chief source of their economy. They are paid lower wages in factories even if they have been equally granted constitutional protection. Atroci ties on the lower castes by higher castes is also widespread. It is due to the great cleevage between Aryans and Dravidians. 36 Political causes of Inequality Politics plays an active role in promoting regional inequality. It appears in the form of territorial differences in allocation of resoxirces, subsidies, taxation and many other facilities provided for the development of different areas. Representative of some areas are dominant in policy arena,They mould policies infavour of their own constituencies to please the voters for next election. As a result, some areas are selected under special schemes and programmes even if they do not deserve such favours. Thus inequalities in Goclo-economic development is also greatly influend by representation and participation in the decision making process. The ability of political representatives to get benefit is v;ell known, "Rewarding constituencies for their past or expected votes is widely known as 'Pork-barrel' polities and is practised in many countries. Even limited representation may solrje times hold the balance of power which in bargaining process enables 21 profit and resource to be attacted to their regions'* • Some political systems of the world encourage inequa lity. For example, there is federal form of government in India. All states are autonoxiraous in some areas but they are under control of central government. The central government is bias in allocation of funds to different states. Some 21, Gradus, Y, (1983), The role of Politics in regional inequality: The Israeli case. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 73, No. 3, p, 396, 37 parties which form government in states are weak in center. They complain of adequate financial allocation due to pre judices of the central government against them. This leads to uneven development of the country. There is also considera ble spatial disparity in the industrial development due to preferential policies of the government. It encourages the establishment, of industries in some areas while impose re&r triction in other. For example the British government offered inducement to a private car assembly Plant in Scotland and protected it when it was threatened by closure in late 1976« The government was prepared to bail out this plant by putting in more than $ 150 millions only due to electoral reasons. This is a good example of spatial consiquences of a political decision22^ The political system of Israel is such that there is a powerful central core area surrounded by a weak periphery. The upsurage of regional and ethnic consiousness among peri pheral population results in permanent conflict with the central domination. They demand and struggle to gain access to political power because there is no proportional represen tation in the kenesset. Voters do not choose individual condiate but rather choose parties which send their candidates 22, Coats B,E. et al, (1977), Geography and inequality, Oxford University Press, pp. 214-15, 38 to kenessfet. Thus, a candidate does not represent a specific geographic entity or constituency but is drawn from national electorate. Some areas have over representation while some have under representation. The under representation makes •pork barreling* less likely in Israel and contributes to widening gap between core and periphery. This system benefits the institutionalized central parties and block the expression of local intrestsfIsrael is the only modern democracy in which 23 there is no subdivision of national territory for election Economic Causes of Inequality The marxist view is that inequality is inherent in capitalist mode of production. It is inevitably produced during the normal operation of capitalist economics. It operates thro ugh the mechanism of wage system, mechanization of pn; .action and creation of surplus labour. According to marx wages must cover not only basic sub- sistance to maintain the body but also some socially defined wants to keep the workers relatively content and to fuel economic growth. In addition wages contain the cost of raising and educating children, that is development of future labOToring power through education and equisition of skills. As different type of labours require different level of education and skill, 23, Gradus, Y, op. cit., p. 393. 39 so Wages must differ brtv/oen various CcitoqoriGs o^ workers. As a first result thcretorc, income inoquality is nc^'-^-.n ry by various levels of multitude of different econ^xnlc Inter-class inequalities The wage which a worker receives tor his work is less than what should be paid by the capitalist. He is unable to receive fair wages in capitalist system. Tnfact capital itself (the raw material, instruments and machinary of production) has been produced by sxirplus Ic^bour in the past. Capital is the past labour power accumulated by capitalist class because it has been able to pay labour a sum lesser than the value of goods 24, Marx, K. (1933), Wage-Labour and Capital, Newvork Interna tional Publishers, p. 27. 40 produced by workers. Naturally in a private enterprise economy the interclass inequalities will be great because the capita list class which controls accumulated past labour v/ill earn profit and workers receive income only in the form of v.-ayes. Therefore, over tim^ <~>s capit 2 5, Marx, op, cit,, p. 40. 41 materials) Is increased relative to variable capital (money used to purchase labour power) . Thus the relative demand for labour falls as capitalist economic development takes place , The growth of surplus unwanted, unneeded labour force may be postponed by extremly rapid economic development. Thus mechanization of production process creates unemployment which results in poverty and inequality, Marx said that capitalist economi'-'s need an 'industrial reserve army' a pool of poor people who can be used and dis carded at the capitalist will. Whenever the demand for goods increased, the economy demand a quick transfusion of labour, a labovir reserve is necessary to be pulled into the labour force. When demand sluckens or mechanization proceeds, they are discharged from the work. The use of labour reserve at the time of rapid economic development prevents surplus value from being diverted from capital accumulation. The essence of the Marxist argxanent, therefore is that inequality is not a 'temporary abberation' nor poverty a 'surprising paradox' in advanced capitalist societies, instead inequality and poverty are vital to the normal operation of capitalist economies. Inequality is necessary to produce a diversified labour force because of its role in production of expropriatable surplus and because of its function as an 26, Ernest, M, (1970), Marxist economic theory Newyork Monthly Review Press Vol, 1, p. 155, 42 incentive to vjork. Unemployment, under employment and poverty are inevitably produced by mechanization, automation and the 27 uneven course of econanic development . Individuals struggle to earn inccane in certain physical, social and economic environment. This environment in consi dered as determinant of individual's earning potential. Income is an out come of the interaction betv/een the individual and his environment. The most important ccrnponent of Physical environment are house and neighbourhood which determine the individuals productivity by influencing his mental and physical health. Schools, colleges, technical institutes, and other labour training facilities are the most important social- institutional influences, although a wiede variety of other institutions play a role in readying the individual for work. Before the productivity can be realized, however, the indivi dual must have some connection with economic activities. The most significant connections are formed by the people whom the individual knowns-the friends and relatives of his social network. Social network provides both information about eco nomic opportunity and a gateway to it. Background institutions and information Networks together forms the 'social resources' available to an individual. Income is then produced by inte raction with economic activities, and the amotint of this income in turn influences access to social resources. 27, Peet, R, C197 5), Inequality and Poverty: A Marxist- Geographic Theory. Annals of the Association o£ American Geographers Vol, 6b, bfo. 4, p, 567. 43 This social rp-sources available to individuals varies in size, density and quality. For example some areos have more schools than others. Some schools systems are better than others, some localized social network have more informrition of higher quality than others and so on. Thus it can bo said that an individual carrying an imprint of certain siso, density and quality that interacts with econonJr opportunity surface op which similarly varies in size, density and quality A person.'s environmental resources and his eventual access to an economic opportunity surface depends very much on initial income or the social class of his parents. In other words, an individual's class position is inherited from his parents via the quality of social and economic institutional environment in which he is born or within v;hich he lives for the first years of his life. Parents struggle to improve quality of life of their children. But it requires sacrifice for curtailing families consumption. It requires some times migration of the families to the better neighbourhood of desire characteristics. But such attempt is rather difficult because the poor working class has to face the competition of capita list class. The capitalist class might weaken or 'pollute' the resource base contain in daily life environment of the working class. 28. Peet, R,, op. cit., p. 68. 44 aiAPTER - III SELKCTICN OF TMDICY/I Qt^S AKH KhAbLRMtlNT OF INEQUALrr'f Concept of Indicator The literal meaning ot the word indicator is something that indicates, shows or points out. It is just like o pointed arrow which shows direction of change. But in scientific lite rature the term has a wider connotation. It may be defined as measure which shows by its variations the change over time and space. The term also implies measuring of a quantity or estimating the level of a single characteristics ot a popula tion, but in such a way that it to remove the effect of the 1 potential of the population to contribute the value calculated , That is why an indicator is generally expressed in term of simple ratios, averages, proportion rates and other synthetic functions. For example facilities for higher education per 10,000 population includes two variables higher education and population. Here division by population value and the sub sequent multiplication to a scale of 10,000 removes any influ ence of the size of population. "Indicators are not simply statistics and statistics are notipso facto indicators unless scane theory or assumptions 1, Husen, H. (ed) , (1985), The International Sncvclopedea of Education, Volume b, 1-2, Pergamon Press, pp. 2433-34. 45 make them so by relating the indicator variable to a Pheno- menon that is not what is directly and fully measures" . Raymond A, Baur, who is regarded as father of aocial indicator movement, defines social indicators as statistics, statistical series and all other forms of evidence that ena bles us to assess where we stand and are going with respect to our goals and evaluates specific programmes and determine their impacts. He declares that the pvtrpose of social indica tor is not primarily to record historical events but to provide the basis of planning for future "Martin T, Katzman views social indicators as measurement of social phenomena whose movements indicate whether a particular problem is getting better or worse relative to some goals, Doris Holleb describes social indicator as social measurements involving an assessment 4 of social change in term of explicit specific goals" . According to U.S. Department of Health Education and Welfare, social indicator may be defined as statistics of direct normative interest which faciliates concise, comprehen sive and balance judgements or about the condition of major aspect of society, A social indicator in all cases is a direct measure of welfare and in subject to interpertation that if 2. Rao, M, V. S. et al (1978)-, Indicators of Human and Social Development, Report on the State of the Art, The United Nations University, p, 86. 3. Baur, R. A. (ed) (1966), Social Indicator MIT Press, Cacnbridge, Mass, 4. Quoted by Rao, M. V, S., in Indicators of Human and Social Development, HSDPD-8/UNUP-10, p. 78. 46 it changes in the right direction, while other things remain equal, things have gotten better or people are better off. Thus statistics on the number of doctors or police men could not be social indicators whereas figures on health or crime 5 rates could be • In simple words one can say that indicators are yard sticks used for the measurment of spatio-temporal variation in socio-economic condition of society. They are aggregate or composite measures of well-being, or some of its elements and are generally designed to faciliate concise and comprehensive judgements about level of social welfare. They are of great significance for academics, policy makers and planners. Planners use the concept as a tool to identify the areas of relatively low or high level of well-being so that a rational and balanced strategy for the removal of disparities can be formulated. Decision makers take advantage of it to formulate policy in the light of infdrmation gained from various meaSurment and to assess the various programmes at territorial level. Hut one faces a lot of difficulties in searching an appropriate indica tor for a given purpose. 5, Rao, M. V. S. op. cit., p. 78. 47 History of the Evolution of 'Social Indicators Movement' Although work on social Indicators has its Intellectual origins in research on social trends dating from the 1920's and 1930's , use of the jiirase social Indicator became widespread following the publication of a book by that title in 1966 7 edited by Raymond Baur . The Social Indicator Movement began in United States in mid 1960's and since then it has spread across both Atlantic and Pacific. A considerable amount of work has been done in U.S.A. and is largely as a result of North American Space Adminis tration's desire for quantitative measures of the social spin off of its activities. The work on social indicators has continued along a number of lines, including work on social accounts and social reports, the development of social indicator models and a large volume of work on subjective indicators Q of quality of life . Some preliminary findings of the researches in this field were published in 1966, During 1969 the United States Department of Health Education and Welfare published the seminal document entitled 'Towards a Social Report' which 6. Rice, S, Current and future Programmes in Social Indicators. UNESCO, Paris, p. 208. 7. Presidents Research Committee on Social Trends, Recent Social Trends in U.S., New York: M^Gran Hill, 1933. 8. Knox, R. L. (197 5), Social Well-Being; A spatial Perspective.. Theory and Practice in Geography, Oxford University Press, pp. 8-9. 48 declared official intrest in the development of social indica tors. Social reports have been produced at the state, metro politan and country level by both public and private instltu- 9 tions, research institutes and Universities , In Canada also there has been a steady expansion of work on social indicators. At the federal government level the Economic Council has played an important role in the development of social indicators. 'Statistics Canada' has been involved in social indicator development since some time and produced the first social report, the Perspective Canada in 197 4, The Cana dian Council on social develonment has also played an active role by promoting seminars, discussions and their publications, works on the development and use of social indicators have been carried out by the social and Human Analysis Branch of the Department of Regional Econonic Expansion and by Regional Pla nning and Manpower section, of Economic staff Group of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, which has been concerned with social reporting for Canadian North. A number of provincial and municipal governments also are involved in the development of social indicators and social reports. Many universities are engaged in particular aspects of indicator research 9. Rao, op. cit,, p. 18 2. 10, Rao, op. cit., p. 181. 49 In Britain most of the Impetus has come from statisti cians in government whose official contribution to the field has been the regular pxiblication of Social Trends. It is a package of statistical series relating to social condition which endevours to present a rounded picture of British society. In addition, the social science Researdi Council has sponsered an investigation of the use of social indicators with particular 11 emphasis on policy making in health, crime anc3 education In France the pioneering work on social indicator was carried out by J, Delors. Since then a large number of govern ment's agencies, research institutes and universities have been actively engaged in the development of social indicator, Barel and his collegues at Grenoble university were responsible for developing theoratical framework for social indicators while work at (INSEE) Institute National de la Statistlque ot des Etudes Economiques was f ocusoert on methodological problems and other institute were involved in developing indicators in par~ titular area 12 . INSEE was also responsible for the production of the French social report Donnees Sociales the first number of which appeared in 197 3, More recently the focus of research 11, Knox, op, cit., p. 8-9. 12, Rao, op, cit., p. 183. 50 intrest at Grenoble has shifted towards the development of Urban indicators. At the national level there has been a continued emphasis on the construction of analytic Indicators for particular concerns or sectors, and on the development of a set of economic and social indicator:, in the context of the seventh plan. In Japan the Sanwa Bank has attempted to compare national well-being with that of other advanced industrial nations by means of happiness index 13 These examples are in no way intanted to provide a comprehensive inventory of ongoing research on indicators but simply to illustrate the way in which the organisations of research may vary from country to country depending on a number of institutional factors. Some of the works on indicators which in Western industrialized countries has gone under the label of social inducators has already been institutionalized as a part of the planning process. There is also a strong growing intrest towards social indicators in developing countries v^ere such work is generally assigned to the central planning agency, the central statistical agency, government department concerned with social programmes and closely related research institutes. For example in Malaysia, the Center for Development Research played an initial role in 13. Rao, op, cit., p. 183. 51 Co-ordinating works of various government: departments on social indicators. In the phillipines, the Development Academy of the Phillipines, a government institution, established to promote and support the developmental efforts of the country, has taken a lead in designing a set of development indicators. In Sudan, the National Research Council took the initial step in sponso ring works on social indicators. Thus again, in the developing countries, wor^s on indicators is likely to vary from country to country, depending on the institutional set-up, the nature of the planning process and the degree of intrest shown by different participants in the planning process. The volume of work is likely to be limited due to lack of resources, data and underdeveloped supporting research network. Position in India In India much of the work on indicators is carried on under auspices of the planning Commission, the Central Statis tical Organisation, the Indian Statistical Institute and the Indian Council of Social Science Research. The Central Statistical Organisation, which forms an integral part of the Ministry of Planning and is closely asso ciated with the activities of the Planning Commission, is in the most convenient position to undertake the prepration and publication of the indicators. The data available from various 52 sources need to be closely examined from the view point of prepration of the requisite indicators and arranqements have to be made for the collection of data through the most appro priate agencies. The National Sample Survey^ intiated over two decades ago and conceived of as a multipurpose stirvey system, has provided a vjelath of information on various aspects of national life. Different ministries also collect and provide data per taining to their departments such as health, labour, education, agriculture, industry, etc. While much of the basic informations required for the compilation of indicators for regional and development planning may thus be available, no co-ordinated attempt has yet been made in India to collect, compile and analyse the basic data and to prepare and publish the indicators on a regular basis. As a first step towards the development of such indicators, it is necessary for the statistical and plonning agencies to con sider jointly the indicators required for the development, regional planning and assessment of Progress, Some of the indicators can be compiled only at decenial intervals, while some, such as those based on sample survey, possibly at quinquennial intervals and yet others on the basis of current statistics at annual intervals. Indicators need to 53 be speeded up and made available with minimum time lag. Data not available through the current sources as well as data which can not be collected through census only be colloctod by- sample survey. Concept of Level of Living Drewonowski emphasized the level of living index as an important measure of well-being or welfare. According to him level of living is a crucial concept for the assessment ot the result of development and also for development planning. This is because, the purpose of development is the improvement of conditions in which people live and the level of living is supposed to be the quantitative expression of these conditions. Level of living refers to the actual degree of satisfaction of needs and wants of a group of population. The level of living of persons resident within a geographical areas is constituated by overall composition of housing, health education, social status, employment, affluence, leisure, social security and social stability aggregately exhibited in that area together with those aspects of demographic structure, general physical environment and democratic participation which may determine the extent to which needs and desires relating to the forgoing constituent of level of living can be or met. Studies on inter national social and economic development have made increasing 54 use of the concept of level of livinq index. Iiu> u.I..O. has also (^ono a consi'Jerd\)3e .imount ot research in Lhi-s fiold which aims at raisinq the level ot living of mombor coujct r ic>s^'^^ Drewonoski defined level o^ livinq \s UK' lovrl of satisfaction of the need of population assured by th" tlO'j of goods and services enjoyed in unit of tirriP" with expedient qua lification that is amendable to qtiantitif ir^fit^ on an-i to DO mea sured. It is evident that this definatJon is intented as the basis for a regular system of measurment aimed at monitoring changes in flow of welfare enjoyed by the population of a given country. It follows that such a system should not incorporate stock commodities or satisfaction such as hospitals, schools, skilled labours but rather flows such as n.orbidtty rat^n and school enrolment ratios 15 Drewonowski's level ot livinq Index 1^ crompos'^dof nine major components. With their individual indiedtor.-; they are as f ol lows. a) Nutrition (food intake) 1. Calorif^s intake. 2. Protein intake. 3. Percent of non starchy calorics. 14. Knox, P.L. (1974), Level of living: A cor.reptual Framework for monitoring regional variation In well-being. Regional Studies, vol 8, No. 13, pp. 11-14. 15. Knox, P.L. (197 4), Spatial variations in levels of living in England and Wales, Trans IBG, Vol 62, 00. 4-5. 55 b) Clothing (ujse oL clothes) 1. CUiLh consumption. 2^ footwear GOnsuiapt.ion, 3, Quality of cloLfilnq. c) Shelter (occupancy of dwellings) 1. Servicer of dwellings. 2. Pensity of occupation. 3. Independent use of dwellings. d) Health (health services received) 1, Access to medical care. 2, Prevention of infectious and parasitic diseases, 3, Proportional mortality ratio. e) Educ.ition (education received) 1. School enrolment ratio. 2. School output ratio. 3. Teacher/Pupil ratio. t) Leisure time (protection from over work) 1, Leisure time g) Security (security assured) 1, security of Person. 2. security of the way of life. 56 h) Scxri il environment (Scx;ial contact and recreation) 1, Labour relations. 2. Conditions for social and economic* activity. 3. Information and communicdtion. 4, Recreation : Ci'Jtural activitJos, 5. Recreation : travel. 6, Recreation : Sports and Physical activltl'-n. i) Physical environment 1. Cleanlin^'ss and quitness. 2. Public amenities in the neiohbourhood. 1 fi 3. Beauty of Environment The level of living index was also devised by United Nation's Rese,^rch Institute for Social Development in 1966. The general design of the United Nations .fvel of living index is as follow. Component In ^icitorn 1. Nutrition a) Calorie intake per head, b) Protein intake per head. c) Proportion of calorie intake derived from cereaDs, roots^ tubers and sugars. 16, Smith, op. cit., p. 37. 57 2. Shelter Quality ot habito^ion. Density of occupoiicy. Independonco oL occupancy. 3. Health Access to medical care. Mortality attributes to Parasitic and inloctious diseases. Proportional mortality ratio. 4. Cultural School enrolment ratio. School output ratio, Pupil-tnacher ratio. 5, Ijeisure & Recreation Average leisure time. Daily ncwn paper circulation. Incidence of Radio and T. V, Sets. 6. Security a) Incidence ol violent deatlis. b) Proportion of pc!..uj... Lion convered by unemployment and Sickness bf?n«>fita. c) Proportion of Population Covered by retiromont schemes. 58 7. Siirplus Income a) Income surplus to tne acitis- f acta on of basic Physical and Cultux'til needs. Outside the UN, the most comprehensive and systom-itic work towards the development of social Indicator has been carried out by organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, a body comprising 24 industrially advanced coun tries ranging from Japan and Australia to Western Europe, Canada and U.S.A. In 1970 the OECD declared that "tjrowth should be considered as an instrument for crd.^ting better conditions of life and that hense increased attention must be given to the qualitative aspects of growth and to iormulation of policies with respect to social choices in the allocation 17 of growth resources" . Accordingly in 1971 a committee was set up on social indicator with general objective of (a) iden tifying the social demands, aspirations and problems which are or will be likely major concerns of socio-economic plann ing processes;, (b) measuring and reporting changes rolt'tive to those concerns; thus better focusing and enlightening 1R public discussion and government decision making The social Development Programme resulted in agreement among member government on a list of 2 3 fundamental social 17. David E.C. (197 4), Social Indicators-The OECD Experience. 18. OECD, Social Indicators, Progress Report on Pht-^se-II Plan future activities" KAS (76) 18, June 1976. 59 concerns and associated sub concerns (jrouij''"! una-'T nino Primary goal areas. They are as follow. 1) Health. 2) Individual development through learninq. 3) Employment and quality of working life, 4) Time and Leisure. 5) Personal Economic situation. 6) Physical Environment, 7) Social Environment. 8) Personal Safety and administration of Justice, and 19 9) Social opportunity and participation Characteristics of Indicators 1) Indicators should be at least composite of two variables, 2) They should be in the form of derived figures than basic d.ita. 3) They should be berief and serve as 'key' indicators, 4) They should be of current significance. 5) They should be development oriented. 6) They should be designed to measure the effects of policies, plans, programmes and major goals of economic and social development, 19, Rao, op. cit., pp. 130-32. 60 7) They should indicate current trends and tc ui.dble Lor current analysis, 8) They should be available as a time series, 9) They should be easily diaaggroqated by qeoqr<.phical aroas, 10) They should relate to public goals sudi as equal oppor tunity, public order and safety. Selection of Indicators "The proper choice of indicators constitutes the crxix of methodology, for it is through this that pertinent questions 20 that need to be asked as the data are identified" „ The selection of indicators is a complex problem because it needs a lot of care. If proper indicators based on reliable data are used/ the result will be true. Therefore, while selecting indicators one should bear in mind that the design and const-, ruction of an indicator should be with relronco to its use. For example, if one wants to mea^jure spatJ-il variation of social well-being but uses indicators of r<'onomlc devolopment it will show territorial disparity of economic deveJ otjment rather than variation of well-being. In developing coxintries specially in India, one faces particularly major constraints of the non-availability of 20. Rao, H. (1984), Regional disparities and Development in India, Asia Publishing House New Delhi p, 37, 61 reliable and desirable data. Data are not easily available concerning every domain of life. Whatever data are -ivailable they are not reliable because they are either product of the mind of investigators or based on false repOrtlngs. Kven if some data are available they may not be regular, in India the decennial population census provides SO.-TIO inlormations on the growth of population rural/urban, distribution, migration, nature of housing, literacy, economic activities nc. It does not however, provide all the information r'">quircd in the requisite form and whatever is availabie is at decennial inter vals. The sample registeration system initiated scro years ago on a limited scale has hower proved itself very useful and fairly reliable estimates of birth and death rates, separate for Urban and rural areas, are now available at the same level in the form of time series. It also provides the Intortration required for the computation of fertility rates and age specific mortality rates. Th« system however needs to be exp'inded and strengthened. Units of study should be chosen in such a way that the requisite data are available. Generally the data are published at administrative unit level. So there must be correspondence between the area chosen for analysis and available data for construction of indicators. If data are not available indicators can be developed with questionnire method. 62 Indicators should bo chosen rationally looklnq into their relevance in a porticular problem. Pooiinq a large number of indicators without examining economic sense of the data, some time leads to paradoxial re.ult. For example Das Gupta started his analysis with 7A variablt^^- but liter on he realised th^t some of the variables chosr>n \/cre useless. So by using correlation matrix he rnduced the nuinb-)r ot 21 variables from 24 to 15 , Overlapping of indicators and under representation to any aspect leads to distorted picture of reality. Honce care should he taken to avoide these two shortcominqa while selec ting indicators. Care should also be taken while interpretin'j certain indicators. Generally speaking teacher-studenc ratio or institution-student ratio are taken as inuicator ol educa tional deve] opment. However the interpertations of tupse two indicators may differ in different arras depenrtlnq upon local contions. The number of student per tecichor n.ay be very high in Urban areas merely because the number ot teachers appointed is less. In such a situation the ratio reflects backwordness. On the other hand in rural areas, the number of students per teacher may be very lov/ b^-cnuse cjf poor 21. Rao, H. op, cit., p. 39. 63 enrolment, tnus onco aqain pointing out odur-'tlonal back wardness. Thus while interpretinj 3uch indicator, it is important to bear in mind the situations prevail inq in different regions. Selection of indicatora is tl'"''T -t '>c^i, a matter of great significance and if its selection In not made with caution it may lead to a great doal oi confu^iion and a proliteration of social indicators. The need tor selectivity should, therf'fore be emphasized. For countries \'ith diverse social conditions, development of social indicators on a regional basis has been suggested so as to facilitate dia- gonosis of regional problems and formulation ot rnrac^dial policies separately. While selecting variables the- tollov/ing points should be kept in view. Firstly, they must be normative ao that on a quanti fied scale it can be termed good or bad. Secondly, monetary based variables should not be prefered to j;how well-bning because it implies something more than consumption of. goods and services. However this argument doco not exclude some monetary based critaria such as the proportion of person having income below and above a certain level. Thirdly, those aspects of level of living which elude quantification must be clearified such as Job satisfaction. Such clarifi cation gives clear cut indication of spatial variation of 22 well-being . 22, Knox, op. cit,, pp. 15-17, 64 Other- importdnt points v?hich should be t^kGn into account may be summerized as under i (a) Appropriatness: the measurements may br direct or indirect (Pr oxy). (b) Sunnm>irization: should incorporate ^r, much information about the social concerns as possibl'-^, (c) Co-ordination and structurings should bo b.ised on co ordinated basic statistics. (d) Accuracy and comparability. (e) Timelessness and Frequency, and (f) Feasibility-'". In the light of above dlscassion the indicators that have been tentatively selected for the present study are as follows: 1, Population i) Population density, ii) Percentage rate of net change in population, iii) Net rural-urban migration rate, iv) Dependency rate (active and deperdent Jess Uian 16 years and more than 50 years of population). 65 2, Health and Nutrition i) Expectation of life at birth, ii) Infant mortality rate, iii) Natural mortality rate, iv) Rate of incidence of mortality Irom communicable diseases, maleria, tuberculosis, leporosy emd venral diseases. v) Fertility rate, vi) Doc tor-Population ratio, vii) Hospital beds-Population ratio, 3, Housing and Environment i) Percentage of households without homes, ii) Percentage of households with access to safe drinking water, iii) Percentage of households with access to tollest of an acceptable type, iv) Percentage of households wit-h lore than two person per room, v) Banking and Post Office facilities, vi) Conveyance and communication facilities, 4, Education and cultiare i) Urban-rural literacy/illiteracy percentages, ii) Male-Female, literacy/illetracy percentages. 66 iii) Percentages of Prim<^ry, mlddlo, matricul-i t r-, graduate and above, iv) Number of Libraries, v) Circulation of general daily newspapers per 100,000 of population, vi) Radio receiving seta per 100,000 ot population, vii) Capacity of cinema houses per 100,000 of population. 5. Employment and labour i) Percentage of working force to total population, ii) Percentage of Population engaged in Primaty activities, iii) Percentage of Population engaged in second jry activities, iv) Percentage of population engaged in tertiary activities, v) Degree of unemployment/educated uncmployrd. vi) Percentage of male/female labour, vii) Percentage of economically active people covered by social security schemes e.g. life insurance. 6, Social Defence and Welfare i) Crime rate per 100,000 of population, ii) Juvenile deliquincy rate per 100,000 of juvenile population. iii) Government and Private institutiona] expenditures on public order and safety per 100,000 pbpulation. 67 Iv) Number of person in recipt of old -ujf r'^n^ic^ns, v) Number of pol iro/j>ollc"e stations. 7. Income consun.ption ^nd weith i) Total and per capita income ot constant and fluc tuating prices, ii) Percentage ot land owners by the top b percent of land owners (according to size of land holdinqs), iii) Percentage of land owned by non cultivntorn. 8, Degree of Urbanisation i) Percentage share of Urban population to total population, ii) Proportion of Urban/rxoral population, iii) Average size of towns per thousands persons, iv) Concentration of Urban popul-ition per square mile of total area. Measurements of inequal itles: StatiGticp I nif;thoi A number of well-developed techniques are aval liable to measure the spatial dimension of inequaties. For a series of areas the simplest way to illustrate spatial inequality is ofcourse/ by way of map but in some circumctancf_a it becomes essential to h^.ve an overall moasures "" inequality. 68 For this purpose Schutz coefficient of inequality nnd Gini Coefficient are widely used because thoy provide r.umrn.iry measures of inequality. The latter is conimonly used for a series of n areas. It can numerically be worked out by the following formula n Cx = xi - Pi i=l where Gx = Gini coefficient of inequality for incoma or any variable, X = the proportion of income in area i. P = the proportion of total population at risk residing in area i. Inequality can also be calcu'! ^ted in percentages rather than raw score by the following formula. 1/2 n 100 xl 100 P xt Ft i=l where Xi = actual income occuring in territory i. xt = total (e,g, national income), Pi = the actual population in area i. Pt = the total population. 69 The Gini coefficient can measure departure, of both < rithmotic 23 and proportionaJ inequality The Lorenz curve first expounded in .1 ^0 S hats lonq been used to measure the inequality in the distribution of" vvealth 24 or income , It has also been used to depict th;- state of concentration of popul.ition and other demographic attributes. Inequality is shown graphically by Lorenz curve which is a related measure of Gini coefficient. The lorenz curve is drawn by plotting cumulative percentage of any variable on y-axis and the cumulative percentage of population of the same area on x-axis then joining all the points of intersection in the form of curve/. A diaognal line having an angle of 45* with X-axis is drawn which shows perfect equality. The devia tion of lorenz curve shows degree of inequality. The larger the deviation of the Lorenz curve from the dingonai, the greater will be the inequality and vise versa. TangentJnl to the curve and paralled to the diagonal is point A, To the left of this point on the horizontal axis, the popal.Jtion gets less than their fair (equal) share and is regarded as under .privileged. The elite are those who gets most of what there is to get and can be identified by locating the point 23. Coates, B. E. et al (1977), Geography and Inequality, Oxford University Press, p. 20-21. 24. Lorenz, M. 0. (190 5), Methods of Measuring the Concentration of Wealth, The Quarterly Publication of American Statistical Association Vol 30, pp. 209-19. 70 LOREMZ CURVE z a ^° O Q. jjQ 50. > r- => 20- U —1 1 r— 1—I—I—r—J 20 40 50 80 100 CUMULATIVE % INCOME SOURCE;.COATES^ B.E. ET AL,1977, GEOGRAPHY & INEQUALITY net 71 on the curve corresponding to the median of the income dist ribution. Areas to the right of this point contain elite 30% of the total population;^.These measures are used to illustrate extent of spatial inequality in a number ot aspects of well- being but their sensitivity depends on the spatial fraroewcrk employed. As smith warns different aggregations o? sub areas can produce different results. We must therefore remember that inter territorial equality mav some times hide intra- territorial inequality Williamson identified inequality by weighted ccefcricient of variation, this measures the dispersion of regional income per capita levels relative to the national average, while each regional deviation is weighted by its share in the national population. The index VW is defined As : Vs .^1 ( yi - y)2 (pi/n) where Pi = Population of i th region. n = national population yi = income per capita of i th region. y = national income per capita. 25. Coates, op, cit., pp. iZ LORENZ CURVE SHOWING PRIVILEGED AND UNDER PRIVILEGED CLASS z o \— [OOi < _J CL 80- o„ *• 50- UJ •^ •^ ^' j™ ^0- < _J 3 20- 3 O 0 ' 10 ' 40 ' 60 ' 8"G • 100 CUMULATIVE % INCOME SOURCE .• COATES B.E. ET AL 1977, GEOGRAPHY I U^EQUALITY G-2 73 concentration or dispersal of any phenorr-ena can bo mecisured with the help of location Quotient technique. VIne.i proportion of any characteristics in an area is studied in relation to its proportion in the region, the ratio is known :, Lh" J oca~ tion Quotient. This technique is very important b'^rMusc It projects a clear picture in an area in relation to ih-^ reqion in which it lies. Thus actual level of conct^ntration o^- dis persal of any characteristics in an area can not bo measured unless we study it in relation to the regional context,. It can be calculated by following formula. V ^ where PiJ = number of persons in Jth (=1, 2..,.m) category of area i = (1,2 n) m Pi =^ PiJ = total population in ci 11 ceterjorlPij J=l of area i. ro PJ = ^Pij = Sum Person of category J in all n i=l area i.e. population of region under category J, n m P = Z. :£- PiJ = Sum of Pi in all area e.g. total e=l J=l Population of the reqion In each category. 74 If the Location Quotient of nn area is unity, th^ share of that category in the area and in the region is the same. The proportional share of the particular activity in the area would be more or loss than its value in the region, according to the value of location Quotient, being more or less than uniti^ y 26 26. Willianson, A. G. (1965), Analysis of South Africans, Bulletin of the Conference of Socialist Economic;-, Vol 4, pp. 1-38. CHAPPEK - IV 75 REVIEW OF WORK UONii SO FAR Inequality usu^^lly refers to the unequal dl .trlbution of material resources or differential access to IPM"--'.!! res ources. It may equally refer to the whole range of -ocial concerns. In India Welfare society is deemed neccss r/ wherein minimum needs of society are fullfilled and there ir. no eny feeling of relative deprivation. Zo it is noceos^Ty riot to study the inequalities which exist in the consumption ot resources as reflected in real income, it is necessary to PxaninF> the factors which maintain current unequal distribution at reqional level. If one makes the survey of research in Geograpny in India, one finds that very few studies have been un-JerLuken on regional inequlities. Indian geographers h Sane of the scholars who have attemcted to study reg ional inequality heve taken single oriturian of' T^I iJ I't-'Jl- 76 being like health, nutrition, education, housinq conditions, employment etc. Therefore, there is a need to conduct such work on inequalities which covers all aspect ol nocial and ecomnnic condition of people and qives over all picture at territorial level. 1 Nair (1971) examined empirical validity of the hypo thesis that as income of a nation increases, inter regional differences in income between the regions of the n 2 -^Varma (197 2) taking per capita product as an indicator of development analysed time series of regional disparety xn per capita product during the period 19 49-50 to 1967-68 in 1. Nair, K.R.G. (1971), Inter-state Income Disparities in India, Indian Journal Heqional Science. Vol. 3, No 2, pp. 46-56. 2. Varma, P. C. (1972), Regional Disparity in Per Capita Product in Pakistan, Indian Journal of Regional Science, Vol, 4, No. 1, pp. 90-98. 77 Pakistan. He used fitted equation in his analysis. •^Sharma and Katiyar (1972) emphasized the need of deve loping a synthetic index of development rather than a single index ot a specific variable because it do'^s not give an over all picture. They develop certain indices and used the com posite index method to determine the level of development of Uttar Pradosh. ' Peet (197 5) Synthesized two concepts! the Marxist Principle that inequality and poverty are inevitably produced by capitalist societies, and the social geographic idea that inequality may be passed on from one genor.ition to the next via the environment of opportunities and services into which each individual is implanted at birth. He gave powerful the oretical explanations of the origions of inequality with some empirically derived generalization about who is poor and exactly how ineqaUity persists under conditions of "advanced" capitalism. He concluded that change in the system results from chanae in the demand for labour. Continiiing poverty in American cities results from a continued system need to produce and reproduce industrial reserve army. Inequnlity and poverty can not be eradicated without fundamental changes in the mode of production. 3, Sharma, P.N. and Katiyar P. C, (1974), Identifying under developed • Districts of Uttar Pradesh, Indl-^n >Iournnl of Regional Science, Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 30-38. 4. Peet, R. (197 5), Inequality and Poverty, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 6^^ pp. 564-7 1. 78 f Knox (197 4) surveyed the concepts and techniques so far developed in establishing social indicatorL> and applied them in describing spatial variations in the social well-being of the people of England and wales. He described the utility of development of social indicators and measurement of spatial variation of well-being and the problems involved. Ganguli (197 5) discussed inequality in India on two lines. The first of this debates that inequalities are inherent in the socio-economic structure of India. The second argues that colonial rule created a new kind of inequality. He also debated as to whether the inequalities in society were a drag on progress specially on economic progress. He aluo argued that inequality is inherent in Hinduism. 7 .' Andrew and Withey (1976) explored the concepts and methodologies that might be applied to the development of a large number of perceptual indicators. These are rel.ated to the well-being of American population, both 5, Knox, P. L. (1975), Social well-being; A spatial Perspective, Oxford University Press. 6, Ganguli, B.N. (197 5), Concept of equality; The Ninteenth Century Indian Etebate Indian Institute of Advanced Study Simla, pp. 1-128. 7, Andrew, F. M. and Withey, S. B. (1976), Subjectivo Social Indicators, Social Trends, Vol. 4, pp. 3 5-50. 79 derived nearJy seventy moasuro'v of qlobal well-hK-inq. 'Wiey emphasized on the psycholoqical dsp''x:ts of tne [-rohieiri and on variations within the populdtion. p / N?>ir (1977) usinq rank correlation technique, sludind regional disparities in industrial waqes in ln<3io. His study reveals that waqes in organised industrial sector have been very low in the states of Jamniu and Kashmir and Andhra Pradesh while the reverse is the case with Bihar and Maharastra.The states of Karnatka^ Orissa and M^j^hya Pradesh seem to bo improving their position in this regard with the opposite being the situation in Assam and Punjab, But the relf^tive position of the states does not seem to undergo major changes during the period while there are some signs of decline in disparities. 9 ^ Sampth (1977) studied inter-state inequalities in incorr^ during I9bl-71, He used a measure similar to the coe fficient of variation in his analysis to study the extent and changes of state inequality. He showed inequalities 8. Nair/ K. P. G. (1977), Regional Disparities in Industrial Wanes, Indian Journal of Regional Science, Vcl, ,No. pp. 207-215, 9, Sampath, R.K. (1977), Inter-State Inequalities in Income In India; 1951-71, Indian Journal of Regional Science, Vol, 9, No, 1, pp. 1-12. 80 Smith (1977) has restructured human GeogL 11 •^Coates et al (1977) made studies on spatial variations of social W3ll-beiny. Their studies show th'it some areas provide their inhabitants with better quality of life than others. A discussion of concept of quality of life, well-being and needs as well as problems involved in measurin'i their have been dealt at the outset. They examined existing inequ alities at three levels: the internatlon.il, tne i nU=irn 10. Smith D. M. (1977), Human Geography: Welfai-e upproncn, Edward Arnold Ltd. 11. Coates, B. E. et al (1977), Geoqraphy and inegu,11 itv, Oxfor Press. 1 inequalities in social well-being, and have given oucjqostions to reduce variation in accessibility of well-being, 12 • Maclaran (1978) examined the growth o± tl:ie geogra pher's concern with the study of human well-being, and the major influences which have affected the manner of its deve lopment. A brief study was made of social indicato-s and some problems ecountared in their use. Finally, he made an assess-* ment of the potential contribution to the disciplino, the ethical problems involved and the ramificitions it holds for the teaching of geography, 13 / Mishra and Gaikward (1979) studied the impacts of economic development on the welfare and living condition'of people in Madhya Pradesh, After selecting important indicators of social welfare, the sectoral composite index of development has been formulated based on the Principal Component Analysis Method. Their study reve.-iled that agricultural deveiopment had been insufficient in catering its benefits to ditforent sections of people and had thus created condition:; quite contrndictory to social welfare. However they have fouj^asd on the fact that industrial development can have a positive effect but that industrialisation in the specific case was not sufficient to diffuse social welfare. 12, Maclaran, A, (1978), Geography and the study of Human Well-being, Geographical Viewpoint, Vol, 7, pp. ^5-ST., 13, Mishra, S,K. and Gaikwad S. B. (1979), Impacts of Economic Development on Welfare And Living Conditions of People of M, P. (An inter-di.trict case study), Indian Jotirnal of Regional Scionro, Vol, 11, No, 1, pp. 25-3 5, 82 Prakash and Rajan (1979)'^'^, Identitied the degree of concentration of factors of agricultural development as vj-ell as the relative level of development of various regions in the state of >fedhya Pradesh, Thf^y uaed Gini Coefficient in their analysis. Their study revedlod thdt agricultural productivity per hectare is widely diffused but agricultural inputs like iron plough, tractors, fertilisers, HYV seeds, irrig-tion, etc, are highly concentrated. There are hardly any regions which are not totally under developed or developed. They also identified specific fields of deficiency for various regions so that measures which can be taken to correct the imbalances both within and between regions can be initiated. Ajit (1979) 15 analysed the trends in inter-regional and inter-district income differentials in Uttar Pradesh over the period 19 51-1971. He selected two regions ot the state one being relatively prosperous and the other relatively oackwcird. He prepared the regional and district level income' estimate for three years i.e., 1950-51, 1960-61, 1970-71 oL the constant prices ot 19 50-51. His stuoy ijhowed thai per cnplti ln:oiT!c of western Uttar Pradesh is higher than the easte. n ul tar Praaesh, There is a tendency of widening income disparities among regions is well as districts. 14. Prakash, S. and Rajan, P. (1979), Regional Inegualities in Madhya Pradesh, Indian Journal of Ren1'">nal Cciencr, Vol. 11, No. 1, pp. 1-12, 15, Singh, A.K. (1979), Regional inequalities in a Backward economy. A study of Trends in Inter-Regional ^ind Inter District Income Disparities in Uttar Pradesh, Indian Journal of Regional Science, Vol. 11, No. 1, pp. 35-47. 83 1 f\ Raman and Sharma (1979) identified bu-kward and developed blocks of Telangana region of Andhr.i Prad 'ch in terms of some indicators ot servicG facilities. Tney h.ivo pointed out the levels ol sector ' 1 deveiopmnnt o; Lhc diff erent blocks, Madhvi (1979) 17 analysed the trends and structure of regional inequalities in India oVer the period 19SO-SI to 1969-68 and has compared the Indian patterns with those analysed by Williamson. A relatively low degree of inequa lity in per capita income in India and a decline in it up to 1960-61 was accompained by a small decline in ordinary sector. Regional disparity in income per worker was higher than per capita income in 19 51-61, The Pattern of regional inequality at sectoral level thus differs from the pattern analysed by Williamson. An explanation of regional income differentials in India must be sought in factors relevant to the development process there. The pressure of labour on land, the literacy role, the concontr.it i<>n of m.-inulcicturinci activity, thio reqional labour participation rate and natural endowment h-ivo been considered significant factors, in context of national economic development prior to 19 50-51 as well as over the study period. 16. Ramna, K, V. and Sharma, P. V. (1979), Dispariti'^s in Development - A Block level study of Telangana Regional, Indian Journal of Reqional Science, Vol. li, V-o, 1, pp, 5 5-67, 17. Madhvi, M. (1979), Regional disparities in India, Urban Studies, Vol, 15, No, 3, pp, 343-349. 84 18 Zinyama (1979) explained that free market enterprise system since the end of the century in Zimbabwe had been a major factor in the origin and accentuation of the spatial inequalities then existing. The welfare gap is greatest v^en the commercial sector is compared with the Africm Tribal lands. According to him despite urbanization thia contrast will persist. Ho reviewed the economic and political options to the country but concluded that few would do much to mitigate the inequality existing between Urban .and rural communities. 19 Dale (1980) described that studies or regional well- being carried out so far had often produced confusing and con flicting results, in particular regarding the doqree of corres pondence between results based on respectively subjective and objective indicators. He also suggested some explanations of these contradicting results. Its reasons may be the lack of explicit definations of 'subjective* and 'objective* indicators, the failure to take account of the relationship between indica tors and life domains and failure to pay attention to the influence of the spatial organisation. 18, Zinyama, L.H. (1979), Spatial Inequalities in Zimbabwe: an alternative viewpoint. Geographical Association of Zimbabwe, Proceedings 53. 19. Dale, B. (1980), Subjective and Objective Social Indicators in studies of Regional Social Well-being, Regional Studies, Vol. 14, No. 6, pp. 503-14. 85 Nechemis (1980) on studied social welfare with the help of some indicators in 57 proviners of U. S. S. R. The indicators selected were hospital beds and doctors per 10,000 population, school places per 1000 population, housing spc3ce and retail trade per capita, degree of urbanization and popul^ition of the provinces. The broad findings of hie study is that redu^ ction in regional inequalities have occured but these are linked with spread of Urbanisation, 'fichols (1980)^ suggested tht both the coefficient of variation and correlation coefficient should be used when analysing data on the level of Socio-economic development of U. S. S. R. If it is done there would appear to be decline in republic inequality. 22 ,^ Bodemann et al (1980) made a reappraisal of the concept that. Primitive accumulation is a key factor to the under standing of dependency and backwardness at local level. They outlined three phases in the destruction of Pre Capitalist formation by capita] ism. These are separ>itlon of PrcK.uction from traditional bonds and hierarchies, introduction of commodity economy and the separation of handle raft trom agriculture and the separation of producer from the means of productions. 20, Nechemis, C. (1980), Regional differenceation ol living standards in the R.S. F.R, : the issue of inequality, Soviet Studies. Vol. 23, No. 3, pp. 366-78. 21, Echols J.M. (1980), Trends in Social expenditure inequa lity across Soviet Republics: a Coment, Soviet Studies, Vol, 32, No, 3, pp. 428-30, 22, Bodemann, Y.M. et al (1980), The microorganisations of backwardness in central Soridinia: A reappraisal of Luxemberg's three Phases of under development, Journal of Pea sent Studies. Vol. 7, No. 4, pp. 458-76, 86 23 Clark (1980) ^rgued that existence ot regional inequality is, not a necessary requirement for perpetuation of capitalism. However, pockets of hiqh unemployment and economic distress are likely featttres of capitalist spatial system. The industrial reserve army, reproduction -ind state are derivative logic of capitalistic mode of production. The lack ot coordination in time and spnco and between individual firms results in accumulation crises and spatial ayglomration. It is mainly due to the vested intrest of individual enter prise. The existence of inequality may be a bdrrler to econo mic growth, thus the state intervenes to coordinate in the space economy and maintain the conditions tor accxiraulation. The emphasis upon Commodity circulation, rather than Marxist view, suggests that a reorientation of both radical and more traditional research on regional disparities could be initiated. From this view two questions can be raised: first how are commodity markets for both laboiir and physical cjoods coordina ted and stablized over time and space such th^'t regional disparities are both reconsti tuated and peipetu^-itGd. Socond what are the roles of institutions such as stdtc in providing the conditions for capital accumulation and continued spatial inequalities. 23. Clark, G. (1980), Capitalism and Regional Inequality, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 70, No. 2, pp. 226-37. 87 ' Hansen, (1980) 24 criticised Marxist regional analysis tor having focussedone sldely on the locMlization ot capital and labour and neglected the human and environmeniH1 consi- quences of the capital's movements and loccjlizat i on. Therefore he outlined a localization analysis and also an analysis of regional differences in labour's working and reproduction conditions. He discussed how these differences and locf^liza- tion of capital influence each other. 25 Christan and Essy (1981) stated that underdevelopm ent and pauperization which had been experienced in Black reserve areas, Bantustan homelands must bo relat "d with his torical capitalist development. For 20 years this area has been the foci of major programme of population removal from white south Africa. The implementation ot Apirthuid resulted in congested settlement on Peripheral areas. Slddiqi (1981) evaluated the Impact of I^tikistans devolopmont policies on regional deve] opnent u'-.in^ multiva riate Gtatiiticol technique ot analysi.i, Uv foun'J Ll.it tlie growth Poles strategies had stimul^ited very little development in the lagging areas, especially agriciil tural development. He 24, Hansen, F, (1980), Regional growth and regJon'^i problems under capit?>lism: two connected types of analvrls, Geoqrafisic Tidsscrift, Vol. 8, pp. 109-13. 2 5. Christan M. R. and Essy M. L. (1981), Rural unH^ ic]evelop- ment poverty and Apartheid: the close settlen int ot Lebowa, South Africa, Tijidscrift Voor Economiche in Si^ciale Geoqrafic, Vol, 72, No, 6, pp. 347-61, 26, Giddiql, A.H. (1980),Regional inequality in the develop ment of Pakistan. Geo-Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1, pp. 17-3 2. 88 stressed the need to develop new planning strc.tecjJes for the development of Pakistan's backward regions. iMaclaran (1981) examined distribution ol well-being among a number of ecological type areas in Dun ^Knox et al (1981)^^ made geographical study of welfare in Scotish high lands. They described potential utility of the approach in the context of changing patterns ol economic and social development. They found that recent economic changes associ-ited with tourism retirement migration and exploitation of north sea oil Mas precipitated imporldnt ch uigf s in spatial patt.rns of .locial well-beina. This changes wr-rr studied in two c.ise study arras of Uilapool and Kvantonj thr former is an area which is dependent on tourism, fishlnj and hill far ming, the latter is an area which has experienced the immediate impact of oil rolated development. 27. Maclaran, A. (1981), Area-based positive discrimination and the distribution of Well-being, Institute of British Geographers. Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 53-67. 28. Knox, P. L. et al (1981), A welfare approach to rural geography: contrsting Perspectives on the quality of High land life. Institute of British Geographers Vol.6, No. 4, pp. 451, 89 29 Bahadur anci Ahmr^d (190 1) made an impor Lant 3tu 29, riahadur, <3. and Ahmed, A, (1981), Inequajlties in higher education in India, Indian Journal of Renlonal ^cipnces, Vol.8, No. 20, pp. 12-20, ^0, Helbern, N, (1982), Geography and the qurility of life. Annals of the Association of American Geog'^arhorr; Vol.72, No. 4, pp. 90 in a given place and time, the conditionj within which people seek happiness. Improvement of the quality of life in this objective sense is the proper goal of public policy. Although properly unmeasurable in a statistical way, it is still superior to strictly economic goal. As a goal related to place, it is especially important for Geographers. Policy directions towards social and aesthetic goals arc suggested for Urban areas. In rural areas soil conservation and proper treatment of toxic subsances are emphasized. The impretative of reducing inequalities within and among societies is intrinsic to the concept and requires profound changes in the political economy. Tam and Persky (1982) explored the implications of regional income convergence for measiores of inequality at the national level. In general, such convergence occurs as poorer regions overtakes more developed one. They demonstrated that the relationships between regional convorgcnre and over* all inequality is far from obvious. In particular they showed th<3t thf> Convergence of mean incomos dmoncj regions cetrls ParlbuG, vf-\i- not sufficient condition for reduction in common measures of over all inequality such of Gini-coeffie lent. They demonstrated the relevance of this study to the United States Core. 31. Tam, M. Y. S. Sc Persky J. (1981), Regional Convergence and inequality, Persky review of Economics and Stitistics, Vol. 64, No. 1, pp. 161-65. 91 'Dodibh.ivi (]98]) 3 2 m ido an emplrlcaJ study Lc; icjontify relatively less or more developed Talukds in K irn it )k i .State as conip 33 Kearsly (1982) made a study on Social well-being in Dunedin. His study is based upon a sample of the dult popu lation of some 103,000 people ol four Urban areas. UP selected four hundred adults randomly and interviewed fourteen 'life domains?. Variables were offered to respondent and they were invited to scale these, from 0 to 10 in term of their impor tance as aspects of the quality of life and respondent's satisfaction with them. Moragan & Sayer (1983) explained that the process of uneven development are derived from specific char^^cc^rtistlcs of capitalism. He related the process with Britinh Economy specially in South Wales. 32. EJadibhvi, R. V. (1^)8 2), An Analysir of i nter-r. L-jka Disparity and Backwardness in Karnatakc Litato; 197 5-76, Indian Journal of Regional Science, Vol. 14, '" \ 2, 33. Kearsley, G. W. (1982), Subjective Social Indie.'ors and the quality of life in Dunedin, New Zealand Gc o .'"apher. Vol. 38, No. 1, pp. 19-24. 34. Moragan K. and Sayer A. (1983), Regional in«' y Bajeck, & Kiljunen, (1983) 3 5 described particular context of regional development in Yugoslavia and sugcjested measures to reduce the gaps between developed and less deve loped regions, especially in Federal redistribution funds, Gradus (198 3) emphasized to explain reejiop.il enequ- ality interm of political factors. He empirically showed how politics had played a role in regional developrnf^nt of Israel, Despite liberal government incentives to less developed peripheral areas, gap between core and Periphery <\re becoming wider and wider mainly due to centralized government. Israel with a highly centralized unitary political system tried to execute a national policy of balance development but failed to realize that spatial integration is a procei^s of diffusing political powers as well as allocating economic resources. It was argued that if tensions caused by spatial disp. rities are to be reduced, a new political roganlsation must be developed out ot synthesis between the old non-.ipcitial functional orq.inisatlc'n of politics and 35. Bajeck, J. & Kiljumen, K. (1983), Regional disparities in Yugoslavia, in the crises of European region (ed) D scors &c K Ostrom, pp. 47-67. 36. Gradus, Y, (1983), The role of Politir-s in rccjional t,nequality. The Israeli case, Annrals of the association of Ai-erican Geoqraphrrs. Vol. 7 3, No. 3, 0^1. 389-401. 93 37 /• Saur (1984) selected and evaluated certain develop ment indicators to measure regional disparitirs in the state of Orissa with the appliotion of iactor analysJ 38 Rao (1984) studied regional disparities at the micro level within a meso region in India namt>ly Karnataka, His study deals with methodology relating to rre muring and iden tifying levels of development, dimension's ^nd typology. Based on these characteristics his study brought about honogeneous groups of regions and highlighted the importance of forming such groups in the context of formulating specific development strategies suitable to different groups inorder to maximise growth and minimise regional inequalities. He studied regional development rather than 'level of'living' or 'social v/eil- being' which throw light on rr.il life condJLJni!:i of peot)lo. y-ronuev (1986) 39 reviewed the policif^.. ;!.! m visurc s taken in the p-!st by the government tow,-,rd3 renovinq regional disparities. Before measurement of regional cUsp^rities/ he 37. Saur, D. (1984), Development indicators and regional disparity in Orissas A Factor analytic study, Indian Journal of Regional Science, Vol. lb, r.'o. 2, pp. 108-20. 38. Rao, H. (1984), Regional disparities pointed out main problems in selection ot devc LOj<;.. ML indica tors and suggested their solution. He measured tb.c level of development in Andhra Prndesh using 36 infiicritors, classi fying them into 6 groups of hierarchical ord^r, 9 dimensions and 5 complexes. He selected district as regional unit in his study. He used factor analysis for the interpert< Lion of the data. In order to get a quantitative moasure of the 30 respectively 36 development factors as well as the possi bilities to compare the level of development of particular district, he transformed the data into scoring system. He investigated dimension as well as the dinamics of the regional disparities in Andhra Pradesh. He identified potential and level of development in each regions and recommended that which region should he given top priority being b.ickward and which are advanced. 95 CHAPTER _ V Blh'AF-? : A GKOGPAPi!ICAL OUTLINE Location The State ot HiJi ir lies approxiimtply b(--tween lititude 22" N to 27«>3 1'N and longitude 83''20»E to 88<» 17 ' &;, Thf- rr.iximum north-south extent of Bihar is about 60 5 km. and the maximum east-west width about is 483 km. 11 is surroun''"d by Nepal in the north, Utt ir Pradesh and M^dhya Pradesh in the wsL, Orissa in the south and west Bengal in the east. Bihdr i i> a ccjmpact unit, with a roughly quadrilateral shape. Physiography Bihar may be divided into following three Phy.-log r-phic units• (1) Piimalyan foot hills (2) Thn Ganga Plain and (3) The southern hlUy region. (1) Thf 'limolyan foot aiUs This is a small hilly area in the north western corner of Bihar in cnamp^ran district, which is a p.-^rt oL H'ell-known extensive- siw.ilik ran^^ of Himalyan toot hills. Tn i i. foversan area of about 364 c, u mil^-s and is roughly cr.rlo,(fl on thr south by !:JOO Lt ot contour line. The r^^gion '^•o'^J•i" • f-<.o different r^^nges of hills '^wKewtJfflMiiMiiiiyjiK]3Bfl#i!Wiit-t-"'aign' . _ I /-I ^ ' _ 1 ' a I > ij \'' ot;' 9/ 95°e N 30' LOCATION OF BiHAR IN INDIA i7^- --o'i. v. A../' V ifd ._; \ y^i' \ •'( IG^ «F ! l^j.t'00,UOO KM \000K)0 300 500 N 84' 89" 92" 95° t" I I — 7 04 t «• BIHAR DMlNiSTRATIVF DIVISIONS ' ) """"^ "'" \ -^v ' I L 1— I ^s NEPAL J / ^t AS' i^HAMPAHAf ^ A/' (,< ""It-ANJ V * f <_A • v-- ; - "•". "-T"^ > N^ ^1 ^ ^>^^' -V. \ ' -'-' S ? ' ''\* , V' _^ , ' " -•" - \ y \ • '" ^ --^1 MLZAFf ftPI UTTAR \ """" ^- ^' . ^ A , A- . / \ •^ t ' I ^ J ''^MA )Hl f r-A_^T -" PRADESH '^^^ .^_ -.^ i ^ ; AMAS f Jj -^^' ^-^ r.- ^--\ ' - * "",tt' " / . \ >, ^ .:. i:'/ tf ' r-' 6HOJPUW • •' r-A NA * - ^ >- '%' ^**'*' ' . ' ^^• ~ • (' Xv'-W~ T ••-/'••-. ,' SMACAKUK 1 HOMTAS , ,•> '- ^ f MU^G^ 1 1 \ i^ -2?" \ . / r CAVA y US-JOA \ ,' ' \ •'' • .-.AH, V /AUHAMABAO ^ o / «A .:«r>> \ - . *; < '^' ' \ (^ ' y v„ ^ N> ' w A-- -' >-"">^'^-' .--\ a NiHAi S J ; ) 0 A O ' V. S.-> v^' i-i ;4" \ ^^0 WEST o 1 BENGAL J ^"' M OHARDAGA / 1 ? • MADHYA ; )—. PRADESH ( ^-x / i ^'-w. V.'.-. / OJMLA RF IIOCX >j ' KM 2b 0 7H 50 i,' \ it I t ^ It 1 t ( '"1 KOHBHUM ' /" *• - ^•^v —-^^ • -r-N '^ v_ -' 1 1 X s ,, 1NDE > l(ir 0 RISSA 86* H' 1—, ^ \ . . 1.-,. FIG-4 98 parallel to the Nepal border in north-west to South-oast direc tion. The southern range of low hills is called Rnmnaqnr fXin. It's highest point is 79 3 ft n^-ir Santpur. To tlK- north of Ramnrtg'^r Dun lies th^ valley of Harsha called Dun valley. It is 14 milps long and it's average height is below SOf) ft. it is an alluvial plain. North of this valley lies Sumeswar range. The international boundary between India and Nepal runs along the crest of this range. It's average width within Bihir is 3-4 miles and average height 1500 ft above sea level. This range possesses some natural passes cut by streams. They are 1 Sumeswar Pass and Btiikhna Pass . The Ganqa Plain The second major physiographic unit of Bih r is the Gmga plain which covers about 42 percent area of the state. Its averrt<;e Viej ght is VOO ft above sea level. The entire tract of nortn Ganga is absolutely alluvial, monotonously fl^t without a single nill appearing above the plain. South of the Clanq-i, however the renion is known as the south c;in>M plain. There are some palaces of rise above the level of t^i" plain in the form of low, small, isolated narrow hills as the Barber hills of Gaya or Kharagpur hill in Monghyr. They re outliers of the Chhctanagpur Plateau. 1, Ahmed, E. (19 6 5), Dihar A Ppysiral. E^^onoiiiir ^;,'\ Reo lonal Geography of Bihar, Ranchi, p. 20 . 99 North Bihar (Ganga Plain) This area Is almost a dead level alluvial plain. This is due to tho choking of the narrow stream diannel V^y le loads of detritus, sand and silt brought down trom thn tarai as a result of a sudden break in the stream gradient. As a result of this topographic prominences such alluvial conos, flood plains, levees, oxbow or elongated lakos etc. have deve loped, Chaurs (semicircular and marshy low lands) , tals (natural depressions tilled with water duri ncj rain), racdndera bends and cut-off channels besides dead courses oi rivers 2 have also resulted from choking . The goneril alopo of the plain is both north to the south towards the Ganqa and tron the north west to the south west as shown by the course of the rivers. The north Bihar plain is below 2bO ft above sea level except for small tract in champaran and north saran dir.lrirts. The rest of the plain dropr, imporr'opL i bly to a height of 200 ft along the Ganga In the we.it and to 100 ft in the east. South Bihar (Ganqa Plain) This plain is irregular in the south du-^ I(5 tho approach of tne southc^rn hills and plateaus. The :M': >'-" r i ..e:; more rapidly away t-rom the Ganqa in this plain tr n ' • 't;c norti; of trie river. It has largly been built o' tbr a i i uvirm brought from the southern hills. The alluvium la coarse. 2. Ahmed, op. cit, p. ; j... too particiilarly in the south and the lakes and marshes universally present in the North Bihar are relatively few. This plain is roughly divisible into 1. a narrow ioelt ot hJyn Icind and 2. the rest of the plain. The high levees impeds the entry of small stream into the Ganga. So streams such ^is Punpum, Phalgu and Paimer coming from south flow parallel to it tor several miles. They combine as a vast sheet of flood water during rains supplemented by the spill water of the Ganga itself and thus cause the inundation of the Tal which marks an old bed of the son. There is a small hill near Bih r Sharif known cis Pirhari which is 361 ft high. There are also higher hills at Rajglr (1462 ft) which extend rather continously towards Gaya. The rather extensive triangular hill of kharagpur in Monghyr rises from 500 to 1000 ft and its northern sub-alluvial projec tion is responsible for the sharp bend of the Ganga near the town of Monghyr. The Ganga plain of Bihar is a superficial expression of a thick body of alluvium which has been gradually accumulating in the vast depression limited in the north by the Himalyas and in the south by Chhotangpur platc^iu and its outliner. The southern Hilly Region All the area south of 500 ft counter linr rxrcpt Kaimur Plateau in Shahabad and Santhal Pargana is known as Chhotanagpur plateau. "The structural base of the region is provided by a 101 series of batholithic intrusions of granite into liiarwar strata, which were intensly metamorphosed by orogenetic move ments. The earliest floor on which the Eharwar wore deposited has not been recognized any where since it vjas 3ubjequently 3 metamorphosed ". The hilly region of Bihar consist:; of a series of plateaus. It has a different height from th-^t of the adjoining plateau. Thorn are four plateaus. The highest plateau is the pat region 2500 ft to 3600 ft above sea level. it covers the north-western corner of Ranchi and southern Part of santhal pargana. Except Parasnath hill, this is the highest region in south Bihar, It is believed to be composed of Decean lava but as a result of weathering, the lava h The second highest plateau of south Bihar is Ranchi Plateau which covers whole of Ranchi district excerpt pat tract. The average elevation of plateau is 2000 ft above sea level and is composed of granite and schist. The K inchi plateau is separated from Hazaribh plateau by Dfimodnr trough. The next lower plateau is the outer or lownr Gihotanag- pur plateau which has an average elevation of looft above sea level. It consists of gneiss and granite but p.5 r L1 y of schist and DhrTwar rocks. It covers a wide area of the outer part of Chh Ota na gpur. 3, Singh/R.P. (1970), Geomorphologi"al EvoUitton of Chhotanagpur Highland, NGSl, Varansi 14. 102 H!] •• 1 BIMAR r'3 .^MQRPHOlObY KILOMtfRfS ilFAL 27 60 100 r/ ' '\ ^..liL .L 1 * - - -V N :••' i^r M UT;AR !2f> PAAQESH rv ^ .. ^ > Ql?'-; ] 2 b • 7i j.i. il!l!i!!!i a!i;-;:'|i|:!iliii:lili;i:il'lli li;ni i 24 21 111 '!. / ^ "Kinf WEST CFNGA! til'' ,^^^ :-^A _2 )00-15C0FT(l'j,J',b?') E3 D EPOS IT ONAII . PLAIN l-'-ij ?'>')-io;-i'ifTr/5-iir.'!~ L --.:d iQO-250)FT(30-76M ) fV73oAMODAf< TH!V CM r,^..-^a 5oO-lS0OFT(n2- 5F:'J'H-5O0-3i00rT U-lJ 'oOO 1000 FThb2-30'jM) ^"'^ /752-!097M) , ~»,;i-. ESCARrMtriTS "! '.A':•^^h^QV.?•^\z r;r;;inJALs APRLIMIT or IOOOFT(^OSM) ':;()URCL: : • Anruj., t • IO6 J BIHAR: A PMV'HCAL, Vs' mf 103 The fourth lov/est plateau of south Bihf r in o uniform surface formed by river valleys, plains and lowo'" p.rts of the out^r plateau, its elevation varies t rom b']Q to 1000 ft alove sea level. They again consist of gnoess, schist and granite. The basaltic Rajmahal hills and the* sand stone kaimer plateau belongs to this erosion level. The wide plain of Chaibasa is probably an eroded remnant of the up lifted Ranchi plateau, the development ot the plain being due to softer ESiarwar rocks. The well marked Damodrtr valley running east-west through the middle of CJihotanagpur and bounded by steep scarps on either side is probably a product of these geologically recent up lifts. South Rih^ir is mainly drained by the river son in the west and by tributries of the Ganga among which aro the karam- nasa, the Durgawati, the punpun and Batnac, the Adri, the Morhar, tno Sakri, the Kiul, the Badua, the Mayurakuiii and 4 the AJoy . CI im. I te Bihar experiences characteristic monsoon climate having a seasonal rythm running through all the olemenLi of v;eather. In Bihar, the annual mp.m temperature vjrj^s from 24''C io 27«'C. The maximum temperature varies between 40" C -md 46 C. 4. Jha, U.N. (1984), Irrigation and Agricultura] Development, Deep iJt Deep Public--, it ions. New Delhi, p. 24. 104 May is the hottest month of the year, v.'ith mean temperntiire shooting above 32'C and Gaya in south Bihar is the hottest 5 place with temperature rising up to 46°C', The climate of Bihar is characterised by tol Lowing three seasons. (i) The cold weather season (November to Febru ry) (ii) The hot weather season (March to mid June) and (iii) Season of retreating monsoon (mid Septerab'>r to October) , Winds blow throughout the winter season predominatly from north-west and west. In January t.'-e nroan toi.porature ranges from eo^F (15.5«»C) in the north to 65»F (18. 3" C) in the southern part of the state. Both Ganga Plain .^nd Chhota- nagpur Pl^-^toau Come under the w^y of western diiitMrb.mce and experience clould, rain and cold wind particul.-'rly in January and February. During hot weather season in Rih->r, the surface wind is north-west in the plains and west in thr plateau. With the rise in temperature, humidity falln. Thie mo 5. Reports on minor irrigation works in Bih^r St ^te (l96!j). Committee on plan Project, Irrigation team, Nev; Delhi. June p. 3. 105 The norrral date of onset ot monsoon in nortri-'-^ rjt and East.rn BihT- is the tirct weok of Jun*^ whilc^ in the western p-:,rt of the state it is mid June. It i'j initi t-^cJ in Jiih ir under the strong pull ol the intense centre of low pressure in north western India, The amount of rainfcill virios from over 187 cm near the north eastern corner of the st.ite to a minimum of about 10 5 cm on the western border aloncj the Ganga axis. Soils The soil of Ganga plain is formed by a thick alluvial mantle of drift orivjin underlain probably for the most part by siwalik and tertiary rocks and not.r the southern margin by ancient rocks. This drifted alluvial soil, being rejuvenoted by const'-int depo3ition of sand and silt brought by nurrerous streams/ i.' loaniy in character. "It is deticient in phospnoric acid, nitroucn .^nd humns, but potash and lime ire u.uill/ prer.nnt in sulficient qu.intity" . The soils o£ ^^ihotanaypur and its frirae are composed mainly of ancient cry.it < 1 line, gneics schist and granite is known t^s Red Arcli^.'-i .,oii. 6, Royal Commission on Agriculture in Indi'i, in?H, p. 72. 106 YJeld Rates Compared with tho all India ratos of: yinid, ttf^ Bihar ratp^s are lower in th'-- case of rpost ol tho cropi; except some of the pulses (such ai; arhir, mansoor and kheoaii) and oil seeds. Although yield rates vary from crop to crop and from year to year, yet for important food grains the rate:; of yield are generally higher in the plain districts ot. Bihar and lower in the plain districts of Muzaflarpur^ Saharsa and Purnea and also in the upland of the Chhotanaypior Plateau. Forest The percentage of forest cover of total geographical area of Bihar was 17.4 during 1969-70. The area under forest has gone down from 3396 thousand hectares to 28 52 thousand hectares during the period of ten years (B'rom 1964-65 to 1973-74). Kowevor, all the area under forest which had been 7 cleared nas not been brought under cultivation • The present natioral vegitation ot Bihar pi ins outside the cultivated area is of a savanah or pirkland t"pe marked by the natural growth of the grasses punctuated by trees, where h\aman interference is relatively absent or light, e.g. di.^ras or flood plains of rivers, uncultivated pitches of 7. Jha, op. cit. , pp. 35-36. 107 wastes within the village boundaries, uncultivated mounds, field bunds and road and Railway side lowlands etc ". The natural vegitation of hilly regions of -lihar con sists of forests. Forests are much more luxuriant and valuable source of timber supply over extensive areas in t'lo districts of palamau. Ranchi, Hazaribagh and Singhbhum, The singhbhum valley has considerable reserve of good quality timL^r such as Sal, teak, asan, Karam, kath and gamhor. Singhbhurr, v;ith an annual production of three thousand tones is one of the chief producers of sabai~grass. The forests of Chhotanaqpur contributes nearly 41% of lac of the country. In addition, these forests yield a number of minor products e,g, Tendu leaves for Biri making mahua flowers and fruits, myrobalans, 9 Kath etc, . The forest resources of the state have to be devetailed for a long term planning of industrial development. It's wood resources have to be linked with an over all planning and exploitatio:; of industrial wastes for manul acture of pulp and paper. It's rich i:al forests yielding seeds to tne state of 5 lakhs tones per year presents both the probl-^m^ of organising systematic collection, scientific stor. on, the 8, Ahmed op. cit., 0. 68. 9, Nicholson, J, W. Bihar: Th^^ Forest from within Revised by J.N. Sinha (Pitna, 1956) pp. 18-26, 108 extr.icticn of oil, etc, Thiu will ultlm.iLciy ch iu(;o th'2 economy ot Adivasis living in the midst ot lui I ti ir rc;;;ts. Mineral Resources Bihar is the richest state of India with respect to reserve and production of a variety of tninf'rals. Not the whole state but the Qihotanagpur plateau of santhal Pargana and Rohtos are the richest mineral bnise in the whole of the Indian sub continent. It contains the world's larges reserve of mica, copper, bauxite limestone, kayanite, chromite, asbestas and clay and also considerable quantities of apatite, dolomite, felspar magnlse ore and pyrite. The occurence of coal fields coincides with the Gordwana rocks of the Damodar valley. The principal coal fields of Bihar are Jharia^ Giridih, Hokaro, Daltonganj,, Iron ore is associated with the Iron ore series of the Dhdrv irs in the Kolh in atra of Singhbhurr, DiBtrii:t, Limoytono of:fur :; ..cattered in considerable art.ar. of ilaii^du, Rohtaj, Hr.^aribnnh, Ranchi and Singhbhum. jMica is found in a belt which is 128 kn;, long and 32 km. wide in the northern fringe ot the Kodrrmi platdau. This belt roughly coincides with the outcrop or ninrwars consistinc of schists, gneiss nnd pegmatite::, 10 10. Karan, P.P. (1953), Economic Regions of Chhotanagpur, Bihar in India, Economic Geography Vol, 29, p. 221. 109 Ctopper veins occur in a 130 km, long belt in Slnqhbhuni following the line of Soda granite outcrop. Stdrtitig ironi Duarpuram necir Chakradharpuc/ it runs through Khcr",awan upto Turandih; hence although the Soda granite outcroris .tro missing for some distance, the copper belt persirtr: through Raka mines, Masabani and eventually ends at Baharcjora 11 , Bauxite occurs in the pat irea. The baucitc nnri'"hiTcnt in the latorite capping on the v;est side ot R^inchi district and adjoining highlands in Palamau district constitutes, at present, the most important deposit in India, The reserve is of high grade amount to more than 10 million tones 1? \ 11, Dunn, J. A. (1940)._, The mineral deposits oi l-i i:,tcrn Singhbhum and surrounding Areas', MeinorLnn O'olof;ic,-0 Survey of India' L XlX, pp. 66-67, 12. Roy Chaudhary N.K. (1965), Bauxite in Bihci, Madhya Pradesh and Bhopal, Memories Geological Survey of India L XXXV, p, 29. Table - 1 -j -I |j Population DenGity in Ilihar (1981) Districts Density o£ Population p"r aquvre km. Aurangabad 37 4.70 Begusarai 7 66, S8 Bhaqalpur 4b8.0? Bjojpur 597.41 Ddrbhancja 87 1,55 Dtianbad 701.52 East Champacan 522.49 Vtest Chwimparon 3713. iB Guya 48 2.81 Giridih 2 50,79 GopalganJ 680.77 Hazuribagh 197.81 Katihar 350.79 Mddhubani 664.0 2 Munqer 419,59 Muzaffarpur 73 5.40 Nalanda 712.3 3 Nawadah 439.86 PcUamau 150.87 Patna 9 47.3 3 Purnr^a 513.23 Ranchi 167.17 Rohtas 3? !. 3 2 Saharsa 500.37 Samastipur 7 29.91 Sa n th a t p a r ga na 262.91 Saran 7 68.2 4 Singhbhum 213.37 Sitarmrhi 87 7. 19 Si.,nn JOB. 20 Vai shall 8 30.7 5 Source: Director of Census Opet;ationa, liihar Census o£ India, 19 81. Ill Population The cjeoqrnphioil distribution oC popul The density ot population in India as a whole is 215 persons per square km. In Bihar it is 40 2 porsonc p-^^r square km which is about double ot the national overage. Judged from the national average Bihar is definitely more cro\/ded althougn the case of Kerala and Bengal is oven worse. Pa tn i (947,33) is most densly populated district of Bihar. It in r,-' ir.ly due to loc^tion of capital city in the district which u.a attr BIHAR 27l ..^ V, 27 N POPULATION DENSITY 1981 26- 25- ZAU 23- 22 25 0 25 75 100 KM PERSON/KM^ luuJ 1—i—„.J i HIGH ==r- >700 MEDIUM 350-700 - •^ LOW 1 ^350 ^ n 8 87* ..aiA^- §£ - 51 ^ FlG-6 113 a large number of people from whole of the state. Next inorder of density are Sitamarhi (877.19), Vaish^ili (830,7S), Slwan (808.20), Darbhanga (871. b5), and Begusarai (766. L.8). The high density of sitaniarhi, Vaishali Siwan and Begusaral may be attributed to their fertile, level and well irric;a!ed agricul tural land. The reason behind high density of popul ition in Darbhunga again may be location of big town while in lihanbad orcxirance of coal mines. Thus studying the density of popula tion of natural regions, one noticed that all districts have much lower density except Dianbad. 114 Table - II Level of Literary in Bihar (1981) Districts Percentage of literate Aurangabad 28,50 Begusarai 25,06 Bhagolnur 27.58 Bhojpur 31,58 Darbhanga 23.98 Dhanbad 39.58 East CJiamparan 19.31 West Champaran 18.83 Gaya 30.0 3 Girideh 23.92 Gopalganj 21, 37 Hazaribagh 23.53 Katihar 21.05 Madhubani 21.76 Munger 26,66 Muzaff?rpxar 24.29 Nalanda 3 2.98 Nawad^h ^ 26. 52 Palamau 20.42 Patna 39.57 Purnea 19.28 Ranchi 31.52 Rohtas 30.57 Sahrsa 20.27 Samstipur 24.86 Santhal Pargana 22.31 Saran 27.41 Singhbhum 34,62 Sitamarhi 19,57 Si wan 23.7 2 Vai shall 2 5.57 Source: Census of India 1981, Primary Census Abstract, 115 Literacy The level of literacy in Bihar shows a dismol picture. 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