324 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-ROUSE. APRIL 23,
By Mr. PAYNE: A bill (H. R. 3952) granti~g Im increase of .Also, petition of James·W . Henderson, John Il. Brndy, Nathan pension to Isaac Tunnison·; to the Oommlttee on Invalid Pen Prensky, J'ohn B. Hahn, G~ D. Wright. and J ohn G. Kirchner. of sions. Brooklyn, N. Y., favoring nn amendment to the income-tax sec By Mr. R-OBERTS of Massachusetts: A bill (H. R. 3953) · tion of the tariff bill exemp ting life insurance companies con waiving the age limit for admission to the Pay Corps of the ducted on the mutual plan; to the Committee on Ways and United Stares Navy in the case ·of Harry Lincoln Miller; to Means. the Committee on Naval Affairs. Also, petition of H. E. A. Gibbs, of New York City, favoring By Mr. 'SHERLEY: A bill (H. R. 3954) for the relief of Wil the clause in tariff act again st importation of wild bi.rds to be liam E. Horton ; to the Committee on Claims. used in the millinery trade; to the Committee on Ways and By Ur. SHERWOOD: A bill (El R. 3955) to ·correct the Means. military record .of Martin Fay; to the Committee on Military A1so, memorial of sundry citizens of California, favoring an .Affairs. appropriation for the construction of a milenniaJ dawn temple By Mr. SHREVE: A bill (H. R. 3956) granting an increase in California fa 1915; to the Committee on Appropriations. -0f pension to Gertrude Brown; to the Committee on Inva1id By hlr. GRIEST: Petition of sundry brush manufacturers of Pensions. the United States, fax-oring an increase in t he present tariff rate Also, a bill (H. R. 3957) granting an increase of ·pension tn on brushes 'instea d of the proposed reduction of the tariff; to Mary E. Homster~ ti() the -Committee on In,alid Pension . the Committee on Ways and Means. Also, a bill XH. R 3958) for the relief of the .survivors of Also, petition of E. F. Dlckills:on, of .Matthews, La., against McLea.n's Pennsylvania r~
SWEARING IN , A MEMBER. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the .Mr. STEVENS of New Hampshire appeared at the bar of the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. UNDERWOOD J? [After a pause.] House and took the oath of office. The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered. The question is on resolving into Committee of the Whole House on the state of MAINTENANCE OF ORDER. the Union. The· SPEAKER. When the present occupant of the chair Mr. PAYNE. Can an arrangement be made· as to a division was sworn in at the beginning of this Congress he invited the of time? aid and cooperation of all the Members in maintaining order, and while nobody is now doing anything out of order, yet the Mr. MURDOCK. l\Ir. Speaker, what about the matter of time? 1\lr. UNDERWOOD. l\Ir. Speaker, I desire to close general Chair wishes to make a suggestion or two, not a lecture. debate on this bill on next Tuesday morning. If gentlemen It has been brought to the attention of the Chair by several have any suggestions to make, I shall be glad to hear them. Members that there has been an unconscious violation of the rules. The rule is that there shall be no smoking in this Cham l\lr. MURDOCK. This is the situation with the Progressives ber. So far as the Chair is a ware, that rule has not been vio in the House: We have reduced our demands for time to a lated ouh·ight, but what a good many of the Members complain minimum of six hours. Naturally we realize that our time is of is that gentlemen will rush in-10 or 15 or 20 of them-with much dependent upon the amount of general debate permitted cigars lighted and smoking, and it is offensive to the Members by the majority. If you go into the consideration of the bill complaining. Two or three Members also have complained that under the five-minute rule next Tuesday, how many days or occa sionally some gentleman puts his feet upon the top of one how many hours will that give us for general .debate? of these benches, and they claim that is bad form. [Laughter.] Mr. GARJ.\TER. Ten hours a day for 5 days would make 50 Now, the Chair hopes that all the Members will take to heart hours. · the request the Spea ker made in the beginning, that they help Mr. U1''DERWOOD. It will be in the neighborhood of 10 him keep order in the House. The fact that the number of hours a day for 5 days, or 50 hours. I do not know whether Members has been increased by 41 makes it harder than ever, it will run exactly that amount of time, because there may be a good deal harder. to maintain order. times when some gentlemen may not be prepared to speak and the House will have to adjourn; but it gives an opportunity THE TARIFF. for 50 hours of general debate. Mr. UNDERWOOD rose, amid applause. Mr. MURDOCK. That is what it would ru:n-50 hours. The The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Alabama [Mr. UNDER gentleman understands, of course, that in general debate there WOOD] is recognized. is always pressure for time at the end of the debate, and there Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House is oft~n great difficulty in getting gentlemen to speak at the resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the begiru1ing. 1\ow, if an understanding is reached between the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill (H. R. 3321) gentleman from New York [Mr. PAYNE] and myself as to the to reduce tariff duties and to provide revenue for the Govern proportion of time that we shall occupy, what arrangement can ment, and for other purposes; and, pending that, Mr. Speaker, we have about using the time from day to day? I ask unahimous consent that all the Members of the House may have leave to print or extend their remarks in the RECORD Mr. UNDERWOOD. Why, it is customary in debate for one until five days after the bill is disposed of. side to occupy an hour or two hours, and then for the other The SPEAKER. Five legislative or five calendar days? side to occupy an hour or two hours, and I think that is proper. Mr. UNDERWOOD. Five legislative days. Mr. PAThTE. In other words, to equalize the time from day Mr. PAYNE. Ftve days, commencing with what time? to day. Mr. UNDERWOOD. I say, five days after the bill is dis Mr. UNDERWOOD. To equalize the time as you go along. posed of. If you are not prepared to equalize the time as you go along, Mr. STEPHENS of Nebraska. Five days after it passes the you ought to lose it. House? l\lr. SAMUEL W. SMITH. May I ask the gentleman a ques l\Ir. UNDERWOOD. Yes; after it passes the House. tion? Mr. LANGLEY rose. The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman from Alabama yield to. The SPEAKER. For what purpose does the gentleman rise? the gentlemnn from Michigan? Mr. LANGLEY. I rise to ask the gentleman from Alabama if Mr. UNDERWOOD. I do. that will be confined to the tariff bill-this extension of l\!r. SAMUEL W. SMITH. What is the nature of the rule remarks? under which this bi11 is going to be passed? The SPEAKER. Of course it will be confined to the tariff l\1r. U1''DERWOOD. There is no rule adopted as yet, and I bill and will apply to nothing else. do not know that there will be any rule. Mr. LANGLEY. It ought to be so confined, but I did not so Mr. MURDOCK. Now, Mr. Speaker-- understand it, as it comes in under general debate, which is not The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman from Alabama yield to limited to any particular subject. the gentleman from Kansas [Mr. MURDOCK]? The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Alabama [l\Ir. UNDER Mr. UNDERWOOD. I yield to the gentleman. WOOD] moves that the House r,esolve itself into the Committee Mr. MURpOCK. What division do you propose now to make of the Whole House on the state of the Union for the considera as betwee!l the two minorities? tion of the tariff bill ; and, pending that, he asks unanimous Mr. UJ\'DERWOOD. I prefer to go into Committee of the consent that all gentlemen shall have leave to extend their Whole and allow the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole remarks for five legislative days after the bill leaves the to regulate the time, because he can do it more conveniently ·nouse-- than I can. Mr. UNDERWOOD. And to print, if they do not speak. l\!r. PATh~. If the gentleman will allow me right there, The SPEAKER. And to print, of course. I have had some talk with the gentleman :from Kansas [Mr. Mr. BARTLETT rose. . MURDOCK] this morning, and I told him I thought an equitable The SPEAKER. For what purpose does the gentleman rise? division of the time between the two parties in the minority Mr. BARTLETT. I want to make an inquiry of the gentle- would be one hour out of five for the Pi;pgressives: that is, man from Alabama if I can. out of every five hours allotted to the minority that the Pro Mr. U1''DERWOOD. Yes. gressives should have one hour and the Republicans four hours Mr. BARTLETT. Under the rules, those who speak on a as we go along from day to day, and that the gentleman ought bill, not those who ask leave to print or are authorized to print to use his proportion of the time from day to day. are not limited to fi ve days at the present time. Is it the pur~ l\:fr. l\WRDOCK. We are perfectly willing to do that. pose of the gentleman to require gentlemen who address the Mr. FORDNEY. I have no doubt you are perfectly willing, House upon the bill to print their remarks within the five days? because that gives you much more time than you are entitled to. Mr. fil'DERWOOD. As I understand the rule, a Member has Mr. MURDOCK. Not at all. the right and the opportunity, until the RECORD is closed, to Mr. FORDNEY. YeS{ it does. cotTect his speech at any time. But my request was to allow Mr. MURDOCK. Not at all. the Members who did not speak to print, and those who did Mr. FORDNEY. I object to any such inequitable rule. The speak to revise and extend their remarks, up to and including Progressives are entitled to one hour out of even and not any tive days after the conclusion of the bill in the House. more, I will say to the gentleman from New York, in propor Mr. BARTLETT. That changes the present rule, so far as tion to their representation, out of the time allotted to this side. those who speak are concerned. Why should they have one hour out of fi ve? Mr. UNDERWOOD. If a gentleman only corrects his re Mr. GARNER. The Chairman of the Committee of the marks and does not revise and extend them, it does not change Whole might give them more than that. the rule. Mr. FORDNEY. Let him do it, then. I
CONGRESSIONAL-RECORD-HOUSE. APRIL 23,
The SPEAKER. The Chair will ask all gentlemen to refrain Mr. UNDERWOOD. I will. from conversation, and all except those who are engaged in thi.s Mr. MOORE. The gentleman from Michigan [Mr. SAMUEL W. effort to arrive at an understanding to take their seats. SMITH] asked if we were proceeding under any rule, and the Mr. FITZGERALD. Mr. Speaker, I suggest that these vari gentleman from Alabama stated that there was no rule. There ous gentlemen who lead different aggregations on that side of ls a rumor, coming from the street as it were, that the bill the aisle permit the request for the five days to be granted- would be read under a rule and that there would be a limitation Mr. MAJ\TN. There has been no such request made. The upon the number of amendments that might be offered by the gentleman, as usual, is behind the times. minority. Is any such proposition contemplated? Mr. FITZGERALD. The gentleman from Alabama made that Mr. UNDERWOOD. No such proposition has been agreed request. upon up to this time. I do not know that there will be. O:t Mr. MANN. I beg the gentleman's pardon; he made no such course we want reasonable latitude in the consideration of this request. bill and expect to grant it. If an exigency should arise, if it is The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Alabama made an an necessary to adopt a rule to get the bill through the House it nouncement, 'not a request, that he wanted to close this general will be adopted. debate next Tuesday morning. Mr. MOORE. I have no desire to filibuster against the bill, Mr. FITZGERALD. There is no reason why the whole House nor would I; but there are many paragraphs to which amend ·should be detained whlle gentlemen on that side are trying to ments ought to be offered in justice to Members on this side of accommodate 5 per cent of the membership of the House. the House and concerning which there ought to be some dis Mr. UNDERWOOD. I will say to the gentleman from New - cussion. If a limitation is put upon the ability of a member ot York and the gentleman from Kansas that altho.ugh there is the minority to offer amendments, of course that checks his two-thirds of the House on this side of the aisle and one-third efforts to properly represent the wishes of his constituents. I · on that side, there is no disposition on our part not to conform desire to know whether we are to proceed under any such limi to the general rule to give one-half of the time to the minority, tation, it being reported there would be a rule of that kind. but the minority must arrange the division of their time be Mr. UNDERWOOD. There is no rule agreed on. I do not tween themselves. I think if the gentleman from Kansas and know whether it will be necessary to adopt a rule. As far as I the gentleman :from New York will reach an agreement, that know at this time, the bill will be read w:der the five-minute the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole House on the rule, although that program may 6e changed; but I will say state of the Union will carry it out as far as the time is this to the gentleman, that if he desires to make an extended concerned. argument on this bill he should make it in general debate, be Mr. MANN. l\fr. Speaker, I submit that the Chairman of the cause I intend, when we get into the Committee of the Whole, Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, while to enforce the five-minute rule. he may recognize a gentleman for 10 or 20 minutes, can not take Mr. MOORE. That is the very point. In general debate, of any gentleman off the floor if be is recognized in general debate course, we would be limited to an hour, but when we come to short of one hour, if he wishes to maintain the floor. Hence it read the bill, say, when the chemical schedule is read, and one is desirable, so many gentlemen wishing to address the com paragraph is reached that may be of vital interest to con mittee to have a division of the time where a limited time can stituents of any one of the Members, and an amendment is be gra'nted. Now, if the gentleman from Alabama will permit, offered, will there be a restriction upon the number of amend I will ask unanimous consent that the time of general debate be ments that may be offered by those who endeavor to defeat ·limited to matters relating to the bill, to be equally divided be the paragraph? tween the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. UNDERWOOD] and the Mr. UNDERWOOD. We expect to take the bill up, as far as gentleman from New York [Mr. PAYNE], with the provision I know at the present time, under the rules of the House, and, that the gentleman from Kansas be allowed six hours of the as the gentleman knows, there is no limitation on amendments, minority's time yielded to the gentleman from New York. under the rules of the House. Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Speaker, I have no objection to the Mr. MOORE. If there is to be no limit upon the five-minute proposition of the gentleman from Illinois, but if that is agreed rule- to I shall couple with it the other provision that general debate Mr. UNDERWOOD. Oh, I am not prepared to answer the shall close on Monday. gentleman's question now. I can only say to him that there bas Mr. MANN. I suggest to the gentleman that I shall not been no rule agreed upon. I do not know whether there will be. object to that, except that my observation has been in the Mr. MOORE. Will the gentleman permit me to say this, House that almost invariably upon these bills the gentleman that the district I represent, for instance, is largely a manu himself and others on his side will desire an hour or two prob facturing district, and I presume there is scarcely a single ably on Tuesday, by general agreem~nt. I shall not object to paragraph in the bill that does not in some way or other the request to close debate, but the gentleman can move to close affect those interests. It will be manifestly impossible to offer debate at any time. an amendment to every paragraph in accordance with the wishes 1\Ir. UNDERWOOD. Yes; and the House can change it. of my constituents, but there ought at least to be some demon Mr. MURDOCK. Mr. Speaker-- stration of their interests here, something ought to be done by The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman from Alabama yield to their Representative to at least explain their wishes. If a the gentleman from Kansas? Member under those circumstances should attempt to amend Mr. UNDERWOOD. Just as soon as I have submitted this every paragraph according to the wishes of his constituents, it request. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that general would be an interminable operation. I want to know whether debate on this bill close when the House adjourns next Monday the committee had thought of a rule or had intended, as rumor night, and that the time be equally divided between myself, as reports, to. have a rule? · chairman of the committee, and the gentleman from New York [Mr. PAYNE], with the understanding that the gentleman from Mr. UNDERWOOD. If gentlemen on that side desire to offer New York wm yield the portion of his time to the gentleman their amendments by sections, I am willing to agree to a propo from Kansas [Mr. MURDOCK] which has been agreed upon be sition of that kind by unanimous consent. tween them. Mr. MOORE. What does the gentleman mean by" sections"? Mr. MURDOCK.• Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, Mr. MURDOCK. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? the gentleman can see that under that arrangement the control Mr. UNDERWOOD. I have already yielded to the gentlemnn of the time passes from me into the hands of the gentleman from Pennsylvanfa. I will yield to the gentleman from Kansas from New York. in a moment. Mr.. MANN. Oh, no; he yields to you. Mr. MOORE. I want to get a definition of the word "sec 1\Ir. MURDOCK. How does he yield to me? There is no pro tions." vision in this request niade by the gentleman from Alabama. Mr. UNDERWOOD. If gentlemen on that side prefer by · Mr. PAYNE. If that agreement is made, I will yield to· the unanimous consent to agree that this bill shall be taken up gentleman from Kansas an hour each day, or such time as is and considered by schedules, I think there would be no disposi equitable. ' tion on my part not to agree with them. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Alabama asks unani Mr. MOORE. I want to get the gentleman's meaning. He mous consent that debate on this tariff bill close when the House said there would be no objection to considering the bill by adjourns next Monday. sections. How does he differentiate as between sections, para 1\Ir. MOORE. Mr. Speaker-- graphs and schedules? Ordinarily we consider a bill under the .· The SPEAKER. For what purpose does the gentleman from five-miii.ute rule by paragraphs. Is "sections" a different Pennsylvania rise? - proposition? Mr. MOORE. To ask the gentleman ·from Alabama a question. Mr. UNDERWOOD. In the first section there are a number The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman from Alabama yield to of schedules-14, I believe. The balance of the bill has 3 the gentleman from Pennsylvania? sections. If the gentleman from Pennsylvania. has a proposition 1913. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 327.
to make asking unanimous consent to consider the bill along Mr. MURDOCK. If the gentleman will remember former ex· that line, I would be very glad to hear what it is. periences, he will reca ll that toward the conclusion of the con Mr. MOORE. That is just the point. I hope the gentleman sideration of any tariff measure under the five-minute rule will bear with me for a moment. amendments offered under the five-minute rule are usually .voted l\lr. P .A.YNE. l\fr. Speaker, I hope the gentleman from Penn down with an uproar, a hurrah, and a rush, and there is no i;ylrnniu will not attempt to a.mend the rules in regard to the real consideration of them. That will be demonstrated in the frre-minute debate at this time. consideration of this bill. Ir. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, if I understand right, this means Mr. UNDERWOOD. Does my friend from Kansas expect the that there will not be any opportunity to offer amendments Progressive Party to put any amendment offered on this bill, until in some instances over 100 pages of the bill have been whether it was offered to sections or to the-- rend. 1\Ir. MURDOCK. The Progressive Party expects consideration Mr. UNDERWOOD. I have no proposition. This proposition by the entire body of any amendment thay offer. I understood the gentleman from Pennsylvania was making. Th.!r. UNDERWOOD. Certainly; and they will have considera- Mr. MOORE. That is to say, no amendment until we 'have tion. · completed the reading of the entire tariff schedule, and then no l\Ir. MURDOCK. And it does not desire to be met by the cry amendment until we have finished the income-tax schedule, and which will be heard in a few days-the cry of "Vote, vote, then no amendment until we have finished the administrative vote! "-in a session according no consideration of amendments section. . offered, with no attention by a House wearied with long discus fr. U:~'DERWOOD. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has sion. Meritorious amendments are voted down without real con erected a mark to shoot at, and is now shooting at his own mark. sideration here, and the gentleman knows that is true in regard The suggestion did not come from me. It came from the gen to every tariff bill. tleman from Pennsylvania. Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Speaker, I will say to the gentle l\lr. MOORE. Then will the gentleman answer a specific man from Kansas [l\1r. MURDOCK] that my experience with this question? House bas been this, that if a man offers a meritorious amend lir. UNDERWOOD. I do not know whether I will or not. ment and backs it ap by reason this House always listens to it. l\lr. MOORE. It is provided in this bill that the duty upon And I think when my friend says he anticipates the amend wool shall be free. When we reach the wool para.graph will it ments coming from his party are going to be hooted down, he be in order to offer to amend it so that there will be a duty reflects on the intelligence of his own party. say of 18 cents per pound upon wool? Mr. l\ffiRDOCK. Not at all. And I will say to the gentle Mr. UNDERWOOD. We will determine that question when man from Alabama that he knows it to be the experience in we reach it. this House, in the consideration of a long measure, that the Mr. MOORE. Then we can not reach it ·until we finish the first amendments offered to the first paragraphs in the bill section. That is good-by to amendment. usually get very careful consideration and are giveu long de Mr. MANN. If the gentleman will yield, I think the gentle bate, but at the close of consideration of a long bill such as this man from Pennsylvania is in error. I discussed the mutter at there is no real consideration given to the amendments. the time with the gentleman from Alabama. It was proposed, Mr. PAYNID. Mr. Speaker-- as I understand, by some gentlemen on the majority side to pro Mr. MURDOCK. I do not think the gentleman ought to take vide for eight hours of general debate and then amendment in me off my feet. a certain way. The gentleman from Alabama has now pro Mr. FITZGERALD. Mr. Speaker-- posed five days of general debate. My understanding is that The SPEAKER. To whom does the gentleman yield? after the close of general debate it is the present intention of Mr. U:l\'DERWOOD. I yield to the gentleman from New the gentleman from Alabama to allow liberal debate under the York [Mr. FITZGERALD] . five-minute rule in this way. Of course it is quite patent that Mr. FITZGERALD. In two minutes I intend to demand the if on every pa1·agrapb in the bill amendments were offered, even regular order. one amendment or various amendments upon each paragraph Mr. ltl.A.NN. I do not think the gentleman ought to interfere. and then considerable discussion, we would be here much longer This is not an appropriation bill. than the gentleman from Alabama would consent or the majority Mr. MOORE. The first section of this bill contains 132 would consent to, and I have no criticism of him for that; but pages. within reasonable limitation, without any effort upon this side l\ir PAYNE. The gentleman knows the rule is that a bill is to :filibuster, I think we can rely upon having a reasonable op considered by pararaphs. portunity for debate with the knowledge that if it is protracted Mr. MOORE. I the gentleman from Alabama will permit long under the five-minute rule the gentleman from Alabama me to ask, Is the gentleman from New York in favor of the I think would be justified from his point of view in stopping it passage of this bill as it is written or does he think it ought by bring1ng in a rule. to be amended? Mr. Ul'trnERWOOD. I will say to the gentleman from Illinois Mr. PAYNE. There is no occasion to ask any such question it is not my purpose to unduly cut off reasonable debate, but I as that. I am in favor of getting this time for debate fixed do intend to insist that the speeches shall be limited to five first and have general debate on the bill. minutes each. Mr. MOORE. I want to ask a very simply question, which Mr. MURDOCK. Will the gentleman yield? is whether or not we may have opportunity to offer an amend Mr. MOORID. Mr. Speaker-- ment to this bill under the five-minute rule before we b::rre The SPEAKER. To w horn does the gentleman from Alabama reached page 132? yield? Mr. UNDERWOOD. l will refer the gentleman from Penn l\fr. UNDERWOOD. I yield to the gentleman from Kansas. sylvania [Mr. MooRE] to the rules of the House, which will give Mr. MURDOCK. Is not all this discussion proof of the fact him full information and which say that when a bill is read that if the plans of the Progressive Party were .carried out as under the five-minute rule he can offer an ::unendment to each regards the tariff [laughter], a revision of the tari:ff one sched paragraph as it is reached, which I am sure the gentleman from ule at a time at a session, then we should have a real dis Pennsylvania knows. cussion of the bill, with full right of amendment under the :five Mr. MOORE. At the proper time, when· we have reached minute rule? Is not that the fact? the item of potatoes, may we have an opportunity to offer an 1\lr. UNDERWOOD. Well, the gentleman has that same right amendment taking them from the free list? now, I am inclined to think. Mr. U1\1DERWOOD. I call not hear the gentleman. Mr. FITZGERALD. The regular order, Mr. Speaker. Mr. l\fURDOCK. Not at all If the gentleman from Alabama Mr. MOORE. I want to know-- brings in an omnibus bill at one session of Congre s and ex The SPEAKER. The regular order is demanded, and that is pects the consideration under the five-minute rule of such a bill for the Chair to put this demand for unanimous .consent. The in a very few days-- gentleman from Alabama [l\Ir. UNDERWOOD] asks unanimous con· Mr. UNDERWOOD. Not in a few days. There is no dis sent, pending the motion to go into the Committee of the Whole linction whatever between the consideration of this bill under House on the state of the Union, that general debate on this bill the fl.Ye-minute rule as a whole bill a.nd considering 14 sched shall be closed with the adjournment of the House on next ules under the five-minute rule as 14 schedules. There is no Monday; in the meantime that the time shall be divided equally distinction whatever. between himself and the gentleman from New York [Mr. Mr. 1\IURDOCK. The gentleman will find in practice, as he PAYNE], the gentleman from New York [i\lr. PAYNE] agreeing knows, that there is a distinction. to yield six hours to the gentleman from Kausas [Mr. MUR Mr. UNDER WOOD. I do not know of any, and I think my DOCK], to be disposed of as the gentleman from Kansas choo es friend from Kansas ought to take lessons on the rules if he finds in 1 speech or 15, or any other number. Is there objection? where such a distinction lies. Mr. MOORID. I object, Mr. Speaker. 326 CO_NGRESSION AL_~ECORD-HOUSE. APRIL_ 23,
Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Speaker, I ask for a vote on my Mr. MONDELL. I understood the Chair to ask if there was mo ti.on. objection. · The SPEAKER. The question is on the motion to go into the The SPEAKER. Did not the Chair also say he heard none? Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union on the [Laughter and applause.] bill H. R. 3321. l\!r. MONDELL. The Chair did at one time, but the Chair The motion was agreed to. again asked if there was objection. · Accordingly the House resolved Hself into the Committee of I have just a brief observation to make. I do not intend to the Whole House on the state of the Union for the consideration object, but I want to call attention to the fact that the arrange of the bill H. R. 3321, a bill to reduce tariff duties and to pro ment that is made is e~ceedingly liberal to the minority party, vide revenue for the Government, and for other purposes, with with emphasis on the "minority." , Mr. GARRETT of Tennessee in the chair. It is probably true that there will not be 50 hours of general Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent debate. · that the first reading of the bill be dispensed with. The House will not continue in session 10 hours a day during The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Alabama asks umrni this debate. If it does, it will establish a new record, and mous consent that the first reading of the biU be dispensed with. therefore the time of debate will not be 50 hours, but something Is there objection? less. But whether we are in session or in debate 50 hours or There was no objection. 40 hours or 30 hours the minority is to have 6 hours. l\Ir. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Chairman, I wish to fix the time I do not object to it, but I simply want to call attention to the for debate on this bill, so that it may be definitely known by the fact that it is an exceedingly liberal arrangement to the Pro Members, and, therefore, having discussed the bill to this extent, gressives. I intend to move for the committee to rise, and when we get The SPEAKER. Is there objection? [After a pause.] The back in the House I intend to move that general debate shall Chair hears none, and it is so ordered. The gentleman from be closed on Monday next. Alabama withdraws his supplementary motion and moves that .Mr. Chairman, I move that the committee do now rise. the House resolye its-elf into Committee of the Whole House on The motion was agreed to. the state of the Union for the further consideration of the Accordingly the committee rose; arid the Speaker having re tariff bill. sumed the chair, l\Ir. GARRETT of Tennessee, Chairman of the The motion was agreed to. Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, re Accordingly the House resolved itself into Committee of the ported that that committee had had under consideration the bill Whole House on the state 0f the Union for the further consid (H. R. 3321) to reduce tariff duties and to provide revenue for eration of the bill (H. R. 3321) to reduce tariff duties and to the Government, and for other purposes, and had come to no pro>ide re\enue for the Government, and for other purposes, resolution thereon. with Mr. GARRETT -of Tennessee in the chair. 1\fr. Ul'l'DERWOOD. Mr. Speaker, I move that general de The CHAIRMAN. · The committee will be in order. The bate on the bill H. R. 3321 close when the House adjourns on House is in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Monday next. And I wish to state, Mr. Speaker, that I make Union for the further consideration of the bill H. R. 3321, of this motion at this time so that the House may be given full which the CJ erk will report the title.· opportunity of knowing as to when tnil? debate shall close. The Clerk read as follows : I shall now yield to the gentleman from Illinois [l\!r. l\IANN] A bill (H. R. 3321) to reduce tariff duties and to provide revenue for before moving the previous question, if he desires that I yield the Government, and for other purposes. to him. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Alabama [1\Ir. Mr. MA:NN. I suppose the motion is not in order until the UNDERWOOD] is recognized. Honse has again resolved itself into Committee of the Whole. 1\Ir. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Chairman, the enactment of this Mr. UNDERWOOD. I will make that motion, Mr. Speaker, bill into law will mark the beginning of a new era in the fiscal and, pending that motion, I will make the other motion that the legislation of this country. [Applause on the Democratic side.] House resolve itself into Committee o:f the Whole House on For many years before the Civil War this Government was the state o:f the Union. administered under low-tariff conditions, beneficial to the citi The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Alabama moves that zenship of the country and not detrimental to th :~ growth of the the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole Hous~ industries of the United States. The high taxes that we now on the state of the Union for the further consideration of the pay at the customhouses were levied to meet the exigencies of bill (H. R. 3321) to reduce tariff duties and to provide revenue a civil war and are the outgrowth of war conditions. After the for the Government, and for other purposes ; and, pending war was over the necessity of retaining high-taxation meas that-- ures on the statute books had passed, but interested parties Mr. U~TDERWOOD. I move that general debate on the blil who had been able to amass fortunes out of th.is indirect system H. R. 3321, the tariff bill, be closed when the House adjourns of taxation barn been able to control the Goverrunent, with but on l\Ionday next. one brief period intervening, for the last 50 years and have The SPEAh.'"ER. And pending that, the gentleman from Ala maintained this unjust system of war taxation . bama moves that general debate on the tariff bill close at the Four years ago this House faced the same situation it is adjournment of the House next Monday. . facing to-day. The party then in power, the administration then l\Ir. MANN. l\Ir. Speaker, I renew the unanimous-consent conh·olling public affah"s, had been elected to ofilcie on a distinct request made by the gentleman from Alabama a few moments promise to the people to revise the customs taxes downward in ago. the interest of the taxpayer. The SPEAKER. And, pending both motions of the gentleman It is unnecessary at this time to go into the details of how from Al abama, the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. MANN] asks that party failed to keep its promise or of how and why it has unanimous consent that the time be equally divided, one half to been repudiated by the American people for that failure. It is be controlled by the gentleman from Alabama [l\Ir. UNDERWOOD] sufficient to say that the Payne bill had hardly been enacted into and the other half to be controlled by the gentleman from New law before its own advocates commenced apologizing for it and York [Ur. PAYNE], with the further provision that the gentle proposing tariff commissions or other methods of revising their man from New York yield six hours of his time to the gentle own enactment, recognizing th~ fact themselves i:.hat the American man from Kansas [l\Ir. l\IuRDOCK], to be disposed of as the latter people were not satisfied with the bill they _had passed nnd that gentleman chooses. Is there objection? [After a pause.] The they must girn some excuse for their failure to keep their pledged Chair bears none. faith with the people. [Applause on the Democratic side.] :Ur. l\IANN. That carries with it, I suppose, the proposition The election of 1910 was n. repudiation of the party that that the debate close on Monday? passed the law now on the statute books. A Democratic House l\Ir. UNDERWOOD. That was the understanding. Was not was sent here to revise the tariff in the interest of the American that included? people. They proposed a series of bills. l\Iany ·were passed by Mr. MANN. That was a part of the gentleman's motion. a Republican Senate, and went to a Republican President, who The SPEAKER. It also includes the proposition that the vetoed them. · · general debate on the tariff bill close when the House adjourns The House must bear in mind that we have been living under next .Monday. Is there objection? [After a pause.] The Chair practically the same system of taxation since 1897, when the hears none. Dingley bill was enacted just prior to the Spa_nish War. Irre l\Ir. MONDELL rose: spective of theory, the condition of the country has. entirely The· SPEAKER. For what purpose does the gentleman rise? changed since that time, both from the standpoint of the con Mr. MONDELL. To reserve the rigbt. to object, in order to sumer and of the manufacturer. make a few observations. When the hearings· were had on the Payne tariff bill I recall The SPEAKER It is too late to object to that. that the room was filled with A:merican ma~ufacturers, insisting 1913. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 329·
that radical changes should be made in the Dingley law, and rather than reduce the tariff by voting for a bill that will re- l that the system of taxation then in vogue was obsolete and out 1ieve the American people. [Applause on the Democratic side.] / of touch with the industrial conditions of the country. Yet they The bills that we propose to the country are not new. We woke up to find the law substantially reenacted, and the relief are not taking advantage of the American people in proposing that even the industries of the country sought against these un them. A Democratic House was returned two years ago and just burdens of taxation was not granted. wrote a series of bills revising this tariff, and we presented The real question that we have to consider is that of the them to the country as our platform. They were indorsed by rights and interests of the consuming masses of the American the national platform of the Democratic Party as a flag under people. [Applause on the Democratic side.] The question of which we would fight our battles. We went to the country, and industry in this country is, and from our standpoint must al the American people ha•e returned to this House one of the ways be, secondary to the rights and necessities of the great greatest majorities any party has ever had in these Halls since American consuming public. [Applause.] the CiYil War. [Applause on the Democratic side.] We do not So far as the people were concerned, the main reason why n speak for ourselYes, but we speak tlu·ough the authority of an edict revision of the customs laws was both demanded and expected from the American people. [Applause on the Democratic sid~.] was because of the increased cost of living since the enactment The great contending parties in this Nation hold two diYerse of the Dingley, bill in 1897. During that pe1iod I find from sta theories when it comes to writing a tariff bill. The Republican tistics that the value- of farm products have increased 93 per Party stands for a protectiYe tariff, which they have defined as cent· food; 47 per cent; clothing, 36 per cent; metals and im a tariff that equals the difference in the cost of production a1' plem'ents, 48 per cent; drags and chemicals, 24 per cent; house- horn~ and abroad, with the addition of a reasonable profit to. ' furnishing goods, 24 per cent; and all commodities covered by the home manufacturer. I ha-Ye seen some Republicans who, the present law have increased on an ayerage 47 per cent. have attempted to abandon that platform, but, so far as I know, I do not contend, nor would it be fair to say, that this increase the great party leaders are standing to this position in defeat in values is wholly due to the tariff. In some cases it is and as they stood to it in the days of their power. Therefore I in others it is not. But it is safe to say that a large portion of 1 think I can fairly take that definition as representing the posi- the increased cost of living to the American citjzen has grown tion of the political enemy confronting us. 1\Ir. Chairman, the directly out of the system of taxation levied to protect the great Committee on Ways and Means of Ge House do not reach their manufacturing interests of this country. [Applause on the conclusions from the same standpoint that our political adver· Democratic side.] If that were not true, we would find the saries would. Gentlemen on the other side of the aisle believe cost of living in countries like England, which has no. such sys that we should adjust a tariff to meet the difference in cost of tem of taxation, as high as ours. On the other hand, we know production at home and abroad, together with a reasonable in many countries not maintaining a high protectirn tariff, al profit. That position of necessity must rest on the basis of the though the cost of living has increased to some extent, the actual cost of production. The majority members of the Committee cost to each individual is far less and has increased proportion on Ways and Means of the House not only do not agree with ately less than it has to the people of the United States. that theory but we baYe not attempted to write this bill upon , Although we have reduced the tariff in the interest of the that basis. As a matter of fact, I contend that the theory is J consumer in this bill, it would be untrue to say that the effect not defensible, that it is impossible for anyone to reach a con- I of this reduction is going to be imniediate. There are many clusion based upon the difference in the cost-of-production-theory. reasons why we can not promise this to the people, but there If the money cost of production is made a test in certain classes is one which is quite sufficient. Under all the laws of trade of goods, the prices are not fixed by the lowest cost of produc- supply and demand must regulate prices. The retail merchants tion, but by the highest. This is h·ue of eYery commodity sub- of the country have fixed their prices to-day on goods now on ject to the law of diminishing returns. When the price is fixed their shelves, which were bought under conditions fixed by Re by the cost of producing it, that portion of the supply which is \ publican legislation. ~rhey will not reduce their prices until they brought into existence under the least favorable conditions must are compelled to do so, nor will they begin to reduce the price fix the basis. I do -not think that anybody will deny the eco- \ . to the consumer until competition from fellow merchants forces nomic proposition that if wheat is selling in the markets at 75 them to do so. That competition will naturally not arise unt.il cents a bushel the price of wheat is fixed by the market price / the merchant has disposed of the goods on his helves, which he and not by the question of whether it costs a dollar a bushel to has purchased under conditions of a high Republican tariff. raise wheat or 25 cents a bushel to raise wheat. As a matter of But I do fully believe that within a reasonable time, when fact, it is not always the best land that fixes the price. It is more ' present stocks of goods are sold out, the American people will often the poorest land that fixes the price of a commodity that is receive a real reduction in the cost of living if this bill is en raised upon it, when there is not sufficient good land to drive the acted into law. [Applause on the Democratic side.] poor land out of business. It is not always the State that can I ( Whenever it is proposed to reduce the taxes leYiecl for privi produce a commodity at the lowest price that is the rival for the leged classes the cry is always raised that it will impair indus- control of that market, because you may ha Ye State A, which can try. The greatest moving cause for the impairment of industry produce both corn and wheat more cheaply than State B, but it in the United States in the last 50 years has been the shackles may be more productive and profitable for State A to raise corn fastened by high protective legislation to the ships of industry, than wheat, so the market for wheat may come from State B, like the barnacles at sea that cling and drag downward. [Ap which is the least advantageously situated to produce the supply. plause on the Democratic side.] · If you are fixing the tax on the commodity, my friends upon It is this high cost of living to employees that of necessity that side of the House, how are you going to determine the cost of \ creases the cost of production. It is the high cost of sup production? Are you going to measure it between the best mill in plies that industry must bear that increases its cost of produc America and the best mill abroad, or are you going to measure it \ fion. It is this increased cost of production that has chained between the worst manufacturing enterprise in America and the American industries to our shores and prevented them from best abroad? Where are you going to find your measure on I going out among the nations of the earth to spread the goods which to fix this difference in the cost of prod·uction at home and abroad? More than that, if you stand by that difference-of- I 1 and wares of American enterprise in foreign markets and to secure the fruits of American labor and American E:'ri.terprise to the cost theory, with what country are you going to measure it? It / people of our great country. [Applause on the Democratic side.] is manifest that in a great many of the textile products there is But it has done yet another thing. It has stifled enterprise, great difference between the English, the German, and the ( throttled energy, and placed a premium on incompetency. Italian cost of production. Which of them are you going to Not as a result of our investigation, but from an investiga measure your tariff against? Which are you going to say is the tion set on foot by gentlemen who sat on that side of the aisle, true measure of the difference in cost of production upon which not through our agents, but through their agents, we find that a to levy this tariff-the English mill, the German mill or the tariff board, appointed by them to inquire into the conditions Italian mill? You have to fix on one or the other; you can not of these great industries, reports that they find establishments use them all. Ah, but you may say that you will find an ayer~ ' maintained by this tariff system where the machinery operating age, that you will take the average cost of production at home . is 60 years old; these establishments have taken their profits and the average cost of production abroad; but if you do, I say in the past to pay enormous dividends to stockholders, depleting that averages necessarily protect no one. The average, if yon their own enterprises for personal greed, and are maintaining a use that basis, will drive out of existence the weaker mill. 'rhe \ business to-day with worn-out, ancient, and ineffective machin average, if you are going to stand upon that basis, will giYe ery; yet they ask the American people through taxes to main- undue protection to the stronger mill. 'l~erefore yon can not tain the price they place on their product. [Applause on the find an intel1igent basis on which to ascertniu the difference in\ Democratic side.] That is the condition that confronts these the so-caned cost of production at home nnd a bro:u1 [a ppl a 11i;;e on\ gentlemen, who prefer to maintain on the statute books a Ding the Democratic side], nor can you write an intelligent tariff act ley and u Payne law in the interest of decadent corporations upon that basis, and the proof of it is that you nernr ha Ye done so. l 330 CONGRESSIONAL RE.CORD-HOUSE. APRIL 23,
The Democratic Party stands for a tariff for revenue only, co1·ded them otherwise.. [Applause on the Democratic, side.J with the emphasis upon the word " only." [Applause on the And more than that,. it is not the- cost of lab.or that counts ..so I Democratic side.] We do not propose to tax one man for the much as it is the efficiency of labor, and in many of these great benefit of another, except for the necessary revenue that we must enterprises- the testimony shows· that by reason of the e..fficien.cy raise to administer this Goverrunent economically. Then how of labor the unit of cost of production in America is eheapei: do we arrive at a basis in writing a revenue tariff bill? We than abroad. But that is not the only question that we have I adopt the competitive theory. We say that no revenue can be to considerr You must not overlook the fact in trying to work produced at the customhouse unless there is some competition out the theo1·etic.ul difference in cost of p.roduction at home and between the products of for~~ countries and domestic p1·oducts; -abroad that the prol:>Iem of transportation costs is one of the that if you put the wan so high that you close the door to im great vital questions involved. The question of carrying the portation no re>enue can be raised, and that if you want to raw material to the furnace or the factory is_a greate1· item raise revenue at the customhouse you must admit some importa in the cost of production than even the labor cost. . tions before the tax will fall upon them and revenue be derived. The question of carrying the finished product from the fac Now, if you will follow the amount of imports into this coun tory to its ultimate market is one of the most important factors try based on the Republican bills on the statute books for the to be considered. And this fact is recognized. But how are you last 50 years,, you will find in every schedule, in nea1·ly every going ta balance it? Are you going to balance it for the prod paragraph, impassable wallB and mountain peaks over which it ucts of the United States Steel Corporation pJmduced at Pitts is impossible for importations to come, and then you will find burgh, at the Atlantic seaboard or on the Pacific coast? Are a low valley through which imports are allowed to flow to pro you going to balance the cost of transportation for the citrus duce some i;evenue. You have for 50 years played favorites. fruit industry of California, at the Mississippi River,. or at the Yon ha\"e given t<> your chosen minions the power to tax the Atlantic Ocean? Why, I had before me a representative of the I American people by building prohibitive tariff walls, and you grea.t iron industry of this country some time ago, and he stated ) have opened the gates of those walls to revenue from tho:Se for what is. a fact, that the cost of transportation on iron piping whom you did not care. [Applause on the Democratie side.] from the Pittsburgh factories to San Francisco. is $10.50 a ton In this bill we have not been able at one fell swoop to wipe out freight rate,. while that from the Englisb mills. to· San Fran all the iniquities, the injustices, and favoritism that you have cisco is only $5 by water route. Ile insisted Umt we should ingrafted on the body politic in five decades, but so far as. this determine the competitive point, or the point o! difference in committee and our party is concerned we have played favorites cost of production, at San Francisco, and that we should equulize with no man. [Applause on the Democratic side.] No favored the freight-rate difference between $5 a ton~ the English :cute, and manufacturer has sat behind the closed doors of the Ways and $10 ..50 a ton,. the P-rttsl:>urgh rate, for iron pipe at Snn }francisco. Means Committee to dictate the ta.xes that he should be allowed In other wo-rds, that we should levy on a 11 the people of the United to levy on the American people. [Applause on the Democratic States a tariff tax in order that he might compete with a pro s:ide.J We have given an honest, open, and fair hearing to ducer that had cheaper water transportation to San Ftmi.cisco. every man who desired it, regardless of his politics or busfaess. That is- the basis on which you have been buildin.g t.a.r:Uf' rn:tes, We ba·rn not been ab-le to wipe out all the favoritism that you but it is not a basis that the American people will ever recognize have ingrafted in these bills, becausa- a great many of the indus as fair or just or right. [Appfa.use on the Democratic- side.] tries in the United States h::rrn been built up on the rotten foun My friends on that side of the House were guilty of exactly dation that you placed under them. Too great harm would that proposition when they enacted 'the Payne tariff Inw. The result to industries. to the thousands of workers and laborers lemon industry of California. under a. t.ax of 1 cent a pound on employed therein, were we suddenly to destrny these founda lemons, was· able to pay the freight rates eastward and prnctt tions. So far as it was practicable to do so without working an cally control the Amedcan market up to the Allegheny Moun absolute injustice to the American consumer, we have endeav tains. They saw that other people had prohibitive tariff ra.tes, ored to lower the tariff wall with a jackscrew, since it was not so they demanded' of you, and you gave it to them, Ull increase our commission to lowei· it with an ax. Now, you say, how can of taxation on lemons from 1 cent a pound to H ccn-ts a pound, we work out our theory of a competitive tariff.1 When we dis in order to force the American people to buy their lemons from card the theory of cost of production and admit that some com California and pay the inland freight rate so that they might petition should exist in every line of industry,. then it is a drive out of the Americari. market the. lemons grown across the simple proposition to compare the amount ot imports coming water in Sicily. You did that for them. That fS the way you . into this country with the amount of goods· collilumed, and wrote this tariff and fixed the difference in cost at home and abroad. Witb what i·esult? Yon raised the p.rice of lemons in every you can ascertain at the customhouse whether ~re is any competition, reasonable competition. or drastic competition. Un hospital in the United States; you raised the ~rice to the poor to satisfy the greedy maw tbe fortunately we ha.ve not had the data in all instances to deter and to the dying in their beds- of mine this, but we have written a provision into the bill requil" California fruit producers. [Appb.use on the Democratic side.-] ing the President of tile United States to furnish the Congress Now,. in this speech I can not go int& d-etails concerning the annually with such information, and when exact knowledge of changes in the hiJL · When the bill 4!0mes up under the five will the amount of imports and the American c.onsumptio in. any minute rule it g;L-ve me- pleasure to unswe.r any @estion the given article is secured you will be able to tell at a glance gentlemen desire· to ask in reference to it. But I desire to. point whether the rates you levy at the customhouse are reasonably ourt here the· basis on which this bill haS' heen e.onstl'ue:ied-by competitive, drastic, or prohibitive, and this gives you the basis levying taxes on the luxuries of the rich and reducing them on the necessaries of the poor. [Applause on the- Democratic side~) on which to adjust your rates. In the Payne- bill attar of roses. was fl'ee. Under this bill we Of course this is not true with every commodity. Some levy a tax on it of 20 pe.r cent. In the Payne bill perfumery things are so essential to the life of th-e individual that they wa.a taxed an equivalent ad valore.m rate of 72 per cent~ In should be given him without taxation, regardless o.f whether er this bill we tax perfumeTy at an equjvalent ad valorem rate not they a.re competitive, but as a general rule in this bill we have of 74 per cent. In the Payne l>ill highly scented toilet soap wa.s sought to fix a reasonnbly competiti•e tariff at the customhouse, taxed 50 per c.ent, and we tax it '10 per cent. In the Payne with this exception-well, I withdraw that expression; it is not bill:, automo-b-iles were taxed 45 per cent; we mrunta:in that an exception-with this qualification: '.l'h.at we levy high taxes. tax. In the P yne. bill, gold mannfa.ctill'es were taxed 45 per oo the luxuries of life and endeavor to place· the taxes on the cent; we raise the tax to 50 per cent, and the same on silver necessaries as low as possible consistent with raising a reason manufactures. Highly finished pile :fabrics in Schedule J ~ the able amount of reTenue. [Applause on the Democratic side.} luxuries, of the rich were· taxed in the Payne bill 00: per cent, Now, before pas ing away from the cost-of-production ~d we maintain a tax of 45 peJ." cent. You taxed oriental car theory and the competitive theory of levying a tariff tax, pet& at an equi a.lent ad valotem rate- of 58 per cent;. we- main we always hear a cry from the great manufacturing interests of tain. a tax o:f 50 per eent on them. Articles of silk weuring ap this country that you can not lower the truiiff without affecting parel you taxed 60 per cent, and we maintain a tax of 5() per the price of labor. I heard that cry from one man who ap. cent on th.em.. On j.ewelry you had a tax nmo-unting to- asout penred before the· Ways and Means- Committee- in the last 76 per cent and we- place a tax of 60- per ~ent. So. my friends. hea.ringS, when subsequE.-nt testimony showed that he was work aH I demonstrat~ to you, on the luxuries oi the rieh-- ing the poorest class of foreign labor- in the sweatsheps. of Mr. IIAMIL'.rON of Michigan. That lowers the.ml New York. Yet he came before the Congress of the United Mr-. UNDERWOOD. We- lowered them, and I will- fell you .States asking for a p1·e>tective tariff to- protect labor that was whyr my friends.. I know it ,never wo11ld enter ~our mmd that undero-oing the grind of the garret sweatshops of his own city. there could b:e any reason fo lowering a tax on luxurie8' of this Of course we are proud of the fact that muny American kind. The only- reason we· lowered them was because Oih swne laborers ·obtnin higher wages than they do a.broad but it is of them you had put the· rad~ so. unconscie:qahly higb tha..t the largely due to their own industrial organizations, since by rea articles couJd not come in, and we really wanted the Go e-mr son of their labor unions th-ey have enforced justice fro.IQ those ment to get from them a pa1·t of the revenue. iApplnuse on great manufacturing interests that would not have been ac- the Democratic side.) 1913. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 331 • Now, I would like the gentlemen on that side of the House, Oomparattt:e summary showing total f'ei:enue, by schedules, etc.--Contd. who have maintained this indefensible system of taxing the poor for five decades, to listen to the other side of the story. Imports. On common soap you placed a tax of 20 per cent. We have lowered the tax to 5 per cent. [Applause on the Democratic side.] Sched Estimate You taxed the furniture of the poor man's house 35 per cent. ule. Item. for a 12- ·We have lowered it to 15 per cent. [Applause on the Demo 1912 mont b period un cratic side.] der H.R. 3321. You taxed bread and biscuits 20 per cent. We place them on the free list. [Applause on the Democratic side.] On cotton clothing. you taxed the people of this country 50 :r .• ••• .. Flax, hemp, and jute, and manufactures of: per cent. We have reduced it to 30 per cent. [Applause on va1ues ...... {~iai>ie:: ·ii08;69S;i02· 1s5o~~n:~ the Democratic side.] Duties...... $4.9, 062, 348 $15, 977, 000 Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 45.14 26. 06 On the flannels that protect them against the cold winter K ...... Wool, and manufactures of: storms you taxed the people of the United States over 93 per cent, and we have reduced the tax to 25 and 35 per cent. [Ap va1ues ..... - · · ·············--{~abia:: ··m;36i;374· ~~ ; ~~ : ~ Duties .. ···· ············· ···········' ···· $27,072, 116 $12, 774,00'.l plause on the Democratic side.] Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 55. 98 18. 50 The tax' on women's and children's dress goods under your L ...... Silks and silk goods: system of levying a tax for the benefit of the manufacturer was Values...... $26,571,510 S36, 861, OOJ Duties...... $13, 695,239 $16, 212, ()()() about 100 per cent, and we have lowered that to 35 per cent. Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 51. 54 43.93 [Applause on the Democratic side.] M ...... Pulp, papers, and books: You taxed the shoes of the people of the United States, after Val {free...... Sll,427,00J ues. · · · · ·· · · · · · .. · · · · · · · · · dutiable.. $22,828, 121 $13,534, 700 giving the shoemaker free raw material and stating at the time Duties...... $4,886,671 $2,957,130 you gave it that he did not need the protection; you gave him Sun~~i:valent ad valorem (per cent)...... 21. 41 n. 85 N ...... 10 per cent and we give free shoes to the people of America. 2 Values {free ...···· () S9,382,000 [Applause on the Democratic side.] · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · dutiable.. $108, 952, 769 ss110, 866, 000 Now, it is impossible to go into the numerous details of this Duties...... 26, 931, 900 $59, 952, 000 bill, but I desire to call your attention to the changes of taxes Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 24. 72 33. 26 by schedules. I will print the entire table in my remarks, but Total dutiable: at this time I shall refer only to the averages. $102, 403, 000 va1ues ...•...... -..... {~~iai>ie:: ·3759;200 ~ 9i5 . $798, 596, OOJ Comparative summary shoio-ing total 1·evenue, by schedules, for the fiscal Du tiec;...... $304, 597, 035 $266, 701, ()()'.) J}ea1· ending June so, 1911!, and as estimated for the fb·st 12-nio1it1' Equivalent ad valorem (per cent).. 40.12 29.6) p eriod tmder H. R. SSf l. Imports. 1 The estimated imports under Schedule J show a large decrease from the year 1912, because all laces and embroideries included in this sched ule unde1· the law of 1909 have been transferred to Schedule N in Scbed Estimate H. R. 3321. u1e. Item. for a 12- 2 The value of the imports for 1912, transferred from the free list of . 1912 month the act of 1909 to this schedule by H. R. 3321 was $28,790,338. period un 3 The estimated imports under Schedule N show a large increase der H. R. 3321. caused by the transfer of articles to it from other schedules, chiefly laces and embroideries that were formerly included in Schedules J, K, and L. A. • . . . . Chemicals, oils, and paints: v l {Cree...... (1) l3, 131, 000 On the entire chemical schedule the tax was 25.91 per cent. a ues •. · · · · · · · · · · · · ··· · · · · · · · dutiable.. $47, 235, 641 2$62, 969, 000 Duties...... $12, 239, 742 12, 985, 000 Our taxes levied on that schedule are 19.64 per cent, or a re Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 25. 91 '19. M duction in the chemical schedule of 24 per cent below the B...... Earths, earthenware, and glassware: Payne law. [Applause on the Democratic side.] v {free...... $108, 000 a1 ues. · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · dutiable. . S21, 994, 265 528, 469, 000 On earths, earthenware, and glassware you Jevied a tax of Duties...... Sll, 156, 221 $9, 478. 000 about 51 per cent. We levy a tax of 33 per cent, a reduction Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 50. 72 33. 17 below the Payne bill of 35 per cent. [Applause on the Demo C. .•. . . . Metals, and manufactures of: cratic side. J Values ...... {~:i~i>ia:: --~50;49i;s7i>' a~:~g; ~ On me~als and manufactures of metals you levied a tax of Duties...... 17,346, 221 $15, 459 ,000 34 per cent. We Jevy a tax of 20 per cent, a reduction below Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 34. 35 20. 19 D...... Wood, and manufactures of: the Payne bill of 41 per cent. [Applause on the Delpocrntic 1 side.] va1ues ...... {rufui>i0:: ··~24;4i4 ; 943· i~ ; m : ~ On wood and the manufactures of wood you levied a tax of Duties...... 53, 042 834 $898, 000 Equivalent ad valorem (per cent )...... 12. 46 3. 59 12 per cent, and we levy a tax of 3' per cent, a reduction of 71 E ...•.. Sugar, molasses, and manufactures of: per cent. We place most of it on the free list, in order that Values...... Sl05, 744, 519 $111, 800, 000 the American workman may have free lumber with which to Duties...... 550,951,199 540,196,000 Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 48. 18 35. 93 build his own home. {Applause on the Democratic side.) F ...... Tobacco, and manufactures of: You have levied a tax ori sugar of 48 per cent. We have re Values ...... $31, 116,052 $30, 595,000 duced 35 a Duties...... $25,571,.508 526, 002, 000 that tax to per cent for the next three years, or Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 82.18 84. 99 reduction of 25 per cent; and at the end of the three years we G...... Agricultural products and provisions: intend, if this bill becomes a law, to place it on the free list. Val es {free...... (3) $19, 259, 000 u ...... dutiable .. $117,711,156 $108, 488, 000 [Applause on the Democratic side.] So that the one com Duties...... $34,146,071 $21,567, 000 modity above all others that most directly reflects the taxe Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 29. 01 16. 87 levied at the customhouse no longer goes on the table of the H...... Spirits, wines, and other beverages: Values ...... $20, 731,233 '$25,195,00J consumer bearing the marks of 50 years of oppressive taxation Duties...... $17,409,815 $20,987,000 that our friends on that side of the House have taught the Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 83. 98 83. 3:> American consuming public to recognize when they open their I...... C-Ott.on manufa~tures: Values...... $24,358,300 S.'36,927,000 home door. [Applause on the Democratic side.] Duties...... $11, 085, 150 Sll, 257, ooo As to tobacco and the manufactures thereof, we considered Equivalent ad valorem (per cent)...... 45.51 30.48 them as luxuries or in the nature of luxuries and good revenue 1 The value of the imports for '1912 of the act of 1909 transferred producers, so made no vital change in the schedule. from the free list to this schedule ~Y H. R. 3321 was $15,052,409. 2 The decrease in the estimated value of imports and the increase in On agricultural products and provisions we haye reduced the the equivalent ad valorem compared with the chemical bill vetoed by tax from 29 per cent to 17 per cent, or a ;reduction of 42 per President Taft is caused by the transfer to the fi:ee list of tanning cent. extracts, barks, and woods, oils used in soap making, varnish gums, and also the increased rates on various articles, such as coal-tar dyes and On spirits, wines, and other beyerages we have left the taxes colors, licorice root, etc a.s they are in the present law. 3 The value of the impo1·ts for 1912, transferred from the free list of the act of 1909 to this schedule by H. R. 3321,-was $6)043,330. On cotton manufactures you taxed the public about 46 per ' Though the rates are not increased, the estimated imports show an cent. We reduced the average tax to 30 per cent, making n increase over 1912 because the latter was a year of abnormal importa tions, due to the termination of the reciprocity agreements with coun -reduction of 33 per cent below the Payne bill. [Applause on tries producing commodltie~ dutiable under Schedule H. In anticipation the Democratic side.] of the higher rates of duty effective after the termination of these On flax, hemp, and jute and their manufactures we have re agreements,. the importations were increased. Normal imports under existing rates of duty may now be expected since the overstock is prac duced the tax from 45 to 26 per cent, a reduction of 42 per tically consumed. cent belO\Y the Payne bill. 332 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. APRIL 23, • On wool and manufactures of wool you taxed the public nearly estimate, for the sake of convenience, $t!O,OOO,OOO from the in- · 56 per cent. We tax them 18-! per cent, a reduction in favor of come tax with the inte:mal-revenue tax, it is so included in the American people of G7 per cent below the Payne bill. [Ap the estimate for last year's revenue. With the reductions in pla u e on the Democratic side.] this bill, it will leav-e a deficit of about 69.000 000 from internal On silk goods the tax was about 52 per cent. We tax it 44 revenue taxes, customs taxes, and other ·incidental soillces, to per cent, or a reduction of 15 per cent. be made up by the income tax. In that amonnt we have in On paper and books you taxed them 21 per cent. We tax them cluded the taxes that will be ra.i ed fr m corporations. We 12 per cent, or a reduction of 45 per cent. estimate that the amount of revenue that will be derived from The sundries schedule is the only one in this bill raised by us. personal income tax will be $70,000,000, leaving a surplus 01! You taxed sundries about 25 per cent, and we tax them 33 per revenue above expenditures of something over a million dollars. cent, or an increase of 35 per cent. And why? Because we have · Now, that looks like rather a close estimate, but it must be plucked out of other schedules all tl;le laces and embroideries and borne in mind that because of the contracts the last Congress put them in one paragraph in the sundry schedule at the high had to assume from a previous Republican administration large rate of 60 per cent, because they are luxuries and highly com incr·eases in expenditures were nece i ta ted for the Army and petitive. Then we have increased the tax on uncut diamonds Navy. And then the last Congress increased the appropriations and on finished diamonds. We h ve gathered together a number for the old soldiers, which expenditure al o had to be met. of other luxurie , such us furs, and put taxes on them in this These three items amount to $20,000,000 inc1'ease for the Army, schedule in order that the luxuries of the rich might be taxed $12,000,000- for the Navy, and $26,000,000 for pensions, making a and the necessaries of the poor untaxed. [Applause on the total of $58,000,000. Democratic side.] For that reason the bill shows in the sun Time of necessity will reduce the pension appropriation. The dries schedule an increase o•er the Payne bill. But taking an old soldiers of the country are all approaching 70 years of age. average for the whole bill, your bill last year showed 40.12 per Unquestionably •there will be a diminution in the amount of ap cent, and our bill, under the estimate, will average 29.60 per propriations necessary to pay pensions within the next three cent, or a reduction below the Payne bill taxes of last year of years on account of the death of the present pensioners. 2G per cent. [Applause on the Democratic side.] This reduc I believe, and feel that I can assert with confidence, that the tion exists notwithstanding the fact that we have increased the increases made in the Army and the Navy appropriations in the taxes on a number of luxuries that you did not tax, which, of pa.st year by rigid and honest economy in the tuture will be course, raised the average for the entire bill. reduced. So I am confident that under this bill~ with the natu l\Ir. Chairman, I shall not attempt to discuss the custo.ms tax ral reductions coming from decreases in penE.ions and from features of the bill further at this time. I wish to say, how economy in appropriations, we will not only have a million dol ever, that this bill is the beginning of a new theory of levying lars of balance in our favor but we will have several millions. taxes by this Government, a theory with which our Repub Indeed, I assaredy believe that the $40,000,000 which will be lican friends have taken direct issue. raised from sugar next year will be taken care of by these They say in their report-now mark the words- decreases when the three years have passed, and that it will not In presenting this bill the committee is met with a threatened deficit be necessai·y to increase taxes anywhere else to make up for the in revenue of about $100,000,000, which tt is compelled to meet by loss of revenue when all sugar goes to the free list. extraorclin.ary methods of taxation used heretofore only in time of wa1·. As a revenue measure the committee at the very outset confess this bill There are a number of changes in the administrative features to be a failure. It would seem as if a party pledged to a revenue ta.rHr of this bill, but I prefer to discuss them under the five-minute would strive to make the revenue feature conspicuous. rule and explain the details at that time. I have only a few What does the Republican Party mean by that? They can words to say in conclusipn. I believe that this bill is an honest mean but one thing, that they intend in the future to stand as revision of the tariff downward. [Applause on the Democratic they have stood in the past, to continue to tax consumption in side.] I believe that it is not so drastic as to jeopardize any this country and let the great wealth of the United States go legitimate industry; and by "legitimate industry" I do not untaxed. [Applause on the Democratic side.] You say, gen mean those mills and factories that have gorged themselves on tlemen of the Republican Party, that we levied this income· tax dividends in the past and left their floors and machinery to becau e we could not raise the revenue at the customs. Ah, decay. There is no rea on why they should be considered in my friends, you are so blind that you can not see. the trend this equation; but no legitimate industry is go-ing to be injured of the times. You are so reactionary that you can not realize by the enactment of this bilI. I believe, on the other hand, that that this great country of ours is moving on, not on:y in industrial competition will bring industry to the firing line; competition growth but in the ideas and the thoughts and the rights of men. will force it to its best endeavors; competition will develop it [Applau e on the Democratic side.] Wedded to your idols, you and strengthen it, so that it will no longer be a battle merely for thought we levied this income tax because we hacl to. Why, fr. the home market, but out of this competition wm grow the Chairman, we could have found this $100,000,000 at the customs strength that will carry our commerce beyond the seas. [Ap~ if we had so desired; but the time has come in this country plam~e on tbe Democratic side.] when the great untaxed wealth of America must and shall bear Now, there is only a few words more. We are going to revise its fair share of the burdens of running the Government of the the tariff, and the Democratic Party is going to pass this . bill. United States. [Applause on the Democratic side.] We remove [Applause on the Democratic side.] the taxes at the customhouse on necessaries purposely to levy I have insisted on a reasonable limitation of general debate a tax on wealth. I ish my fFiends on the other side to clearly to-day. I shall insist on a reasonable consideration under the understand this. [Applause on the Democratic side.] When five-minute rule because the country is waiting to see the effect you levy a tax on con umption the man of moderate means pays of this bill It makes no difference whether they agree with as much taxes on the clothes he wears and the food he consumes you in theory or with us. they are as one voice and one man in as the multimillionaire, and up to this time, except when the demanding that this legislation should be speedily enacted and • exigencies of war, as you say, required otherwise, you have that they may have an early opportunity to adjust themselves to exempted the great wealth of this country, notwithstanding the the new conditions. [Applause on the Democratic side.] As fact that we build a fleet and maintain an Army to protect that the party in power, I say it is our duty to the country to send wealth against fore.ign foes or domestic troubles. this legislation through as speedily as we can, with due regard Yet a Republican committee, facing the hour of a change in for the rights of the minority in this House, which this side of the fiscal system of our country, still proclaim themselves on the House is always willing to accord, giving a fair considera record as wedded to their idols and unwilling to tax the money tion and a reasonable opportunity to be heard. [Applause on of the rich. [Applause on the Democratic side.] the Democratic side.] Gentlemen, I thank you for your atten I am not going into a full discussion of the merits of the in tion. [Loud applau e.] come tax at this time. l\fy colleague on the committee. the gen Mr. MANN. 1\Ir. Chmrman, will the gentleman from Alabama tlem:rn from Tennessee [l\Ir. HULL], is largely responsible for yield for a question? the work done on this section of the bill and is entitled to l\lr. UNDERWOOD. I yield. gre.-'lt credit for it. [Applause on the Democratic side.] I will Mr. MANN. Is .it the intention of the gent1emnn now to leave this portion of the bill for him to discuss when his time yield to questions in reference to detans concerning the IJill? comes. In regard to the revenues of the Government, we have printed Mr. UNDERWOOD. I would prefer to answer them when we in the report an estimate of revenues and expenditures under take the bill up under the five-minute rule. As the o-entlemnn this bill. There are two portions of the income tax, one relat understands, I have spoken for something over an hour nud ing to the tax on corporations and the other relating to the tax I am somewhat tired at this time. on individuals. As we estimate it, the total income tax paid by 1\Ir. MANN. I remember· how vigorous the gentleman is, and individuals and corporntion combined will amount to some that four years ago the gentleman from New York [l\lr. PAYNE] .thing more than $100,000,000. But we have included in our spoke for nine hours explaining his bill-perhaps had need for 1913. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 333
that length of time, but we obtained the in1'ormation, :and I do- snLL'ED MILK. not think we have to-day. · It makes Tecy little .filfl'erence now whet.her the P.ayne I.aw was Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Chairman. I will say to the gentle- a fnliillment of my party'.s pledges, as I earnestly belie\e. or man f1"0m Illinois that the Committee on W.ays -and Means has whether it w.as a double-Oealing, int:erest-oontrolled" diabolical prepared and presented to the Ho.use a statistical handbook, perversion of our .promises, as the e.ountry believes or wishes to w.hlch it bas made a part of its report, ·givj.ng ·the details in beUe-ve. The Nation does not want' the Payne law, the Nati-0n reference to .ail of these matters. I do not care to :yield to any wrn not have the Payne l:aw. If necessary., the Nation· w<:>nld questions, but if the gentleman desired-- r.atber e1~t a ·Congress of numbsknlls and e-harl-atans who will Ur. ~!ANN. Oh, I was asking for the information of '.'A!em- -administer tile eUXiir which it seeks rather than retain a bers -Of the House. Congress of iElscufapians who insist on compounding the old llr. U;r\'DERWOOD. If the ,gentleman from Illinois desires formulas, which the Nation Tefus:es any longer to swaJlow. to .ask .a questio.n, I will endeavor to answer it. Perhaps the :ol:d political physi:eiari' may in the end prove right. Mr. HAMILTON of Michigan. But the gentleman from Iill- Perhaps the new political physician may turn out to be only nois does not .ask all of the -guestions for this si.de of the Reuse. another Dr. Cook. · Mr. UNDERWOOD. I do not .care to yield generally f:or , THE HOUR FOB ACTION. that purpose at this time. But the time for disputation has expired. The Nation's wish Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from has been aseertained. The new -doctor has been summoned. Massachusetts [ML GARDNER]. [,Applause.] The hour for him to prescribe has arrived. It behoov:es -us old Mr. GARDNER. Mr. Chairman, before l begin I desire to doctors to refrt1in from captious interference. We must stand ask a question of the gentleman from Ahlbama [Mr. UND:ti!B- by to assist wllen neeessary, and we must irefrain from too woon] which it is understood 'between us that he shall answer. fervid prayers that the new treatment may result in the _pafamt's The min.ority r~ort says that Schedule K, wool and woolens, prostration. w.as prnctica11y unchanged in the Payne law from what it was MEN AI-UST KEEP FAITH. in the Dingley law. Is that true? R.adi-cal legislation of an kinds I expect very soon. I see no l\fr. U1''DERWOOD. Mr. Chairman. I ;am sorry to confess reason to believe that the Democratic membersMp in CongTess that my friE>..nds have been guilty of such iniquity as reenact is a gathering of rogues. Far from it. Yet rogues they surely ing the Dingley sehedule into the Pa yne law practically with will be .accounted if they fuil to carry out the program whicll out amendment. -I think there were three .amendments. they have promised. But I believe tha:t they will enact the far ~fr . .GARDNER. .Mr. Ch airman, I thank the gentleman for reaehing legislation in which they have so .often expressed their th-at correct statement 'Of the case. belief. I predict that this Cong;ress and ;probably the nex.t will WHA:T AILED US 1 plaae · on the stntute ibooks some overdue reforms which will Mr. Chairman, from the country's viewpoint ·there were two prove beneficial, but even mor.e of those unwootesome inn-ova sound rt*tsons fo-r dismissing the Rep.ubliean Pa:rty from power. tions of whose success the cloistered .smattere-r i.s so .c,ertain. I In the first -place, we stubbornly resisted reasonab1e 'reforms. believe that the day has .g@ne ·by w'hen Legislators can saf--ely Why we did so it is hard to say. Perhaps the trucu1ent neglect ur ·even -desire to neglect the issues upon which they manner in which those reforms were advaneed may ha \e had have been ·elected. I am glad that it is so. I hope and believe much to do with our -course. No man likes to be seizoo by the that the next fuur years will prove to an men that it is so. throat. No man who is a man wr"ll stand being threatened, In that way alone can the confidence of the people in their especially by a reformer. Moreover, he who has been breath chosen representatives be restored. That this la:ck of ecm:f.i ing it longest is the poorest judge of the atmosl}here of a dence is unjust i deeply feel. That it is the pwduct of ma1icio-us crowded 1·oom. Perhaps, in like manner, we Republicans were misrepresentation I am sure. Nevertheless, it exists, and to 80 long in power th-at we 'Ceased to ·be conscious of the t:rend day like -a wraith it haunts repr-esentative government. of the public thought which enveloped us. So by keeping their pl~ges in letter .and in spirit shall the The second .reason for our dismissal was the fact that the Democr.ats perform a .serv~ce to the Nation. country, I am sony to say, desires a revision of -the tarift' : THE PENALTY OF FAILURE. L much farther-reaching than the Payne law. Yet a strict adh€rence to their promises will not alone suffice Supposing these reasons for our dismissal to have been ample. to retain them in power. Democratic theories and Democratie yet they were supplemented by mendacity of a peculiar viru beliefs when given the .form of law must entail success and lence. It is not true ,fhat we were con'Upt. It is not true that prosperity or once again tbe peo~le will tnrn a way. If the the Payne law was a violation of .our promises, express or im future shall show that the price of that wh1ch labor ,produces plied. It is true, however, that the country was ill -content can be lowered without interference with the remuneration of with some of the .schedules of the Payne law. It can not be that labor itself, then the Democratic tenure of power will be denied that subsequent i·eparts of the Tariff Board have con long in the land. But if the future shall show that Democratic firmed, in .part .at least, the country's judgment with respect to policies entail nothing beyond a crop of disasters, the country Schedule I and Schedule K, cotton ,goods and woolen good"S. will look elsewhere for leadership. Here Jet me pay my tribute to the veteran leader from the THE PIWGRESSIVE'S CHANCE. State of New York. "' Men sometimes forget their promises. Suppose that the Demo Mr. PAYNE, Schedule I and Schedule never met with your approval. Over your pr.otest and agaimlt your will they crats fail to carry ·out thefr radical program. Will the countcy were voted into the law which bears your name. return at <>nee to our party? ;[ d-0ubt it. The people wish to Yet thr.ough the four years which have passed you 'have try some of these new ideas and are willing to risk the couse uttered no word to defend yourself at the .expense of your co quences of their proving disastrous. The Rermb1kans ha•e not W<>rkPrs. · You have had a weary bui·den of reproach to bear, given them the legislation which, wisely or foolishly, they wish. If the Democrats fotlow .our example. it need surprise no one and right generously ha ~e you born~ it. In the appendix to this address I shall include statements should the poop1e turn to the Progressive Party. In fact, ·this just received from the Trea.suzy Department, together with an is the only direction in which I can foresee a future for that official table. These documents show th.at the Payne law has party. if the Democrats :prove radical, intelligent radicals will _proved in practice to be a downward revision of the tariff. not vote to turn them out of power. Surely only men who are more than ordinarily attached to the new party's name will ·THE DEM.AND FOn A CHANGE. -risk a division of the radical vote by supporting the Progres We failed to move with the age. That was tbe head and sive- ·candidates. fl•ont of -our offending. The Republican chieftains could not SAFETY-VALVE DUTIES. adjust their views to modem schools -0f ~ought. They per The Republican doctrine -of a sound customs tariff requires sisted in governing the country in their own way, not in the that duties shall. be fixed neither too high nor too Jow. They country's way, and so we atl came to grief. The trust mag mast be so high that fo:reign nations can neither flood our nate in his direct-or's chair damned Taft because he attacked the markets with goods nor dump their surplus upon us. On the trusts. The orator on the .hustings damned him beeause he -did other hand, th-ey -must be 'SO low that any unwarraBted rise in not attack the trusts. The western farmer swore vengeance on the price of .American products .shall at once invite importa the Republican P.arty because, as he said, New England manu tions from abroad. factures were overprotected. The New England operative swore The ideal of you Democrats is a tariff for revenue, but to such vengeance on the Republican Party because, as he said, the duty an extent only as may be consistent with your promise that no on the food products -of the farm was too high. legitimate industry shall be harmed '.by the pending rension. On one thing alone everyone was agreed-that the Republican Attractive as such a proposition may sound, its execution is Party must pay the penalty. seriously hampered by the actual conditions which confront us. 334· CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. APRIL _ 23,
TIIE DILEMMA. When under the Payne Jaw the duty on shoes was cut in two, . Clmn~y as it is, mi~leading to the farmer as it is, inconsistent I confess that I expected a vast increase in importations. I may aud unjust as are many of its provisions, this bill nevertheless have been so incautious as to predict some such occurrence. is an attempt to carry out the promises which you Democrats At any rate, I was wrong. The importations of shoes remain. made to the people. Therein lies the difficulty-your promises small, while the valut} of o-....i· exports amounted in the fiscal year. conflict with each other. You can not ride two horses traveling of 1912 to $16,000,000, of which $10,000,()00 was absorbed by the in opposite directions. You can not by one and the same tariff various countries of the American Continent. As the value of our Jaw keep up the price which the farmer receives and yet reduce annual product of boots and shoes now amounts to $500,000,000,' the price which his customer pays. You can not fairly impose it will be seen that our export trade represents a little over free trnde on the fisherman and the shoemaker and the wool 3 per cent of the total. grower while you force them to buy supplies protected by a duty. Because of the amount of our shoe exports and because of the Yet you can not grant free trade in all the articles which the fact that our shoe imports are negligible, the Democratic. Com fisherman and the shoemaker and the woolgrower use without mittee on Ways and Means has felt justified in subjecting us to openly and obviously and beyond dispute violating your promise the unlimited competition of free trade. not to injure ::my legitimate industry. I shall not to-day present my grounds for believing that free THE WHOLE IS EQUAL TO THE SUM OF ALL THE PARTS. boots and shoes are a serious menace to one of our great indus tries. On the contrary, I admit at once that from the Demo The market basket must not be taxed, and yet the farmer cratic point of view it was consistent to put boots and shoes on must be protected. 'I'hat is the perplexing paradox which must the free list, for you Democrats believe that only actual imports be elucidated. \Vhen cooks learn to make omelettes witl10ut can justify a duty on any given article. breaking eggs, when one arm of a balance can rise ':ithout the Yes, Mr. Chairman, from the majority's viewpoint free boots other arm descending, when a magnet is invented with both and shoes may be just; but even so, where is the justice of poles positi"rn, then it may be possible to provide for free food charging a duty on any of the supplies which are required for stuffs and at the same time for protected farm products. use in the shoe industry? Shoe leather, the principal item, has Look at the grotesque attempt in this bill to pursue that will been put on the free list, to be sure, but I hold in my hand a list o'-the-wisp. You Democrats profess to protect the farmer's of 30.different dutiable articles, all of which enter into the proc sheep. You try to soothe the simple herdsman with a 10 per ess of shoemaking. cent protection for his flock. Do you think that he will fail to The Democratic Committee on Ways and Means probably note that you are admitting free of duty each and every ele meant to act fairly by the shoemakers when it put leather on ment of which his flock is composed? What purpose, other than the free list. Yet it was a case of robbing Peter to pay Paul, political, does it serYe if you protect the herdsman's sheep ~bile and it was a pretty slim settlement of Paul's account at best. you admit free of duty the fleece of those sheep, the skm of If shoes ought to go on the free list because there are no shoe those sheep, and the flesh of those sheep? You might just as imports, then leather ought to stay on the dutiable list because well compliment the garment maker with a 25 per cent duty on there are annually $6,000,000 to $7,000,000 of 1eather imports. suits of clothes and then square yourselves with the consumer As a matter of fact, an injustice is to be done t the leather by admitting coats free and waistcoats free and pantaloons free. industry greater even than that which is to be done to the shoe In this bill the farmer is enticed with a mirage which appears industry. Both industries must buy in a protected market nnd to be a duty of 10 cents a bushel on oats, but on closer inspec sell in an unprotected market. The difference is that leather tion the hallucination disappears. Oats themse1ves may be pro men are to be subjected to a foreign competition which has tected, but oatmeal made from those oats is not protected, nor already clearly manifested itself even under the present rates are rolled oats protected. All the oats which men eat are free, of import duty. and the only reason why the oats which horses eat are not free Upon my word, Mr. Speaker, such a course as this is not free also is because farmers have votes and horses have none. h·ade. It amounts to subsidizing the foreigner to fight our own The countryman is said to barn accepted many a gold brick shoemakers and our own tanners. To our own citizens we sny, in bis time. The countryman is a plain dealer; but nothing ex "You shall pay a tax or duty on many of your raw materials." cept the countryman's sense of humor will keep him from ex To the foreigner we say, "You shall escape scot-free of any tax ploding when he hears about that 10 per cent duty on ca.tt1e whatever.17 which you have so kindly given him. What is a cow made of? ll'ISII. A cow has bones; a cow has a hide; a cow has flesh; a cow In the name of the consumer fish is to be put on the free list. has hoofs; a cow has horns; a cow has blood; a cow has hair; Poisonous as that cup may be for the fisherman, bis draft has and a cow gives milk. The cow may be dutiable at 10 per cent. been embittered because his sense of injustice has been aroused. but her bones are free, her hide ;_s free, her flesh is free, her My Democratic friends, why did not you in the name of the hoofs are free, her horns are frr.e, her blood is free, her hair consumer put rice on the free list? is free, and her milk is free. Inasmuch as the entire cubic con Is it because rice yields a revenue? Fish yields more revenue. tent of the cow is free, while fae cow herself is dutiable, I am Is it because rice is imported, notwithstanding the present duty? forced to the conclusion that t;b.e Democratic majority estimates More fish than rice is imported, notwithstanding the present the bovine soul to be worthy. of just 10 per cent protection. duty. Is it because the cultivators of rice are poor men? In Wheat must pay a duty r f 10 cents a bushel, while bread and all the history of Gloucester, never was anyone able to retire biscuits made from that wheat are free, and flour made from from business on profits made in the fisheries. that wheat is free if it cr,mes from certain nations. What is the explanation then? Why in the name of the con THE UNDERWOOD <'ONTRIBUTION TO ECONOMIC THOUGHT. sumer do you distinguish between one raw food product and What possible protr~.ction are all these duties to the farmer? another raw food product? Why do you · mfllre fish of fish All his foreign comtietitor needs to do in order to a void pay while ·you make fowl of rice and of vegetables, early and late, ment of any duty wbatever is to convert his sheep into mutton and, for a whiJe at least, of sugar? Some one must throw light and wool, his cattle into hides and beef, his oats into oatmeal_, upon this question. Else it should be no cause for astonishment and his wheat into bread, biscuits, or wafers. So good-bye to should the censorious ac.cuse you Democrats of sectional fa the farmers' protection. And good-bye to the jobs of many an voritism. American who to-day is manufacturing food. . THE FREE lllARKEi' BASKET. Since my boyhood I have heard men expound the theory of The Democratic Party, correctly enough, I imagine, expects free raw materials. I run prepared to admit that this doctrine to reap a bountiful political harvest from its adoption of the has made some headway with New England manufacturers. free market basket as a policy aiming at the reduction of the Unquestionably it has an appreciable following among our lead· high cost of living. . inO' economists. It is evident, however, that the doctrine is old Perhaps the free market basket may not satisfy _the tariff fa~hioned and is to be replaced by the Underwood dogma of longings of the farming States; but does- any representatirn . of "free finished products and taxed raw materials." Mr. Chair an industrial community doubt for a moment the popul.ar1ty man of the Committee on Ways and Means, I congratulate you of the free )narket basket? Is any man from a manufacturing on having written a new page in the history of political econ State unconscious of the widespread belief that the tariff is omy. Doubtless this new page will commend itself to those responsible for the high price of food products? We may argue modern philosophers whose enthusiasm for a doctrine is in till we are black in the face that a duty of 1! cents a pound on e.xact proportion to its novelty. beef can not possib1y raise the price 10 cents a pound. We may expend our eloquence on the axiom that a duty of 4 cents n BOOTS AND SHOES. pound on bacon can not account for the fact thnt the people Now, a few observations on shoemaking, the principal indus are pnying more for that article than they paid when the duty try of my dish·ict. was still higher. Try as we may to divest our audiences .ot. )
• 1913. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 335
their error, we only succeed in divesting ourselves of our audi OUR PAR.TY'S FUTURE. ences. If in the future we shall follow the wfse policy of suppressing Every Massachusetts Republican Congressman knows all that. in season the abuses which human nature breeds, if in the Last autumn there was not one of us who was unaware of the future we shall refuse to tolerate unreasonable delay in the temptation to insure his own election by declaring for free food destruction of evils, then we may be certain that the Republican stuffs. Yet we knew in our hearts that duties on manufactures Party will be preserved as an heritage for generations yet to and duties on farm products must go hana in hand. How long come. did the protecttrn system Lu st in England after the repeal of Since the Republican Party was founded many a dynasty has the Corn Laws? Just about as long as it took the indignant fallen, many an ancient power has been overthrown from turret British farmer to join with the free trader and wipe the whole to foundation stone, many a scepter has been wrenched from slate clean. many a majestic grasp. THE PROPHETS ABE HIBEltNA.TING. My friends, we are now at the head of the column. We are So I admit that to-day the policy of the free market basket ls the leaders who must choose the right road and reject the wrong at the height of its popularity. If the future shall show that road. The Republican book of fate is open and our names are on the free market basket in actual operation is an empty market the front page. Falter, and we shall see our grand old party. basket, the feeling tn its favor will change. If time shall prove swept away into the awful past of things which once were great. that the free market basket contains foodstuffs as high priced Grasp the helm boldly and, by the grace of God, we shall bring as ever, its popularity will wane. our good dreadnought safe through the hurricane. Speaking of lower prices, as the day for the trial of the great 'APPENDIX. A. experiment approaches I have detected- a growing hesitancy Below are two recent letters from the Treasury Department on the part ot my Democratic friends to specify just what which show that in practice the Payne law has proved to be a foodstntrs will be cheaper. I commend their prudence~ downward revision of from 4 to 6! per cent. When it is re By the same token I notice a tendency on my own side of the membered that the greater part of the increases of duty in the House to hedge a little on our forecasts of destruction. Payne law were confined to wines, spirits, silks, perfumery, and The fact is that prophecy belongs in the category of lost gifts. other luxuries it will be at once apparent that there was a sub We do not any of us know what is going to happen. We can not, stantial downward revision in that part of the tariff law in for instance, foresee the future industrial policy of British trade which the average man and woman is particularly inte~ested: unions. We know that to-day the shoemakers of England re TREASURY DEPARTMENT, strict their output to a substantial degree. We know that the Washingtozi., March J:I, ~13. wea T"ers of England object to the introduction of the automatic Hon. A. P. GARDNER. loom. We do not know how soon those unions may come to some House of Rep1·esentatives. SIR : I have tbe honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter ot arrangement with their employers. When that day arrives it is the 10th Instant, requesting information as to certain computations not unreasonable to expect that our shoe shops and our textile made by tbe Treasury Department in 1910, showing a comparison o:t the mills will speedily feel the results. duties collected under the tarlll' act of 1909 with those that would have been collected on the same Lmportatlons under the tarUf act or 1897 Exceptional crops may disguise the untoward effects, if any You state tbat Ex-Congressman E . J. Hill, of Connecticut, made "the there be, of the pending bill, while diminished crops may inten assertion Ln a speech that the computation showed that the importations sify them. No matter what consequences may occur, men will considered actually paid Into the Treasury under the Payne law 1 $11,- 1781162.02 less than they would have paid 11 no change of law had been always differ as to the extent with which the Underwood law maae. You request to be Informed as to the following points: of 1913 should be charged with the responsibility. Even at this First. Is the above dill'erenee correctly stated? late day men are still wrangling over the effects of the Wilson Second. What were the months covered by the computation? Third. What were the aggregate importations covered by the com law of 1894. putation? FANTASTLC FORECASTS. In reply I have to state that: First. The figures given are correctly stated, as shown by the com· I am no her!l.Id of disaster, yet it is my belief that it is un putations made, which are believed to be correct. The amount stated justifiable to assert that there is no ground for apprehension of represents the net decrease. industrial depression. Whether the business world ls in the Second. Tbe months covered by the computations were the six months from October 1, 1909, to March 31, 1910. next few years to be subjected by the Government to the thumb Third. The aggreo-ate Importations covered by the computations had screw and the rack, as the alarmists tell us, or whether it is to a total value of $S'04,878,645.46; and these Importations consisted ot be subjected to a surgical operation for its own good, as many all dutiable Items, Philippine goods, and items in the free list tor the period mentioned, wtth the exception of various items having a total persons contend-in either case it ls not to be expected that the value of $2,983.830.91, relative to which the data at hand were In patjent should display any noteworthy eagerness. sufficient to form a satisfactory basis for the computation of the dutiet Yet. though there may well be a rE>.asona ble fear lest traCle under the act of 1897. Respectfully, J. F. CuBTIS, should slacken or even languish, and though the danger of pro Assistant Secretary. longed unemployment 1.8 by no means lightly fo be di ruisRed. it is fantastic to prate of total ruin when all around us we see T.REASURY DEPARTMENT, Washington, April 1, 191!1. vigor. The blind man may babble of olfr decadence, but the man Hon. A. P. GABDNER, of normal vision can see nothing but growth. House of Representatives, Unite With respect to the last paragraph of your letter, requesting informa tion as to whether there is any printed publication which covers .the ' I a.m here to represent them, the real manufacturers, those points mentioned, I have to state that the department knows of no who take the ragged, raw material out of the field and .mine, printed pubLication covering the points in question, as the computations and in the sweat of their brows transform it into products of. were prepared iu the form of typewritten scheQules only during the years 1910 and 1911 for the use of the President. usefulness. They are the miracle workers who handle the ore Respectfully, J. F. CURTIS, through its proce~es and make the iron and steel to serve the Assistant Seet·etary. purposes of mankind. Theirs is the real work of manufactur APPE~DIX B. ing, and only when their tasks are finished do we ha•e the com [From page III, Department of Commerce and Labor report on imported pleted products which are so highly regarded in statistics and merchandise entered for consumption in the United Slates in 1912.] in laws. · Average rate of duty collected on all importations, free and dutiable, during the following years : I speak for them and they desene representation far beyond Wilso·n tariff. Per cent. my ability to give, for they and those whose interests are 1sn51896 ______~------..:, ______20.4420.67 identical with theirs make up the bone and sinew of this Nation, the masses of the people, upon whom alone the hope for the Part Wilson-Part Diriyley. future rests. But I am responsible for presenting their cause 1801------21.89 as best I may, and in doing that I tell you that the time has Dingley tariff. come to deal with facts, not political theories. The people I 1898 _____ ---·------24. 77 190018~9------·------______27.6229.48 represent care less than nothing for party labels an J l 1913: CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 337 necessary to avert civil strife; depressions and financial crises of · premature age imprinted upon their countenances. · Often have followed both high tariff and low tariff acts based on lim the statistics of our great industries would seem to give the im ited information; administrations have been changed and parties pression that the employees are simply so many producing ma cast from authority while the opposition party was elevated to chines, but they can not be so regarded. They are human power, and still _ig. spite of all this the same system of tariff beings wit~ loved ones to protect, and they have hearts and making bas persisted to the dissatisfaction and anger of the minds as well as bands. They are awake to conditions and they people. · must be taken into consideration by the lawmakers of this Every tariff revision in recent years- bas meant disaster for Nation. They have the same needs and hopes and fears ::is the the p:i.rty responsible. President Cleveland led the forces of captains of industry who sometimes seem to scarcely know of Democracy to. a revision, and the voters could scarcely wait until their existence. the election to show their fury. Pre~ident HarrisoJl revised the These citizens of America are asking nothing but what is fair tariff, and the Republican Party was retired from power forth and just, and they will be satisfied with nothing less. They with. President McKinley escaped the same fate only through want no special privileges and undue adYantages·; all they ask a foreign war, and President Taft's unlucky revision is too is justice and the commonest kind of justice at that. They fresh in our memories to need recalling, or, if it needs recalling, do not ask charity, they ask what is due them. '.fhey ask one a glance at the White House and the membership of this body hundred cents' value for every dollar expended-no more. and should be sufficient. It is to be remarked also that President no less. W-ilson will not profit by their example, but insists on following What is their condition to-day? They go forth in the morn the same huvhazard method so often rejected by the people, ing, taking the only thing they have to sell-their labor-and and there is little room to doubt but that history will repeat they sell it in the market for whatever the market will giYe. itself when the people give their decision. They a re anxious to labor arduously if they may secure for The fact of the matter is, and only the veriest pauper of ob themselYes and their families the livelihood they deserre. They sen-ntion fails to see it, that acting through the old system of work long and skillfully and produce abundantly. But somehow, tariff making we are as far from a permanent and satisfactory through processes they could not see, · but whose mysteries they solution of this perplexing issue as we were when Madison in better understand to-day, they find their incomes insufficient to troduced the first tariff bill into Congress. meet their absolutely necessary expenses. Instead of abundance, Under such circumstances it is assuredly the part of wisdom there is scarcity in their homes; instead of some leisure to to determine why no solution has been reached, and the reason develop a full, rounded life, they find themselves tied to a deadly is not hard to find. Every tariff act passed thus far has been routine of hopelessness, with its toll of blighting toil and framed on limited information and through political and parti fatigue. While selling their commodity in a market place fo r san compromise. The adjustment of the tariff schedules to the what it will bring, they pay an unseen tax collector a tribute tarit;f policy of the ·Nation is a technical problem. It affects on everything they buy. eyery man, woman, and child through commerce arid iudustry, Those are actual conditions, and I defy any man to success and demands a complete accurate and impartial knowledge of all fully deny them. PennsylYania and other industrial States have the essential facts relating to the industries affected. been held up as States which profit most from high protection ; To secure that knowledge it is imperative that Congress have but let me say that in no other States in the Union has the at its service a permanent body of trained and impartial experts policy of honest protection been more shamefully abused. In to secure the vast amount of technical and statistical data them we have seen competition excluded from abroad by a tow needed for the legislation which is to vitally affect many and ering tariff wnll, behind which home manufacturers combined diverse interests. For that reason the Progressive plan for the into giant trusts and throttled domestic competition. I do not cren tion of such a commission meets the urgent need, and the maintain that excel'siYe tariff has been the only factor, but it history of the past upholds the Progressive's contention that it has bad a part in producing such a condition. Following that is the only solution of a problem which has vexed the Nation condition we ha•e seen plants reduced in number and workmen from its foundation. It is the only solution which does away thrown out of employment in order to cmtail production and with the two· factors which ha Ye pre•ented satisfactory and just maintain high prices. We ham seen small concerns crushed tariff legislation in the past, insufficient information· and legis out of existence with ruthless power, and then that augmented lative logrolling. force turned just as ruthlessly against all combinations ot Judging from the past, it becomes evident that the impartial, workmen who desired the right of collective bargaining. We nonpartisan tariff commission is not only necessary to produce have seen American labor getting decent wages and humQ.ne symmetry and completeness, but it is absolutely imperative to homs, not in the ultraprotected industries, but in the nonpro end the haphazard, juggling methods of tariff making wbkh tected industries which are not in any fashion subsidized in have made the tariff a cause of disturbance in trade and pro the nnme of labor. We have seen the necessaries of life soar duction and a source of injury to the public welfare. [Ap ing upward far beyond the power of wages to follow. We have plause.] seen men trying to work for ordinary wages when the prices of But while the historian looks only at yesterday the student of life's needs were extraordinarily high, and the result has been e•ents looks at to-day.· There is no real patriotism in public or in pri•ate life except that which exerts itself for all the that life itself is almost a luxury. people. There is no real statesmanship except that which . We have seen business men, sh·iving to serve the wants of a 'stands ready to meet the conditions of the present and for sacri community in honest fashion, pilloried by a resistless power fice, if need be, in behalf of a just and righteous effort for the that crushed out their independence and dictated the .terms on ·coi;:nmon good. which they should do business. We ha•e seen the foreign-labor I am not here as a doctrinaire on either side of the tariff competiti • 338 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. APRIL 23~ than the sword of Damocles in the shape of a tariff rev1s1on always will be pursued until it be attained or until liberty be is neeQ.erl. to protect wage earners and the public against lost in the pursuit." I would omit the last cla&e of that the conscienceless cunning of strong-armed lust for gain. quotation. for I am firm in the faith that justice will be secured Those remedies must be adopted, for the evils of to-day w1 U in this Nation of ours. not be dealt with and met through a political-jobbery tariff, The new type of Americai:i. citizenship is asking legislation for handled a a partisan question, with the barter and sale of the the common good and his fight is not to secure privileges for market place. himself but to keep others from securing privileges which would I am under no illusions as to the possibilities that lie within injure the general welfare. He stands squarely against the this Underwood tariff bill. I do not believe any finite mind standpatism of stagnation and also the radicalism of indi ctimi can see into the future with a gaze sufficiently searching to nating destruction. He wants progress along fair and just lines know the results of its passage. It has been written in hasty and I believe that he will hold to .that purpose th.rough all manner, and every schedule contains mysteries which no one changes of parties and political organizntions with no abating understands, not ernn the men who put them there. It bas in of heart or hope until he has conquered all ob tacles and secured reality been passed in a secret binding caucus, with all the the most priceless boon possible to mankind-justice ahd equal evasions which such a method mnkes inevitable. It is a leap opportunity for ernry man, woman, and little child. in the dark, but after all the consequences of that leap must be And that goal will be secured in the tariff, not through a judg charged to the very interests who have in the past scorned the gllng, logrolling syst~m which produees a tariff for special in demands of the people and scoffed at their prayers for relief. terests, with too much or too little protection by chance, but Through a period of many yea.rs the great protected industries through a better and more just method, which shall produce a of this country have built up a system of haphazard, reckless tariff for all the people. tariff legislation, because through it they secured golden priv Gentlemen, I thank you for your courtesy. [Applause.] ileges. They profited through the betrayal of the promises of l\fr. PAY rE. l\lr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from the Rei>ublican Party, which passed a tariff law of t>uicidal Wyoming [.Mr. MONDELL]. folly and brazen treachery. The great interests of the country, 1\!r. MONDELL. Mr. Chairman, for the fifth time in a gen which might have stood for a fair and impartial tariff commis eration the prosperity of the Nation and the fate of political sion in the past, did not want justice and a square deal to all; parties hang on the drafting and enactment of tariff legislation. they should not complain to-day if they suffer from the system In the light of the far-reaching effect, economic and industrial, they themselves created. They are simply reaping what they sociological and political, of past revisions, the occasion is one sowed and the harvest was as certain as the seed time. of profound concern for all of the American people and of grave I know well that I am speaking new and strange doctrine responsibility for tho e in position to write their views into law. :from my district, but I am voicing the desires of the common You of the Democratic household of faith have complete people of all parties and creeds, and to them alone I am re control under the great dome and at the White House· the sponsible for my actions. I know the probable results of any responsibility is therefore wholly yours. We on this side' may action which opposes the powers that have profited by ultra and will protest. It is our duty to criticize wherein we believe protection, and that when they could no longer trust to their criticism is justified. We may even indulge in prophecy, but special privileges being supported by the people, have de we do not cherish the hope or harbor the expectation that our liberately organized a vast political machine to secure unjust protests, our . criticisms, or our prophecies will avail in chang· ad>antages. I know the tactics used to discredit and disgrace, lng in the slightest degree the plan or scope of your deter the degrees of baseness, the money poured out like wa.ter, the mination. Wh.at is to be will be yours for better or for worse, falsehoods circulated in controlled mediums. so far as praise or blame shall attach and follow. Viewing I know all that and I accept it. I could not do otherwise your legislation as we do, our profound regret with regard to and be true to tho e who have trusted me. I have learned, too. it arises fro'm the fact that while you alone are responsible in my brief life that it is far better to accept the gall of defeat the e>il effects we anticipate can not be confined to you, or than to wear a crown of victory purchased at the price of those who agree with you, but will fall as a deadly blight upon treason to the people and their interests. the whole body of our people. I believe that the tariff is fundamentaUy a moral question FAVORABLE CONDITIONS. and that it will never be settled until it is settled right. The You have entered upon a revision of the tariff schedules Underwood bill does not settle the question right, and I am firm under the most fortuitous circumstances and conditions that in the belief that it will be as conclu ive evidence as the other ever surrounded or accompanied a similar undertaking. You measures of the past-that only in a just, nonpartisan, impartial ,have the exceeding good fortune that your revision occurs at tariff commission can justice be secured. It will show that such a time of unexampled prosperity. Whatever else may be sald1 a solution of this problem is imperative because of the eternal of Republican tariff legislation this no man can gainsay, that wrangle between the protected interests and the people which under it, whether by reason of it or in spite of it must re the present system make inevitable. The creation of the taritl' main a matter of opinion, the industries of the Nation have commission will be the enthronement of a principle of right and grown and prospered at a rate and to a degree unparalleled in not a sordid i ue between cla ses of citizens. It should be the world's history. Under our legislation there . has been a adopted because it is the requirement of an enlightened and continuous and unchecked ad>ance in the mode and s"ta.nd progressive era in American development. It derives its ards of living, a steady shortening of the hours and increase strength not from the promises that it will give special privt in the rewards of labor, a marvelous prosperity widely diffused leges to a part, but that it is necessary for the good of all. It and very generally enjoyed. Upon the very crest of this cease demands adoption as a matter of straightforward business lessly advancing wave of human betterment with all of the policy, not only because it is right but because nothing else will advantages of its mighty momentum; with a Treasury, in spite meet the demands of common justice. It would not destroy the of your enormous appropriations. well stocked; with the grana -principle of protection but would let the light in on its charac ries of the Nation still laden with the fruits of an unprece ter and on each of its countless ramifications. If the principle dented harvest and every prospect for another fruitful year, can not stand the light of truth, the sooner it is destroyed the you enter upon your work. [Applause on the Republican side. l better. If it is a policy that means advancement of the com Furthermore you are fortunate beyond all past experience in mon welfare, the truth can not hinder, but will further its the attitude of the people and of the press toward your enter succe s and perpetuate its advantages. prise.- Notwithstanding the fears and the misgivings with For myself, I am willing to have my motives assailed and be which a .large portion of our people view yow- determination to e4ecrated by every ho1der of special privilege, every preyer write upon the statute books your widely conflicting, but gen upon the poor, every drab of journali m, and every parasite of erally radical, declarations relatiYe to the tariff there is a well po1itics, if I may have the supreme pleasure of standing for nigh universal determination., expressed and apparent on every the interests of those who earn an honest living in the sweat hand, to await with philosophical resignation the outcome of of their brows, and ask only a. square deal and no favors. They your labors and the practical effects of your handiwork. No make up this great Nation and give it riches and greatness. considerable number of men, no important influences, so far as They deserve at the very least that they should eat their hon I know, have attempted or contemplated any action that shall estly earned daily bread with the bitterness of injustice taken unfairly prejudice in advance the etlect of your schedules. from it. They deserve that and they will never rest until they No organized effort has been or is likely to be made. as has have secured it. This "\exing tariff question will be settled and been so frequently our experience in the past, for purely selfl'sh it will be settled right. For, while the historian looks only .at or partisan purposes to create an atmosphere of hostility and yesterday and the student of events only _at to-day, the patriot, distrust. No one is djsposed to arouse nn""er and resentment with faitb in America, pays due rega.rd to both and considera through misleading, untruthful., or pUTely captious and carping also to-morrow. Some one has said that " Justice is the end criticism of your schedules or their probable effect In spite of and aim of government. It aiways has been pursued and. ·unwarranted and ungracious assertions to. the contrary by some • 1913. CONGRESSIONAL ~ECORD-HOUSE. 339 high in your councils, there is no evidence in any quarter of vailed the total destruction which now impends over the sheep :my concerted effort to create panic, but rather an abundance of raising, the sugar-growing, and other industries of the country ( proof of a determination on the par ~ of powerful influences in might have been in a measure averted. Had the Underwood ·tbe field of capital and labor to preserve normal and favorable idea of a "competitive" tariff been carried out in good faith and conditions pending the enactment and trial of your legislation. with full information many of our industries which now face YOUR ADVANTAGES. ruin might have been partly saved, for while the author of that copyrighted form of tariff does not know it, a competitive To fully realize the advantage which you enjoy under present tariff fairly faterpreted is but another name for a tariff measur conditions we have but to recall the wicked assaults upon the ing the difference in cost of production at home and abroad. :McKinley bill, during and subsequent to the period of its enact Had the assurance of President Wilson, given during the cam ment, or the scurvy tricks and mendacious statements which paign, that no legitimate industry had anything to fear from characterized the campaign which immediately followed. We Democratic tariff revision, been fulfilled great enterprises of the have only to compare present conditions with those which ob farm and ranch, the mill, mine, and factory would not now be tained when the Dingley bill became a law; the pressing demand under sentence of destruction through Democratic tariff legis tor immediate revenue to replenish a treasury your legislation lation. and administration had depleted; the imperative necessity for DEADLY AS A WHOLE, UNSOU -D IN DETJ.IL. heroic remedies for the restoration of industries your policies The deadly character of this tariff mixture is the inevitable had prostrated, and to bring back a prosperity you had dri¥en result of an unc:tnny combination of every evil form of Demo from our own to foreign shores. cratic heresy. As certain elements but mildly dangerous in Coming down to later times within our immediate recollec themselves become, in combination, destructive and de:idly to a tion, we vividly recall the unfortunate conditions which accom superla Uve degree, so these various Democratic tariff heresies panied the enactment of the Payne bill; the atmosphere of sus in evil combination become an agency of measureless potential picion and hypercriticism which surrounded it on all sides dur ity for harm. Not only is the measure fundamentally wrong ing the period of its gestation; the hostile attitude of a power in principle or lack of principle, but it bears numberless evi ful press; the merciless assaults upon its faults and the con dences of unsound and ill-considered action in the casting :md scienceless misrepresentation of the tenor and probable effect framing of schedules. The general substitution of ad valorem of many of its schedules. From these staggering handicaps for specificdutiesis squarely in conflict with the lessons of our own which have burdened our past revisions, exaggerating their experience and directly contrary to the present practice of those faults, minirilizing their virtues, creating prejudices which abun countries, like Germany, which have made the most thorough dance of revenue, favorable trade balances, or general prosperity and scientific study of tariff questions. This is certain to aid could never wholly remove, you are fortunately free. Your suc and encourage fraud and lead to such serious and general cess or failure therefore will depend wholly upon the character undervaluation as to render rates, at best too low, still lower of your legislation and its effect upon the Nation and its people. in their actual application. The placing of the same or a higher YOUR HANDICAPS. rate on the raw material of a process or industry than on the On the other Iiand, you are embarrassed by what you did a advanced or finished product has no counterpart in any tariff year ago when, without responsibility and with the announced legislation with which I am familiar and will be disastrous to hope of " putting the President in a hole," you played partisan industries. In various schedules of the bill a great variety of politics with the tariff and introduced and passed bills whose articles widely differing in the percentage of labor cost are schedules, by a process of political somersaulting, you now grouped under one head with the same rate. This is evidence largely repudiate. Wholly through your own fault, you are either of profound ignorance of the elementary principles of without accurate information on which to base schedules by tariff making or of utter indifference as to the effect of sched reason of your refusal to retain the services or accept the find ules on American labor and enterprise. Of necessity such ings of a capable and nonpartisan Tariff Board. The scandal rates are either too low to give the American producer any ously brief period gi"rnn for the presentation of views before chance on any of the articles or else too high on some and too your committee, a few moments, in many cases, to industries of low on others. vast extent and great importance, the widespread opinion that Mr. BARTLE'IT. l\Ir. Ohairm.an, will the gentleman permit no argument not in harmony with your declared purpose would a question? have any weight or influence with you, had the effect of de Mr. MONDELL. I would be glad to do so, but I have only terring those engaged in many important lines of endeavor from an hour and I desire to complete what I have in mind to say. attempting to speak for their industries and enterprises. Mr. BARTLE'rT. It is just a question with reference to the Finally you were and are han,dicapped by the utter lack of any statement the gentleman made-that no tariff bill but this ever clearly defined or definitely announced polJcy of tariff revision. permitted raw material to come here free and taxed the manu The result of all this is that the product of your labors, com factured product. nromises, and guesses is neither fiscal fish, flesh, nor fowl, Mr. MONDELL. That is not e+actly what I said; but no neither free trade, tariff for revenue, nor for protection, but an tariff bill, I am sure, that was ever framed and introduced any undigested mess and mixture of them all, with free trade, pres where on the face of the earth ever did that to the extent that ent or prospective, predominating. this bill does. COMMITTEE NOT WHOLLY TO BLA!IIE. Mr. BARTLETT. Oh. The Democratic members of the committee who framed this Mr. MONDELL. And I know of no former tariff legislation measure and rammed it down the throats of their protesting that ever did that, except possibly in a few very rare and unim colleagues accomplished their purpose not by arguments ad portant instances. In this case it runs through your entire dressed to your judgment but by artful appeals for support bill. If there is any principle at all to your bill-which I very for that coordinate branch of the Go:vernment which controls much doubt after a careful consideration of it-that would the shaking of the plum tree. Whether it was loyalty to the seem to be it. You not only paralyze the industries of the titular head of the party or a lively sense of favors to come country by your rates, but for fear ·you should have left some which most prevailed in persuading many of you, contrary to industry in position to keep its head above your engulfing tide your judgment as to the best interests of your constituents, I of free trade you propose to handicap the American producer, shall leave it to them to decide, with the conviction that neither the American manufacturer, over and above any possible handi excuse will save you from the wrath to come. [Applause on cap that lower wages paid on the other side might bring. the Republican side.] [Applause on the Republican side.] For fear there should be But these gentlemen who framed the measure and compelled some lingering hope that some industry somewhere might sur you to accept it are not wholly to blame because it is what it is, vive you have inh·oduced this principle, this theory, whate•er for with a platform declaration that protective tariffs are un you may call it, this lack of principle which runs all through constitutional, with a presidential declaration that no legitimate your bill, through which you place on the free list finished industry should suffer, with the Underwood patented "com products the raw materials of which are taxed. That alone l)etitive" tariff, and the ancient Democratic shiboleth of free and without reference to any other proposition in the bill jus trade, all to reconcile, the wonder is that the committee did not tifies any man who believes in intelligent tariff. revision, high do worse, if, indeed, that were possible. or low, in voting against the measure. Had the free traders in your party been able to prevail in " NEAR " PROTECTION AND CO!' -- ' -- -- 340 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE .. APRIL 23, In so far as this has been done, we welcome such recognition billy goat will unquestionably give more aroma of a kind to of the virtues of the protective principle. How utterly incon Democratic free-trade soup kitchens than that of a merino sistent with this attitude is the ruthless slaughter of enter lamb. It this is not the reason for the favor yon extend the prises of present vast extent and great future promise, like the goat, is it because they raise goats in Texas and sheep in Ohio? sugar and wool and woolen industries. You put n. 10 per cent duty on the wheat of Minnesota, none on President Wilson is quoted in the papers as having stated to her flour, and 33~ per cent protection upon the rice of Louisi newspaper men that if any sugar factories closed by reason of ana and Texas. You do not believe ·in protection, you say, and free sugar it would only be for effect, and they would soon you have left but tattered fragments of it in this bill except resume. I hope the President did not say that. It is bad that you protect Texas on rice and the hair of the goat, and in enough to have the President and his party take the position New Jersey, which has furnished us with a President, on the that the interests of the majority demand the immolation silk industry; also a few favored localities where they manufac on the altar of the public good of great and growing industries, ture automobiles. but it is infinitely worse if, in sentencing great industries to 1\Ir. BARTLETT. Will the gentleman yield fo just one ques extinction and fixing the date of execution, the claim is mnde tion? by hlgh official authority that when the mandate is carried out l\Ir. MONDELL. If the gentleman will be brief. it will be a ca~e of suicide. l\Ir. BARTL.ETT. Does not the gentleman think it is as fair .Anyone who has given the subject any consideration knows to the cotton raisers of the South to have their cotton bagging that under free sugar practically no sugar cane or sugar beets free and untaxed a that the great grain raisers of the West for sugar-nrnking purposes will be grown. A few, perhaps a should have their binding twine'free? Does not he think that is half dozen at most, of over 75 beet-sugar factories, costing from equ:i.lly fair nnd just? a half to a million dollars each, might struggle along for a few Mr. M0.1.ffiELL. I do not think tbe proposition of free bag· years, trying to surnve on a local market. It is certain no new ging for one industry alone and confined to that industry is factories would be built, and in a few years at the most the fair or equitable, whether it be the industry of the raising ot beet-sugar industry would be but a memory of' the constructive cotton or anything else.. If it be held to be proper to place char::icter of Republican and ·the destructive character of Demo all bagging for all purposes on the free Ii t there may be at cratic policies. The effect on the cane-sugar industry would be least an argument for it, but to place on the free list bagging equally destructive. If you, Democrats, in your zeal to accom which is used only for the one purpose, in one indm;try. is plish a possible saving on the national sugar bill of a few neither fair nor equitable. As to other bagging, the gentlem:m _ cents per person per annum. are willing to confiscate millions has so arranged it in the schedule that there is not a particle of property in mills and factories and millions more in the of protection for the American manufacturer of bagging against value of farms; if you are content to take from tens of thou the miser:i.ble, underpaid Hindu labor that produces it in India. sands of farmers the market for their best and perhaps only, Mr. BARTLETT. There ought to be-- profitable crop, you at least should have the grace to do it with Mr. HO.NDELL. Why, in the pnilosophy of the gentleman, out adding insult to injury. no. He does not believe, apparently, that any American labor The factories manufacturing sugar from · American beets and ought to be protected from the underfed and the underpaid cane repr~nt an investment of over $100,000,000. This will be and the miserably housed and the half-nom·ished coolie of the an almost total loss, for the factories can not be used for any East. other purpose. The value of the million acres now planted to Mr. BARTLETT. It is an article made in America by a trust, beets and cane will be reduced by many millions of dollars; a and that trust not long a.go shut out its own labor by not paying crop which now brings the farmer $50.000.000 annually wrn be them sufficient wages. lost to him-all this in the interest of the customs-defraudina Mr. MO~'DELL. It is very easy for the gentleman to talk ugar Trust and the foreign combine, which two years ago, after a.bout trusts as an excuse for any Democratic iniquity. the American suaar crop was sold, aided the Refiners' Trust to Mr. BARTLETT. I can establish my stfltement by proof. boost the price of sugar 2 cents. :Mr. MONDELL. It is very easy to attempt to answer every FREE WOOL DESTRUCTIVE. question concerning the schedllies of this bill by talking about Free wool means loss and depression to our entire sheep trusts. It reminds me of an argument they used to make down and wool indu try and comJ11ete destruction to the most im in the gentleman's ~untry, which I hope they do not u e any portant part of the industry, that of merino and mixed-blood longer. I asked a gentleman once how it was that ~ man sheep. No man who knows enough about the industry to speak advocating certain policies could come from a certain region inteJligently about it will deny the truth of this general propo- if those policies were discu ed there. Ile said, " Do not fool sition. "' yourself. They do not di cuss those policies. They sllout The gentleman from Alabama [Mr. UNDERWOOD] admitted 'Nigger domination'; that settles it." thut the 20 per cent duty proposed by his bill of last year Now, the gentleman, whenever a question is raised as to any would not save the sheep industry of the Ohio Valley. He and of the chedules in this bill. will hoot "Trust." [L, ughtei:.] his party coolly suggest tliat if the industry don't pay under .A.ye, that has been a potent slogan in the past, and there has n·ee trade it should be thrown into the scrap heap and sorne been some reason for it, but when, under Democratic legislation, thlng else substituted for it. In half a dozen. intermountain the soup houses are filled with thou ands of American citizens States the sheep decrea ed oYer half in number in three years who can not secure employment, when mills and factories are under the Wilson bill, and even more in value; and a f~w years closed, when the farmer is compelled to sell his product for more of free trade would have virtually wiped out the industry. less than it costs to produce it, the gentleman will not be During that same period · the sheep of the country decreased able to fool the people by continually referring every proposi 15,000.000 in number and the wool clip 00,000,000 pounds, a loss tion to the trusts. [Applause on the Republican side.] The of at least $75,000.000 to the industry. gentleman is like the doctor who could not cure a particular Not content with ha ing brought great loss on the American ailment with which a patient. was afllicted, but he was willing woolgrowers by continual agitation of the tariff, the gentlemen to throw him into fits, because he thought he could cure the on the other side now use present low wool prices, for which fits. - they nre largely responsible, as an argument for making them Mr. BARTLETT. Will the gentleman permit just one word? still lower under free trade. The fact is however, that while Mr. M01''DELL. I am sorry I have not the time, if I am to prices have been greatly depressed during this tariff agitation conclude in the time given me. actual comparison of the London and Boston prices of identical l\Ir. BARTLETT. Just a word. wool , made within the past few months, show a difference in I have not made the statement concerning the Bagging Trnst favor of the American grower by reason of the present tariff of without full information. It appears in the evidence before the from 5! to 7-! cents a pound. Take that amount from the farm~ · Payne Ways and Means Committee, in 1909, that had hearings ers' and flock.m asters' price and one does not need to be a on the tariff bi11 of that year-- prophet to fore ee whnt will hapl)en. Mr. MONDELL. 'l'he gentleman can make a speech as long We are informed that this bill is intended to reduce the cost as be pleases about that trust or any other trust. I am no of living. Ha•e our Democratic friends forgotten that the more in favor of trusts. than he is. This fact remains, that in cleanest. sweetect meat in the world lies under the wool of the India, which is the principal competitor of American bagging American sheep, especially the mountain sheep? How do you manufacturers, the average wage is less than one-tenth of what propose to make up for this loss of meat supply? I note that it is in the United States, and the gentleman can not answer you have separated the sheep from the goats, and, contrary to that proposition by talking about trusts. I am as much against scriptural injunction, you abandon the sheep and protect the trusts and combinations in restraint of trade as he is, and that goats. Is it your idea to give the people goat meat instead of is why I do not propose to join in a proposition to paralyze the mutton on the theory that they will be lucky to get a ny meat great American farm industry in sugar beets and sugar cane at all under a Democratic administration? The meat of a 1n order to help the law-breaking Sugar Trust t o throttle the 1913. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 341 American people by controlling the price of sugar. [Applause Free cotton ties, bagging, and press cloth may temporarily be on the Republican side.] of some slight value to the cotton planter, though that is doubt ·1 can not better express my views in regard· to the attitude of ful, but certain it is that the sop of free agricultural machinery the Democratic Party on the sheep and wool question than by will not compensate the farmers, dairymen, flock.masters, and quoting an extract from a speech I made in the House on June herdsmen of any part of the country for the cheapening of their 12, 1911, as follows: . products, which you hope to accomplish by allowing free or In peace the products of the flocks of our country add. to our comf~rt nearly free importations of like articles. and enjoyment and in war they furnish us with material for clothing I presume that you gentlemen hope that the beet-sugar and blankets for the soldiers in the field, without which we would be almost as helpless in the face or an enemy in a long and arduous cam farmer, whose industry you propose to destroy, will be consoled paign as we would be without ammunition for our guns. But for the by your assurance that if he had an opportunity to grow beets sheep and wool industry we would in time of peace be shorn of many he might have the privilege of tending them with a German luxuries and comforts and in time of war we would be naked to our enemies. Yet this is the industry, ancient and .honorable, useful and cultivator. No doubt you expect the Louisiana sugar planter necessary producing wealth from waste, employmg hundreds of. thou to find compensation for the loss of his be t crop in the promise sands of men, from the sheJ?herds on the plains to the oper~tlves lll the that he may have the privilege of preparing his land for less mills, which the Democratic Party does not consider ei;ititled to ~ny consideration as to its present status or future prospects rn the frammg profitable crops with a Belgian plow. of a tariff bill. When our splendid merino and mixed-blood wool industry is WHO IS TO BE BE~ITED 'l destroyed you gentlemen, no doubt, hope to derive satisfaction As I have conned the schedules of this bill my wonder has from the fact that if we had sheep to shear we might buy Shef increased as to what occupations and industries its framers field shears for that purpose free of duty. Should the lower expected would remain open to American labor and industry prices for meats which you hope to secure by placing them on after its schedules got into full swing. The rates are so low on the free list be realized, no doubt you expect the farmer and manufactured products of many kinds and great volume as to stock.man to be entirely satisfied with the assurance that you threaten the employment of numberless mill and factory w?rk have attempted to give him cheaper hoes and prod poles. ers. That our people will not be able to overcome the handicap In all human proba~ility no American farmer will ever buy which the measure places on American enterprise in the as satisfactory farm machinery cheaper under yom· bill than he sembling and fabrication of a vast varjety of articles, without does now;· therefore if the reduced prices of hay, grain, dairy a reduction in wages, is patent to anyone having an elem.entary products, fruits and vegetables, swine, sheep, and cattle which k:nowledo-e of conditions. It is true that a few favored Imes of you have promised shall materialize, the loss will be wholly manufacture, like those of silks and automobiles, for instance, uncompensated by any corresponding gain. If, as a matter of are left with adequate protection, but these are the rare excep fact, the placing of agricultural machinery on the free list were tions. to reduce the price of such machinery by the small a.mount Mr. BARTLETT. 1\Iay I ask the gentleman a question? of the present low tariff, which, by the way, does not apply Mr. MO~-rnELL. Just a question. against England or any country which does not levy a tax Mr. BARTLET!'. Does not the gentleman think that auto against our farm machinery, the possible gain to the farmer mobiles and silks above all things ought to be taxed? would be but an infinitesimal fraction of his certain loss. Mr. MONDELL. Well, everything in this world is compara 'WHAT AliE LEGITIMATE INDUSTRIES 'l tive. There are mighty few American working girls-God bless Reading the schedules of your bill and recalling the ~ssur them honest, virtuous, and courageous-there are mighty few ance of President Wilson that no legitimate industry had any of th~m who under a Republican administration can not afford thing to fear from Democratic tariff revision, one is challenged a Sunday dress of silk, thank God. [Applause on the Republican by the query, What is a legitimate industry? side.] Is that ancient agricultural and pastoral pursuit which first Mr. BARTLETT. Why, this bill reduces the tax on silks weaned men from savagery, the profession of the patriarchs of below what it is in the Payne bi11. old, the occupation of those who as they watched their Mr. M01'-rnELL. It reduces the duty on silks mighty little, flocks by night received from the angel of the Lord the first much less than it will reduce the wages and the opportunities tidings of the advent of the Savior of mankind, not a legiti for employment of the working girl But I did not refer to mate industry in the opinion of the Democratic President and these particular rates of duty with a view of contending that Congress? And if so, why? Is the husbandry in the Yalley of they were or were not reasonably protective. I called atten the Ohio and the Rocky Mountain region of those gentle crea tion to them to illustrate the illogical, inequitable, lopsided, tures, the scriptural type of innocence, which furnish the cheap limping, hobble-skirted character of your legislation. You leave est, the cleanest, and the juiciest of meats for the feeding of a 10 per cent duty on wheat, but flour, the product of wheat, the people and the finest and strongest of golden fleece foc the you place on the free list. Cattle and sheep are dutiable; beef clothing of the Nation, not a legitimate enterprise? And if so, and mutton are on the free list. You claim the cotton planter why? is entitled to free bagging and free cotton ties because cotton Are the hundreds of millions of dollars invested in mills and is on the free list, but you place wool on the free list; and while factories for the production of cane and beet sugar not legiti you do not protect the American manufacturer of such bagging mate investments? Are the opportunities and employment ns the woolgrower uses, you do retain a 30 per cent duty on it, offered to hundreds gf thousands of American farmers and as you do on practically everything the woolgrower uses in his laborers in the growing of sugar cane and sugar beets not legiti business. You deprive the woolgrower of all protection, but mate opportunities and employments? And if not, why? [Ap you place a duty on tops, the first finished product of the wool, plause on the Republican side.] so high as to give the larger woolen manufacturers, whom you l\Ir. l\IARTIN of South Dakota. . Mr. Chairman, will the gen have been bera ting for years, a virtual monopoly. You have tleman yield? been talking incessantly about making the poor man's clothing The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Wyoming yield cheaper, and yet you have retained in your bill the most ob to the gentleman from North Dakota? · jectionable feature of present Schedule K by fixing a rate on Mr. MARTIN of South Dakota. From South Dakota. cheap mixed goods of cotton and wool as though they were all · Mr. MO:NDELL. For just a moment. wool. You have followed the good old Democratic doctrine of Mr. MARTIN of South Dakota. Has the gentleman seen any allowing our people to import rags and shoddy free; thnt is discussion in part of the hearings had before the Committee on logical in a Democratic tariff bill, for rags will be all the style Ways and l\Ieans between the gentleman from New York and when your administration gets into full swing. I suppose you some of the witnesses in regard to what is a legitimate Ameri think it also logical to place a high rate, comparatively, on im can industry? I refer to the gentleman from New York, Mr. ported goods made largely of rags and shoddy. Taking into HARBISON. consideration the advantages which manufacturers secure in l\Ir. :MONDELL. I have not had that pleasure. some instances under your bill through free raw material, the Mr. l\IARTIN of South Dakota. I think the logical purport protective rates you have placed on some of their products are of that was that a legitimate American industry is an industry actually higher than under the Payne law. These are the de that cari sustain itself in this country in the face of all opposi tails that condemn the bill; its utter lack of any foundation tion from abroad without any protection. [Laughter on the theory, its resultant iniquities, which would make it ridiculous Republican side.] if it were not tragic. :Mr. MONDELL. Yes;. in other words, an industry that can LOSS TO FABMERS AND STOCKMEN. maintain itself under a Democratic administration; and the / It can be said, without fear of successful contra.diction, that only industry that can do that is the soup-house industry. [Ap- no considerable portion of our people engaged in any form of plause on tb.e Republican side.] · agriculture or husbandry outside the cotton belt can escape l\Ir. HARRISON of New York. Mr. Chairman, will the gen sE;?.rious loss and injury through the passage of this bill. tleman yield to me? "" \I t I 342 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. APRIL 23, The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman yield? rived from the reduced duty retained on sugar for three yea.rs Mr. MONDELL. Only for a question. I regret I ha"fe not and is as indefensible as a policy as it is impossible of hone t more time at my disposal. administration. We are gravely assured that this plan to allow l\fr. HARRISON of New York. Since the gentleman from all the world to ship its goods here free through the Philippines Korth Dakota has referred to me in this matter, I will say to is proper, because the "War Department suggested it." him that I do consider that in trying to m&intain by tariff rates The Democratic Party proposes, I understand, a policy o:f a tropical crop in a temperate zon~. as, for example Louisiana scuttle toward the Philippines, that we se"fer all connection cane sugar, an attempt is made to maintain an illegitimate with and obligations ·toward them, and you inaugurate this industry. policy of surrender by giving them tariff benefits accorded no Mr. MARTIN of South Dakota. l\fr. Chairman, with all due one else, not even our own people. This extraordinary propo- · apologies to North Dakota for the mistake of having been sition is carried in .the same bill which contemplates the credited twice to that State, as I have read those hearings the termination of our reciprocal benefits and obligations undei· statement of the gentleman from New York [Mr. HABRISON] our treaty with Cuba-the same bill through which we are to was practically to the effect that I stated thut a legitimate inflict great and lasting injury on our own territory and people American industry is an industry that is not to be harmed by in Ila waii and Porto Rico. the proposed Democratic revision of the tariff-that is, an in LOSS OF l\I.!RKETS AND IlEVE~UEl. dustry that can thrive in this country without protection. This measure surrenders the best markets in the world to l\1r. M01'1DELL. Yes; and the statement just made by the foreigners without attempt or pretense of securing any trade gentleman from New York [l\fr. HARRISON] satisfies me that no advantages thereby. It will cause the loss of many millions of industry that requires any protection whatever is, in the opin re"\"enue, the payment of which is in the main no appreciable ion of the gentleman from New York, a legitimate industry, burden, and proposes to fill the gap in revenue by an inquisi- whether it be agricultural or industrial. That is what his torial personal tax. · proposition leads to, and while he may have, his party has not Whatever our opinion may be of the wisdom of adopting in the courage to write a bill boldly declaring that policy, though time of peace the English system of a national income tax, thus they came near writing such a bill. There are others on that depriving the States of that source of revenue, I doubt if such side who, like the gentleman from New York, are full-fledged a tax on earned incomes as low as $4,000 will prove profitable free traders. Thel'e are few who have the courage to declare ( or popular, and when the tax is S.Q drawn as to amount to it; most of therµ prefer to leave the impression at home that, triple taxation in many instances it becomes indefensibly in as far as the home industry was concerned, it was to be made equitable in such cases. an exception. If that had not been done, there would be many WHO BE);EFITED AXD HOW'. seats now held on that side filled by Republicans. But we are told that all the sacrifices of opportunity and INJURY TO WEST AND PACIFIC SLOPE. enterprise this measure proposes are in the interest of the It is true the great West and Northwest had little represen people. Is it possible that our Democratic friends, when they tation on the Democratic committee which framed this bill, speak of the people, have only in mind the cotton planters. a· but is it po sible that the members of that committee do not few favored manufacturers, and the dwellers on the east side know of or care for the people or the industries of that fair of New York? Do the cotton kings, those who dwell in the shadow and fertile 110rtion of our land, the source of the grain and of Tammany Hall, and a few favored manufacturers constitute meat · supply of the Nation? the people in the opinion of the Democratic Party? [Laughter If the committee had no regard for the vast products in wool and applause on the Republican side.] My friend from Ne and mutton, beef and wheat, sugar, and dairy products of that braska [Mr. SLOAN] referred to it the other day as the policy region, what about those on the Democratic side who were sent of Dixie and Tammany against the balance of the country. I here by the people of that region to look after their interests? am glad to use his apt expression, giving Wm credit for it. There is not a product of the _agricultural or pastoral midwest, No doubt you have in mind also the so-called ultimate con northwest, mountain west, or Pacific slope which is not either sumer, whose purchas~ng power does not depend in any wi e doomed or seriously menaced by this bill. Where are those upon the state of the industries of the country. There a.re a Democrats from that region whose duty it is to guard their few such, no doubt, whose incomes being fixed beyond the power people and their enterprises? What have they to say in this of trade or industrial conditions to disturb them, may be bene hour of their people's peril? fited by the conditions of low prices you hope to establish. Be A SURil~DER TA.llIFF. yond these I can think of no one under the flag who can hope to Hailing from the West, as I do, it is perhaps natur~l that my benefit by your legislation. attention should be particularly challenged by the menace this On the other hand, the most optimistic among you can con bill presents to the people of that region, but perhaps the most jure up no legitimate industry, no opportunity of hone t em amazing thing about the bill is the fact that no industry or ployment, which will be benefited or enlarged through your enterprise seems to have been important enough to be spared legislation. While many industries tremble in anticipation of and none so insignificant as to escape. Great textile and metal the effect of your schedules, none anticipate more favorable industries have their rates cut to the bone. Perhaps that was conditions by reason of it. .While labor in many lines is to be expected from your past declarations, but a multitude threatened with loss of employment or lowerinO' of wage , no of smaller industries-in regard to which the committee had class of labor looks for better wages or. more constant employ little if any information, if we are to judge from the hearings ment as a result of your action. The best that you can offer are put on the ragged edge or thrown overboard. Up and down labor is that by reducing the rewards of the producers on the the schedules rode the committee, apparently for all the world farms you may possibly temporarily better the conditions of the like a gang of drunken cowboys shooting up the town or a band consumers of their product in the cities and towns. of Moro fanatics running amuck. This is no revision; it is a THE BEST YOU CAN HOPE FOR. smashing of the tariff, a complete surrender of our markets This, then, is the best you can hope for, that by the clestruc- \ · to foreigners. [Applause on the Republican side.] tion of certain industries, great and small, with great and Scattered about throughout the country in almost every permanent loss, the transfer of production from ours to foreign Northern State, no doubt in many Southern States, are small shores, and by the reduction of the rewards of the agricultural shops, foundries, mills, and factories engaged in the manu classes of our people you may bring some small benefit to a facture, in a limited way, of a vast variety of articles, including mythical class labeled the ultimate consumer. knit, felt, and woven goods, special clothing, gloyes and mittens, Many men at one time and another in the world's history machine tools, special machinery, wooden and iron ware, house have followed as disappointing a phantom as you are now hold utensils, harness and saddles, sundries-none have escaped. pursuing. Men have sought the alchemy that was to turn The slogan of the Donnybrook fair, " Wherever you see a head, dross to gold; they have endeavored to secure perpetual motion; smash it," has been the shibboleth. [Laughter and applause on they haYe searched for a fountain of perpetual youth; they the Republican side.] have looked for the pot of gold at the foot of the rainbow ; and BENEFITS THl!l PHILIPPINES, INJURES HAWAII AND PORTO RICO. one and all their quests, their efforts, and their endeavors have Not content with smashing schedules so as to give all the been quite as sensible, reasonable, and logical as yours; they world the privilege of our great market free, or measurably so, have all been bitterly disappointed, even as you will be. [Ap our Democratic friends prepare to give the people of the Philip- plause on the Ilepublican side.] . pines unqualifiedly the free run of our market, not only for DEMOCRATIC FAILURE . their own goods and products but for the goods of all the world Your failure will not be due to differences of individual shipped to us by way of the Philippines, provided such goods opinion, marked as they are. It will not result from selfish are Philippine in half their value. This amazing proposition efforts to secure local advantages and ignore the just claims practically annuls whatever temporary benefit might be de- of others, much as that will divide your council . Neither will 1913. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 343 it come from lack of loyalty to party leaders or of disposition stand for protection for his own district but he must be against to accept their advice, for of those qualities you have displayed the protection of industries in all other districts, and therefore more than is good for your constituents or well for your they slaughter your industries in detail because you fight in country. Your trouble lies deeper than all these; it is elemen detail. tary and fundamentaL It arises from your failure to recognize l\Ir. HARDY. I would like to ask the gentleman if that is or follow the truth, to establish a principle of action and stick all the answer, all the reasons, he has to give why high pro to it. . tection has not increased wages in Italy? Certain great truths and principles lie at the foundation of Mr. MOl\"DELL. The gentleman from Texas is going fau any successful fisca l policy for a country like ours. We have afield. That is not strange when he becomes the champion of established here a condition and a standard of living, of educa a bill that proposes to place the highly paid labor of America tiQK.'of opportunity, of ambition above that of any other people. in unprotected competition with the pauper labor of Italy to / Nothing would be easier, if our people would stand it, than which he refers. [Applause on the Republican side.] to bring about a lowering of those standards; but if we are to The CHAIR.MAN. The time of the gentleman from Wyoming maintain them, if we are to raise them higher, if we are to make bas expired. them all-perV'ading among our people, we can not, we must not, Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 10 minutes more to the place our people on a plane as to their employment, as to the gentleman from Wyoming. rewards for their labor and endeavor, with those who are content EASY TO MISLEAD. or compelJed to accept and live under standards, conditions, and Mr. MONDELL. It is true ·the Democratic way is the easy opportunities less favorable than ours. These are the plain, way to do it. and it is in harmony with the easy way in which simple truths which must be recognized as the basis of tariff you have led many people to agree to give you a chance at the legislation. You refuse as a party to accept them; therefore tariff. It does not require courage or statesmanship to appeal you have not written in 50 years, and you will not in 50 more, a to human selfishness, to bring some people to applaud a plan tariff law satisfactory to the Americun people. which proposes in the name of virtue to deprive the people of REPUBLICAN TA.RIFF POLICY. one section · of· opportunities because another section does not We haye made some mistakes, but our principles are sound. happen to have that particular form of opportunity. It is easy We have profited by our errors and we will write the next tariff to bring some people to believe that the prosperity others enjoy law that the American people will accept, for they will not ac- is in some way at their expense. It is not difficult to win ap /j cept yours. We have always assumed as the proper basis o~ plause and support, of a certain kind, on the promise to bring legislation a tariff rate at which the American could pay and blessings to those to whom the .appeal is made by carrying mis recei>e a higher wage than his.foreign competitor and meet ery to others. him on even terms. At one time"irs to many industries it was . It is not impossible to prove that the protective policy has not ot especially material if the rate was somewhat above this established perfectly ideal conditions everywhere and among all p int, but with the growth of combination, and of opportunity people, particularly if one denies or ignores the glorious fact for combination, some abuses came, and as the opportunity for that under it conditions among our people, and especially further and greater abuses existed the demagogue came also. among those who toil, are more favorable than in any other We were blamed not only for the abuses which did exist but land aud have grown steadily better. You have endeavored, more for the opportunities for abuse which, the people were led and with some success, to make men believe that the better to believe, existed in some of our schedules. wages and opportunities our people enjoy are not due to pro T.A.RIFll' COMMJ.SSIO~. tection but largely to organization, ignoring the fact that as As the necessity became apparent for schedules, which while no one has ever been able to squeeze blood from a turnip affording oar own people an opportunity to do the Nation's or make bread from stones, so no amount of organization work gave no hiding place .~ · :r,or monopoly, we adopted the plan can wring a living or adequate wage from an employment that and policy of securing accurate and scientific information as to does not pay, an enterprise from which there is no return. [Ap the cost of production at home and abroad. In an interval of plause on the Republican side.] -virtue the Democ:ratic leaders accepted and approved the plan, SELFISH .APPEALS FAIL. only to follow evil counsel later to defeat it. Your appeals have been to localism, to sectionalism, to class The result is that although the Tariff Board we were able consciousness, to selfishness, to capidj.ty, and while they have to secure and retain for a short . time did make a report on been, owing to our dissensions, temporarily successful, they must, certain schedules no attention was paid to it in framing this in the nature of things, fail in the da;y of test. They have bill. I am not surprised at that; I am surprised that holding already failed with you. In the secret caucus you have held, the views you do the committee went through the idle and numbers of you from time to time, fighting for your own section empty form of holding hearings. or for local industries, have hurled your salvos against the In your philosophy, or sophistry, nothing that an American patronage-buttressed position of your temporary masters, the artisun, producer, or manufacturer could say touching the Ways and Means Committee. · Again and again devoted bands, need of tariff rates to protect his labor or production could fighting for what you consider the interests of your constitu or did have any effect on your action. A table of imports and ents, have dashed yourselves against the barriers of party of home production, a schedule of rates calculated to increase discipline, and all in vain. And yet there has not been a mo the former and decrease the latter, a few orders from the ment, since the bill was first submitted to caucus, when if all of White House modifying your plans, a secret caucus binding you who ha-ve been fighting fo; perfectly proper and needful the souls and consciences of Democratic Members, and the changes in schedules had combined you could not have saved thing was done. And the Lord have mercy upon us and upon all the industries and employments of your people doomed or men our people. aced by this bill. But you could not combine, because you were Mr. HARDY. Now wi.11 the gentleman yield? each pledged to the selfish rule of attempting to preserve pros l\Ir. MONDELL. Yes. perity in your own sections or industries regardless of the inter Mr. HARDY. I want to ask the gentleman, if high protection ests of other sections or industries. bas made such high wages in this country, why has it not pro duced high wages in Italy and Germany? COYING REPUBLICAN TRIUMPH. l\fr. MONDELL. Protection bas increased and maintained From these scenes of party strife, of personal anguish among wages wherever as a policy it has been adopted. [Applause on your membership, from the painful contemplation of the evil the Republican side.] It has done that to a peculiar, unex days certain to befall as the result of your legislation, I look ampled, and extraordinary degree under the American flag. forward to that not distant day, when the destructive and para But I am thinking about these troubled gentlemen who,- like my lyzing effect of your legislation being painfully patent to all, the friend from Texas, want a duty on wool. people will demand that you provide a tariff commission, which Mr. HARDY. Oh, the gentleman should not make that state shall ascertain and report the facts on which to base a tariff, ment. measuring the difference of cost oi production at home and Mr. MOJ\TDELL. Well, the other gentleman from Texas, a abroad. But you will not write the bi1l based on such a report. number of gentlemen from Texas, who want a duty on wool. Before it is made you will be hurled from the seats of power You can not have that, say your masters of the Ways and in this House, and Republicans, true to their party principles, Means Committee, but they gave you a duty on rice, of which chastened by defeat, tried and tempered by adversity, will again you grow some in Texas. It is hard to keep track of the various be called to control and responsibility. Then we will write upon local protection fads of you gentlemen on the other side. Some the statute books a tariff bill, based on accurate information, of you want a duty on wool, some on sugar, while some of your whose schedules, while affording no harbor or opportunity for real statesmen have been content with a duty on rice or peam,Its. monopoly or oppression, shall protect American labor and indus But you can not combine to secure what you ask for. Why? try _against unfair and unequal competition from foreign shores. Because you have been teaching the doctrine that a man may [Loud applause on Republican side.] OPNGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE_. APRIL ...,,...,9 ?. ' 1\fr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Chairman, I yield ·to the gentleman President. A. war of aggressive extermination ls being waged ·against the Government established by our fathers. from Illinois [Mr. WILLIAMS]. Already the piratical flag has been unfurled against the commerce of Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Chairman, it is not my purpose at this the nited States. Letters of marque have been issued appealing to the time to discuss the tariff question, but to avail myself . of a pirates of the world to assemble under that revolutionary flag and com mit depredation upon the commerce carried on under the Stars and privilege under the rule to pronounce a . brief . eulogy on the . Stripes. The navigation of our great river into the Gulf of Mexico i one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Stephen A. Douglas, obstructed. Customhouses have already been established and hostile touching his life, his character, and his public services. batteries have been planted upon its banks. · The question is whether this war of aagression shall proceed and we Mr. Chairman, Stephen A. Douglas was born 100 year~ ago remain with folded arms, or whether we shall meet the aggressors at the to-day in the town of Brandon, in the State of Vermont. His threshold a_nd tmn back the tide of revolution and usurpation. father died when he was 2 months of age, leaving the family with So long as there was hope of a peaceful solution I prayed and im plored for compromise. I can appeal to my countrymen with confidence limited means. He received an academic education at Brandon that I have spared no effort, omitted no opportunity to secure a peace and at Canandaigua, N. Y. He was very studious and unusually ful solution of all these troubles and restore peace, happiness, and fra bright and promising. At the age of 20, short of stature and ternity to this country. When all propositions of peace fail and a war of aggression is pro slender of figure, he turned his ·face to the westward in search claimed there is but one course left for the patriot, and that is to rally of fame and fortune. - He reached Jacksonville, Ill., in the under the flag which has waved over the Capital since the days of autumn of 1 33, a· stranger without money and without friends. Washington and around the Government estal>lished by him and his compeers. The first duty of an American citizen, or of a citizen of He taught school, read law, and took an active interest in any constitutional government, is obedience to the constitution and the politics, and within 14 years after the date of his arrival he laws of his country. It is a crime against the inalienable and indefeasible right of every had been admitted to the bar, had been a member of the Illinois American citizen to attempt to destroy the Government under which we Legislature, prosecuting attorney, registrar of the land office, were born. It is a crime against constitutional freedom and the hopes secretary of state, judge of the supreme court, and three times of the friends of freedom throughout the wide world to attempt to blot out the United States from the map of Christendom. elected a Representative in Congress, and had been elected to · Yet this attempt is now being made. The Government of our fathers and entered upon his first term in the United States Senate is to be overthrown and destroyed. The Capital that bea1·s the name when not yet 34 years· of age. His rise was ph2nomenal. The of the Fatb.er of his Country is to be bombarded and leveled to the earth among the rubbish and the dust of things that are past. The records history of this country, with all its splendid opportunities and of your Government are to be scattered to the four winds of heaven. brilliant men, fails to record another instance of such rapid The constituted authorities placed there by the same high authority progress and achievement. that placed Washington and Jefferson and J ackson in the chait' are to be captured and spirited away, to become a byword and a scorn to the He was a born leader of men. His presence inspired con nations of the world. fidence, and his marvelous intellect was of that magic power Not only is our constitutional government to be stricken down, n ot tllat men intuitively recognized his force of character, dominat only is our flag to be blotted out, but the very foundations of social order are to be undermined and destroyed. The demon of destruction ing influence, and supreme leadership. He was an orator of . is to be let loose over the face of the land ; a reign of terror and superb ability, perhaps the superior of any man among the mob law is to prevail in each section of the Union, and the man who great men then in public life. dares to speak for the cause of justice and moderation in either section Soon after he entered the Senate he became the most potent ls to be marked down as a traitor. I appeal to you, my countrymen, not to allow your passions to get factor in that body, and thenceforth dominated its policies and the better of your judgment. Do not allow your vengeance on the shaped its legislation. Nor did his control and leadership con authors of this great iniquity to lead you into rash and cruel and desperate acts upon loyal citizens who may differ with you in op1.n1.on. fine itself to the upper branch of Congress. Although he died Let the spirit of moderation and justice prevail. You can not expect at the early age of 48, no man in this country has acquired a within so brief a period after an exciting political canvass that every greater influence than that exercised by Douglas over the minds man r..an rise to t he high and patriotic level of forgetting his party prejudices and sacrifice everything upon the altar of his country, but of the people. No man bas had a greater personal following. allow me to say to you, you will not be true to your country if you For a decade the great majority of the people had absolute ever attempt to manufacture partisan capital out of the misfortunes confidence in his political integrity and implicitly trusted and of your country. When calling upon Democrats to rally to the tented field, leaving wife, child, father, and mother behind them, to rush to followed him and supported every measure of public importance the rescue of your Government, do not make war upon them and try ad•ocated by him. to manufacture partisan capital at their expense out of the struggle in The last 10 years of his life were the most stormy years in which they are engaged from the holiest and purest of motives. Then I appeal to you, my own Democratic friends-those men who have never the political history of the country, and Douglas was the one failed to rally under the glorious banner of the c'ountry whenever an central figure. By far the most potent factor in politics, be enemy, at home or abroad, has dared to assail it-to you with whom occupied a middle ground. between the contentions of the North it has always been my pride to act-do not allow defeat in a partisan struggle and the elevation of an opposing party to power, do not let and those of the South, and sought in e•ery way within the that· convert you from patriots into traitors to your native land. province of man to effect a reconciliation and bring about a Whenever our Government is assailed, when host ile armies are march condition of affairs which would avoid a conflict of arms be ing under new and odious banner against the Government of our country, the shortest way to peace is the most stupendous preparation tween the two sections of the country. But so intense and bitter for war. Rvery friend of freedom, every champion and advocate of had tlle conflict become that longer delay or further compro constitutional liherty, throughout the land must feel that this cause mise was impossible, and Douglas went down to defeat between is bis own. What is the attempt now being made? Several States of tbe Union the extI·eme contentions-the upper and nether millstones-of have chosen to declare that they will no longer obey the Constitution; the two opposing factions. that they will withdraw from the Government established by our Although he had been defeated by Mr. Lincoln for the Presi fathers; that they will dissolve without our consent the bonds that have united us together. But not content with that, they proceed to dency, when war came Douglas arose to sublime heights, and. invade and obstruct om· dearest and most inalienable rights secured by espoused the cause of the Union with a vigor and force unex the Constitution. celled, and contributed by the might .and power of his influence I have struggled, almost against hOJi>e. to avert the calamities of war and to effect a reunion and reconciliation with our brethren of the more to the support of the administration and the cause of the South. I yet hope it may be done, but I am not able to point out to Union than any other individual or group of men throughout yon how it may be effected. Nothing short of Providence can reveal the entire North. So complete was his control over the mem to us the issue of this great struggle. Bloody, calamitous, I fear it will be. Let us so conduct it. if a collision must come, that we may bers of his own party that when he spoke all political differ stand justified in the eyes of Him who knows om hearts and who will ences were forgotten, and his followers rallied to the support of judge our every act. We must not yield to resentment nor to the Lincoln and to the cause of the Union as one man. spirit of vengeance, much less to the desil'e for conque t or ambition. I see no path of ambition open in a bloody struggle for triumph over When the excitement and intensity which attended the out my own countrymen. '.!.'here is no path for· ambition open in a divided break of hostilities was at its height in the State of Illinois and country. Hence ,whatever we may do must be the result of convic the Middle West, Douglas addressed a joint session of the Illinois tion, of patriotic du ty-the duty we owe to Olit' clve , to our posterity, and to the friends of constitutional liberty and self-government through Legislature, upon the invitation of that body, and delivered his out the world. last and most famous speech in support of the Union. This My friends, I can say no more. To discuss these topics is the most speech Wf!S made on April 26, 1861. The effect was inspiring; painful duty of my Itfe. It is with a sad heart, with a grief that I have never before experienced, that I have to contemplate this fearful it stilled every opposition, and lined up all factions in the North struggle ; but I believe in my conscience that it is a duty we owe our tn support of the Constitution and the flag. If eloquence is selves, our children, -and our God to protect this Government and the measured by the immediate :ind momentous effect on the minds flag of our country. · of men, then this speech Presidency.- Inordinate ambition may be a crime, but the am Mr. Keir Hardie, the well-known English Socialist, a supporter bition of Douglas was laudable, and with -all his craving for in the British Parliament of the present "free-trade" ministry, that high office, he was, above all, a pah·iot. Ambition may also writing in the Clarion of J anuary 9, has this to say about the be imputed to other great men who have aspired to the Presi conditions observed in the United States under protection : dency but failed of their goal. It is a notable fact that the Life out there, especially in the West, J:ias more freedom than a t home, and the very fact of wages being high leads to a greater self great men of the country who have aspired to and sought t he respect and a higher all-around standard of living. Men walk with Presidency with a consuming desire and ambition, to the ex more independence in their gait than they do with us, and there are clusion of all other aspirations, have failed to achieve _the aim opportunities, generally speaking, !or· getting on there which do not and object of their lives. The way to the Presidency is strewn exist here. with disappointed hopes and shattered ambitions. Good men Under the exhaustive investigations of her tariff commission and great have achieved the supreme and ultimate aim, but England herself is gradually awakening to the conditions that those who have sought it most, whose lives were spent seeking her neglected agriculture has brought upon her. The report of that exalted station, have signally failed. Notable among these her tariff commission says that there is- · are Henry Clay, Da,niel Webster, Stephen A. Douglas, and a broad contrast between the policy adopted by foreign countries and that adopted by the United Kingdom. Generally speaking. all foreign James G. Blaine. Let us hope that the rule will not apply to and European countries accept as the basis of their economic policy the men now in life, but that those who have lost a while, but are necessity for maintaining a :flourishing agriculture. This is partly due yet full of hope and prospects, may prove the exception and to economic reasons, partly to considerations of national defense and security. The result, speaking generally, is that these countries, in achieve the object of their most cherished ambition and that stead of pursuing an exclusively manufacturing or an exclusively the millions who are to-day hoping a.Iid praying for their success agrarian policy, have endeavored to maintain a balance between agricul may realize their fondest hopes. ture and manufactures. The name of Douglas is inseparably linked with that of the "A balance between agriculture and manufactures!" That immortal Lincoln. It is not my aim nor would it serve any good is the key to prosperity and happiness in any country, and espe purpose here to analyze their characters and to compare or con cially in this country, where we possess untold millions of acres trast these two great men. They were opposites in manner, in of fertile land, coupled with a salubrious climate, that makes it speech, and in form, but in the essentials that go to make great possible to produce at home e-verything that our people need for -men there was no such dissimilarity as is generally supposed; food. But this key to the prosperity and happiness of our b-oth loved their fellow man, both were men of the highest people has either escaped the notice of the Democratic Party type, the strictest integrity, the best motives, and the loftiest or for selfish political reasons they have deliberately thrown it ideals; both were politicians after the school of their day and aside. both were statesmen of highest rank; both were ambitious, both I again quote from the 1906 report of the English tariff com· aspired to tl:.e highest station in life, and both attained great mission, which says : ness and distinction; both were patriots and both laid down . The causes of the decline .in ag1·iculture are world-wide in their opera· tlleir ambitions and gave up their lives upon the altar of their tion, affecting au importing countries. The striking feature in the case of the United Kingdom is that agriculture has been more depressed common country. [Applause.] than in any other country, and more depressed than any other branch Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from of economic activity. During tbe last 25 years the course of all agri cultural prices bas been the same downward direction, with the result l'iOL th Dnkota [Mr. HELGESEN]. that agriculture has been subject to a great combination of causes, all Ur. HELGESEN. Mr. Chairman, when a great political party tending toward its denression. llns been intrusted with power and has been given such an over European countries generally have pursued a policy involving import "·helming majority as the Democratic Party now has in this duties on agricultural I.Jroduce, whereas in tbe United Kingdom ag-ricul turists have been subJect to the unrestricted importation of foreigu House, and, when that party has adopted the policy of legislating produce on terms not dissimilar in many cases from those experienced through the secret caucus, simply bringing the results of their by manufacturers who complain of dumping. caucns actions into the House for ratification, I presume it is a " Dumping " is the marketing of the surplus products of an waste of time and energy for a Member on this side of the House industry in a foreign country cheaper than it is sold in the to make any observations on the character of the contemplated country where it is produced, and any country that permits this legislation or to offer any argument against the wisdom of any kind of competition is not properly carip.g for 'its industries. of the provisions of the measures thus to be disposed of. But That legislation has a great deal to do with the success or as I have never been able to agree with the numerous tariff failure of any indush·y is evidenc:ecl by tile difference in the policies advocated by the Democratic Party in the last 50 years, prosperity of the agricultural industries of England and those and as I have the honor of representing the greatest agricul of Germany and France, where they have ample protection. tural district in the United States, I can not sit quietly by and James J . Hill, in his book, "Highways of Progress," says: see the agricultural industry, the greatest and most important How to meet German competition is to-day the study of every intelli in this country., the industry upon which every other industry, gent leader of industry and every cabinet on the Continent of Europe. It will be found that a large share of her world-wide success is due t o and, in fact, the whole country, depends for its prosperity, ruth symmetrical national development. Agricultural industry has not been lessly discriminated against as it is in this bill without entering slighted. Behold a contrast that throws li~bt upon the idle host of a vigorous protest. England's unemployed marcblng despondently through streets whose shop windows are crowded with wares of German make. Between 1875 So important is the agricultural industry that no nation has and 1900 in Great Britain 2,691,428 acres which were under cereals ever attained its greatest possible advance that has not care and 755,255 acres which were under green crops went out of cultiva fully protected it, and no nation that has failed to jealously tion. In Germany during the same period tbe cultivated area grew guard the interests of its farmers has long maintained its once from 22,840,950 to 23,971,573 hectares, an increase of 5 per cent. proud position among the nations of the world. I know that Is there any better illestration of the blighting influence of free traders are want to point to England as an exception to this free trade in agricultural products than is furnished by this rule, but it is not so certain that England will long escape the statement? England, so densely populated that if every acre fate of every other nation that has neglected the interests of were made to produce its utmost enough could not be produced · agriculture, although, because of the very limited area of fertile to feed all the people, her farmers with the best market for land in the " Island Empire," she is less affected by the steady food products in all Europe rigilt at their doors and enjoying decline in her agriculture than would be any of the other great cheap farm labor, has under free trade been compelled to nations of the world, and but for this fact she could not have abandon millions of acres of fertile land, and is abandoning survived her present policy as long as she has. But this is a more· every year, while in Germany, under iwotection, eYery acrn burning question in England to-day, and an Englishman, dis of cultivated land has not only been retained, but e1ery arable cussing the question of dllties on agricultural products last acre is being gradually redeemed to add to the cultivated area March, said : of the country. Count Bismarck, in the Reichstag in .!\fay, 1879, What agricultural results have accrued under our present fiscal sys made the following statement: tem? (1) We have enormously decreased the annual production of Is not the moment approaching when our agriculture will no longer wealth from our fertile land; (2) cast away steady employment for be able to exist, because corn is pressed down to a price at which it more than a million men; (3) driven these to emigrate or migrate to can not be remuneratively produced in Germany, taxation, the cost our centers, already ct·owded, in search (and often in vain) of pre of living, and the cost of land being as they are? When that moment carious casual ~mploymeut at poor wages; (4) diminished by one-half comes, then not only agriculture, but tbe Prussian State and the our race of skilled food producers; (5) secured dearer, not cheaper German Empire will go to ruin as well. food; (6) made it so that there are few, if any, articles of food im: ported which we could not ourselves now profitably produce at tbe And immediately therenfter he established a system of tariff present orices or at lower. * • "' duties on German agricultural products. To Bismarck, there Duties on manufactures will be all right for that limb of the body politic, but what about the otbe._r sick one-the important one of agri fore, who in early life was a rank free trader, but who, unlike culture? What the State needs is a balanced production from land and most free trader~, permitted stubborn practical facts to convince workshop. The restorat!on c,f agriculture to its pristine prosperity him of his error, the German farmers owe the fact that they arc to its old position as an absorber of labor, is essential, and this ca~ among the most prosperous farmers in the "orld. b c~i;t be done by daties ou imported farm products. c * * - The main object of every real fiscal reform must be to increase home If there is any country in Europe where the farmers are more production, borne employment, home wages. prosperous than in Germany, it is France. But the French 346 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. APRIL 23, farmers met with the same trouble that is sure to overtake the In profit we are satisfied with a small yield at the expense o:f the most rapid soil deterioration. We are satisfied with a national annuaJ farmers in e\ery country sooner or later, and but for the wis av1!rage product of $11.38 per acre at tbe cost of a diminished annual dom of her statesmen they would be no better off to-day than the . return from the same fields when we might as well secure two or three farmers in England. l\Ir. Merideth, an English authority, says: times that snm. Tbe trouble in France, as elsewhere, centered in the persistent fall .An industrious, fairly intelligent, and exceedlngly comfortable agri in the prices of agricultural produce, due in part to the general appre cultural community can raise from the soil food enough for the needs ciation of gold, but due principally to the cheapening of transport and of 490 persons to the square mile. .Adopting that ratio, the 414,498,487 the appearance on the home market of transoceanic cereals and meat. acres of improved farm lands in the United tate on the date of tbe The result was the increased protection of agricultural products in last 't>fficial report-an area materially enlarged by the present time--. would support in ccmfort 317.350,405 people, enabling them at the same 1885 and 1887 and the tariff of 18fl2. time to raise considerable food for export and to engage In neces ary Having thus receirnd ample protection they became, and I manufacturing employments. Applying the same ratio to the entire believe are still considered, the most prosperous farmers in acreage of farm lands within the United States, both improved and un improved, which was at tbe same date 38,591,774, the population Indi Europe, if not in the world. cated as able to live with comfort and prosperity on the actually Again, quoting from Mr. Hill's Highways of Progress. He existing agricultural area of this counti·y, under an intelligent system and a fairly competent but by no means highly scientific method ot says: agriculture, rises to 642,046,823 . .A<>riculture Ln England has suffered in the last 25 years by the open ing 'Of new land in America and the cheapening of the world's trans· If this statement, that our farmers can and eventually will portation- support a population of about 650.000,0 people is correct and he should have added "and because the Government did and no intelligent man who has given the subject careful and not protect the farmers against those conditions." serious study will deny that it is at least approximately cor We need not go to England to find an illustration of the rect-and if it is, then the statement that our farmers can not effect that the opening of new land and the cheapening of trans now abundantly support our present population becomes so portation will have on agriculture where the farmers are not absurd that it would seem as if it could only be made by protected against those influences. We have but to go back in driveling idiots or by men who would rather venture a guess on our own history some 40 to 50 years to the time when our great any subject than to giYe it carefu1 and erious study. western empire, an empire of the richest agricultural lands Next to .Mr. Hill, our greatest expert on agricultural products in the world, began to be opened, just at a time when transpor and po sibilities, is another big railroad man, Mr. Il. F. Yoakum. tation was being revolutionized so as to almost annihilate dis In an address before the Farm Credits Conference in Chicago, tance and so cheapened that the products of the Far West on April 9, on "Relations of the Government, agriculture. and could successfully be mnrketed in the o1der and more populous the railroads and their bearing on better marketing," he said: sections of the East. In those days New England farms were .Agriculture and tranf:ij)ortation have laid the foundation which has selling at from 100 to $200 per acre, but the opening of the made this the greate t and mo t powerful Nation of the world. They are the biggest factors in America's growth. great West with its cheap land and the wonderful yields of its There are now not more than 1,000 miles of ni?w raflroad undel.' rich virgin soil, coupled with cheap transportation, gradually construction. It would require the construction of 165,000 miles or reduced the value of New England farms until many of them additional railroad to furnish the same transportation facilities west o:f the Mississippi River that there are east of it, on the basis of area. were actually sold for less than the cost of the improvements. That great area of rich country can not grow as it should on 1,000 But because of the low price of farm products that often pre miles per annum of newly built railroads. vailed in the West, the farmers were unable to farm as scien Mr. Yoakum said that he believed in the readjustment of the tificaZJy as they should have done, and therefore tried to make tariff, but declared that if Congress should wipe out the entire up for unscientific methods by farming larger areas, which tariff on every article that is brought into this country on last resulted in lower yields. year's collections it would only amount to 326,000.00.0, while the The result has been that with reduced yields and increased waste which falls upon the farmers of the Nation means an cost of land, labor, machinery. and everything the Western annual loss of over five times the entire amount collected by farmer has to buy he can no longer produce foodstuffs at as our revenue collectors. In other words, the annual waste on om· low cost as when his land was new and more productive. Be farms, caused by insufficient transportation facilitie , excessive cause of this New England is again coming into her own, and rates on cheap prodacts and by our present absurd system of her farms are gradually regaining much of their lost ~alue. distribution, is greater than the amount pnid by all our people Farmers in New England or anywhere else can by patience, yearly for potatoes, flour, boots and shoes, and woolen goods of perseverance, industry, and intelligence overcome and ou~live all kinds. If the farmers and the con umers of their products any natural handicap, but there is one menace that always could divide this loss between them, it would go a long way threatens their industry, namely, the fallacious political doc toward solving the high cost of living for both, but to make trine that it is "immoral" and "unconstitutional" for a gov this possible would require the highest kind of statesmanship ernment to consider and care for the welfare of its own people plus patient and persevering efforts while to take the product and its own industries as against the rest of the world. We of any great industry and thow them into the free list requires have tried to put this doctrine into practice time and time again, neither brains nor ability. alwa;ys with disastrous results, but it seems that each ~ucceed Now, let us examine the other contention, namely, tI:iat the in<>' generation refuses to learn or benefit by the experience of farmer and the price he gets for his products is responsible th~se who have gone before, and so the Democratic Party, ~e for the "high cost of living." It matter little where we beain, exponent of this doctrine, is again in power. The Democratic so let us take potatoes first. You ha\e put potatoes on the free Party, like the farmers who vote that ticket once in each gen list. Why? You say because the poor people ha\e to pay eration apparently refuses to learn or benefit by the experience from $1 to $1.50 per bushel for this nece sity, and that is more of oth~r nations. and therefore they propose in this tariff bill than they can afford. I grant you that this is true, but do you to put our farmers in direct competition with Canada, Argen know that there are enormous quantities of potatoes rotting in tine, and other new and rapidly developing sections of the the fields almost every year because they are so cheap that they world. Do not forget that when you force our farmers to will not pay the cost of getting them to the consumer? Do you compete with these countries they will have to compete, not only know that the farmers of Nortll Dakota alone would be delighted with their rich virgin soil and cheap railroad transportation, to contract with the Government or any other re ponsible party as did New England against our great West, but against the to supply all the potatoes that can be consumed by the whole cheap South American labor and ocean freights, which when United States at 25 cents per bushel on the farm? And the the Panama Canal is finished will be a greater handicap than finest potatoes in the world at that. Now, is not that cheap most men now realize. enough? I admit that the consumer has to pay from 400 to They tell us that it has become necessary to put food prod 600 per cent more·for potatoes than the farmer gets for them, ucts on the free list because our farmers can no longer produce but why should you punish the farmer for that? He is not to enough food to supply the needs of the American people and blame. And if you are so ignorant that you can not determine because the farmers are getting so much for their products Le cause of the enormous and unjustifiable increase in the price that the people in the cities are justly complaining of the high of farm products between the farmer and the consumer, or if cost of living. I make the assertion here and now, without you are so incompetent that you can not remedy the wrong, fear of successful contradiction, that both of these statements you ouaht at least to have manhood and decency enough not are erroneous and without any foundation whatever. Bat let to try, ~onvict, and sentence our farmers without 8; hearing and us examine them. Mr. James J. Hill has spent fortunes in without investigation just to furnish political capital for some agricultural experiments and has made a lifelong study of our of the Democratic statesmen who came from the cities and con agricultural conditions, and is therefore. aclmow1edg~ .t?. be g·ested centers of our country and whose constituents, if this the areatest authority we have on our agricultural possibilities. bill becomes u law, will soon become co-sufferers with the Jn° bis book Highways of Progress he makes the following fa1TIIers. significant sfatement on this subject. I have just visited the markets of this city for the purpose of Only one-half the land in private ownership is now tilled. That tula""e does not produC'e one-half what the land might be made to yield finding out what the consumer has to pay for farm products with'Cmt losing an atom of its fertility. and how much prices are increased over what the farmers 19J3. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 347 receive. I will here insert a table in the RECORD giving the other 10 cents per bushel is going to benefit the consumer when a facts and figures in detail: decline of more than twice that much has not reached him? Table A . Forcing down the price of wheat 10 cents per bushel, which would reduce the cost of a loaf of bread one-seventh of a cent, ce;~rof Per Per will not help the consumer, but may mark the difference be . increase cent of cent or tween success and failure with the wheat raisers. Any intelli P~~ Price con- c"fh~~ the pur- gent and unprejudiced student can quickly convince himself Commodity. Unit of sale to con farmer the con- sumlll' price c'!ia5o that the farmer is not now getting more for ills products than sumer. re- sumer pays charge- pn~e re- ceives. pays. over able to ce1ved enough to pay for expenses, upkeep, and a comfortable living, the , clistri- by tho and that if the price of his products could be reduced to the far~er s bution. farmer. lowest point at which ills industry could exist at all the reduc pnce. tion would be so small that it would not be passed on to the ultimate consumer. There is less added to the price of wheat Wheat flour-·····-· Barrel ...... $3.38 $8.00 140 57 43 between the producer and consumer than on most other prod Do ...... _... Bread, 325 loaves to 3.38 16.25 380 79 21 the barrel. ucts, and still a reduction of 10 cents per bushel on wheat would Rye flour ...... •.. Barrel...... 1. 94 9.80 4.00 80 20 make possible a reduction of only one-seventh of a cent per Cornmeal...... 10-pound sack ...... 121 .50 300 75 25 loaf of bread, an amount so small that the baker would add it Corn fiakes ...... 1-pound package .... .01 .15 1,100 91 9 to his profit instead of reducing the price of the loaf. It would . Oatmeal ...•...... do ...... 01 .10 900 90 10 Potatoes ...... Bushel. •.•...... 25 1.00 300 75 2.5 be just as sensible .for the farmers to say that because their Onions .. ·-········· ..... do ...... •...... 50 2.00 300 75 2.5 business is not now profitable the consumer should be made to Turnips-...... •.. do ...... 25 1.60 MO 84 16 470 82 18 pay more for farm products, even if the increase in price did Parsnips .. _...... do ...... 35 2.00 not go to the farmer, as it is for the consumers to say that But as I go along I want to tell you what the per cent of in because they have to pay too much for farm products the crease in prices is : Onions 300 per cent, parsnips 4 70 per cent, farmer shall be compelled to reduce his price even if the reduc rutabagas and turnips 540 per cent, milk and cream more than tion is not passed on to the consumer. 50 per cent, butter from 25 to 40 per cent, eggs from 25 to 50 It is very evident therefore that by discriminating against per cent, oatmeal 900 per cent, cornmeal 300 per cent, corn the farmers who raise breadstuffs you are not even going to flakes 1,100 per cent, and all package breakfast foods about the help the poor people of the cities to cheaper bread, and if you same; all kinds of canned goods show an increase of several succeed in making the raising of foodstuffs less profitable than hundred per cent; rye flour 400 per cent, wheat flour 140 per it is now you will bankrupt that industry, which means that no cent, and bread 380 per cent. I asked the marketmen if these other industry can succeed that depends on the farmers for a prices were unusual, and they said they were not. I asked market, and that includes practically all our industries. what their retail prices were· last year and the year before, and Why have you treated barley and malt, the product of barley, they said they were about the same. I then asked how they different from wheat, rye, buckwheat, and so forth? Of course accounted for the fact that wheat, rye, and corn are from 30 you are just as inconsistent in dealing with barley as with the per cent to 40 per cent cheaper this year than last, and yet the other grains mentione.d. Your excuse for putting all kinds of consumer has received no benefit from the decline. The reply flour on the free list, and thereby robbing the farmer of the was that while fl.our, cornmeal, and so forth, can be bought in duty you put on his grain, is said to be that y·ou thought that it carload lots somewhat cheaper than Jast year, the decline is not might make cheaper bread for the poor. But in dealing with enough to permit any change in the selling price of the small barley you forgot all about the poor, both the poor farmer and packages in which it has to be delivered to the city trade; and the poor beer drinker, for while you have reduced the duty on as to package goods, nearly all of them were sold under a trade barley 50 per cent and the duty on malt about 45 _per cent you mark and were put on the market at a uniform price, and the have left the same high duty on beer, ale, stout, and porter con increase or the decrease in the price·of the farm products out of tained in the Payne-Aldrich law, which can only be in the in which they are made simply resulted in an increase or decrease terests of the breweries and saloon keepers, for, of course, the of the profits of the concern that puts them on the market. ultimate consumer will pay just the same price as before. As an illustration that the price the farmer is getting for hls The farmers in my State got about 90 cents per bushel for products is not responsible for the high cost of living, let me their 1911 barley crop, while they have sold their 1912 crop quote from a statement made to a reporter of the Chicago Trib for about 35 cents a bushel, and still beer, ale, and so forth, une by Mr. J. R. Cahill, an investigator for the Board of Trade by the glass, was the same price both years. Cutting the duty of England, while in this country for the purpose of investigat on barley in two will take that amount out of the pockets of ing the price of food, and so forth. He said: the farmers, and no one will be benefited except the breweries I can not understand how we can buy bread in England for one-third and saloon keepers, who may be able to buy a little cheaper at the price you pay in Chicago when you send us our wheat, You pay 5 wholesale. I cnn not understand why you should prefer to cents for 14 ounces of bread, while we get a loaf weighing 64 ounces for 10 cents, made out of your own wheat. Our 4-pound loaf never favor the breweries and saloon keepers rather than the farm costs more than 12 cents, and usually only 10 cents. ers, unless you figure that you have received more support While it needs no argument to prove that it is an injustice to from them in the past than from the farmers, and that having make the American consumer pay more than twice as much for discriminated against the farmers, as you have in this bill, bis bread as the English consumer pays, it i(.\ clear that the price you will be more dependent on the saloon element in the future which the farmer gets for his wheat has nothing to do with the than you have been in the past. I know .you will say that you price of bread, for in each case his wheat is sold for the same price. have not discriminated against the farmers, citing the fact that The following table, compiled from the records of the Agricul you have left a duty of 10 cents per bushel on wheat and oats ture Department, shows that the price of farm products bas de and 15 cents per bushel on bal.'ley, and 10 per cent ad valorem clined the last yea.r to such an extent as to seriously cripple the on horses, cattle, sheep, and other farm animals, and that this industry, and still that great decline has not been reflected in is as large a duty proportionately , as you have allowed on the the slightest degree in the city retail " markets " : products of our shops, mills, and factories. This proves one TallleB. of three things: Either that you are absolutely dishonest in (L your dealings with the farmer or that you are so densely Average Average Percent. ignorant that you are unfit to legislate for this great Nation, price paid price paid age of re. or that you believe the farmers of this country are so ignorant Commodity, farmer, farmer, duction Apr. 1, Apr. l, in farm that they will not recognize the act which has paralyzed their 1912. 1913. products. industry or that they will not understand who is responsible for their condition. I can spea,k for the intelligence of the Wheat (hard)...... $0.92 $0. 72 21 farmers of the great wheat-gr{!wing region of this country, and Com ...... ····-···...... 71 .53 25 I want to say to you that there is no more intelligent class Barley...... 92 .48 47 of people anywhere in the world than they, but still they can ~fa~:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: d~ d~ !~ bnee foo.1 edmoyncetainteavwotheidle.f Frora eDxaemmopcle.'ati1~cstc.~anldl .dth oteusafonrdsthoef Potatoes. . • ...... 1.17 . 50 57 1 11 111 8 0 1 " 1 3 ~~~:::::::::::::::::::::: ·:::::::::::::::::::::::: k~ 2:fo 21 Presidency for the first time in their lives, and they did this Onions--···························-················ 1.67 . 77 ~ for two reasons-first, because they were dissatisfied with the Rye...... 85 .62 I 21 Payne-Aldrich tariff law and the system of legislation under Buckwheat ...... •.....••..•.•...... ! .77 .68 11 which it was enacted, which, by the n-ay, yon h:n-e continued; ----·------·---'------'---_..:.____ and, second, because the Democratic Party nml its candidate If a decline~ in prices, as great as this table shows, has not for President, Mr. Wilson, had pledged themselrns to so re benefited the consumer in the slightest degree, what reason have vise the tariff laws that no "legitimate industry" sboulcl be in you for thinking that forcing down the price of wheat and rye an- jured. Be1ieving, as they ·bad a right to beliern, tliat in all l 348 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. APRIL .23' the world there i a no more " legitimate industry" than that did not consider the effect of what be does. So I t ink I state a mete in matter · of ordinary logic when I say that be does not consider the of ngriculture. and havinO' still some faith the honor of men, effect of a tariff system of laws-and I speak of a tariff system and they took the Democratic Party and its candidate at their not of a particular article-who does not consider the effect of the worcl. II\telligent ns they ue they could not believe it possible system he adopts and then go down from a system to individual items, fails to perform his duty as a Representative of the people and as a thnt a great political party could be so corrupt and so absolutely patriot of the country. deYoid of honor and principle that it would make promises for • • • • • the sole purpose of getting votes and with no intention what Mr. JAMES. Are the farmers of Texas in favor of untaxed farming ever of fulfilling them; nnd neither could they understand how implements? a all Mr. CowAN. Undoubtedly; just as I am in favor of untaxed shoes great political party, after the experiences of the past, and hats and coat and pocketknives and everythin~; if you come could still be so absolutely ignorant of the first principles of down to the individual disposition. • • • In political meetings, practical economic and industrial ~ws that it would blindly do when we make speeches and talk about tbis great proposition of freo trade, in order to save tbe people from the high cost of living, of the very opposite of what it had promised and honestly believe course that is one thing; but when we come down to consider what is it was fulfilling its pledges. going to be the effect of a law on the statute books, it ls another Now, let me try to show you in ns few words as possible thing. • • • Mr. JAMES. Do you think free meat would ruin the cattle industry 1 what you are trying to do to the farmers of this country and how Mr. COWAN. It would. you are keeping your platform pledges and the personal pledges to:1f~el A::a~·? Did not all the Members of Congress f.rom Texas vote of the man who is now the President of the United States. Mr. COWAN. I think they all did. Let us first take wheat, on which you have left a duty of 10 Mr. JAMES. And were they not elected overwhelmingly? cents per bushel, but the products of which you have practically Mr. Cow AN. They were; and we vote the Democratic ticket there in be It sp~te. of politics, In spite of platforms, in spite of e-verytbini; that is pnt on the free list. What will the result? takes 4! said m any platform. If the Democratic platform says prohibition, we bushels of good wheat to make a barrel of flour. If the .Ameri vote for It; if it says "a.nti," we vote for it. can farmer is going to get the benefit of the 10-cents--per-bushel Mr. JAMES. I know that is true- Mr. CowA~. You know that, Mr. JAMES, just like I do. • • • tariff on wheat, a barrel of flour is going to cost the American Mr. FORDNEY. You voted in Texas the Democratic tkket and put In miller 45 cents more than it costs the CanacJian miller. That the Honse of Representatives a heavy Democratic delegation, and imme handicap, with flour on the free list, would put the American diately after election packed your satchels, came up here, and prayed to them for God's sake not to do the very same things they agreed to do miller out of business. If he runs his mills he will have to buy it yon elected them. [Laughter. J his wheat as cheaply as his Canadian competitor. If this bill Mr. COWAN. There Is no use to take time a.bout this, because we both becomes I w, he will either have to close bis mills or force the understand it perfectly well. price of American wheat down to the level of the Canadian After this Mr. Cowan went on and made one of the ablest market Now, which of these courses do you think he will arguments for a protective tariff that has ever been ma.de any pursue? It you do not know, ask any 10-year-old schoolboy, where; but what I can not understand is how a man so able and he will tell you that our millers will be compelled to put and intelligent as Mr. Cowan can have the audacity to ask for our wheat down to the level of the prices paid by their foreign . protection for his own industry and then demand tree trade competitors if he is going to continue in business, and therefore on" shoes and hats and coats and pocketknives aud everything" the 10-cent duty on wheat will do the farmer no good. else; but that seems to be the fundamental difference between What is true of wheat is equally true of meats of all kinds a Republican and a Democrat. A Republican believes that he and oats, to the extent that oats are used for food. It 1s a sclf has no right to so legislate as to increase the !)rofits of a few evident fact that the price of any so-called raw material pro industries at the e:xpen. e of all others. He understands that duced in this country and consnmed by our industries will neve:r no tariff system will work out in practice that does not treat go hlghe:r than the same can be purcha ed for abroad plus all industries alike. The farmer can not sell his products. at transportation if the finished product is on the free list. T·here a profitable price unless he is willing to pay a price for the fore when you put a duty on wheat, cattle, hogs, and sheep, and products that he wants in exchange for his own that will per· at the same time put ftour, beef, pork, mutton, and wool on the mit of reasonable wages and profit in their ma.king ; and 1f free list, you are perpetrating what would be a huge joke if the this bill becomes a law our factorie , shop, and mills will soon consequences would not be so serious. Now, if you honestly be discover that they can not maintain a. profitable business after lieve that the farmer who gets about 20 per cent of the price the farmer, who is the biggest consumer of their prQ To understand the full import:u:.ce of these figures you must Many of the would-be reformers, whom nature has endowed take into consideration the fact that the meats sold on the with more ability to talk than to think, tell us that the remedy Isthmus are bought from the Beef Trui;:;t, and therefore include for the high cost of living is to· get two or three million city the pric~ received by. tlie farmer; the expense and profits of the people to go back to the farms and raise more farm products Beef Trust· the cost of transportr.tion from New York to the at a less price-which would mean at no profit-in order that Isthmus, u 'distance of nearly 2,000 miles; the expensive cold those who remain in the city might have their cost of living storage proposition that must be provided in transporting it a~d reduced. The people who thus moved into the country, in order keeping in a tropical country after it arrives; and the cost of d1s to live, would have to work from 12 to 16 hours a day and tributin0' it to the commmer. But for the ex!Jense incurred in practice the strictest economy. If they did this and managed handling the meat after it reaches New Y0rk it could no doubt int~lligently, the cost of food might be reduced, but even then· be sold for considerable less than the prices quoted. Those who the plan would utterly fail unless the farmers could buy as ba\e just returned from the Isthmus and who have investigated much cheaper a.s they would have to sell cheaper, and in order the matter thoroughly say that the quality of the meat sold to make this possible the city people would ha vc to work as there is as fine as any sold here in Washington. · many hours per day as the farmers-say 4 hours longer than I think you will all agree with me that if meats were sold as they do now-and then do without many of the luxuries they cheaply in this country aJ they are on the Isthmus, even allow now indulge in. This might make the plan feasible and suc ing for the added expense of transportation, icing, and so forth, cessful, but no reformer of social conditions has ever suggested necessarily incurred by the commissary department, there would that any other class of people should be compelled to work as be little cause to complain of the high cost of meat. long hours as the farmer has to do or get along with so few It seems to me that the figures I ha-ve shown in the tables in luxuries. . The workers of every other industry or calling are serted in the RECORD pro-rn conclusively that the high cost of demanding shorter hours and higher wages-which Il)eans an meats and other farm products is caused by what is added to increased cost of their products-and as they are now pretty the price of the product after it leaves the farmers' hands, and thoroughly organized they are gradually enforcing their de that it must be accounted for by our expensive and indefensible mands. .At the same time they are demanding cheaper food, and system of distribution. instead of even attempting to remedy the evils of our absurdly But whoever is responsible for the increase in the price of the expensive system of distribution they propose to make the product after it leaves the farm, one thing is certain, that to farmer carry the load. In other words, they propose to get their punish the farmer for the high cost of living by putting his increased leisure and comforts at the expense of the farmers, products on the free list, without investigation or information, regardless of the fact that the burdens of this kind already is like arresting an innocent man and throwing him into jail borne by the farmer is the cause of his sons and daughters without a hearing or a trial while the real culprit goes free. leaving him to become competitors in the already overcrowded I realize how futile it is to stand here and plead the cause of occupations of the cities. · · 'the western farmer before a political party intoxicated with No country can long be prosperous that does not maintain a power and that always has been controlled by the wlid South p.:oper balance between agriculture and the industrial occu and the great cities a:c.d congested centers of the country, com pations, and that balance has already been seriously affected in bining all the elements that are consumers only of the prod this country. If you want to stop the steady flow of farmers' ucts of the great West, and who, therefore, have no other in sons and daughters to the cities, all you have to do is to so terest in the agricultural industry than to make its pro.ducts as legislate as to assure to the farmer safe and reasonable profits chea:> as possible, and then to create conditions under.which the for his industry and the trick is turned. farmers will have to purchase their products at the highest pos Some would-be reformers tell us that if we could furnish sible price. I know this will seem like a rather strong state proper amusement for the farmers' families their young people ment of the case, but it is abundantly borne out by the speeches would not leave the farm. Such talk is the sheerest nonsense. that have recently been made on the floor of this House. Let If you can bring about conditions under which the farmers will me quote some of them. have a few dolJars left after paying for the absolute neces The gentleman from New York, the Hon. FRANCIS B. HAR saries, they will look out for their own amusements and ask RISON, in speaking for the Canadian reciprocity treaty on Feb no favors. ruary 13, rn11, said: Nero tried to pacify a robbed and dissatisfied public by T-rtri The recent election, bringing about the first overthrow the Repub ous kinds of amusements, but -the plan failed as it always will. licans have sustained in many years, was freighted with one great de mand-the demand of the people or our congested cities to take the All the farmer asks is justice and a fair field in which to work, taxes off from food and clothing. In response to that mandate we are and if you deny him this you will not only ruin his industry now taking the first step. From the east side of New York City a milllon voices are raised in appeal to you that you should make this but you will make it impossible for any other industry long to bill a law. From every city in the East they cry out to you. prosper. [Loud applause.] Spealdng on the woolen bill, on July 30, 1912, he said: Mr. PAYNE. l\Ir. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from California· [Mr. HAYES]. This Democratic. Congress was sent here by the consumers of the Mr. HAYES. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from country and not by the producers. Your Tariff Board report1 to which you make reference, is a producers' report. It deals exclusively with Ohio [l\fr. WILLIS]. the difference in the cost of production, if any, here and abroad. Mr. WILLIS. Mr. Chairman, under the general leave to print This gentleman, voicing_ the sentiments of the Democratic already granted, I submit for printing in the RECORD an article Party, does not want any investiga ion as to the cost of pro written by Hon. William Rand .... lph Hearst to the editor of the duction on the farm. He does not want to know whether the Washington Post. farmer is getting too much or too little for his products. All The article referred to is as follows: he wants is that the farmer shall be compelled to sell his prod NEW YORK, April 13, 191.3. ucts cheaper than he does now, regardless of consequences. To the Editor of the Washing.ton Post: Mr. Wilson lately revived the ancient Federalist custom of a speech Another gentleman from New York, the present governor of to the assembled · rPpresenta.tives in Congress, personally instructing that State while discussing the tariff question on the floor of them upon their duties and obligations to the administration. this Hous~ on August 5, 1912, said: It seems to me that the significance of this presidenti::l performance The Democrats must keep the tariff to the front. It will never be has been largely overlooked. settled until it is settled right, and it will never be settled right until .JEFFERSON'S COURSE. it is settled by the friends of the consumers. · Is it not worthy of note that the last President to indulge in tWs formal procedure was John .Adams, the last Federalist President, and The genial leader of the majority, the Hon. Osc.AB W. UNDER that the first President to dispense with this ceremonious custom was WOOD, said on June 10, 1912: Thomas Jefferson, the first Democratic President? I believe in relieving the men who work in the factories and in the In the early days of this Republic there were two distinct lines of foundries and who have to purchase their daily bread. thought in the politics of the country, and two different bodies of citizens supporting these lines of thought. And so I might continue to quote; but what is the use, for TWO OPPOSING VIEWS. the Democratic Party not onJy declares that it stands for On the one hand were the Democratic Republicans, who believed both cheaper food, but that its method of accomplishing this is to in the Jetter and in the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, who were convinced that a new order of things was both advisable and reduce or cut off entirely the duty on farm products, which advantageous, that the old-established systems of government by a shows that it means to make the farmers stand the reduction, superior class were failures, and that government by all the people for, as Mr. HARrusoN says, the Democratic Party is under no was not only the most just and righteous but the most practical and successful form of government that could be devised. obligation to the producers of these products, but only to the On the other hand were the Federalists, who· regarded. radical inno consumers. Weil, these gentlemen may be able to force down vations in government as more 01· less dangerous, and beheved that for· the prices of the farmers' products enough to satisfy even their the .American Government to be entirely safe and sound it must be unreasonable views and policy, only to find their own con modeled largely upon the establlshed forms of government in the older European countries. stituents without the means to buy them at any price. History DRE.AMS HAVE COME TRUE. has always repeated itself, and always will as often as like This division of opinion and policy, even among patriots at that early conditions prevail. date, was entirely natuxal and temperamental. Men of conservative , .. 1913. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-ROUSE .. 351 thou;;.bt, like Haniilton , were FederaliBts., and believed in the established ALA.R!UI~G TO- AMERICA:- crat afterwards, and I can not consider the interests of my party above the interests of my country. own labor. · Supplying our necessities by buying fore.ign goods . I shall hope to see the Democratic Party fulfill its duty and rise to means by so much displacing the products of the labor of this its opportunity. c?untry. , It has. been estimated by some of the friends of this I sllall support it gracefully when it is right. but criticize it regret fully when it is wrong, and I shall continue to implore It not to be led bill that one of the effects of it will be increased importations by a federalistic feticb away from the fundamental principles of of products nffected by the proposed changes in the tariff to an · Thomas J efl'e1·son, who was always not only a great Democrat but a amount equal to one-third of the total consumption of those great AJ?erican. Wru.r.ur R. HEARST. products. I think it will turn out, if this bill becomes a law .Mr. HAYES. Mr. Chairman, I know that no words that I that. the increase in jmportations will be in much greater pro~ can say will prevent the passage of this bill. The legislative .P~rt10n _than that. In. many cases all the goods we consume steam 1·oller, well oiled and ready for operation, is waiting on will be imported. But m any case, so far as we import foreign the other side of the House to roll over us and effectually goods, do not forget that we .are paying for foreign labor and silence all opposition. Nevertheless, I feel that I can not dis so far as these foreign goods displace goods of home man'ufac charge the constitutional duty which devolves upon me as a ture they are displacing American labor, which must inevitably l\fember of this House · without i•ecording my protest against be turn~d out upon the street. The American laborer will have the passage of this JllOSt unwise, unjust, unscientific, and been d1:1yen fr~m the employment with which he is familiar by unstatesmanlike tariff measure. the action of his own Government, which has furnished him no other job, no other means of livelihood, and has not created It would seem that thB lessons of our political history ought conditions which wiU enable anybody to supply him with uch to give pause to the gentlemen on the other side before thel pass a bill fraught with such certain disaster to the industrial emI?loyment. The man who has any practical knowledge of prosperity of the country as is this bill. Irrespective of the busmess and knows what must be the inevitable result of the merits of the controversy as to whether an ultimate free trade passage of thts bill is overwhelmed with feelings of sorrow and or a protective.policy is best for this country, our history makes regret that our country must pass through another period when many of our ~dustries will be idle, when want and hunger will clear, I think, that when industries have been built up a nd stalk abro~d i.n the !and, a~d when soup hou es will keep the have for years been operated under a protective tariff, to sud breath of life m the idle until our people come again to another denly remove that protection or to so suddenly reduce the tariff period of industrial sanity and intelligence. . as to amount to revolution, the result always has been and I wish now to consider in detail some of the provisions of this always must be widespread and terrible dirnster. If it should bill, and especially those which will disastrously affect the in be determined that it is for the interest of this country to go to dustries of my own section. a free-trade basis, the result should not be reached all at once, SUGAR. but very gradually. The reductions in the tariff provided by this · bill, instead of becoming operative all at once, should be California Ii.as, since the passage of the Dingley bill been a spread over a period of five years, unless its authors intend to large and increasing producer of beet sugar. · The_~ ar~ now 13 bring a terrible shock, if not total destruction, to many of the factories in the State, as fo1lows: great in.du tries of the country. If this bill is passed into law Alameda Sugar Co., .Alameda County; Anaheim SiJgar Co. Ora n"'e Coun~y; American ~eet Sugar Co., Chino, San Bernardino 'County ; there is nothing surer than that the people of the- country will Amer1c!111 Beet Sugar Co., Oxnard, Ventura County; Corcoran Sugar have another object lesson like that of 1894 to 1897 of the harm Co., Krngs County; Holly Sugar Co., Orange County; Los Alamitos ful· results that always have come and always will come from .S·Jga1' Co., Orange County ; :::!preckels Sugar Co., Monterey County; 8an Joaquin Valley Sugar Co., Kern County; Santa Ana Cooperative Suo-ar railical and sudden reductions in the tariff upon the products Co., Orange County .i. Southern California Sugar Co., Orange County· which our people are producing. The result must be the stop Sacramento Valley ~ugar Co., Glenn County; and ' nion Suo-ar co.' ping of the wheels of industry, for a time at least if not perma Santa Barbara County. "' ' nently. Our industries are all adjusted to the conditions pro These factories produced in 1912 168,7&5 tons (of 2,000 duced by the protective tariff; wages, cost of material, salaries, pounds) of sugar, consumed 1,037,499 tons (of 2,000 pounds) and ever.ything ma.king up the cost of production are determined of beets, which were grown on 112,000 acres of the land of the in very many of our industries, if not in all of them, by our State. This industry represents a total investment in Califor tariff policy. Remove the protection heretofore afforded them, nia of $19,904,823. As indicating the value to our State of this or greatly reduce the duties, and there must inevitably be a industry I call attention to the following statement of- lowering in the price of wages to somewhere near the standard Local e.xpendit1i1·es in 19W. of our competitors. as well as in the cost of all the other things that enter into production. This means an inevitable business Fofa~~;~~ ~~bf:einlta\~)-~o!~~-~~l~:-~~-~~~-~r_o_P__ t~-~~~ $G,701,u82. 82 For labor in factories and ftelds------3,939,165.01 and industrial stagnation with consequent labor struggles, lack 1, 811, 112. 46 of employment, and the privation and suffering that comes with 503, 7 . $)0 it. There is nothing surer, in my judgment, than that the pas 211, IGO. 00 391;504.93 sage of this bill into law will shut up many of the mills and iii ~~~~~;~~~f~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 542,598. 11 factories and slow everything down, just as the Wilson bill did in 1 94. There can be no revival from the l"esulting depression Total------14, 100,922.32 until an adjustment in the cost of wages and other elements We think in California that this industry should not be need that enter into production have been reached. Only the blindest lessly sacrificed to meet the views of the refiners of cane sugar adhe ion to a theory, stripped ot all practical experience or and the importing interests. Who is paying for the expensive knowledge, could hide from the gentlemen on the other side propaganda lately being carried on to remove the tariff on of the House the results to flow from their action. sugar? Not the consumer, for sugar is furnishe 1913. _CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE~ 353 from beet-sugar factories to market are the same as from the Tons. ( refineries, the figures would stand thus: 1 Cents. ~ilb~ther~cc>U-ilti.1;s-======:::: ·~88:888 Cost of producing beet sugar------2. 881 Total------~------3,675,000 Present wholesale price· in New York------4. 06 · If we could keep at home the vast sum that we pay to for Less dutY------1.90 . eigners for this 1,750,000 tons of foreign -sugar, it would 'be a 2. 16 Less differential_ __ .______:______. 20 great business advantage to this country. --1.96 There is another strong reason for stimulating the produc tion of beet sugar in this country. A crop of beets is the greatest LOSS------.921 restorer of a worn-out soil in the world. This has been re If it can be claimed that sugar prices ·at present are abnor- peatedly shown, not only in this country but in Germany, mally lO\V, let us take another date-say, January 1, 1912: France, and other lands. In the last 30 years Germany has Cents. increased its crops of wheat, rye, barley, and oats 80 per cent LessW'hole dutysale priceand differentiaLof granulated ______in New York------4.2. 1075 by the cul tu re of sugar beets. . . From whatever point the matter is looked at, to destroy this . 2.65 great and growing industry, and by so doing put our people Cost of producing beet sugar------2. 88i absolutely in the power of the great International Sugar Trust, seems to me a piece of foolish, insane, ~riminal folly,_ior which LOSS------.231 the guilty party will_ be held by the people strictly to account. I think the. year 1912 was a normal year in sugar prices, :mu I have seen no :figures by any authority on the subject LEMONS. showing that beet sugar has been produced in this country at a Lemon eulture is one of the new industries in our State. Fif .less average price than 2.65 cents per pound. Some of the fac teen years ago lemons for shipment to the eastern markets were tories might be able to meet these figures, but most of them almost unheard of, the total production being about 250,000 could not. and without protection would be obliged to suspend boxes. In 1911 the crop was 2,273.000 boxes and last year _2,000,000 boxes. The total consumption .of lemons in this coun operations. Is tllis result desired by the people ·of the United States? I try is about 4,000,000 boxes. So that we are now producing in do not believe it. It is not only not for the interest. of the California about one half the lemons consumed and· are import- people of California, but it is not for the interest of the people · ing the other half almost entirely from Sicily and Italy. In of any part of the country that the beet-sugn.r factories should the last three years the acreage planted to lemon trees in be put out of business. They have been the only regulator creased 43 per cent. It is therefore perfectly apparent, since of prices in thjs country. In the fall, when the product, of the we are lplown to have two or three hundred thousand acres of beet-sugar factories have come upon the market, prices always land suitable for lemon culture, that under the present condi drop, and remain low as long as they are J.n the market: Any tions in 15 years more we should be producing in California unprejudicecl student of the subject, I think, must conclude practically all the lemons consumed in this country. Would that a removal of the tariff, thus eliminating the bulk of the this not be a most desirable condition of affairs? Would it not beet-sugar product, would not be to the ultimate advantage of be better to be paying the farmers and laborers of southern \ the consumers of this country. Its only competitor, the beet California for growing our lemons than to pay the Italian and " sugar factories, out of the way and the International Sugar Sicilian for growing them? I venture to think that it would. Trust, which controls prices everywhere else in the world but What w.ill be the effect upon the lemon indqstry of the re here, would fix l:he price of our sugar, and be assured it would duction of the tariff from H cents per pound to one-half cent not be lower to the consumer than it is now. per pound? The ultimate effect will be to confine the California Instead of destroying our domestic sugar industry in a vain product to the country west of Denver-certainly west of the effort to secure cheaper sugar for the consumer, the wise busi Missouri River. I think there can be no other result and a . ness policy for us is to foster and stimulate our domestic pro little attention to the figures produced before the Committee on duction in every possible way. Germany has \>een doing this Ways and Means will demonstrate this. with splendid results. She has gradually incrrused her produc Mr. Powell, whom I regard as the best-posted man in the tion until now it has reached 2,500,000 tons annually. She not world on the lemon industry of California, testified before the only has a prohibitive protective tariff, but formerly paid a Ways and Means Committee that the average cost of producing bounty to stimulate production. If the present policy of protec a box of lemons in California was last year $1.88 f. o. b. Mr. tion could be continued for another 15 years and it was known Osborn, representing the importing 'and foreign interests in now that this would be the policy, at the end of that time we lemons, testified that it cost $1.65 ·per box f. o. b. the \essel would, by the nb.turaJ increase in production, be producing in to produce a box of Sicilian lemons. The freight to any point this country and our colonial dependencies enough sugar to sup east of the l\Iissouri River from California is 84 cents per box. ply our people with the total amount consumed. There is practi The freight on foreign lemons to New York, after deductin(J' an· cally no limit to the possible increase in the production of beet rebates, in 1,000 box lots-and they all come in large lots-is 24 sugar. cents per box. Taking the estimate of the representative of .Mr. YOUNG of North Dakota. Will the gentleman yield? each interest of the cost of production the comparison would Mr. HAYES. Yes. stand thus: l\lr. YOUNG of North Dakota. What proportion of the sugar Cost of production California per box ______$1. 88 of the United States at this time is made from beets? Freight------. 84 · l\Ir. HAYES. I will produce those figures in a moment. Laid down east of Missouri River______2. 72 Our total- consumption of sugar for 1913 is estimated at ~os~ of production Sicil!an per bOX------~ 3,675,000 tons. - . ~e i ght------.24 I mJght say that in California there will be a greater incren.se Duty at one-half cent per pound per box ______.:.______. 39 than is figured upon on account of the dry weather there, which Laid down in New York______2. 28 will prevent in places where the sugar factories are in opera- . tion, for instance, the planting of the usual amount of beans, Margin in favor of. foreign lemons------~ and the farmers will put in beets in place of those beans, be On this basis in a contest for the lemon market east of the cause they can get the water to irrigate them and it will be Missouri River it is easy to see what will become of the Cali profitable to irrigate them, whereas it would not be to irrigate fornia lemon. It ,will not be in it. It can not be marketed beans. in that region in close competition with the foreign article. .Mr. QUIN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield? Mr. Powell in his testimony before the committee insists that The CHAIRMAN (Mr. WEAVER). Does the gentleman yield? the Osborn figures are mm::h too large and that the real cost of Mr. HAYES. Yes. Sicilian lemons is not to exceed 90 cents per box. If l\lr. Mr. QUIN. What per cent of the sugar produced in the Powell is correct in this, it oµly makes the case of the California United States is beet sugar? lemon still more desperate. It is onJy fair to say that Mr. Mr. HA YES. I will gi rn the gentleman the :figures. Osborn on his side of the case stoutly declares that Powell's The sources of supply under present tariff conditions are as figures as to cost of producing California lemons are much too follows: high, but he does not profess personally to ham mnde nny Tons. examination of such cost, and bases his statement on old esti 300,000 625,000 mates of cost made by others without adequate data, in some 300, 000 cases on results in a single orchard. Such a basis of cost would 200,000 be manifestly unfair. 500,000 Mis}eadfng stntements h~rrn been mnde. bnsed on the results Total domestic ______1,925,0~0 obtained by the Limonera Co., of Santa Pnula, Cal., and the • L--23 354 CONGRESSION At RECORD-HOUSE. APRIL 23, large profits made by them on lemons. This orchard I have the policies of a protective tariff, while a tariff for revenue only myself examined. I have no hesitation in saying that it is one with incidental protection, has always proTed disastrous to th~ of the finest. if not the finest, orchard in the world ; certainly prosperity of the country and has resulted in financial panics I have never seen one so fine. It produces a very large pro and terrible business distress. · portion of fancy lemons. It is not a type of the ordinary 10, The present tariff should be revised, but it should not be 20, or 30 acre lemon orchard of California. The facts are that tampered with under excitement. Changes should not be made e>en with a protectirn tariff of H cents per pound the profits under the influence of partisan fervor, or enthusiasm, or byplay, in lemon culture ha>e not been sufficiently large to cause an but should be made only after calm and serious consideration nbnormally large increase in the acreage planted to lemons. as to the effect it will have on the revenue of the Government Since the passage of the last tariff act the increase in lemon and ~e prosperity and happiness of the people. trees is only 43 per cent. This industry has been built up with I believe the time has come when reciprocity trade treaties the protecti>e tariff', the principal factor that made it possible. should be made the handmaiden of our protective-tariff policy. The present tariff is not large enough to make up the difference I recognize the fact that the tariff should protect an industry in freight and in cost of production here and abroad. Take or product only as long as it needs protection ancl for the this protection away, or two-thirds of it away, and the result minimum amount 'necessary to insure it against unprofitable mu t be that the industry will languish, 1! it is not entirely competition with foreign articles or products in the American destroyed. market, and that an American product or manufactured article There is a reason for protecting the lemon and other indus that is wholesaled for exportation cheaper than it is wholesaled tries of California, I wish to remind the House, that does not or borne consumption should be placed on the free list. exist in most cases; namely, the long and expensive freight haul Some sections of the Underwood bill I should like to vote to reach the principal markets of the country. I believe. and I for, but you are dep1·iving me of that privilege by forcing it think the country believe, that in order to somewhat offset this through the House as a whole; and as a whole it will cheapen handicap and enable the people of California to develop their men more than it will cheapen commodities; it will throttle industries reasonable protection is justified if it ever is justified. American enterprise and strangle American industry, and it Our opponents are fond of pointing to the Panama Canal and will not produce the wherewithal with which to purchase the saying, in answer to this, that when that is completed this handi " full market basket " you so boastfully proclaim it will provide. cap will be removed. Californians hope that in some commodi The present method of revising the tariff can not but be as ties the handicap of large freight charges may be lessened, but it always has been-unsatisfactory. of course it never will be removed. And as to lemons it will On account of the lack of definite information as to the dif not materially affect the situation. Lemons are a perishable ference in the cost of production at home and abroad, and on commodity, and the long sea voyage in a tropical climate will account of the many diverse interests of the different sections increase the loss by decny or increase the cost for transportation of the United States, it is almost impossible for Congress, as on account of tbe long period of refrigeration, or increase both a body, to frame an equitable and just tariff' law covering all the loss and the cost of refrigeration, so that in the case of this protected articles and articles on which are charged an import commodity the great advantage is not apparent. In fact, I do duty for revenue only. I hope the time will come in the not not expect to see lemons shipped by the canal in any large far distnnt future when a nonpartisan board or commission of amount. tariff experts, after a thorough investigation of conditions and Mr. Chairman, there are other industries of our State that of the difference in the cost of production at home and abroad, ,·I will be disastrously affected by the passage of this bill, among wHl report their :findings to Congress. and a just taritl' measure them oli>es, oilve oil, beans, walnuts, and dried fruits. I will will be enacted, and that it will be ::iclopted chedule by sched not now discpss them in detail, but will do so when considera ule and item by item; to be changed from time to time, a sched tion of each is reached under_the five-minute rule. The fact ule at a time or an item at a time, as conditions and occasion that we are far off on the western rim of the continent, far re and the welfare of the people may require. Enacting an entire mo,ed from the great consuming markets of the country, seems new tariff law, including in it all the articles on which a duty not to have had any consideration at the hands of the Ways is levied, is wrong. The Members of Congress can not master and Means Committee. Most of our great industries will be all the details Qf such a bill during one session of Congress, and hard hit by this bill, and the markets of this country which we with the exception of those particular items in the bill that will heretofore have enjoyed under protection will by this bill be affect their personal calling or business, the people are not largely taken away from us and turned over to the foreigner. g·ven sufficient time to inform themselves as to the effect the [Applause on the Republ\can side.] easme will have on their prosperity and happiness. Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Protection to American industry has resulted in protection California [l\fr. CURRY]. to American labor and a high rate of wages and reasonable Mr. CURRY. Mr. Chairman, free trade, or a tariff for reve hours of labor, as well as protection to American capital and j nue only with incidental protection, which is the n~rest pos the encouragement of· American enterprise. sible approach to free trade -in this country, is a fraud, a Our internal commerce amounts to more than the combined delusion, and a snare, and can only be supported by fallacious international commerce of all other nations, of which we also reasoning. have our share, and it certainly, therefore, must be worthy of Political economy, while based on certain fundamental eco our first consideration and protection. nomic axioms and accepted rules of right and wrong governing The railroad mileage of the United States is one-half of the business dealings between man and man and nation and nation railroad mileage of the world, and our country yearly produces in the production and distribution of wealth, is not an exact one-half of the mineral wealth, one-third of the agricultural science as arithmetic and geometry are exact sciences. Every wealth, and one-third of the manufacturing wealth of the country must develop a political economy of its own, suitable world, and this has grown from small beginnings under the to its physical conditions and to tbe occupations, character, and fostering care of a protective tariff. hnbits of life of its citizens. Experience from the beginning of The success of any project or enterprise depends on proper the Go•ernment has proved that a protective tariff is necessary organization, intelligent direction, unity of action, and favorable for the prosperity of our people. conditions. Our Government owes its citizens protection from foreign Organized labor has done more to shorten the hours of labor, invasion, whether that invasion comes in the shape of bombard increase th~ wages, and better the conditions of the American ing men-of-war and devastating armies, or whether it comes in working man and woman than has any other single influence, the shape of passenger and freight ships ioaded with cheap but without the protection to American industry extended by labor and cheap goods. the tariff the efforts of organized labor could not have achieved The tariff is not a law of the M:edes and Persians. Its very the success it has in this country. The protective tarifi' made nature makes the revi ion of at least portions of it frequently the conditions for organized labor favorable. When that pro nece sary to meet changed and changing conditions governing tection is withdrawn the condition of the American artisan will the production and distribution of wealth and the revenue needs retrograde, and will be no better than is that of his fellow in of the Government; but in any revision of the tariff the principle Great Britain. of protection to home indnstry-to American labor and Ameri Cromwell once said: "If there be anyone who makes many can capital-should always be kept in view. The first tariff poor to make a few rich, that suits not commonwealth." Thut act under the Constitution, in 1789, recognized this principle, statement is as true to-day as it was when Cromwell uttered it. and, among other reason$ for its enactment, stated one to be Some people have referred to the protective tariff as the for "the encouragement and protection of manufactures." Fro "mother of trusts and swollen fortunes," and have said thnt thnt day to this the material welfare of the people of the the existence of trusts and overgrown fortunes in our country United States has always wonderfully developed and their is directly due to the protective tariff. The fact of the matter manufacturing and agricultural industries have prospered under is that the patent laws of our country and the corporation laws 1913. CONGRESSIO:N AL RECORD-HOUSE. 355 of some of the States are more responsible for the formation Mr. Chairman, I have a telegram here from Mr. L.B. Mallory, and, existence of trusts and the accumulation of great individual chief clerk of the Assembly of Oalifor.nia, which I . will read: fortunes than is the tariiI. Placing an article in which they SACllAl'>lE"'TO, CAL., Apt'il f!f!, 1913. deal and which they manufacture on the free list will not Hon. C. F. CURRY, {lestroy trusts. Neither can any tariff law alone stop the drift Ho1,se of Repn;s entatii:es, Washington, D. C.: toward the centralization of wealth and of power and the I have the honor to hand you herewith copy of assembly joint resolution No. 18, adopted by senate and assembly and ::ipprnved by the accumulation of great fortunes by the few which are sapping ~overnor, relative to the protection of the Califorµia beet-suga1· industry the foundation of our general prosperity and threatening the m the enactment by Congress of laws affecting tariffs on imports into stability of our Government. That will require other remedial the United States. legislation; and I may say here that the income tax will not Whereas in the process of tariff revision by Congress the indicated remedy that evil. Great Britain is a free-trade country, and tendency is toward an abolition of all duties on impor'ted sugar ; and W~ereas such a policy )VOuld be calamitous to the cane and beet sugar the income tax she levies is burdensome, and yet Great Britain rnd1;Jstry of the Nation at large, and especially to the beet-sugar is the home 'of trusts and of great individual fortunes. Her busmess of the State of California, which produces 1G5,000 tons per annum, or one-quarter of the beet-sugar output of the United States ; business organization is founded on trusts. It is true that in and our own country many trusts have been immorally and illegally Whereas the annual consumption of sugar in our country is now formed, and, in my opinion, the tariff on any trust-controlled 3,500,000 tons per annum supplied, viz, from domestic cane grown in Porto Rico, Louisiana, and Sandwich Islands 1,100,000 tom:. from article should be lowered, and in many instances repealed. The beet sugar manufactured in 16 States 650,000 tons, making 1,750.000 tariff bill before Congress, if enacted, will not destroy trusts. tons, the balance being purchased from foreign countries and refined One of its provisions gives the beet-sugar· industry notice to by a few corporations on the Atlantic seaboard, who are clamoring for free sugar in order that they may check the further invasion of wind up its affairs and get out of business inside of three years, their markets by the constantly growing beet-sugar industry; and and will destroy t~e only competitor the Sugar Trust has in Whereas our Nation's beet-sugar· output has increased from 40 000 tons this country, and will not in the long run result in the reduction in 1897 to 650,000 tons in 1912, a rate of increase greater 'than can be .shown in any conn.try iI_l E}lrope during an equal period of time, of the price of sugar to the consumer. In my own State of while our cane-producmg d1stncts have apparently reached the limit California there are 13 beet-sugar factories, which last year of their productivity ; and turned out 168,765 tons of sugar, made from 1,037,499 tons of Whereas this country should,. and can, become self-supplying in the matter of sugar through the development of the beet-sugar industi•y, sugar beets, grown on 112,003 acres of land. now involving the use of only 450,000 acres of land against The cost of the production of beet sugar in California in the 274,000,000 acres adapted to the cultivation of the sugar beet; and year 1912 was as follows: ' Whereas the development of the industry is checked by the menace of a free-sugar bill, which will subject this product to competition with For beets------$6,701,582.82 cane and beet sugar produced under the low-wage conditions in the For labor in factories and fields------3, 939, 165. 01 Tropics and Europe, and at prices delivered at our seaboa1·ds lower For railroad freights------1, 811, 112. 46 than, under our conditions, is paid to the farmers of our State for For fuel olL------503, 789. 90 the sugar in the beet before it is manufactured: Now, therefore, be it For lime rock------211,169.09 Resolved, That the Legislature of the State of California (a majority For bags------391,504.93 of all members elected to senate and assembly voting for the adoption For other supplies------542, 598. 11 of this resolution and concurring therein) requests the Senate and House of Representatives of Congress at Wa hington, and the President of Totlll------14,100,922.32 the United States, that due regard be had, in the consideration of taritr The amount invested in factories, land, and equipment is revision, for the claims of the beet-sugar industry, which is so full of promise to our Nation, and that the principle governing the revision $19,904,823.21. of the tariff in this regard be that the tariff should equalize the The Alameda Sugar Co. had made arrangements to put up dltrerence between the cost of production of sugar at home and abroad. a beet-sugar factory at Meridian, in Sutter County. They con Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to each of the Members of Congress from the State of California, to be presented · templated spending $2,000,000 on the plant and acreage. They to the President and Congress. have stopped construction, although $45,000 worth of steel in L. B. MALL-ORY' tended to be used in the construction of the factory is on the Ohief Clet·k of AssMnbly. ground. Under the protection of the tariff the horticultural and agri 'l'he United States consumes of sugar per annum 3,500,000 cultural resources• of California have been wonderfully devel- • tons. It produces of domestic cane from- Tons. oped during the past few years. Manufactories of all kinds have sprung up over the State. Porto R:ico ------'------300,000 Louisiana------.------300,000 To -a great extent this development has been stopped because o~ Sandwich Islands------ 550,000 the knowledge our people have of the blighting effect the tariff Domestic beet------650, 000 law it is expected this Congress will pass will have on the Total------1, 800,000 industries of California. The balance, 1,700,000 tons, is obtained chiefly from Cuba. l\Iy State is one of the great bean-producing States of the The domestic cane-sugar supply has reached its limit of pro Union, but the farmers of California can not stand competition ductivity. The prospect of making our country self-supplying, with l\fexican, Japanese, and Chinese beans with the tariff cut therefore, lies in the expani.:iion of the sugar-beet indush·y. from 45 cents a bushel of 60 pounds to 25 cents a bushel. The refining-so called-of Cuban sugar consists in the de Five years ago the Pacific coast had no competition f.rom for colorizing of it at factories located at a few seaboard points. eign beans, but beginning with the year 1909 a few beans from Nothing is produced, and only factory wages are distributed. Japan made their first appearance in San Francisco. The varie The beet-sugar industry employs the farmer to produce the ties imported from Japan were at that time unknown and did beets from which it extracts the sugar. There is surely a dif not meet with a ready sale, but prices were made that were so ference of advantage to our Nation between merely washing attracti"re that they gradually worked into consumption. For raw cane sugar grown and purchased abroad and the manufac three years-that is, from March, 1910, until March, 1913-the ture of beet sugar, which is the product of beets grown on our importation of beans from Chile, Mexico, China, and J apan soil, and for which the farmer receives at the very lowest price amounted to 207,783 bags of 100 pounds each, or an average of 2 cents a pound. 69,261 sacks a year. These figures explain the situation in a Any legislation which will destroy or prevent the expansion very few words and show how the importations of beans from of the beet-sugar industry will be detrimental to the State of the Orient, Mexico, and Chile ha-ve increased. All of these for California and to the Na tion. eign beans are now known to the trade and are being quotecl It is not true that with the removal of the tariff on sugar regularly, the same as are our staple California beans. the peop)e will save $52,000,000 per year, that being the present If the importation of beans has increased to such proportions total of sugar duties. The cost of sugar will follow the Jaw paying a duty of 45 cents a bushel of 60 pounds, it can be readily of supply and demand, and to the extent that the present do seen that the importation of beans will increase much more and mestic supply is reduced to that extent must foreign sources be be a much greater menace to the bean-growing industry of not drawn upon, and with this increased demand the price of raw only California but of the Nation if the duty is cut to 25 cents sugar will advance. a bushel, as proposed in this law. If the Government desires to cheapen the cost of sugar to the Every pound of. foreign beans imported into this country consumer-and it is as cheap to-day as ·it ever has been-its takes the place of just so much beans grown on our own soil. policy should be to encourage the multiplying of beet-sugar fac In view of the fact that foreign importations have increased tories and let the competition between them take care of the so rapidly under the present duty, why should Congress enter selling price, as has been abundantly demonstrated during the tain a proposition of reducing the duty to the detriment of our past two years. home product? It certainly can not be for the reason that the Without a due measure of protection the beet-sugar industry price of beans to the consumer is high, for the consumer hardly can not continue, and its stoppage means a check to the pros ever pays more · than 3! cents per po-qnd for beans. At this perity of the farmers and communities where beet-sugar fac figure it is a cheap article of food, and it permits of the farmer .to~·ies h~ve been located. raising beans at a fair margin of profit to himself. Below thil) / 356 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. APRIL 23, figure, however, it is not a profitable crop to the farmer and whose agricultural and manufacturing industries are the least would e\entually result in driving him out of the business. protected of any State in the Union. Her manufacturing and In the Sacramento and San Joaquin Valleys there is produced agricultural development will cease and her prosperity will be under a normal crop about 2,000,000 sacks of beans, averaging at an end. 85 pounds to the sack, and this is less than half of the beans The Underwood bill will reduce the revenue of the Govern grown in the State. Great as this industry has grown to be ment, injure business, put a stop to prosperity, and discourage in California, I believe that under proper tariff protection the enterprise, but it will not make it any easier for a ma.n to ea.rn acreage and production would be increased from year to year, a Iiving for himself and family. but if the duty is reduced as contemplated in the Underwood I suppose California ought to be thankful to the framers of bill it will result immediately in greatly reducing and curtailing this bill for putting teeth on the free list, but whatever gave the production and the acreage that will be planted and will them the idea that the American people will have any use for e>entually drive the bean farmers of California out of business. teeth, either natural or artificial, after the enactment of this The price at which beans are now retailed to the consumer law passes my comprehension, as they certainly will not need makes such a reduction of the tariff unnecessary and the con them for the purpose of mastication. [Applause on the Repub templated reduction, if made, will be striking a fatal blow at lican side.] what promises to be one of the most important farming indus Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Chairman, I move that the com tries in California. It is beyond my powers of reasoning to mittee do now rise. understand how the prosperity of this country or of any class of The motion was agreed to. its citizens can be advanced and bettered by putting our people Accordingly the committee rose; and the Speaker having in rurect competition with the coolie and cheap labor and cheap resumed the chair, Mr. GABRETT, Chairman of the Committee of lands of Mexico, Chile, and of the Orient. the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that that 0l"er $2-00.000.000 are invested in the citrous-fruit industry in committee had had under consideration the bill H. R. 3321, California; if this bill becomes a law no more acreage will be the tariff bill, and had come to no resolution thereon. planted to citrous fruit in California. The sweeping reduction of the tariff on deciduous fruits will .ADJOURNMENT. . stop further planting and make the present orchards unprofit Then, on motion of Mr. UNDERWOOD (at 6 o'clock and 30 min able. utes p. m.), the House adjourned until to-morrow, Thursday, W.ithin the past few years thousands of acres have been April 24, 1913, at l1 o'clock a. m. plauted to :filberts, almonds, and English walnuts. If this bill becomes a law not another acre will be planted, as it will not PUBLIC BILLS~ RESOLUTIONS, AND MEMORIALS. be profitable to grow them. Under clause 3 of Rule XXII, bills, resolutions, and memorials The· consumption of pure olive oil in the United States is said were introduced and severally referred as follows: to be 5,300,000 gallons per annum, of which 800,000 gallons are By .Mr. HAMLIN : A bill ( H. R. 3961) providing for an made from California olives and the balance is imported from amendment to section go\erning the compensation of registers Italy, France, Spain, and Greece. and receivers of UnitOO. States land offices; to the Committee on The olive industry has been developed in California during the Public Lands. the pn.st few years, and even with the present tariff California Also, a bill (H. R. 3962) to amend chapter 90, Twenty-fourtli olive oil can only be sold at a reasonable profit at a higher Statutes at Large, page 373, approved February 3, 1887, and price than is commanded by the imported oil. fixing term of office of electors of President and Vice President California now has 9,000 acres of olive orchards in bearing of the United States; to the Committee on Election of Presiden~ trees and 9,000 acres in growing trees not bearing. Vice President, and Representatives in Congress. In addition to the 800,000 gallons of olh·e oil produced in Cali Also, a bill (Il. R. 3963) to a.mend the act of June 27, 1890, fornia last year; 4,000 tons of olives were used for pickling. as amended by the act of May 9, 1900; to the Committee on The reduction of the tariff on olive products proposed in this Invalid Pensions. bill will stop further planting and will make the present Also, a bill ( H. R. 3964) for the relief of postal employees; orchards unprofitable; but should the present tariff be main to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads. tained California would in a few years be able to supply all the Also, a bill ( H. R. 3965) to· establish a fish-cultural station in oli¥e oil and pickled olives that would be used in the Umted the southern section of the State of Missouri; to the Committee States and might then stand a reduction without any material on the Merchant Marine and Fisheries. injury to the industry. Also, a bill ( H. R. 3966) to amend sections 2 and 3 of the act The Santa Clara and part of the Sonoma Valleys are covered of June 27, 1890, in relation to pensions, etc.'; to the Committee with prune orchards. The small tariff placed on prunes by this on Invalid Pensions. bill will reduce the net proceeds of the prune orchardists so Also, a bill (H. R. 3967) to amend an act to authorize the much that they will not receive a reasonable profit on the money employment of >olunteers to aid in enforcing the laws and pr~ invested and will discourage further planting. tecting public property, approved March 3, 1863; to the Commit~ The placing of wool on the free list will drive the sheepmen tee on War Claims. out of businei::s, and it is safe to predict that within two years Also, a bill ( H. R. 3968) to prohibit the interstate shipment after this bill becomes a law there will not be 500,000 sheep or attempted shipment of convict-made goods or products o.f left in the State of California where there is. now about mines in which convict labor is employed; to the Committee on 2,500.000. . Interstate and Foreign Commerce. The California Cap Co., situated at Stege Station, in the city Also, a bill (H. R. 3969) to amend section 291 of the Revised of Richmond, in my district, is very hard hit by the tariff Statutes of the United States; to the Committee on Expendi reduction proposed in this bill. That company manufactures tures in the State Department. blasting caps, and the tariff on them has been cut from $2.25 By Mr. MA1\TN: A bill (H. R. 3970) to repeal section 5 of the per 1,000 to $0.70 per 1,000. which means that the company act entitled "An act amending the charter of the Freedmen's will probably ha>e to go out of business if it stands. There Savings & Trust Co., and for other purposes"; to the Committee nre only three of these companies in the United States. Every on the District of Columbia. 61ast of powder or dynamite is set off by one of these blasting By Mr. CARTER: A bill (H. R. 39TI) authorizing the Secre caps, and it would be a very serious matter for the United tary of the Interior to set aside forfeiture and reinstate coal States in time of war if it had to depend on foreign importa· lease to the Sans Bois Coal Co., or to grunt new leas~ thereof; tions, as blasting caps are contraband of war. to the Committee on Indian Affairs. Placing wood on the free list will not result in materially By Mr. SISSON: A bill (H. R. 3072) to simplify procedure in reducing the price of lumber, but that action must be entirely the law courts of the United States; to the Committee on the satisfactory to the Canadian lumbermen. Judiciary. The Canadian people should congratulate themselves on their Also,• a bill (H. R. 3973) to simplify procedure in the equitt, foresight in rejecting the reciprocity treaty. The Underwood courts of the United ~tates; to the Committee on the Judiciary. bill giles them everything the treaty proposed to give them, and By Mr. LANGLEY: A biU (H. R. 3974) providing that store more, but does not exact from the Canadians anything in return. keepers, gaugers, and storekeeper-gaugers shall receive per diem Under this bill the growing of onions, asparagus, and pota in lieu of subsistence not to exceed $1 per day; to the Committee toes will no longer be profitable in California. on Expenditures in the Trea ury Department. I have only mentioned a few of the many industries in the By Mr. CARY : A bill ( H. R. 3!>75) to provide for the testing State of California that will be made unprofitable by the enact- of electric meters in the District of Columbia, and for other pur ment of the Underwood bill. · poses; to the Committee on the District of Columbia. California. is now one of the best protected and most prosper Also, a bill ( H. R. 3976) to amend an act entitled "An act for £.l!S_ ~tates in the Union. Uµder this bill she will be the State the widening of Benning Road, and for other purposes," aP... \ I 191 3. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 357 proved May 16, 1908 ; to the Committee on the District of Co who a r e a.filleted with tuberculosis, to the United States Public lumbia. Health Service sanitoriu.m at Fort Stanton, N. Mex. ; to the Com Also, a bill (H. n. 3977) to regulate the operation of auto mittee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. mobiles in the District of Columbia; to the Committee on the By Mr. CARY: Resolution (H. Res. 71) directing investiga District of Columbia. tion of the health department of the District of Columbia; to the Also. a bill ( H. R. 3978) providing for the appointment of Committee on the District of Columbia. inspectors to take the state of the·meters for the gas consumers By Mr. SLAYDEN : Resolution (H. Res. 72) expressing the of the District of Columbia; to the Committee on the District opinion of the House of Representati>es as to the propriety of a of Columbia. joint agreement between the various Governments of America Also, a bill (H. R. 3979) to authorize and direct the Post for the mutual guaranty of their so-vereignty and territorial in master General to procure postal cars and contracts for hauling tegrity; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. them, and appropriating money therefor; to the Committee on By Mr. CARY: Resolution (H. Res. 73) to direct the Commis the Post Office and Post Roads. sioners of the District of Columbia to report to Congress imme Al o, a bill (H. n. 3980) for the erection of a public building diately what steps, if any, have been taken by them to enforce at Milwaukee, Wis.; to the Committee on Public BuildingS' and section 11 of an act appro"led March 4, 1913. entitled "An act to Grounds. dlrect the Commissioners of the District of Columbia to bring a Also, a bill (H. R. 3!)81~ providing for equipment of apparatus suit in equity in the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia and operators for radio communication at all life-saving sta to dissolve the corporation known as the Washington Gas Light tions; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. Co." ; to the Committee on the District of Columbia. Also, a bill ( H. R. 3982) to amend section 4488 of the Re By Mr. RAINEY : Resolution (H. Res. 74) providing for an vised Statutes of the United States; to the Committee on the investigation of the Panama purchase; to the Committee on For Merchant Marine and Fisheries. eign Affairs. Also, a bill ( H. R. 3983) to amend section 4488 of the Revised By 1.\.1r. GRIEST : Joint resolution (H. J. Res. 72) requesting Statutes of the United States; to the Committee on the Mer the President of the United States to recommend plans for the -chant Marine and Fisheries. continuance and enlargement of the powers of the Commission Also, a bill (H. R. 3984) to regulate the hours of labor on on Economy and Efficiency and to submit in budget form an esti contracts with the Di trict of Columbia. and for other purposes; mate of appropriations for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1915 ; to the Committee on the District of Columbia. to the CommHtee on Appropriations. Ily Mr. BLACKl\fON: A bill (H. n. 3985) to fix the time when By Mr. NOR'rON: Memorial of the Legislature of North the sentence of a party convicted of crimB shall begin; to the Dakota, urging Congress to enact a law prohibiting the use ot Committee on the Judiciary. parcel post for the mailing of cigarettes or snuff, or any substi Also, ·a bill ( H. R. 3986) to repeal an act to establish a tute therefor, within States prohibiting the sale thereof; to the ·uniform system of bankruptcy and all amendments thereto; to Oommittee on the Post Office and Post Roads. the Committee on the Judiciary. By M:r. CLARK of Florida: A bill (H. R. 3987) to extend the franking privilege to literature published by boards of health PRIVATE BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS. of Stfltes and Territories in the United States; to the Committee Under clause 1 of Rule XXII, primte bills and resolutions on the Post Office and Post Roads. were introduced and severally referred as follows: By Mr. CARTER: A bill (H. R. 3988) for the purchase of a By l\fr. BARTHOLDT: A bill (H. R. 4000) granting an in building and lot as a mine-rescue station at McAlester, Okla.; crease of pension to Charles Bieger ; to the Committee on In to the Committee on Mines and Mining. valid Pensions. By Mr. RAINEY: A bill (H. R. 3989) to establish in the My Mr. CALDER: a bill (H. R. 4001) for the relief of Daniel Department of Agriculture a bureau of farm power; to the J . Ryan; to the Committee on Claims. Committee on Agriculture. Also, a bill (H. R. 4002) for the relief of Paul Puttman ; to By l\fr. WICKERSHAM: A bill (H. R. 39po) to extend the the Committee on Ways and Means. time for the completion of the Alaska Northern Railway, and Also, A bill ( H. R. 4003) granting an increase of pension to for other purposes; to the Committee OD the Territories. John P . .Murphy; to the Committee on Pensions. By Mr. HAILEY : A bill ( H. R. 3991) to amend an act By Mr. CLARK of Missouri: A bill (H. R. 4004) granting an entitled "An act to codify, revise, and amend the laws relating increase of pension to Lewis W. Markwell ; to the Committee to the judiciary," approved March 3, 1911; to the Committee on on Invalid Pensions. the Judiciary. By l\1r. CO.l':NOLLY of Iowa: A bill (H. R. 4005) granting a By Mr. CARY: A bill (H. R. 3992) to incorporate the Vir pension to William Griffin; to the Committee on Invalid P en ginia Terminal Oo. ; to the Committee on the District of sions. Columbia.. Also, a bill (H. R. 4006) granting a pension to George Cl Also, a bill (H. R. 3993) authorizing the Secretary of the Howland; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Interior to set aside certain lands to be used as a sanitarium by By Mr. FRENCH: A bill (Il. R. 4007) granting a pension to the Fraternal Order of Eagles; to the Co:rtlmittee on the Public Adam Roth ; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Lands. By .Mr. GORMAN : A bill (H. R. 40.08) for the relief of Sandy Also, a bill (H. R. 3994) authorizing the Secretary of the Crawford; to the Committee on Claims. Interior to set aside certain lands to be used as a sanitarium By l\1r. HAMLIN : A bill (H. R. 4009) for the relief of R. D. by the Loyal Order of Moose; to the Committee on the Public Schackleford; to the Committee on Military Affairs. Lands. Also, a bill (H. R. 4010) for the relief of Joseph W. Hawkins ; Also, a bill (H. R. 3995) authorizing the Secretary of the to the Committee on Military Affairs. Interior to set aside certain lands to be used as a sanitarium by Also, a bill (H. R. 4-011) for the relief of Greene County, the Order of Owls; ·to the Committee OD the Public Lands. Mo.; to the Committee on War Claims. By Mr. HAWLEY : A bill ( H. R. 3996) to amend an act Also, a bill (H. R. 4012) for the relief of John Thomas ; t o granting to the Siletz Power & Manufacturing Co. a right of the Committee on War Claims. way for a wnter ditch or canal through tJie Siletz Indian Reser Also, a bill ( H. R. 4013) for the relief of Omar A. Du Esler ; vation in Oregon; to the .Committee on Indian Affairs. to the .Committee on Claims. Also, a bill (H. R. 3997) authorizing the Secretary of the In Also, a bill (H. R. 4014) for the relief of Louis Dunham; to terior to pay and to distribute the balance now in the Treasury the Committee on Military Affairs. to the credit of the Alsea and other Indians on the Siletz Reser Also, a bill (H. R. 4015) for the relief of J. H . Alexander; vation; to the Committee' on Indian Affairs. to the Committee on War Claims. By Mr. l\10TT: A bill (H. R. 3998) to establish n school of Also, a bill (H. R. 4016) for the i·elief of John Beverly ; to aviation and meteorology at or near the city of Oswego, N. Y. ; the Committee on Military Affairs. to the Committee on ~1ilitary Affairs. Also, a bill (H. R. 4017) for the relief of Josiah Baugher ; By Mr. MOSS of West Virginia: A bill (H. R. 3999) granting to the Committee on Military Affairs. pensions to teamsters of the War of the Rebellion, from 1861 to Also, a bil1 (H. R. 4018) for the relief of Dennis Sullivan ; 1865, inclusive; to the Committee -on Inrnlid Pensions. to the Committee on War Claims. By Mr. STONE : A bill (H. R. 4229) to increase the compensa Also, a bill (H. R. 4019) for the relief of A. P. Holcomb and tion of rural mail carriers; to the Committee on the Post Ofilce the heirs of Samuel Thompson. deceased; to the Committee on and Post Roads. War Claims. Also, a bill (H. R. 4230) to provide for afunission of volunteer Also, a bill (H. R. 4020) for the relief of the Presbyterian soldiers and sailors who served in the United States Army or Church of Glasgow, Howard County, Mo.; to the Committee on Nn\y in the War with Spain or the Philippine Insurrection, and War Claims. 358 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD-HOUSE. APRIL 23, Also, a bill (H. R. 4021) to correct 1he military record of Also, a bill (H. R. 4063) granting a ·pension to Robert S. Olh-er T. Worman; to the Committee on 1\Iilitary Affairs. Hoge; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4022) to correct the military record of Also, a bill ( H..Jl. 4064) granting a pension to A. A. Mc.A.lis Bennett Lopp; to the Committee on Military Affairs. ter; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4023) to correct the military record of Also, a bill (H. R. 4065) granting a pension to James G. Jolln Rudolph Kraut; to the Committee on Military Affairs. son; to the Committee on Inrnlid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4024) to correct the military record of Also, a bill (H. R. 4066)· granting a pension to James 1\1. Charles J . Lanning (to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Wilkerson; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Al o, a bill ( H. R. 4025) for the relief of Zalman H. Golden ; Also, a bill (H. R. 4067) granting a pension to Sophrona to the Committee on Military Affairs. Pursley; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4026) grant ing a pension to Jesse G. Also, a bill (H. R. 4068) granting a pension to Joseph. Caton ; Smith; to the Committee on Pensions. to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bili (H. R. 4027) granting a pension to Amanda. Sex A1so, a bill (H. ·n. 4069) granting a pension to Thomas F. ton ; to the Committee on Pensions. Robinson; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill. (H. R. 4028) granting a pension to Narcissa E. Also, a bill (H. R. 4070) granting a pension to William F. Smith; to the Committee on Pensions. Neet; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4029) granting a pension to Oliver P. Also, a bill (H. R. 4071) granting a pension to Dora Snyder; Jackson; to the Cori:unittf~e on Pensions. to the Committee on In rnlid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H. R. 4030) granting a pension to Martha E. A. Also, a bill (H. R. 4072) granting a pension to Ozias Hawkins; Ackerman; to the Committee on Pensions. to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4031) granting- a pension to Stella Grif Also, a bill (H. R. 4073) granting a pension to Samuel M. fitts; to the Committee on Pensions. Coleman; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also. a bill (H. R. 4032) granting a pension to Julia E. Also, a biJl (H. R. 4074) granting a pension to Mrs. 0. A. Johnson; to the Committee on Pensions. Martin; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also. a bill (H. R 4033) granting a pension to Otto II. Otten; Also, a bi11 ( H. n. 4075) granting a pension to R. C. Go swell; to the Committee on Pensions. to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4034) granting a pension to Conrad F. Also, a bill (H. R. 4076) granting a pension to Thomas B. Korthanke; to the Committee on Pensions. Maberry; to the Committee on Inrnlid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4035) granting a pension to "Vina Linden Also, a bill (H. R. 4077) granting a pension to Paris G. Strick· bower ; to the Committee on Pensions. land; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (II. R. 4036) granting a pension to Mary Esser; .Al o, a bill ( H. R. 4078) granting a pension to Mrs. M. C. to the Committee on Pensions. Bixby; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. · Also, a bill (H. R. 4037) granting a pension to W. L. Sharp; A1so, a bill (H. R. 4079) granting a pension to Helena to the Committee on Pensions. Koester; to the Committee on Inrnlid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4038) granting a pension to Ira Gill; to Also, a bill (H. R. 4080) granting a pension to James J. the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Davison; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4039) granting a pension to Melissa R. Also, a bill (H. R. 4081) gnmting a pension to James T. Yaughn: t(I the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Calvin; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. Il. 4040) granting a pension to William David Also, a bill (H. R. 40 2) granting a pension to Leonidas H. AJlee: to the Committee on· Im·alid Pensions. Hightshoe; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. n. 4041) granting a pension to Solomon Also, a bill (H. R. 40 3) granting a pension to James l\Ic Perkins; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Cabe; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H R. 4042) granting a pension to Thomas ·Also, a bill (H. R. 4084) granting a pension to Joseph T. Payne; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Kerby; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4043) granting a pension to W. K. Whit Also, a bf]] (H. R. 40 5) granting a pension to Lemuel Austin; taker; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. · Also. a bill (H. R. 4044) granting a pension to B. F. Warner; Also, a bill ( H. R. 4086) granting a pension to John B. to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Clements; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a biJl (H. R. 4045) granting a pension to John Gerdts; Also, a bill (H. R. 4087) granting a pension to Jo eph L. to the Committee on Inmlid Pensions. Young; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4046) granting a pension to Tazwell T. Also, a bill ( H. R. 40 8) granting a pension to James Holmes; Ward; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4047) granting a pension to Solomon Also, a bill (H. R. 4089) !!ranting a pension to James 1\.1. Coan· to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Allen; to the Committee on Invalid Pension . ,. Als~, a bill (II. R. 4048) granting a pension to John I. Also, a bill (H. R. 4090) granting a pension to Thomas B. Chapman; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Maberry; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H. R. 4049) granting a pension to Henry Otting; Also, a bill (H. R. 4091) granting a pension to Henry B. to the Committee on Inmlid Pensions. Meyer; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4050) granting a pension to 1\Iartha Cos Also, a bill (H. R. 4092) granting a pension to J. B. Ash lett· to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. brooke; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Aiso, a bill (H. R. 4.051) granting a pension to .<\ugust Brock Also, a bilJ (H. R. 4093) granting a pension to Carrie Hollen man· to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. beck; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Al~o, a bill (H. R. 4052) granting a pension to John M. Jack Also, a bill (H. R. 4094) granting a pension to Samuel Black son · to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. burn; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Aiso, a bill (H. R. 4053) granting a pension to Hannah P. Also, a bill (H. R. 4095) granting a pension to James W. Edwards; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Scott; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4054) granting a pension to William Eng Also, a bill (H. R. 4096) granting a pension to Andrew J. land; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Hunter; to the CommJttee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4055) granting a pension to Louisa K. Al o, a bill (H. R. 4097) granting a pen ion to Mary U. Isen Holbert; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. berg; to the Committee on Invalid Pension . Also, a bill (H. R. 4056) granting a pension to Jane D. Goss; Also, a till (H. R. 4098) granting a pension to Matilda J. to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Sweaney; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4057) granting a pension to J. G. Dollison; Also, a bill (H. R. 4099) granting a pension to Austin Wat to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. son· to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4058) granting a pwsion to Glenn A. Aiso, a bill (H. R. 4100) granting a pension to Benton C. Means; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Smith; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bilJ (H. R. 4059) granting a pension to Tim Clifford; Also, a bill (H. R. 4101) granting a pension to Mordecai to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Gladish; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H. R. 4060) granting a pension to Keziah Also, a bill (H. R. 4102) granting a pension to John Smith; Phlegly; to. the Committee on Invalid Pensions. to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4061) granting a pension to George T. Also, a bill (H. R. 4103) granting a pension to Fay Milligan; Beal; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H. R. 4062) granting a pension to Samuel Moser; Also, a bill (H. R. 4104) granting a pension to Louis Legune; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 1913. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 359 Also, a bill (H. R. 4105) granting a pension to Rhoda A. Also, a bi11 (H. R. 4147) granting an increase of pension to Jones; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. John S. So!omon; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. . Also, a bill (H. R. 4106) granting a pension to Samuel Adams; Also, a bill (H. R. 4148) granting an increase of pension to to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Jasper A. Gaddy; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H. R. 4107) granting a pension to Nicholas Also, a bill (H. R. 4149) granting an increase of pension to Potter; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Mahlon N. Boardman; to the Committee on In•alid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4108) granting a pension to _ Lucy F. Also, a bill (H. R. 4150) granting an increase of pension to Melton; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 0. A. Stine; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H. R. 4109) granting a pension to John R. Cropp ; Also, a bill (H. R. 4151) granting an increase of pension to to the Committee on In>alid Pensions. Marion Vest; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H. R. 4110) granting a pension to Mary A. Also, a bill (H. R. 4152)- granting an increase of pension to Gurley; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. J. D. Ginger; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4111) granting a pension to Easter Henson; Also, a bill ( H. R. 4153) granting an increase of pension to to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. William P. Camp; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4112) granting a pension to George W. Also, a bill ( R. R. 4154) granting an increase of pension to Drake; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Richard L. Drumwrjght; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. Il. 4113) granting a pension to J. J. Gilliland; Also, a bill (B. R. 4155) granting an increase of pension to to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Mrs. E. E. Garner; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. n. 4114) granting a pension to James Gladish; Also, a bill (H. R. 4156) granting an increase of pension to to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Reuben S. Weldon; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. AJso, a bill (H. n. 4115) granting a pension to Mary M. Also, a bill (H. R. 4157) granting an increase of p 0 nsion to Varble; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Andrew J. Davison; to the Committee on Invalld Pensions. Also, a bill (II. R. 4116) granting a pension to Sarah F. Also, a bill (H. R. 4158) -granting an increase of pension t-0 Preston; to the Committee on In1alid Pensions. Louis F. Allen; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4117) granting a pension to Jefferson Also, a bill (H. R. 4159) granting an inerease of pension to Knaus; to the Committee on Inrnlid Pensions. William E. Lawrence; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4118) granting a pension to Ella Mansell; Also. a ·bm (H. R. 4160) granting an increase of pension to to the Committee on Inva Jid Pensions. James A. King; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. n. 4119) granting a pension to Mary Wehr Also, a bill (II. R. 4161) granting an increase of pension to mann; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. John H. Bull; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4120) granting a pension to Mary Brady; Also, a bill (H. R. 4162) granting an increase of pension to to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. James O. Haden; to the Committee on Invulid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4121) granting a pension to James G. Also, a bill (H. R. 4163) granting an increase of pension to Munday; to the Committee on Inrnlid Pensions. Thomas H. Wilkerson; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4122) granting a pension to James W. Also, a bill (H. R. 4164) granting an increase of pension to Scott ; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Henry Bedwell; to the C-0mmittee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (II. R . 4123) grnn ting a pension to R. H. Farrow ; Also, a bill (H. R. 4165) granting an increase of pension to to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Willinm B. Gist: to the Committee on Invnlld Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4124) granting a pension to Harriet L. Also, a bill (H. R. 4166) granting an increase of pension to Gist; to the Committee on In•alid Pensions. John W. Johnson; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H. R. 4125) gi·anting a pension to Frank C. Also, a bill (H. R. 4167) granting an increase of pension to Bnrron ; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. James Dodson; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4126) granting an increase of pension .to Also, a bill (H. R. 4168) granting an increase of pension to John Travis; to the Committee on Pensions. James Johnson, to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H. R. 4127) granting an increase of pension to Also, a bill (H. R. 4169) granting an increase of pension to Solon B. Hale; to the Committee on Imalid Pensions. Logan Hughes; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H . R. 4128) granting an increase of pension to Also, a bill (H. R. 4170) granting an increase of pension to Thomas Young; to the Committee on I nvalid Pensions. R. H. Askew; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4120) granting an increase of pension to Also, a bin (H. R 4171) grunting an increase of pension to Michael Coplinger; to the Committee on Invnlid Pensions. Samuel W. Sheridan; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4130) granting an increase of pension to By Mr. HAWLEY: A bill ( H. R. 4172) granting an increase Henry G. Smith; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. of pension to Rebecca l\I. Gaunt; to the Committee on In"Valid Also, a. bill ( H. R. 4131) granting an increase of pension to Pensions. Oscar M. Peck; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. By l\lr. KEY of Ohio: A bill (H. R. 4173) granting a pension Also, a bil1 (H. R. 4132) granting an increase of pension to to Helen Hartman; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. James A. Ellison; to the Committee on Inrnlid Pensions. Also, a bill ( H. R. 4174) granting an increase of pension to Also, a bill (H. Il. 4133) granting an increa~e of pension to Henry Ennis; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Jonatha.n C. Crane; to the Committee on InYalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4175) granting an increase o·f pension to Also, a bill ( H. R. •f" 34) grantiLg an increase of pension to Michael Lensnick; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. J ames D. Ramey; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4176) granting an increase of pension to Also, a bUI (H. R. 4135) granting an increase of pension to Lewis S. L. Brown; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. George Rus ell; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4177) granting an increase of pension to Also, a bill (H. R. 4136) granting an increase of pension to Henry Reimiller; to the Committee on Pensions. • James T. Vincent; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. By Mr. KI~ ·KAID of Nebraska : A bill (H. R. 4178) granting Also, a bill (H. R. 4137) granting an increHse of pension to a pension to Harry C. Ketchan..; to the Committee on Pensio11s. John T. Norris; to the Committee on IIl'rnlid Pensions. By Mr. LANGLEY: A bill (H. R. 4179) granting an increase Also, a bill ( H. n. 4138) granting an increase of pension to of pension to Henderson Craft ; to the Committee on Invalid R. R. Dill; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Pensions. - . Also, a bill (H.- R. 4139) granting an increase of pension to By l\lr. LEE of Georgia: A bill (H. R. 4180) for the relief David B. Wood; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. of the family of Nicholas J. Marinos; to the Committee on Also, a bill (H. R. 4140) granting an increase of pension to -Claims. Franklin Blackledge; to the Committee on Inva lid Pensions. By 1\fr. MANN: A bill (H. R. 4181) authorizing appointment Also, a bill ( H. R. 41 n) granting an increase of pension to of Hugh T. Reed upon retired list of the Army with rank of Elbert Nugent; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. capta in with 20 years' service; to the Committee on Military Also, a bill (H. R. 4142) grant1ng an increase of pension to Affairs. Nancy J. Waddle; to the Committee on Invali~ Pensions. By Mr. MOSS of West Virginia: A bill (H. R. 4182) granting Also, a bill (H. R. 4143) grunting an increase of pension to an increase of pension to Eliza Taggart; to the Committee on W. R. Young; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4144) grunting an increase of pension to Also, a biJI (H. R. 4183) granting an increa~e of pension to John Echoff; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Sarah E. Pratt; to the Committe,e on Invalid Pensions. A1so, a bill (H. R. 4145) granting an increase of pension to AJso, a bill (H. R. 4184) gl'anting a pension to Elijah Sulli John F. Mahnken; to the Committee on ·In-vaJid Pensions. van; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 4146) granting an increase of pension to AJso, a blll (H. R. 4185) for the relief of Bessie Meek, wife George T. Johnson; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. of Gordon H. Meek, deceased; to the Committee on Claims. 360 CONGRESSIQNAL RECORD-. HOUSE. APRIL 23, By Ur. RAUCH: A bill (H. R. 4186' granting an increase of Also, a bill (H. R. 4226) granting a pension to Roxiana 11eusion to David N. Fouts; to the Committee on Invalid Pen Wells; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. sion--: Also, a bill (H. R. 4227) granting an increase of pension to l!!o. a bill (H. R. 4187) granting an increase of pension to Winfield S. Sargent; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Georl!e H . .Jnckson; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. By Mr. LANGLEY: A bill (H. R. 4228) granting an increaRe Also, a bill (H. R. 4188) granting an increase of pension to of pension to Milton H. Smith; to the Committee on Invalid Norman A. 1\1yers; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Pensions. A I o. a bill ( H. R. 4189) for the relief of Adam K. Danes; to the Committee on Military Affairs. · ·By Mr. REILLY of Connecticut: A bill (H. R. 4190) granting PETITIONS, ETC. an increa~e of pension to Nellie N. Taft; to the Committee on Under clause 1 of Rule XXII, petitions and papers were laicl Inrnlid Pensions. on the Clerk's desk and referred as follows: Alm, a bill (H. R. 4191) granting an increase of pension to By the SPEAKER (by request): Petition of C.H. Beauchamp, Sarah Aggett; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. of Los Angeles, Cal., against reduction of the duty on sugar ; to By Mr. SAUNDERS: A bill (H. R. 4192) for the relief of the Committee on Ways and Means. M. R. Flynn; to the Committee on Claims. Also (by request), memorial of the St. Louis Association of By l\fr. SHERLEY: A bill (H. R. 4193) granting a pe:Q,Sion to Credit Men, favoring the banking and currency reform law; to Martha E. Brab on; to the Committee on Pens1ons. the Committee on Banking and Currency. Also, a bill (H. R. 4194) granting an increase of pension to A.lso (by request), memorial of sundry citizens of Shelby, Sarnh L. Gilliss; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. N. C., against a reduction of the duty on monazite; to the Com Also, a bill (H. R. 4195) for tbe relief of the estate of R. G. mittee on Ways and Means. Potter. de<>eased; to the Committee on War Claims. By Mr. ANDERSON: Papers to accompany bill (H. R. 3422) · Also. a bill (H. R. 4196) for the'reJief of the Louisville Trust granting a pension to Mary Cornish; to the Committee on In Co., nclmimstrator of the estate of Emily Oldham, deceased; to valid P ensions. the Committef> on War Claims. By 1\1r STONE: A bi11 (H. R. 4197) to correct the military By Mr. BELL of California: Petitions of R. M. Lamoreaux recol·d of W. H. Rall ; to the Committee on Military Affairs. and 360 other beet growers, farmers, and other citizens of the Also. a bill (H. R. 4198) granting a pension to Laura New following towns: Alameda, Alvarado, Artesia, Compton, Chino, n:i11n. nee Monnt; to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Daly City, Hueneme, Los Alamitos, Los Angeles, Lompoc, :Marys Also, a bill (R; R. 4199) granting a pension to Missouri Yille, Meridian, Norwalk, -Owansmouth, Oxnard, Pleasanton, Parker; to the Committee on Pensions. Salinas, Santa Ana, Santa Maria, San Francisco, Soledad, Van Also, n bill Also, petition of the Star Expansion Bolt Co., of New York: ..A}so, petition of M. A. Newmark & Co., of Los Angeles, Cal., N. Y., protesting against the reduction of the duty on sugar; agarnst the tariff on oats and letting in the manufactured arti to the Committee on Ways and Means. cle free ; to the Committee on Ways and Means. Also, petition of Baer Bros., of New York, N. Y., against the Also, petition of the San Francisco Labor Council of San reduction of the duty on bronze powders; to the Committee on Francisco, against the proposed reduction of salaries of custom Ways and Means. h~use employees of the port of San Francisco, Cal. ; to the Com By Mr. FITZGERALD: Resolutions of the Pennsylvania mittee on Ways and Means. Millers' State Association, urging that if a tariff be placed on By Mr. WALLIN : Petition of sundry residents of the thir grain an equalizing tariff be placed on the products of grain, teenth co~gressional district of New York, protesting against the etc.; that if products of grain be admitted free, grain be ad proposed mcome tax on mutual life insurance companies· to the mitted free; to the Committee on Ways and Means. Committee on Ways and Means. ' By Mr. GERRY: Petition of the Rhode Island Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage, protesting against enfranchise ment of women; to the Committee on tbe Judiciary. SEN.ATE. Also, petition of sundry employees of the Warwick and Phenix Lace Mills, of Riverpoint, R. I., against the reduction of the THURSDAY, April 934, 1913. tariff on laces and lace curtains; to the Committee on Ways The Senate met at 2 o'clock p. m. and Means. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. Forrest J. Prettyman, D. D. Also, petition of the Rhode Island State Federation of The Journal of the proceedings of Monday last was read and Women's Clubs, protesting against the placing of forest reserva approyed. tions in the control of individual States; to the Committee on DISPOSITION OF USELESS PAPERS. the Public Lands. Also, petition of the Rhode Island State Federation of The VICE PRESIDENT. The Chair lays before the Senate a Women's Clubs, favoring the passage of legislation prohibiting communication from the Secretary of the Interior. transmit importation of wild-bird plumage; to the Committee Qn Wa:rs ting, pursuant to law, a schedule of papers, documents, and so and 1\Ieans. forth, on the files of the Interior Department, which are not By l\lr. GOULDEN: Petitions of 35 citizens of the twentv needed in the transaction of public business and ha rn no per third New York district, against including mutual life insur manent value or historical interest. The communication an