American Academy of Religion and to Nurse Their New Progeny

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Gender and Spiritual Self-Fashioning: The Master-Disciple Relationshipin Classical SufismI MargaretMalamud

"Ihave drunk from the breasts of two mothers."' Sadral-Din Qunawi, thirteenth-century Sufi

I M EDIEVALMALE SUFIS often used genderedimagery to describethe relationshipbetween a Sufi master (shaykhor murshid)and his disciple (murid).The procreativepower of women was often rhetoricallyappro- priated by male authors to describe the training and initiation of disciples. Masterswere said to give birth to a disciple'snew, spiritualexistence

MargaretMalamud is AssistantProfessor of Historyat New Mexico StateUniversity, Las Cruces, NM 88003 1 Versions of this article were presented at the 1992 Middle East Studies meeting and the 1993 AmericanAcademy of Religion meeting. I thank MarciaHermanson, Ira Lapidus, BarbaraMetcalf, LisaPollard, Amy Remensnyder,Susan Slyomovics,and Barbaravon Schlegellfor helpful comments on earlierdrafts. 2 Cited in Chittickand Wilson'sintroduction to the translationof Fakhral-Din 'Iraqi'sDivine Flashes (43). Qunawi is referringto his two Sufi masters, Ibn 'Arabi(d.1240) and Auhad al-Din Kirmani (d.1237). I thank Barbaravon Schlegellfor this reference.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 90 Journal of the American Academy of Religion and to nurse their new progeny. Guides were often also described as fatherswho served as sources of authorityand discipline. Novices, on the other hand, were consistentlyenjoined to behave in a mannerthat closely matched the subordinatebehavior women were urged to display toward fathersand husbands: they should be submissive, respectful,and defer- ential. At times, as we see in the quotationabove, disciples were depicted as infants nursing at the breast of their masters;on other occasions they were describedas lovers and brides. Genderedlanguage was also used to describe key Sufi rituals of initiation. The transmission of a prayer formula (dhikr)from master to disciple, for example, is described as the injection of seed or semen into the soil or womb of the disciple. The use of gendered language and imagery in medieval Islamic religious discourse raises a number of intriguing issues. What does gender imagery signify in these texts? Our authors employed it as an aid in describinga hierarchicalrelationship between men, one based on authority and dependenceand dominanceand submission.Yet guides were also described as mothers and the beloved, and novices as children or lovers and brides. How should we interpretthe nurturing and at times erotic languageused to describerelations between mastersand disciples?What is the relationshipbetween gender,spiritual authority, and spiritualtransformation in Sufi literature?The first part of this article explores how complex issues of gender,power, and hierarchyconverge in the Sufi discourse on the master-disciplerelationship. In the remainder of the article, I argue that there is a homology between normativerelations among Sufis and normativerelations in the larger world. As we will see, Sufis themselves draw correspondences between the divine and the human realms, and make use of analogy in devising imageryto describe those correspondences.I look at other prescriptive religious texts and ritualsto see the extent to which the hierarchical model that structuredrelations between Sufi mastersand disciples also structuredother key relationshipsin the Islamicsocial order.Power and authority in medieval Islamic society, I argue, were dispersed through multiple dyadic and hierarchicalrelationships of authorityand dependence. I return to the master-disciplerelationship in the final section of the paperand suggest that Sufi ritualsand practicesserve to affirm and consecratehierarchy and inequality in the mundane world by connecting them to the divine will and order.

As early as the eleventh century,Sufi authorswere providingdetailed reasons for the necessity of a spiritualguide and establishingcertain cri-

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Malamud:Gender and SpiritualSelf-Fashioning 91 teria for the choice of a master.3By the end of the thirteenthcentury the relationship between masters and disciples had crystallized, and Sufi manuals were prescribing an elaborate code of conduct (adab) that should govern those relations. These manuals also describe the training and ritualsthat mark the passage of the novice from disciple to adept or Sufi. The description that follows is a condensed and composite picture compiled from the prescriptiveprose manuals and treatises of key Sufi authorswhose works were widely read and used in the classicalperiod of Sufism. My aim is to provide a working model and outline ratherthan a comprehensiveand definitivedescription.4 Throughout my descriptionI pay attentionto gender imagery. Among the most importantcriteria for selecting a guide was that the disciple feel an innate affinitytoward the master and that the master be part of a silsila, a chain of spiritual masters, which traced the sheikh's spiritual lineage back to the Prophet Muhammad.Spiritual knowledge and power were believed to have been passed on from the Prophetdown to the presentmaster through the silsila. As in the biblical tradition, it was paternitythat counted in Islamic social and religious structures.The male role in reproductionwas given primacy:like the Muslim God who createdman and woman without the need of a feminine principle, Muslim men are often representedin texts and rituals as procreatorsand women the passive receptaclesor "fields" for the masculineseed.5 In Sufi discoursespiritual guides have metaphori- cal procreativepowers and are able to produce their own progeny. Mem- bership in a silsila gave the Sufi another line of patrilinealdescent, one that directly linked him to the Prophet, and it gave him the power to transmitto his spiritualchildren sacredknowledge and authority. Afterfinding a guide who met these requirementsand who agreedto take him on as a disciple, the novice renounced his formeridentity and placed himself in the hands of his new master.This renunciationof control over his affairswas sealed by a pledge (akhdhal-'ahd) or an oath (bay'a)in which the disciple promised to obey his sheikh in all matters. The pledge or oath acknowledged in ritual form the submission of the disciple to the authority of the master;'and it signified the novice's

3 For a discussion of the historical development of the master-disciplerelationship, see Malamud (431-436). 4 Not all Sufi texts conform exactly to the patternI outline: some have more detail, others less, and some differin certaindetails from others. While no one text may contain all the elements I describe, the greaternumber of texts have most of them. 5 For recent discussions of the symbolic and social significance of this language, see Delaney (100-118) and Combs-Schilling(189-220). For interestingparallels with the classicalliterature of the Mediterraneanworld, see DuBois. 6 An early example of the exchange of pledges can be found in Qushayri(1963:15-16).

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 92 Journal of the American Academy of Religion separationfrom normal social structuresand his entranceinto a liminal state.7It markedthe beginning of the disciple'sspiritual training, a training that, if successful, would result in the annihilation of the disciple's own will and desires and their replacementby the will of the guide. During this period of liminality a novice usually renounced his material goods and position in the world in exchange for a temporary period of poverty and commitment to seek God (Qushayri 1966:260). The Sufi master supervised and regulated the disciple'sdiet, sleep, and speech, and the disciple had to ask the sheikh'spermission before leaving or taking trips. Not only did the disciple turn over the governance of his worldly affairsand control over his body to the direction of the master, he also was expected to open up his inner life to the close scrutiny of his guide, including his thoughts, emotions, dreams, and visions. Not even the slightest thought or concern should be concealed from the master. Guides were believed to have a special ability (firasa) which helped them to determine which of these should be heeded and which dis- carded (Hujwiri 1957:206-212). This aspect of their relationshipcalled for nothing less than the complete surrenderof the disciple'sinner life to the master. Spiritualguides became the objects of intense loyalty,devotion, and imitation. They served as exemplars for novices, and imitation of their behavior (taqlfd) was encouraged. Disciples imitated the behavior of mastersin the same way the actions (sunna)of the ProphetMuhammad were imitated. Qushayri, for example, refused to use a cushion behind his back because his master, 'Ali al-Daqqaq, did not use one. The accomplished sheikh was thought to have assimilated the sunna of the Prophet to such a degree that through him Muhammadwas made present and accessible. Taqlfdof the sheikh was thought to bring the disciple closer to the Prophet, the most perfect of men, and thus closer to God, who had chosen Muhammadto convey his revelation.8Abu Hafs 'Umaral-Suhrawardi put it this way:

7 The ritual process (separationfrom normal social structures, temporaryperiod of liminality or marginality,and reintegrationinto society) outlined by Arnold van Gennep in his classic Ritesof Pas- sage (first published in 1906) and later expanded by Victor Turnerin his TheRitual Process (1969), can usefully be applied to Sufi training. 8 This is summed up in the well-known saying attributedto the Prophet:"The master in the midst of his disciples is like the Prophetamong his people."And, as Abu Hafs 'Umar al-Suhrawardiput it: "Therighteous disciple regardsand knows that the masteris a reminderof God and His Messenger. The disciple who cleaves to the master accustoms himself to that which existed in the time of the Messengerand cleaves to the Messengerof God"(369).

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Thecharacters (akhlaq) of the mastershave been polished through their perfectionin modellingthemselves after the Messengerof God, peace and blessingsbe upon him. Theyare the most successfulof peoplein revivifyinghis sunna,in all thathe commandedand commissioned, cen- suredand enjoined. (380) The elevated spiritualstate of the guide induced an attitudeof rever- ence and respect in the disciple. Hayba,a combination of awe, fear,and respect was felt in the presence of masters.9Qushayri so revered his master that he would fast and make a complete ablution (ghusl)on the days he went to see him (Qusharyi 1990:iii). In later medieval Sufism the practice of tasawwuremerged by which the disciple would seek absorption or annihilation (fand) in the sheikh through contemplation and visualizationof him in prayer.Fand in the sheikh was consideredan aid in the disciple's quest for annihilation and subsistence (baqd) in God.10 A strict etiquette (adab)governed the behaviorof novices in the presence of their guides. Sufi authors prescribeda highly calibratedcode of conduct based on deference and subordination:the disciple should not walk in front of or beside his sheikh, he must eat only afterhe has eaten, and he should not put down his prayermat in his sheikh'spresence. The novice should not speak in the presence of his guide unless a question is addressed to him; and he should always be waiting for his command (Qushayri1966:264; Razi:264). Ghazzaliput it this way: Now outwardhonor is thathe (thedisciple) would not disputeor argue withhim aboutany question even if he knowsthe sheikh'smistake; that he shouldput downhis own prayermat only at the timeof prescribed prayers,and when he finisheshe shouldlift it up...; thathe shoulddo what the sheikhcommands according to his capacityand ability.But inner honor is that he should not deny inwardlywhat he hearsand acceptsfrom the sheikhoutwardly in deedor word,lest he be branded withhypocrisy (1951:17). Obedience was a key characteristicof disciples. Qushayri warned against disobedience to the master, for it could cause great harm

9 Haybaalso characterizedthe sensations experiencedin the presence of such other august person- ages as fathers,teachers, caliphs, and also God. 0 Closely relatedto the practiceof tasawwurwas rdbitatal-shaykh (literally attachment to the master), which M. Chodkiewiczdefines as "l'orientationdu coeur du disciple vers la maitre."Some spiritual masters practiced tawajjuh,which he defines as "l'orientationdu coeur du maitre vers le disciple." For a description and discussion of these practices among Sufis in the Naqshbandiyya order,see Chodkiewicz(69-83).

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(1966:736); and Ghazzalimaintained that whoever had the good fortune to find a sheikh must honor and defer to him in every way. He must not, for example, arguewith him about any issue even if he knows the sheikh is wrong (Ghazzali 1951:17; Qushayri 1966:266). Finally, a novice should serve his master in modesty and humility and avoid ambitious- ness and pride. Serviceto the masterwas considereda way to drawcloser to God (Razi:264-265). What was the aim of Sufi training?A primarygoal was to instill in the disciple the virtue and necessity of submission. As Abu Hafs 'Umaral- Suhrawardi put it: Thebehavior (adab) of the disciple(murid) towards the sheikhis thathe shouldbe strippedof his own choiceand not act independently,either with respectto himselfor his possessions,only upon the adviceand commandof the sheikh.(364) Above all, Sufi trainingemphasized the spiritualvalues of submission and dependence. Spiritualtransformation required a surrenderof individual autonomy to a guide who became intimately involved in every aspect of the disciple'slife. Learningto submit to the will and authorityof a masterwas not, however, an end in itself, but was considereda way to learn to practice a more perfect form of islam (submission) to God. Novices renounceddependence on the world in orderto embracedepen- dence on a masteras a way of learningdependence on God. Surrenderingto the guidance of a sheikh was the sine qua non for advancementon the Sufi path. It was through submission that a novice moved from spiritualpowerlessness to spiritualmaturity and authority. The submissive behavior and rituals of subordinationthat characterize the Sufi path served as a rite of passage for the novice on his spiritual journey. When the disciple had embraced and interiorizedthe multiple levels involved in the practiceof submissionto his masterand to God, he might then be designatedby his guide as an accomplishedSufi, ready to take on his own disciples. The end of trainingwas often signalled by the bestowal of a khirqa(cloak) from masterto disciple." Given the authoritarianrole of the masterin the life of the disciple, it is perhaps not surprisingthat he was commonly referredto as a father. Suhrawardi recommended that the disciple: "surrenderhimself and become like a small child with his father..."(1983:99). As a father,the sheikh served as a role model and source of discipline and authority.His

11Abu Hafs 'Umar al-Suhrawardiseems to have been the first to discuss systematicallyinvestiture with the khirqa.See the section on the khirqain his 'Awdrifal-ma'drif.

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authorityover his disciple replicatedand extended the authoritya father wielded over sons in the family.The behavior expected of disciples was similar to that which young boys had to exhibit towards their fathers: they must honor, respect, and obey them without hesitation. Paternalimagery is used in the descriptionof one of the most important Sufi ritualsof initiation:the transmissionof a prayerformula (dhikr) from master to disciple. Dhikras a spiritualexercise involved the repeti- tive recitation, either silently or aloud, of a prayer formula which had been given to the disciple by his spiritual guide. The practice of dhikr could induce ecstatic states and Sufi authors describe in detail the over- whelming experiencedhikr could provide. The inculcation(talqin-literally, the injection) of a prayer formula was essentially the novice's initiation into Sufism. Its central importance in Sufi ritual and practice can be seen by the preparationsthat preceded its transmissionand the languageof fertilityand (re)birthemployed to describeits inculcation. The disciple was considered ready to receive the dhikrformula only after a long grooming process during which he learned to practice submission and subordinationto his guide. He had, in effect, to efface his own identity in preparationfor his new birth. In his chapter on dhikr, Razi recommended that the disciple should fast for three days before receiving the prayer.Just before the transmission, he should perform total ablution (ghusl), performingit with the intention of one who was about to embrace Islam. The sheikh would then instruct him and pro- nounce the dhikrformula, which the disciple repeatedthree times. The act of transmittingthe dhikrformula was variouslydescribed as the implantingof a seed into the soil of the disciples'sheart and, more explic- itly,as the injectionof semen into the disciple. Hereis one description: Thedate palm resembles the believer in thissense: The female date palm will not yieldgood dates unless it is givensemen, impregnated, and fer- tilized.It is well known that each yeara substanceis takenfrom the spatheof a maletree and grafted onto that of a femaletree in orderfor it to producegood dates.If this is not done,it will not bearfruit properly. Similarly,when it is desiredthat the believershould yield the fruitof sainthood,he is impregnatedthrough the transmissionof dhikrby a sheikh... .(Razi:277) A sheikh is sometimes referred to as the "loins"and a novice the "womb"in the process of transmission. Indeed, discipleship is often called a "spiritualbirth" (al-wildda'l-ma'nawiyya). In these texts masters are representedas fathersand procreators:they inseminatedisciples with the essential substance that will bring about the birth of the disciple's new, spiritualexistence. The novice'sdependence on his guide is signified

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 96 Journal of the American Academy of Religion in our texts by feminizinghim: he becomes a passive receptacle(a field or a womb) for the masculine seed. Insemination with the dhikrformula made the disciple part of his master'ssilsila, the sacredgenealogy of masters who trace their lineage to Muhammad.'2 Genderimagery in Sufi texts symbolizes more than engenderingand paternal authority however. Sheikhs are also described as mothers. A number of texts depict the sheikh as nurturinghis disciples and lovingly facilitatingtheir development. Novices are compared to newborns who need the suckling of their mastersto survive or to chicks, utterly dependent upon the sheikh as mother for survival. Forthe seed of discipleshipis like an infantnewly born from the world of the unseen,and must be fedat thebreast of the peopleof the unseen. (Razi:259) And: Just as the infantdrinks milk at the breastof its motheror wetnurse, receivingfrom them the sustenancewithout which it wouldperish, so too theinfant of thespirit drinks the milk of the Pathand the Truth from the nippleof the motherof prophethood,or the wetnurseof sainthood (wildyat),receiving from the prophet or thesheikh-who standsin place of the prophet-that sustenancewithout which it would perish. (Razi:223-224) Sheikhs are spiritual wetnurses: one prominent thirteenth-century Persian Sufi master, Najm al-Din al-Razi,was commonly known by the laqab,or sobriquet, of Daya or wetnurse. And, as we have seen, Sadral- Din Qunawi (d. 1274) claimed that he had "drunkmilk from the breasts of two mothers"-his sheikhs Ibn 'Arabi and Auhad al-Din Kirmani (d. 1237). In anothermaternal image the sheikh is comparedto a hen who takes the egg (the disciple) under her wing and brings it forth as a chick. The muridis like an egg, imprisonedin the eggshellof his humanstate withits differentaspects, unable to attainthe rankof hen (thatis, being God'schosen bondsmen). When he is accordedthe favorof beingable to submitto the workingsof his sheikh'ssainthood, then the sheikhwill

12 Sufi authors maintain that the origin and model for dhikrtransmission and for the continuous instructionin it fromshaykh to disciple go back to the life of the Prophet.The firstinstruction on its proper practiceis said to have been given by Muhammadto certain of his companions who in turn passed it on to others. It is claimed that the Prophet'sdirection was continued by the transmissionof dhikrfrom sheikh to disciple. Thus, when a disciple receivedthe dhikrformula he essentiallybecame part of his master'ssilsila. For one account of the origin of dhikrand its transmission, see Razi (277-278).

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takehim under the wing of his sainthoodlike an egg,devoting to him all his loftyaspiration and closely observing his state.(Razi:247-248) According to 'Abd al-RahmanJami's Nafahidt al-uns, the Sufi sheikh Majd al-Din Baghdadi (d.1219), who was one of Najm al-Din'sDaya's masters,once boasted to his followersas follows: I usedto be an eggon the edgeof a river,and Najm al-Din Kubra (one of his Sufimasters) was a hen who tookme underthe wingof his training. Now I haveemerged from the egg and becomelike a duck;I enterthe waterwhile my sheikhstill stands on the bank.(Razi:9) What does feminine imagery signify in these texts? When it is employed to describe the sheikh, his nurturing qualities are emphasized. Maternalimagery points to his role as both the giver and sustainerof the disciple'sspiritual life, and it adds the differentdimensions of nurturing, affectivity,and accessibility to his relationshipwith his disciple. Breasts are a symbol of the pouring out of instruction and affectivity,and suckling is an image of intimatedependence, security,and union.'3The image of the child at the breast symbolizes the utter dependence of the novice on the sheikh, a dependence that is analogousto his relianceon a gentle and loving God. Novices were enjoined to cultivatereliance on mastersas a way of learning to practice complete reliance upon God (tawakkul). Indeed, spiritual transformationin Sufism was understood to require submission and dependence;and here dependence is depicted as gentle, loving, and intimate.In these instances the bond between the sheikh and disciple is described as loving and tender, one that has its closest ana- logue in the mother-infantrelationship. Sheikhs are (rhetoricallyat least) fathersand mothers. They are procreatorsand nurturerswho give and sustain spirituallife; and they pos- sess two bodily fluids upon which life depends: semen and milk. As fathers they impregnate their feminized disciples and thereby bring about the creation of the disciple's new life, and as mothers they give birth to and nurturetheir new progeny.Like fathers,spiritual guides are powerful, somewhat distant figures who command awe, respect, and obedience; and like mothers, they are nurturing, compassionate, and loving figureswith whom disciples have a warm and gentle relationship. Sufi authorssometimes used a languageof passionatelove ('ishq)and sexual union as a metaphoricalaid in describingthe master-disciplerelationship and the divine-humanencounter. A full analysis of the Sufi use

13For fascinatingparallels and contrastswith medieval Christianmonastic writings, see Caroline WalkerBynum's study of feminine imageryin Cisterciantexts.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 98 Journal of the American Academy of Religion of a languageof love to describe the human experienceof God is beyond the scope of this essay, but we should at least note the use of gendered languageand imageryby some Sufis to expressthis overwhelmingexperi- ence.14 Mysticalpoetry in particularmakes abundant use of erotic language and imagery to describe divine-human love. Fakhr al-Din 'Iraqi (d. 1289) poeticallychanged the words of the professionof faith, la- ila-ha illa- Alla-h(there is no god but God) into la- ila-hailla-'l-'ishq (there is no deity save Love) (Schimmel 1975:137). Bridalimagery was sometimes used: one Sufi, for example, described the h.a-l (mystical state) as the unveiling of the bride (in this case the accomplished Sufi) by God, the groom, and the longer station (maqa-m)as the intimate time God enjoys with his bride.'5In anothertext the meeting of the divine and the human is compared to the consummation of a marriage. For the soul (the accomplished Sufi) the experience was "piercing"and "shocking."The groom (God) consoled the bride by claiming that wounding is a sign of love, and that power and majesty (jala-1)are even more divine than beauty and kindness (jama-1).'6And one Sufi described the guide as the disciple's"bride-dresser" (ma-shit.a), that is, the one who helped prepare and adorn the bride for her marriage.'7 A language of love was also used by some Sufis to describe their sheikhs. Jalal al-Din Rumi (d.1273), for example, wrote love poetry to and about his master, Shams al-Tabriz.And love lyrics in which a male lover seemingly addressesanother male (the ghazal)were sung at certain Sufi gatherings(the sama') and some Sufis would experience ecstasy lis- tening to them.'8The famous Chishti Sufi, Nizam al-Din Auliya'of Delhi is said to have remarked: WheneverI attendeda samd'gathering and heardverses being sung, I tookthem always to referto the excellentattributes of my sheikh.Once I hearda manrecite the followinglines, "Don't walk in sucha style,lest you shouldsuffer from someone's evil eye." I wasimmediately reminded of the utmostperfection of my sheikh'ssublime character. My heart caughtfire and such a state grippedme that I cannotdescribe. The singerwanted to continuewith other verses but I insistedthat he should keeprepeating that one. (Naim:134-135n9)

14For a brief discussion of the language of love and desire Sufis employ, see Schimmel (1975:130-148). 15 Rumi, MathnawlI,428, quoted and discussed in Schimmel (1979:136n1 11). 16 Nasir Muhammad'Andalib (d.1758), 1, 560, and discussed in Schimmel Nilai 'Andalib, quoted (1979:138). 17 The Chishti leader Nizam al-Din of Bada'un(d.1325), quoted in Baldick(97). 18 For discussions of Persian, Turkish,and Urdu mystical poetry, see Schimmel (1975:287-344; 1979) and Naim. I thank MarciaHermanson for this last reference.

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Sufis arguedthat human love ('ishq)could be an aid in reachingGod. The true beloved is God, and Ahmad Ghazzali (d.1126), Jalal al-Din Rumi, and Fakhr al-Din 'Iraqi, for example, viewed love as a bridge towardlove of God (Schimmel 1975:291). The sheikh aroused devotion in part because of his success in emulating Muhammad,whom God so loved he allowed him to ascend into his presence (the mi'rajor ascen- sion). Sufis discuss how love of or longing for (shauq)the sheikh, attachment to him (rabitat al-shaykh),and contemplation or visualization of him in prayer(tasawwur) can lead to absorptionor annihilation(fand) in God.'9Just as human love can bring about the loss of one's own identity and acceptance of the beloved'sidentity, so too can love of God lead to loss of self and the replacementof human attributeswith divine ones.20 Some Sufis practiced nazar, the contemplation of a beautiful young man, considered to be a witness (shahid)to the beauty of God. Arabic, Persian, Turkish,and Urdu poetry contains many descriptions of love ('ishq) for the beardless youth (amrad).2'When pressed to defend the practice,Sufis claimed that nazarwas a pedagogicalexperience, a ladder toward the love of God. All earthly phenomena were said to reflect the beauty of the Divine Belovedand thereforewhen a Sufi looked at the face of a young boy, he saw in it only the beauty of God'sface. In support of such claims Sufis made use of alleged hadith(sayings of the Prophet)that contain referencesto beautifulyouths. One such hadith, "Isaw my Lord in the shape of a beautiful young man with his cap awry,"is common- place in Persianand Urdu poetry (Schimmel 1975:290; Naim:134n8). In Sufi theosophical discourse marriageand sexual intercourse are imbued with cosmologicalsignificance.22 Ibn 'Arabi,for example, devotes much attention to the nature of sexual intercourse or marriage(in the sense of coition) as the universalpower of productivitythat permeatesall things. He draws a correspondencebetween the original divine creative act and other forms of reproduction(tawalud) and procreation(tandsul). When God brings a thing into existence, a divine marriagetakes place. He madethe earthlike the wife and the heavenlike the husband.The heavencasts something of the commandthat God revealed to it into the earth,just as the mancasts water into the womanthrough intercourse. Whenthe castingtakes place, the earthbrings out all the strataof the engenderedthings that God has concealed within it. (Murata:143)

For a discussion of these see Chodkiewiczand Schimmel 2019 practices, (1975:215-217). For a discussion of mysticalunion (fand), see Schimmel (1975:130-148). 21 For brief discussions of this literarytradition, see Schimmel (1975:287-301) and Naim. 22See Murata'suseful collection of and commentary on sources dealing with gender relations in Islamictexts. For the following discussion I have found pages 117-225 particularlyhelpful.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 100 Journalof the AmericanAcademy of Religion Ibn 'Arabieven refersto God as the father:"I have alluded to the all- pervadingFirst Father:the all-comprehensive,greatest name that is followed by all other names" (Murata:148).God is the procreativefather, and the mother is pure receptivitytoward the father. Everythingthat exercisesan effect(mu'aththir) is a father,and everythingthat receives an effect(mu'aththarfih) is a mother.... Thatwhich is bornbetween the two fromthe effectis calleda son (ibn)or a child (muwallad)....(Murata: 145) An example of the marriagethat pervades all things is the relationship between the Pen and Tablet, the two principles of spiritual existence through which the rest of the cosmos was brought into being (Murata:153-155). A supra-sensoryintelligible marriage takes place between the Pen and the Tablet,and a visiblesensory trace...The trace that was depositedin theTablet was like the spermthat is ejaculatedand set withinthe womb of the female...Themeanings deposited within the celestialletters that becamemanifest from that writingare like the spiritsof the children depositedwithin their bodies. (Murata: 153) The archetypeof human marriageis God'screative act itself, and the sexual act provides the occasion for experiencing what Ibn 'Arabicalls God'sgreatest self-disclosure. Thegreatest of unionsis the marriageact. It is equivalentto God'sturn- ing his attentivenesstoward creating him whomHe createsin His own form.Hence He sees Himselfin him. (Murata:193) Accordingto the commentaryby Qasari,one of Ibn 'Arabi'sfollowers: He blowsinto the childsomething of his own spiritas containedin the spermdrop. He wants to witnesshis own souland entity within the mir- rorof the childand make him his viceregentafter him. Hencethe well- knownmarriage act is equivalentto the originalmarriage act in eternity withoutbeginning. (Murata: 193) As lovers (muhibbin)and seekers of God, Sufi sheikhs and disciples strive to achieve perfectreceptivity in relationto God. Muhammadis the exemplar of the perfect lover of God: he was so beloved by God that he was chosen to receive and convey the divine revelation. Sufis seek to emulate the Prophet: they attempt to efface their wills and desires in order to become transparentto the will and the impress of God, and they hope thereby to attain closeness to him.23Receptivity and passivity are

23 For a discussion of love for the Prophet in the Islamic mystical tradition, see Schimmel (1975:213-227).

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Malamud:Gender and Spiritual Self-Fashioning 101 key characteristicsof lovers of God, ones which allow for closeness to and even intimacy (uns)with God. For Ibn 'Arabithe female position in intercourse is a symbol of a seeker'shaving achieved perfect receptivityin relationto God. Razi puts it this way: just as novices must submit to the authority of masters, sheikhs also must (as hens) "enterthe dominion of the cock and submit fully to it, so that the cock's workings upon it attain perfection. It will then produce eggs and be able to brood on them .. ." (249-250). Disci- ples submit to masters and to God; and guides, of course, remain submissive to God. Attainingreceptivity in relationto God enables a man to assume the proper role of activity/masculinityin a right relationship to disciples/women.24 In the Islamic mystical traditionself-abnegation and acts of submission were the way in which an individualmight draw closer to God. The Sufi disciple'sexperience of surrenderto a master and to God was not only permissiblebut was activelysought. An experience of God, the aim of mystical practice,was made possible through an admission of power- lessnessand a profoundacknowledgement of dependence.Like the master- disciple relationship,a primarycharacteristic of Sufi descriptions of the divine-human encounter was one where one member dominates and overwhelms the other. We will explore the dynamic of the relationship between God and individual believers below, but here we should note that Sufi authors used gendered language and imagery to describe relations between men and between man and God.

III

What is the advantageof approachingthe master-disciplerelationship, as I have, by way of analyzing gendered imagery in prescriptive texts? And what can the nature of this fundamentallyhierarchical relationship tell us about the way in which power and authorityin general were constructedand dispersed in medieval Islamicsociety? Genderedimagery, I have argued,was used in partto signifyrelation- ships of power and subordination.It provided our male authors with a way to describea hierarchicalrelationship based on dominance and submission; and, at the same time, it helped them articulatethe intimatecon- nection between authorityand dependence.When feminineimagery was applied to disciples, the dependence and subordinationof the disciple were stressed, but when it was used to describe the master,it enhanced

24 But see Austin'sdiscussion of the feminine dimension of Ibn 'Arabi'snotion of the oneness of being(wahdat al-wujfid).

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 102 Journalof the AmericanAcademy of Religion the master'spower and authority,through the rhetoricalappropriation of female procreativeand nurturing powers. The use of feminine imagery thus could signify both authorityand dependence. At the same time, gender imagery also points to the nurturing and affective aspect of the bond between novices and guides. Maternal imagery aided our authors in describing a disciple'sgrowing from spiritual infancy to maturityunder the solicitous care of his guide; and the use of familyterminology symbolizes and highlightsthe importance,ten- derness, and intimacyof the spiritualrelationship being forged. Sufi authorsused a languageof love and sexual union as a metaphori- cal aid in expressingthe natureof the divine-humanrelationship and the relationshipbetween Sufi sheikhs and their disciples. Genderedlanguage and imagery helped our authors construct and describe what they perceived to be the correspondencesand relationshipsbetween the cosmo- logical and human realms. Genderreferences in Sufi texts can also, I believe, give us insight into systems of social and sexual relationsin medievalIslamic societies. Femi- nist scholarshave shown that gender is a field within which or by means of which power in general is articulated.25Gender ideologies are part of entire social systems:they reflectand reproduceother inequalitieswithin a given culture.I arguethat the model of dominanceand submissionthat structuredrelations between mastersand disciples replicatedthe way in which power was constructed and dispersed in medieval Islamic societies: namely, through multiple dyadic and hierarchicalrelationships of authority and dependence that were continuously dissolved and re- formed. This pervasivepattern was operativein the spiritual, the political, and the familialrealms.26 The relationshipbetween God and the individualbeliever is perhaps the most striking example of this pattern. It need hardly be said that Islam requires an acknowledgment of powerlessness and surrenderto God'swill and his law. The example of Ibrahim (Abraham)infused the Islamicnotion of piety with its primarycharacteristic: submission.27 God demandedthe sacrificeof a first-bornson, the most sacredrelationship in a patriarchalsociety, as proof of man'sability to submit to God. The peda-

25 See, for example,Joan Scott (especially44-45), who providesan importantoverview of the use- fulness of as an 26 gender analyticcategory. I am indebted to my colleague LisaPollard for this importantinsight. She helped me see how the master-disciplerelationship fits a more pervasive pattern of dominance and subordinationin the Islamicworld. 27 See Combs-Schilling'sdiscussion of the importance of the Ibrahim myth for Moroccan Islam (233-244).

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gogical import in Islam (often called the religion of Abraham)is clear: submission is the primary way of connection with the transcendent (Combs-Schilling:235-236). The proper relationshipbetween God and the believer is one based on servitude and obedience; indeed, one common term for the Muslim, or the believer, is 'abd(slave). The structureof this primaryrelationship is fundamentallyhierarchical and unequal.28In this worldview men as well as women must learn to be subordinateand submissive: surrender to God is the way to attain spiritualtransformation and power. Subordi- nate behaviorswere also the way in which other, more worldly forms of power could be attained. The model of dominance and submission that structured the divine-human relationship also informed a number of other key relationshipsin medieval Islam. The political structureof medieval Islamic society reflectedthe con- ception of an all-powerfulGod who requiredthe submission of his subjects. Islamic political theory placed God at the apex of the properly ordered cosmos. Caliphs and sultans had contractswith God to protect and allow his divinely ordained society to flourish. Relations between subjects and rulersrequired that subjects obey and submit to rulerswho were believed to be the vice-regents of God. Subjectswere expected to swear oaths of allegianceto rulers,and deference,acquiescence, and submission were required.29 Already in the Abbasid period the Caliph al- Muqtadir(d.932) addressedhis troops in this way: I claimfrom you the oathof allegiance(bay'a) which you haveaffirmed time aftertime. Whoeverhas swornallegiance to me has swornalle- gianceto God,and whosoeverviolates that oath, violates the covenant with God('ahd Allah).30 Here religion and ritual legitimate political theory and action. The archetypefor all oaths is the covenant (mithaq)formed at the beginning of time between the souls of humans and God, at which time God asked the souls: "AmI not your Lord?And they replied:Yes, we testify"(Qur'an 7:171-173).31 Caliphs, as successors to the Prophet and God'sregents, claim for themselves absolute loyalty and obedience. This allegiance is

28 For a provocativediscussion of the structureof the relationshipbetween God and the believer (and some of its see Sabbah. 29 consequences), The political context for the oath (bay'a) goes back to the oath of allegiance sworn to the first Abu Bakr(r. 632-634) afterthe death of Muhammad. Caliph30 immediately Miskawaih,Tajdrib al-umam I, quoted and discussed in Mottahedeh(40-41). 31 For an analysisof the function of oaths in medieval Islamicsociety and a discussion of the significance of this archetypaloath in particular,see Mottahedeh(40-62).

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 104 Journal of the American Academy of Religion legitimatedby connecting the bay'asworn to caliphs with the primordial covenant contracted between the souls of humans and God. Disobedi- ence to caliphs becomes disobedience to the will of God. By the early twelfth century medieval Islamic political theory had absorbed pre-Islamicideals and notions of kingship, and sultans were now also representedas divinely endowed with justice and knowledge. Rulershad become the Shadow of God-part of the divine order,against whom rebellion was not permitted. Writers emphasized the absolute power of the ruler and his unaccountabilityexcept to God.32 Subjects were expected to acknowledge the power and authority of the ruler in a number of ways, including prostratingthemselves in his presence. Ghazzali,for example, says that the power of the ruler should be such that when subjectssee him from afarthey should be so overcome by awe that they do not dare rise to their feet (1964:131-132). Caliphs manifestedand amplifiedtheir power through court ceremoniesand rituals of power, and the relationship between caliphs and their subjects was governedby a formaletiquette and elaborateprotocol. MedievalIslamic government functioned largely through contracts or ties of dependence and obligation formed between individuals, which were commonly formalized through oaths.33A chain of allegiances was formedbetween the caliph and God, the caliph and his subjects, and the caliph and his delegates (amirs). These hierarchicalties of dependence and obligationwere also evident in the army,in the relationshipbetween slave-soldiersand their masters,and in the bureaucracy.The adab literature of the courtier,for example, addressed the reality of patronageand dependence at court and advised appropriatebehaviors for both patrons and dependents.34 Outside the court, the relationship between religious scholars ('ulami)and their students is strikinglyanalogous to the hierarchicalrelationship between Sufi masters and their disciples. Religious scholars (who were often also Sufis) were accordedsignificant power and authority in medieval Islamic society. Their status was derived from the high degree of 'ilm (knowledge of the key religious texts and traditions)they had attained. In this society knowledge ('ilm)was power. As teachers of the divine text and possessorsof the knowledge necessaryfor right action in this world and salvation in the next, they held an important,though

32 See, for example, Ghazzali'sNasihat al-mulik. For a discussion of the evolution of Islamicpoliti- cal theory,see Lambton. 33 For an analysisof personal ties of dependence and obligationin Buyid society,see Mottahedeh. 34See, for example, Ibn Qutayba'sAdab al-kiltib and al-Suli'sAdab al-kuttab.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Malamud:Gender and Spiritual Self-Fashioning 105 informal position of power in the social order, and they were therefore given great respect and authority.Their learning placed them in a position of dominancevis-a-vis the rest of the population.35 As with Sufi masters and disciples, an elaborate code of conduct (adab)governed the relationsof students and teachers.36Young boys were subject to the authorityof teachers,and they were expected to obey and honor them without question. A student in search of knowledge ('ilm) should cut off ties with the affairsof the world, which included leaving familyand homeland,because such ties occupy and divertattention from God. The student should entrust his affairsto his teacherand submit to his advice. He should serve him and humble himself before him, and accept his teacher'sopinion, even if he thinks it erroneous.As one author put it, he should be to his teacher like the "softsoil which has received heavy rains and completely absorbedthem" (Ghazzali 1966:130). Teach- ers are to be sympathetic to students and treat them as their children. Ghazzalieven suggests that the rights of the teacherare greaterthan the rights of parents. Parents are the cause of the children'stemporal existence, but teachersare the cause of their immortalexistence. Hierarchicalrelationships based on authority and submission also governed relationsin the familialrealm. Properrelations between fathers and sons followed a similarpattern: the fatherwas the authoritarianmas- ter and the son was expected to be obedient. Youngmen were trainedin subservience: early on, they learned that their proper role is to obey, honor, and submit to senior men. Young boys were expected to walk behind their fathers,not eat before them, and to be humble in their presence. When fathers entertained guests, sons often took the place of female servants: they served senior men. The status of junior males entailed the assumptionof passive, deferentialroles similarto the roles of women vis-a-vis men. Marriagetransformed junior males, trainedin subservience, into senior males, who would then head their own house- holds. Wedding rituals (which we will look at more closely below) functioned as rites of passage, and suggest that the shift from a boy'spas- sive (female)role to a man'sactive (male) role was an intrinsicpart of the process of becoming an adult male. The passageto adulthooddid not, however,end the need for males to practice subordinatebehaviors. Even after they moved into the public

35 For a fascinatingdiscussion of contradictoryhierarchical and egalitarianthemes in shari'adis- course and their social implicationsin Yemen,see Messick (1988; 1993). 36Ghazzali has a section on the properadab that should govern relationsbetween teachersand students in the section on 'ilmin his Ihya''ultim al-din (1966; 1992). See also Zarnuji'sguide on proper relationsbetween teachersand students.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 106 Journalof the AmericanAcademy of Religion and adult world, men were still expected to submit to the authority of senior men within the familyand at their place of work, as well as to religious scholars, Sufi masters,rulers, and, of course, God. Moreoften than not, adult males found themselves in the position of having to exhibit leadershipand authorityin some realmsof life and submission in others. A Sufi disciple, for example, might also be married,a father,and, if his fatherwas still alive, in a subordinateposition to him, and an apprentice in his occupation. The maintenanceof these multiple roles requiredthat individualssimultaneously be in positions of authorityand dependence, power and weakness; and success requireda constant juggling of roles and maneuveringfor position. To what extent did a patternof dominationand subordinationgovern homoerotic and homosexual relations?We know that sexual relations between men in medieval Islam, though religiouslyproscribed, were not uncommon.37As Rowson has shown, a variety of sources, in particular the traditionof belleslettres (adab), refer to sexual relationsbetween men. Legaltexts also categorizeand discuss a varietyof sexual practices.What the sources indicate is that, as in ancient Mediterraneancultures, sexuality in generaland homosexualityin particular,recapitulated power relations.38Like Greek homoeroticism, Muslim homoeroticism structured relations according to patterns of domination and submission, activity and passivity.Male sexuality was constructed as domination expressed through penetration, and domination in the sexual act signified power, honor, and status in other spheres. Official morality dictated that both active and penetrative homosexual sex (liwat)and passive homosexual intercourse(ubna, bigha') were illicit.39Liwdt was usually practiced by an adult male who paid a boy (normallyunder the age of twenty) to submit to anal penetration.40 The passive position for adult males was considered shameful and a sign of weakness; those who enjoyed being penetratedwere subject to scorn and even legal punishment.41 The normative role for adult males was active

37Little work has been done on the constructionof homosexuality(or indeed sexualityin general) in medieval Islamicculture. I have found the following works helpful: the collection of essays edited by Schmittand Sofer;the collection edited by Marsot;and the importantarticle by Rowson. 8 Excellent work has been done on cultural constructions of sex and gender in ancient Greece. Among the most stimulatingand helpful recent works are those by Cohen (1987; 1991); Halperin; Winkler;the collection edited by Halperin,Winkler, and Zeitlin;and the collection edited by Rich- lin. The parallelsand similaritiesbetween ancient Greekand medieval Islamicconstructions of sexuality and gender deserve furtherexploration. 39 I am indebted to Rowson for the following. 40The technical term for male homosexual is 57-58). 41 prostitution ijdra(Rowson, For an example of active penetrationbeing used to humiliate an adult male, see Bellamy (28). MacDonaldcites a modern Syrianexample of active penetrationbeing used as a form of humiliation

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Malamud:Gender and Spiritual Self-Fashioning 107 and insertive;passive roles were held by women, boys, and prostitutesof both sexes. Men who penetratedboys were as "masculine"as those who penetratedwomen, but those who submitted to penetration (and even desired it) risked humiliation and dishonor.42Thus,although both types of homosexual intercourse were considered illicit, ubna or bighd'also affecteda man'sstatus and honor.43 Under certain circumstanceshowever, sexual passivity and subordination did not signify dishonor. Adolescence was a liminal period for gender roles and sexuality;for example, it was the only acceptableperiod when males could practice subordinateand passive sexual roles. As in classical Greece, in medieval Islamic culture boys could be penetrated without losing their potentialmanliness, as long as they did not enjoy the act.4 The brief period between childhood and entry into the world of adult males was a time when gender boundaries were not yet fully formed, and young men were in an ambiguous situation. While being educated to be adult males, they were also, in many ways, cast into female social roles. Young men had to defer to senior men and honor, obey, and serve them. As Rowson has pointed out, the canons for beauty of boys and women were similar (58).45The beardless youth (amrad)was an especially prominent object of desire in homoerotic poetry. As in classical Greek literature, in Arabic homoerotic literature the appearance of a beard signalled the end of a youth's desirability.Once the youth crossed the threshold from youth to manhood, he was no longer a licit object of

and punishment. Twolovers were apprehendedby two Syrianpolicemen. Ratherthan turn them in, the policemen "turnedthem over and exacted their own, more satisfyingpunishment" (MacDonald: 46). 42 This construction is also evident in the contemporaryMiddle East. A typical form of scorn and insult at Turkishsoccer games, for example, is to call the refereewho makes a decision againstone's team "ibnehakem." Ibne (derived from the Arabicubna) is the man who plays the passive role in the sexual act (Necef: 72-73). In modern Turkishboys' verbal dueling rhymes, a form of ritual insult exchange, an importantgoal is "to force one'sopponent into a female, passive role"(Dundes, Leach, and Ozkok: 135). This model is not limited to the Middle East. For a provocativeanalysis of Americanfootball as a form of ritualizedmale combat, see Dundes (1980:199-210). His analysisof some of the folk speech associatedwith the game suggests that the winners are perceived as "men"(they have convincingly displayed and proved their masculinity by having sexually dominated their opponents), and the losers are perceivedas emasculatedmen who have been sexually subordinated.The losers are often ridiculed and humiliatedby being called women or homosexuals. 43Indeed, as Rowson has.put it, the enjoyment of passive homosexual intercoursewas "uniformly consideredsick, perverted,and shameful"(64; and 65-68). 44For an analysis of the legal norms and social codes and practices that informed the Athenian practice of homosexuality (and a discussion of their contradictions and ambiguities), see Cohen (1987; 1991). 45For a discussion of the criteriafor female beauty and desirability,see Sabbah.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 108 Journalof the AmericanAcademy of Religion desire. If he continued to engage in "unmasculine"sexual practices, he risked shame and even legal punishment. We should note that the poles of domination and subordinationand power and passivity that defined appropriateand inappropriatesexual roles and behaviors also structuredrelations between Sufi masters and their disciples. Discipleship, like adolescence, was a liminal period. Dur- ing discipleship, normal codes of behavior were temporarilysuspended and disciples were stripped of their previous identities and accustomed gender roles. In the fluid and ambiguous state of discipleship, passivity and subordinationwere practicedwithout fear of humiliationand loss of manliness; indeed, they were valued behaviors. Power and authority were in the possession of the master,and it was throughacts of surrender and subordinationthat a disciple attainedspiritual power and maturity.46 Indeed, submission led to religious and social authority:when the disciple finished training,he was then able to take on his own disciples. To what extent did a model of dominance and submission structure relations between husbands and wives? It is well known that we have little evidence for the lives of women in medieval Islamic societies. Although we do not have texts written by women, we do have prescriptive texts written by men which have as a topic the ideal relations between husbands and wives. These texts shed light on how the domi- nant discourse constructedappropriate and inappropriatefeminine (and masculine)behavior. Although a full analysisof the relationshipbetween husbands and wives is beyond the scope of this essay,it should be noted that there are a number of generaland specific terms of a system of male dominance and female subordination in the Qur'an and in the subse- quent development of Islamiclaw; for example, Qur'an2:228: "menare a degree above them (women),"and Qur'an4:34: "menare in charge of women because Allah hath made the one of them to excel the other."47 The etiquette that the well-known religious scholar,Abu Hamid al- Ghazzali,outlined for husbands and wives in his I~hya'ul2m al-din draws on the Qur'anand Islamiclaw and is a synthesis and summation of ear- lier opinions, customs, and practices(1984). It can thereforetell us much

46 That is, spiritual transformationwas made possible through acts of submission; and, once the disciple was initiatedand became part of a silsila,he moved into a position of maturityand authority and was able to take on his own disciples. 47 As Beck and Keddie have pointed out: "Whatis special about Islam in regardto women is the degree to which mattersrelating to women'sstatus have been legislatedby the Qur'an... or by sub- sequent legislationderived from interpretationsof the Qur'anand traditionalsayings of the Prophet" (25). A number of scholarshave discussed the position of women in Islam from a varietyof perspec- tives. The bibliographyon the position of women in Islam is enormous and cannot even begin to be duplicatedhere.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Malamud:Gender and Spiritual Self-Fashioning 109 about how the ideal marriagerelationship was constructed by the male religious establishment.The behavior that Ghazzaliprescribed for wives is strikinglylike that expected of Sufi novices. Accordingto Ghazzali,wives should devote themselves to their husbands and homes, secluding themselves as much as possible from the outside world. Like disciples, women were trained to defer, obey, and submit; women served their husbands and fathers, honored and respectedthem, and did not contest their authority.Wives should remain in the house and keep their visits to the outside world at a minimum. They were expected to ask permission before leaving the house, and, when in public, they should try to be invisible so that no one would rec- ognize them. Women should tend to the house and to prayer,but permission from husbands was suggested before performingsupererogatory devotionalacts. Citingthe Qur'anand hadith, Ghazzalideclared that the properorder of the social realm is that men guard and govern women. God has appointed men as trustees over women, and has called the husband "master."48Commenting on the hadith,"Miserable is he who is a slave to his wife,"Ghazzali said: He (the Prophet)said so becauseif the husbandobeys her whims,he becomesher slaveand therebymiserable; for Godmade him possessor overthe woman but if he makesher possessor of himself,he reversesthe orderof things,overturns the matter,and obeys Satanwhen he said, "andsurely I will commandthem and they will changeAllah's creation" (Qur'an4:119). (1984:97) Hierarchyis writteninto the divine order,and "itis a man'sright to be followed, not to be the follower"(Ghazzali 1984:97). Ghazzalicites the following alleged Prophetictradition (hadith):"If it were permitted that one should prostratebefore anyone but God I would order that wives should prostratebefore their husbands" (1984:121) Indeed, marriage, accordingto Ghazzali,constitutes a form of servitude:"she (the wife) is his slave, and she should obey the husband absolutely in everythinghe demands of her provided such demands do not constitute an act of disobedience (to God)"(1984:121). The parallelsbetween the behavior expected of disciples and those expected of women are apparent.Both relationshipswere fundamentally hierarchical,and the justification for inequality was connected to the divine will and order.Submission and the effacementof personalidentity

48 Here he refersto Qur'an12:25: "andthey met her lord and masterat the door."

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 110 Journalof the AmericanAcademy of Religion were consideredvirtuous behaviorsand ultimateexpressions of piety for both disciples and wives. Clearly,dependence, obedience, and submission were key spiritualvalues. Therewere however,important differences in the way in which men, in this case disciples, and women experiencedsubmission and practiced subordinatebehaviors. For the disciple, dependence and subordination were voluntary and temporarystates. More importantly,submission led to spiritualpower and authority;indeed, they were the means by which such power was acquired. Subordinatebehavior was thus a rite of passage, an inversion of a man'snormal status, and it led to an increase in personal and social power and authority.The experience of women was different.Their subordinatestatus was not voluntary,temporary, or tran- sitional. The obedience, deference, and submission expected of women served to perpetuateand reinforcetheir subordinatestatus.49 Wedding rituals illuminate these differencesand show how rites of passagepresent to men and women culturalscripts and maps for perfor- mance. For example, as Combs-Schilling has shown, Moroccan first- marriagerituals involve a sequence of ritualsthat inscribe dominance for the man and submission for the woman (188-205).50The groom acts out the roles of the ruler, the Moroccan king, a blood descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, to prepare him for his role as head of his own household. The themes in the preparationof the groom are a kind of "manhoodrehearsed" (Combs-Schilling:202). The marriageitself is consummatedby an act of violence, the spilling of the blood of the bride.5' Combs-Schillingsuggests that the act is more about male dominance than female purity; that is, the virginity of the bride is second in importance to the establishmentand sacralizationof male dominance.This, she suggests, is affirmedby the groom spilling the blood of the bride to confirm his procreativerole and dominance of cre-

49 This is not to deny that certain powers were available to women in medieval Islamic culture. Women acquired power and authoritywithin the context of the family,especially when they had male children.As mothers, they had a greatdeal of influence over their childrenand, later,over their daughters-in-law.And, as Kandiyotihas pointed out, there are a varietyof ways women can subvert and manipulatepatriarchal authority both within and outside of the household. 50Although we have virtually no information on medieval Islamic wedding rituals, we do have anthropologicaldescriptions and analysesof contemporaryIslamic marriage rituals. When used with care, anthropologicalstudies can be illuminating.It is not that culturalpractices have survivedintact and can be taken as evidence of medieval life but ratherthat, as some of these studies reveal,certain premises about religious and social life, widely shared and with significant variations around the IslamicNear Eastand Mediterranean,continue to structureand inform contemporarycultural practices. 51As a preliminaryaction, the groom may smash the bride'sheaddress before intercourse;or, he "kicksher lightly,so as to become her ruler,and puts his sword on the bed" (Combs-Schilling:207).

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Malamud:Gender and Spiritual Self-Fashioning 111 ation.52In the Qur'anicaccounts of creationGod is the sole creator,who created men and women by means of sperm and a blood clot.53The Moroccanritual gives men the primaryrole in the creativeprocess: sperm alreadybelongs to the man, now he controlsblood also. Brides learn from wedding rituals that their proper role in the marriage is to be submissive and subordinate to their husbands. In both Moroccanand Turkishwedding rituals the sequence of preparationsfor the marriagedemands and inculcatespassivity and dependence. In rural Turkish ceremonies there is a ceremonial braiding of the bride's hair: hours are spent carefullyweaving silver strands like tinsel into her hair (Delaney:129-131). During the decoration of the bride she is immobi- lized. In many partsof the Islamicworld, includingTurkey and Morocco, brides have hinna'(henna) applied to their hands and feet, a process that requireshands and feet to be bound for at least twelve hours to set the dye.54When bound, the bride cannot eat or drink or use the bathroomby herself. She becomes completely dependent on others for basic needs; in effect, she is infantalized.55 Marriagerituals function to recapitulatethe roles husbandsand wives are to adopt afterthey cross the thresholdinto adulthood.Male rituals ini- tiate groomsinto their adult roles as figuresof authorityand theirpassage

52 Virginity,she points out, "isnot alwaysdemanded, whereasbloodspilling is, a clear indicationof what is culturallyprimary and what is secondary"(Combs-Schilling: 210). Combs-Schilling'sinterpretation of the spilling of bridal blood in Moroccanmarriage rituals is not necessarily applicable to other marriagepractices in the Muslim world that involve the spilling of bridal blood. In Nawal al-Sa'dawi'saccount of marriagepractices in rural Egypt, for example, it is sometimes the midwife who pierces the hymen of the bride. Sa'dawiexplains that people judge the honor of the bride by the quantity of blood produced. Her account reinforces the importance of bloodshed but emphasizesthe link with the bride'shonor/virginity (25-32). I thank the anonymous reviewerforJAAR for this point and reference. 53 For references to blood and sperm, see Qur'an 22:6; 56:58-60; 35:12; 31:13-15; 96:2-3; 80:19-20; 40:68-69. 54For descriptionsof henna rituals,see Delaney(137-142) and Combs-Schilling(211-215). Susan Slyomovics and Amanda Darganhave directed and produced a videotape of a Pakistanimehendi (henna) partyin New YorkCity Slyomovicshas written an interpretivebooklet that accompaniesthe videotape. 55 The resentmentand anger that women feel about their subordinateplace in marriagemay also be expressed in these rituals. Delaney, for example, reports that she witnessed a skit performed by female friendsof the bride during the time when the bride was immobilizedduring the henna ritual. Two of the women dressed up as men. One pretended to be the groom, who, in the skit, was uncir- cumcised. The other, dressed as a barber,sharpened a knife and a cleaver,and pulled out a cucum- ber from the groom'spants, and lopped off the end. Delaney interpretsthis in the following manner: "Thepenis, which women lack, and institutionalreligion, from which they are excluded, are explicit emblems of power, toward which these women's ridicule seems to express their latent hostility" (141). And Susan Slyomovics notes that some of the wedding songs that accompany the Pakistani mehendi (henna) ceremoniesin New Yorkridicule the futuregroom and allow the women to express emotions they presumablywould never express to the groom'sface (no pagination).

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 112 Journal of the American Academy of Religion from dependenceand weakness into new and more powerfulpositions in the public and the privatespheres. Brideslearn that they are expected to be passive, the conduits for male reproduction,subordinate to the male within the household, and restricted to the familial or private sphere. Their new roles as wives continue to requiresubordinate behaviors and passivity,only now they come under the authorityof their husbands and their husband'sfamilies. Wedding rituals thus serve as intense socializa- tion processeswhereby young men and women learn, and rituallyenact, culturallyacceptable patterns for adult behavior.56 We should be carefulnot to read wedding ritualsas simply one more indication of the unequal relationsbetween men and women in Islamic societies. As Joan Scott and other feminist scholarshave stressed, gender ideologies and roles reflect and are intimatelyconnected to entire social systems: they reflectand reproduceother inequalitieswithin a given culture.57As we have seen, unequal relations between men and between women and men were intimately linked in an entire social system. The medieval Islamic social orderwas made up of a complex web of person- ally contractedrelationships which were nearly always asymmetrical. From this perspective,the representationof the relationshipbetween mastersand disciples and the accompanyingrituals that grew up around that relationshipcondense and incorporatea number of other relationships that made up the medieval Islamic social order. Our sources describe Sufi masters as fathers, mothers, lovers, rulers, teachers, and gatewaysto the Prophetand to God. Disciples were infants, sons, wives, subjects, students, and imitators of the Prophet who himself practiced the most perfect form of submission (isldm). Sufi rituals and training symbolicallypoint to and act out a number of these relationships. As VictorTurner has shown, rites of passage temporarilydissolve yet serve to reinforce social structures and hierarchies (1969:166-203; 1974:231-299). Althoughmany of the normalstructures of everydaylife are turned upside down during discipleship, the primary structure of dominance and submission that informs relations between masters and disciples (and, as we have seen, a multitude of other relationships in

56As Combs-Schillingputs it: "Throughthe ritual practices, new definitions are cultivatedin the young man and the young woman;they arewritten on their bodies, inscribedin theirminds, embed- ded in their psyches"(190). 57 See in particularScott (42-50). And CynthiaNelson has suggested that we view patriarchynot simply as a system of male domination "butrather as a complex phenomenon constrainingmen as well as women in a mutuallydehumanizing ideology." Its roots, she points out, "lienot in the formal rules of Islamiclaw and practicebut ratherin a number of cultural practicesand conservativeatti- tudes sharedby both men and women"(136-137).

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 18:50:33 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Malamud:Gender and Spiritual Self-Fashioning 113 medieval Islamic society) is affirmed.As Turnerhas described the ritual process,participants can learn "howcritical aspects of cosmos and society are interrelated and the hierarchy of such modes of interlinkage" (1974:240). Thus, while the liminality of Sufi discipleship temporarily dissolved normal social relationsand structures,it also powerfully rein- scribed those relationshipsby symbolicallyreenacting them and connecting them to the transcendent.In short, Sufi ritualsconsecrated hierarchy and inequalityin this world by linking its social forms to the divine will and order.In Sufi rituals and practicenovices voluntarilyembraced, in- teriorized, and affirmedwith heightened and deepened awareness the multiple levels of submission called for in medieval Islamicsociety.

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