CIAN, Revista De Historia De Las Universidades

CIAN 24 REVISTA DE HISTORIA º DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES N 1 ISSN: 1139-6628 / EISSN: 1988-8503 www.uc3m.es/cian 2021

Dossier MODELS OF FUNDING, STATE INSTITUTIONS AND ECONOMIC TRENDS IN UNIVERSITIES TH TH

(14 -16 CENTURIES)

Universidad Carlos III de Madrid Editorial Dykinson CIAN 24 REVISTA DE HISTORIA º DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES N 1 ISSN: 1139-6628 / EISSN: 1988-8503 www.uc3m.es/cian 2021 CIAN Dossier MODELS OF FUNDING, STATE INSTITUTIONS AND ECONOMIC TRENDS IN UNIVERSITIES TH TH

(14 -16 CENTURIES) REVISTA DE HISTORIA DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES 24 N.º 1

2021

UNIVERSIDAD CARLOS III DE MADRID EDITORIAL DYKINSON

Universidad Carlos III de Madrid Editorial Dykinson (Universidad Complutense de Madrid, España) Dirección Carolina Rodríguez López (Universidad Politécnica de Madrid, España) Secretaría Jara Muñoz Hernández Manuel A. Bermejo Castrillo (Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, España) Gian Paolo BrizziConsejo (Università de redacción di Bologna, Italia) Susana Guijarro González (Universidad de Cantabria, España) Antonio López Vega (Universidad Complutense de Madrid, España) Pascual Marzal (Universidad de Valencia, España) Isabel Pérez-Villanueva (UNED, España)

Carlos Petit (Universidad de Huelva, España) María Paz Alonso Romero (Universidad de Salamanca, España) Antonio Álvarez de MoralesConsejo (Universidad científico Autonoma de Madrid, España) Robert Anderson (Edinburgh University, Reino Unido) Marc Baldó Lacomba (Universidad de Valencia, España) Pablo Buchbinder (Universidad Nacional General Sarmiento, Argentina) Christophe Charle (École Normale Supérieur, Francia) José Ramón Cruz Mundet (Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, España) Pieter Dhondt (University of Eastern Finland, Finlandia) Fernando García Naharro (Europa-Universität Flensburg, Alemania) Roger L. Geiger (Pennsylvania State University, EEUU) Enrique González González (UNAM, México)

AntónioDámaso Manuel de Hespanha Lario (Ministerio (Universidade de Asuntos Autónoma Exteriores, de Lisboa, España) Portugal) † Manuel MartínezRichard KaganNeira (Universidad(Johns Hopkins Carlos University, III de Madrid, EEUU) España) Antonio Merchán Álvarez (Universidad de Sevilla, España)

Francisco Morente Valero (Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, España) AdelaLuis Mora Reis Cañada Torgal (Universidad (Universidade Carlos de Coimbra, III de Madrid, Portugal) España) † Andrea Romano (Università degli Studi di Messina, Italia) Luigiaurelio Pomante (Universidad de Macerata, Italia) Luis Enrique Rodríguez San Pedro (Universidad de Salamanca, España) Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer (Universidad de Zaragoza, España) Diana Soto Arango (Universidad de Tunja, Colombia) María Cristina Vera de Flasch (Universidad de Córdoba, Argentina) Enrique Villalba Pérez (Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, España)

Rebium,Los contenidos CCUC, COPAC,de CIAN SUDOC, están indizadosZBD y Ulrich’s. en la Enbase 2020 de datosha sido ISOC, reconocida ERIH Plus, con REDIB,el sello Dialnet.Emerging Asimismo, Sources Citation está recogida Index. en las clasificaciones de revistas CARHUS PLUS, ANVUR, DICE, IN-RECJ y CIRC. También aparece en los catálogos colectivos Esta revista está incluida en la base de datos DICE, en ESCI y en el catálogo de Latindex. Cumple estos criterios de calidad: 35 criterios de 36 en Latindex, 13 en ANECA y 15 en CNEAI, incluyendo los criterios de evaluadores externos y apertura

Plus+exterior con de una los categoríaautores. Así C. mismo figura en RESH, con un índice de impacto de 0.048 para 2004-2008, en MIAR con un índice de difusión (ICDS) de 8.0, en Anvur, IN-RECJ y REDIB. Por último, está recogida en las clasificaciones CIRC y Carhus (CC BY 4.0). Imagen de cubierta: Litografía de San Alberto Magno del siglo XV. Wellcome Collection. Attribution 4.0 International Universidad Carlos III de Madrid © Instituto “Figuerola” de Historia y Ciencias Sociales

c/ Madrid 126 - 28903 Getafe (Madrid) España Tel: 91 624 9797 - Fax: 916 249 517 e-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.uc3m.es/portal/page/portal/instituto_figuerola Suscripciones y venta: Editorial Dykinson - Meléndez Valdés 61 - 28015 Madrid Tel.Maquetación: 915 44 28 Juan 46 - e-mail:Carlos López [email protected] / Versión electrónica: Biblioteca UC3M

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Págs.

DOSSIER

PRESENTACIÓN Models of Funding, State Institutions and Economic Trends in Universities (14th-16th Centuries) Modelos de financiación, instituciones estatales y tendencias económicas en las universidades (siglos XIV - XVI) 5

TheHermenegildo Financing of Fernandes the University of Rome (15th-16th Centuries) La financiación de la Universidad de Roma (siglos XIV-XV) 14

FinancingCarla Frova of Perugia University (14th-15th Centuries) La financiación de la Universidad de Perugia (siglos XIV-XV) 34

TheStefania Pope’s Zucchini Universities: Sources and Research Perspectives on Finances and Funding in the Early Modern Period in Bologna Las universidades papales: fuentes y perspectivas de investigación sobre finanzas y financiación en Bolonia en la temprana Edad Moderna 63

TheMaria Socio-economic Teresa Guerrini Role of Medieval Parisian Colleges Through the ‘Studium Parisiense’ Database El papel socioeconómico de las universidades parisinas medievales a través de la base de datos Studium Parisiense and 82 Jean-Philippe Genet, Thierry Kouamé Stéphane Lamassé 126 The Funding of Hispanic Universities in the Middle Ages (13th-15th Centuries) La financiación de las universidades hispanas durante el período medieval (siglos XIII-XV)

Susana Guijarro González BIBLIOGRAFÍA

. Ser (de nuevo) doctor por Salamanca. Las tesis doctorales de la Facultad 151 de Derecho en el Sexenio Revolucionario (1868-1874). (Manuel Martínez Neira) Eugenia Torijano Pérez . La República de sabios. Profesores, cátedras y universidad en la 153 Salamanca del siglo de Oro. (Rafael Ramis Barceló) Francisco Javier Rubio Muñoz Lauree pavesi nella prima metà del ‘500, II (1513-1535). (Rafael Ramis Barceló) Elisabetta Canobbio. 157 DOSSIER PRESENTACIÓN

Models of Funding, State Institutions and Economic Trends in Universities (14th-16th Centuries) *

Modelos de financiación, instituciones estatales y tendencias económicas en las universidades (siglos XIV - XVI)

Hermenegildo FERNANDES** Centro de História, Faculdade de Letras, Universidade de Lisboa ORCID ID: 0000-0003-0760-2429

DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6155

This thematic issue of CIAN aims to throw new light into one of the most - neral topic of funding in late medieval and early modern Europe in a compa- rativeneglected approach. areas in This the willHistory be done of the through Universities a set offield, case by studies addressing designed the ge to be comprehensive and representative of different models of state building ways by which universities connect to polities. (IberianThe kingdoms, scope was France initially and even Papal broader State) as which the huge translate and loosely into differentconnec- ted territory of the Empire should have been represented in this special issue, and will be in a volume that is already being prepared. Unfortunately a somewhat shorter version of what had been planned. All the responsibility forthe thatpandemic falls necessarily conditions on reflected the organizer negatively and innot the on preparation the authors resulting or the edi in-

* project ŒCONOMIA STUDII. Funding, management and resources of the Portuguese Universi- ty: ASome comparative of the reseach analysis reflected (13th - 16 inth this paper has been conducted as a part of an FCT funded ** centuries), PTDC/EPH-HIS/3154/2014. [email protected] de Historia de las Universidades, 24/1 (2021), 5-13. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6155 ISSN: 1988-8503 - www.uc3m.es/cian 6 HERMENEGILDO FERNANDES

tors of CIAN who all did their best to surpass the inconveniences caused by the pandemic environment.

- versityIn controlled this framework by the popetwo main operate questions in a dissimilar were put fashion to test. from Firstly, one howthat contrasting origins reflect on patterns of economic behaviours: does a uni-

theis managed case of the by Aragon’sa monarchy? crown? How Secondly, do universities we tried operate to assess in howa much and less to what cen extenttralized the political funding atmosphere of universities like that was of impacted the Iberian by societies, conjuncture. particularly Are there in different regional patterns in Europe in this period? Observation will be here framed by the general economic growth in Europe from the mid 15th century onwards after a secular deep economic recession and by the opportunities

The Spanish and Italian cases will be, regarding this issue, a good point of observation.given by the Theage ofcase discoveries of Lisbon/Coimbra, and by markets e.g, the operating Portuguese at amedieval global level. uni-

paper published in this journal as well as in other places, was the starting pointversity for to this 1537, approach, which has as thebeen reformation recently already of the approachedStudium in thein a time previous of D. Manuel is deemed to be directly connected to the economic expansion during the late 15th and early 16th. - nowledged here. Firstly, considering the larger picture, a lot to the stimula- This special issue has therefore a pre-history that should be ack - ting intellectual research environment derived from the Atelier Heloise andin particular the 8th edition, on the topic “Universities Funding and Mana gement” held in Lisbon the 22, 23 and 24 of October 2018. Discussions con thiscerning special the topicissue. continued That approach in following was particularly editions held important in Leipzig to (2019)change andthe Bologna (2021) all of them allowing comparative work that is in the root of- - perspective through which the History of the Universities was dealt with, an- choring institutional and cultural History on data basis and prosopographi cal analysis. In the Portuguese case, particularly, the History of the Universi butties hadalso beena by cultivatedthe national since agency, the 18th FCT, century is to blame but with for athe clear necessary focus on ope the- Portuguese case and little connection to a larger frame. The Atelier Héloïse, some of what is being accomplished around the topic of the economy of the universityning. This isis in due fact to the the second project acknowledgement ŒCONOMIA STUDII. that Funding, should be management made here: and resources of the Portuguese university: a comparative analysis (13th-16th centuries), with a team of researchers operating at both national and inter-

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 5-13. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6155 MODELS OF FUNDING, STATE INSTITUTIONS AND ECONOMIC TRENDS AT UNIVERSITIES... 7

Leitãonational in levelthe core (Hermenegildo team, as well Fernandes, as, for instance, PI, Armando Rainer Norte,Schwinges co-PI, as and consul also- tant,Maria and Helena Susana da Cruz Guijarro Coelho, from Hermínia the Spanish Vasconcelos side). To Vilar all ofand them André and Oliveira to the other researchers in the project this special issue is indebted. The observation starts with three cases among the main universities in the Papal States, Rome, Perugia and Bologna, arranged here according to a chronological sequence of observation, not of foundation dates. focused on the late Middle Ages, from the foundation bull of Boniface VIII Carla Frova authors a paper on the financing of the University of Rome, transversal to some of the cases studies approached here, the relation between(1303) the until Studium 1514 (pontificateCurie and the of StudiumLeo X) in Urbis which or, she to putdiscusses it more a keyprecisely, issue, and funding. As the chosen chronology clearly states the emphasis is on the between an urban and a state model, in this case pontifical, of management- nagement of the university controlled by urban magistrates, and a largely later. Frova opposes a XIVth century without a pope in the city, with the ma taxes on the commerce circulating in the Tiber, to the rebirth of the Studium afterseigneurial the return model of of the financing, popes, withbased an on increasing the revenues control of a bycastle, the apapal city, andbu- reaucracy while retaining a certain role to the city’s magistrates. A renewal supported by the gabela, the tax on the commerce of wine, a third of which is dedicated to fund the university. Investment in buildings to house the uni- - tion due to different papal policies will be in order. The huge investment du- versity is connected to this source of revenues although a constant fluctua- viously unequalled not be followed by similar policies in the years to come. ring theStefania papacy Zucchini of Leo X, through although the revealing case of the an Perugia abundance Studium of resources also tests pre the dichotomy between different sources of power, urban or papal, chronologi- cally divided roughly between the 14th and the early 15th centuries, in which from 1424 onwards when the city becomes part of the papal state that to first municipal and then seigneurial powers are in control, and the period with the coincidence of the Roma and Perugia cases at least as far as the go- vernmentexert a certain system indirect is concerned control andon the the university.chronology One of change, cannot abe fact but due stricken to the evolution of general political conjuncture and the building of a papal state can be registered: the Perugia Studium retains for foreign students the an- cientwith it’sBolognese own bureaucracy. collecta system, However which in the allows model for ofa totalfunding independence some differences of the

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 5-13. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6155 8 HERMENEGILDO FERNANDES

masters from the commune, but in fact is largely based in wages pay through

level of variation throughout the second half of the 14th and the 15th century. Onean annual of the revenuemain conclusions fixed by local deals authorities. with conjuncture Thus it isissues: possible in spite to observe of the imthe- th century doesn’t seem to affect profoundly the university revenues, as the successive powers chose portantto secure economic a stable fluctuations,income to allow the recessionfor payment of the of wages,14 mainly. That same stability shows in the amount of these wages, placed between those of the notaries and lower magistrates and the extremely high revenues of the major

the university seems to appeal the old oligarchy whose centrality centrally wouldcity’s officials be stolen like by the absorption podestá. withinAll these the factors papal state.may explain why a career in The oldest university in and outside Italy, Bologna, observed by Maria Teresa Guerrini for the early modern period, may be considered to enrich the register, particularly since in her paper the cases of Roma and Perugia are

the beginning of the 16th century, privileges assigned to the Alma Mater Stu- diorumalways inalmost the background. a century earlier, Although by BolognaEugenio comesIV, dealing into simultaneouslypapal control only with in Gabe- lla Grossa tax incomes to fund it. In this sense, and in spite of considerable differences,Roma and Perugia, which allow restructure the University financially of Bolognathe university a substantial assigning autonomy, the if compared with the other case studies, an autonomy completely in line with its tradition and prestige, the papal authority and from the 16th century onwards the papal administration, seems to have managed to create a common ground of management and, mainly, funding, who allowed the universities in the centre and northern Italy to manage through different papal policies and - th century. A comparison with the 14th crisis economicshould constitute crisis. This an important seems particularly line of future noticeable research, during particularly the great bearing finan in cialmind and what economic has been crisis said of about the 17 the resilience of Roma and Perugia during the long 14th century. Conversely, the signs of crisis in Bologna in the 14th show

social role of the university, relates to the ability to promote social mobility, notquite necessarily the opposite. created Another by thekey wages, issue, directly but by bothconnected the complementary to the economic reve and-

and/or closeness to papal administration and provincial court society. nues andThe symbolicpaper by powerJean-Philippe also related Genet, to Thierry the access Kouamé to the and rank Stéphane of nobility La- massé offers an altogether different approach to the Studium Pariensis, one of the few, with Bologna ad Oxford who can trace it’s origins before 1200.

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 5-13. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6155 MODELS OF FUNDING, STATE INSTITUTIONS AND ECONOMIC TRENDS AT UNIVERSITIES... 9

This, together with the impressive size and institutional complexity, the capacity to attract students from all western Cristianitas, and the connection to bureaucracy, allows to perceive the Parisian case study as an eventual role modelthe making for the of evolutionthe Parisian of thecapitality medieval and universities, contribution Bologna to the French being the kingdom other. A comprehensive survey of the Studium Parisiensis data basis, developed by the same team, the paper is centred on the colleges as basis for funding and managing academic life, from a social point of view but progressively, as the Middle Ages fades out, as the focal point of teaching activities, until, by the 16th century, all the schools within the University disappear to give way to academicthe Colleges life as and sole funding, institutional almost frame. all the Exploring college foundations the database pre-dating allows firstly the greatgetting crisis a firm of thegrasp mid-14 on theth century.impact of Clear economic evidence and of political the great conjuncture crisis derived on from English occupation, during the second quarter of the 15th century is also available in the sources even if we have trouble to identify the stagnation of the number of bursae from 1400 onwards, as a sign of this crisis. Perhaps by this time they had , a key form of funding the studies of scholars,- ve and were possible only due to the size of Paris and the ability to recruit allreached over Francean unsurpassable and beyond. optimum. The limits However, of this analysis the figures relate remain to the impressi variable reliability of the sources available: in fact no correlation can be established between the number of bursae and the scholars attested in the Studium be- longing to each college (a deviation probably affected by the preservation of the sources, e.g. by a principle of uncertainty). Important variables are the role of convents and religious houses as a decisive part of the University as well as the role of authorship, measured in each of the colleges to cement the symbolic status of the academic community, attracting students and opening careers in royal bureaucracy. Finally, we must consider the Iberian case study (or case studies). The approach is here conducted by Susana Guijarro by surveying both Castilian and Aragonese universities which offer a great diversity of solutions when dealing with the relation between monarchies and state building processes on one hand (in which I would include episcopate), and urban powers on the other. This tension has a direct result on different models of control - and financing that tend to transform medieval Iberia in a laboratory to ob ofserve Castile how the the material universities basis interact is guaranteed with kings by the and thirds municipalities of tithes andin a therespace- strongly influenced by the environment of a frontier society. In the crown CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 5-13. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6155 10 HERMENEGILDO FERNANDES

fore constitutes a direct inheritance of the allocation of the income of the dioceses to the war in the frontier with Islam, and can be mobilized in the

urban oligarchies have always had a determining role, as can be seen in the casedirection of Salamanca, of university in which foundations the Conservatives when it decreases of the Studyin intensity. are councillors. However, Thus and without prejudice to the determining role of the central power also in Castile, which incidentally will not be alien to the chronological primacy of the respective Crown, over that of Portugal and Aragon with regard to university foundations, the solution found, which involves the integration of the urban powers in the management of Studia, and the participation of episco-

that for instance (I will add from my point of view) in Portugal paralyzed the pal revenues in their financing, seems to allow to solve some of the blockages the case of Aragon the function of the urban powers in the foundations and development of the Study, at least in the first two centuries of its existence. In closer to the foundations of central and northern Italy. The leading role of government brings the examples of the crown of Aragon (Lérida, Huesca)- garchies in that crown, a fact that will always limit the robustness of central cities is in line with everything that is known about the weight of urban oli

evocationpower, at least of the compared geographical to other centrality case studies of Lérida in Iberia as a (likereason the for Portuguese choosing case). Two points also, seem to be very specific of the Aragonese case: the- larity of the Crown from the university’s point of view, which causes most of the foundationsseat of the Catalan to become study; frustrated the difficulty or to ofmaterialize assuming in the the political modern multipo period, even in the most important cities, such as Barcelona. Some of these issues were elsewhere1 put in comparison with the Por-

at least from the point of view of the relationship with urban powers and tuguese case. A princely foundation (D. Dinis, 1288-1290), this one offers, clearer. In fact, if from the institutional point of view the Portuguese Studium wasfinancing, always a undercontrast more with or the less Castilian direct patronage and Aragonese from thecases crown, that could all the not main be th century an

decisions being made by the king (which includes during the 14

successive1 set of displacements between Lisboa and Coimbra), no specific - A state of the art on the portuguese universiy in CRUZ-COELHO M, FERNANDES H, VILAR H. (2018), “O Studium medieval português: singularidades de um caso periférico”. Studia His- torica. Historia Medieval [Internet]. 31 Dic 2018 [citado 3 Mar 2019]; 36(2): 83-115 and also in FERNANDES, Hermenegildo; NORTE, Armando; LEITÃO, André de Oliveira. (2016), “Por tuguese Studium and Portuguese Scholars in the Middle Ages: Some Remarks on a Research Strand and its Databases”, CIAN-RevistaCIAN, de 24/1 Historia (2021), de5-13. las DOI: Universidades, https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6155 19/1 (2016), 27-56. MODELS OF FUNDING, STATE INSTITUTIONS AND ECONOMIC TRENDS AT UNIVERSITIES... 11 funding from royal or local taxes was ever implemented. Instead, revenues from a progressively narrowed list of churches seem to be the main sour- by the beginning of the 15th century, mainly because the economic crisis ce of funding during the early period, a system that proved to be inefficient- ced a threat to the survival of this very peripheral Studium. Solutions came andthrough the harsha not devaluationentirely successful marking attempt the monetary to connect system the by funding that period to eccle pla- siastical benefices, but mainly through the appointment of a Protector, Infant andHenry commerce the Navigator, in the Atlantic.with huge The financial pursue resourcesof this policy at hand,by D. Manuel mainly allowedderived forfrom an an unprecedented immense patrimony growth and of fromthe Studium a fair slice in thein the beginning profits of of expansion the 16th with the scholars, saved Portuguese university from the late medieval crisis. century.From The all crown, these and different not urban case elites, studies, who in always Italy, France had a difficult and Iberia, relation one

Firstly, the impact of the should be observed from the point of view of thecould diversity draw some of situations joint preliminary in accessing remarks. information but also as a showcase to observe different institutional funding traditions. Thus the processes of thatbuilding imply the considerable Archive are notvariations only determined in the documents by historical produced accidents, within like the governmentsack of Rome of in the 1527, universities but also and by alsodifferent among degrees the preservation of institutionalization choices (the example here could be the great differences concerning matriculation registers or expenditure rolls). Connection to the urban government secures pro- determinesduction and an preservation uncertainty of that registers, compromises like in the a precise case of reconstruction Perugia, but even of the in academicthe bigger community. universities This like isParis, even the truer diversity in the medievalof situations Iberian among universities colleges period matriculation records or accounts. and particularly in the case of Lisboa/Coimbra, lacking completely for that of income, that is to say, the core model/models of funding. It seems that from theseA second case key studies, issue, three allowing different direct models, comparison, not always concerns in complete the sources op- or urban taxes to the funding of the schools that in the case of the papal universitiesposition, may comes be deducted. to replace The by firstthe early one uses15th allocationcentury seigneurial of commercial revenues and (in Roma, for instance, revenues of a civitas and a castrum and the tax on

CIAN,tiberine 24/1 (2021), fluvial 5-13. commerce).DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6155 The other one uses ecclesiastical benefices to 12 HERMENEGILDO FERNANDES

fund the universities. That had been attempted before the 15th century but it is with Martin V that it becomes a more widespread practice. That is the case of Bologna but also of the Portuguese university that had been using it, with variable rates of success since the late 13th century. Finally, one cannot minimize the role of the city funding, relevant in the case of Perugia or of the Aragonese universities, a model that must be explained by strong auto-

nomous urban traditions, which powers operating at a larger level, like the kingdomsThe centralityor the papacy, of the must Bursa accommodate system, directly when, connected throughout both the to 15thcolleges, and conventsearly 16th and century, religious taking houses, a solid deals grasp with at urban students level. revenues and support systems, but must not be separated, that is obvious, from the issue of universities’ funding. The case study of the Studium Parisiense - tely intelligible how bursae become a central part of the funding procedures, allowing paying for the master’s wages, as colleges progressivelymakes become comple the heart of the academic system. - ted and concerns a comparative ground of analysis to assert an economic A third issue, here briefly addressed, derives from the previously sta rich Italian sources. Even if much of the prestige derived from attending or teachingbasis for atthe the Homo university Academicus is of symbolic social status. nature A and set isof based data comes both on from charis the-

issuesma and cannot social networking,be eluded. As as demonstrated Pierre Bourdieu in some has demonstrated of the papers through professor’s the wagescase study are notof the negligible French 19thputting and some 20th of century them between Hautes Écoles, the higher the material and the lower magistrates in the cities. But the range is very wide and the model of remuneration complex: incomes in Bologna, for instance, include beside the salaries other sources of revenues (private lessons and being part of exami- nation committees). Nevertheless the salaries of professors would form the

- bulksities, of as the long structure standing of institutionsexpenditure, survived like in Roma and dealt or Perugia. with economic cycles, particularlyThe fourth the recession issue is perhaps of the lower the key Middle one: Ages.conjuncture, Oddly enough or how oneuniver can argue that the degree of exposure seems to be lower than expected. That seems to be the case of Perugia but also of Paris, which manages to stabilize a trend of growth at a high level, stagnation and accommodation replacing in this case recession (relative stagnation in the number of new colleges in Paris

reflect closely a conjuncture of crisis after 1360 and also in the first half of the 15th century due to the HundredCIAN, Years 24/1 (2021), War). 5-13. However, DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6155 an overall movement MODELS OF FUNDING, STATE INSTITUTIONS AND ECONOMIC TRENDS AT UNIVERSITIES... 13 of institutional reform results from the crisis, which accounts for a different behaviour in the 14th and 15th centuries. Relevant results will imply a broader sample and a more precise analysis of several variables: the complex income system of both universities and academic corpora, the evolution in the size of academic staff, the cost of living in each period and city, bearing in mind severalimportant times regional higher variations in southern (like Europe Braudel than and in, for Spooner instance, demonstrated Poland). for the early modern period, the prices of some essential goods like wheat being many of the examples mirror the relation between urban community and UniversitasA final. Some remark others concerns are directly capitality connected and state to building.royal decree As above and are stated clo- particularly in Castile but also in Portugal. Overall participation in the pro- cessessely linked of state to central building control through this an being intertwining the case ofwith most royal Iberian or papal universities, bureau- this observation doesn’t imply participation in the creation of capitalities. To putcracy it bluntly:can be acknowledged most of the cities in most here ifdocumented not all of case with studies. universities Nevertheless will not accommodate enough centrality variables to become capitals, political and intellectual protagonism not always matching. Besides the obvious case of demonstrated in the Paris team paper, the Studium will have a non negligi- bleRoma, impact which on I thethink consolidation should be put of aside, that capitality. the exception The isother the casecase, of of Paris. course, As would be the Portuguese Studium

and the role of Lisboa until 1537.

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 5-13. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6155 The Financing of the University of Rome (15th-16th Centuries)

La financiación de la Universidad de Roma (siglos XIV-XV)

Carla Frova* Sapienza Università Di Roma

Recibido: Aceptado: 25/04/2021 19/04/2021

DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160

Abstract: In recent years there is a Resumen growing interest in historiography by the universities that developed in territories of the por las universidades: Se aprecia que se en desarrollaron los últimos Roman Church at the end of the Middle Ages. años un interés creciente en la historiografía develope in this area during the modern age enque territorios existieron de universidades la Iglesia Romana papales a finales en la Althoughare “Pope’s we universities”, can affirm that this universitieswas not the casethat deedad la moderna Edad Media. no fue Si bienasí en podemos la Edad afirmarMedia. - Los trabajos sobre la universidad de Perugia, versity of Perugia, also on the University of también sobre la universidad de Roma, dejan inRome, the Middlereveal the Ages. dualism The works between on thecity Uniand ver el dualismo entre ciudad y curia, entre el - trabajo académico y la tutela papal, entre la telage, between municipal management, city gestión municipal, la vida de la ciudad y la curia,life and between the presence academic of workthe Church. and papal And tu if presencia de la iglesia. Y, si nos centramos en

Rome, questions also arise related to the role también surgen cuestiones relacionadas con weof municipal focus on the governments financing of in the determining University the of lael papel financiación de los degobiernos la Universidad municipales de Roma, en la financial policies of the university. This article determinación de las políticas financieras de

CIAN-Revista*[email protected] de Historia de las Universidades, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 ISSN: 1988-8503 - www.uc3m.es/cian THE FINANCING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ROME (15TH-16TH CENTURIES)

- - bis by public authorities to observe its man- nanciación del Studium Urbis por parte de las will address the financing of the Studium Ur la universidad. Este artículo abordará la fi- coordinates of the University of Rome. dad de gestión de la misma en las coordena- agementKeywords: capacity pope’s in the universities; specific and Univer spatial- autoridades públicas para observar la capaci sity of Rome; funding; Studium Urbis. de Roma. das específicasPalabras y espacialesclave: universidad de la Universidad papal; Studium Urbis. Universidad de Roma; financiación;

In recent years, among historians who deal with Italian universities in the late Middle Ages, interest has increased in those universities that developed in territories under the dominion of the Roman Church. Can we therefore de- age1 fine them anyway as “universities of the Pope”? Certainly yes in the modern . For the Middle Ages it is not really like that. In the works dealing with university”,the university and of thisPerugia, remains from to the some classical extent book true of even Giuseppe when, Ermini in the to15th. the most recent research, the Perugia Study appears first and foremost as a “city- tration, is strongly referred to the center of the State2. In the case of Rome, century,the dualism the betweenmanagement the cityof universities, and the Curia, like one all aspectsof the great of public themes adminis of the city’s history, leaves room for opposing interpretations. Also with regard to

Schwarz (2013) the city plays almost no role in the history of the university the university, the debate is always open. In the monumental work of Brigide

I would like to express here warm thanks to Professor Hermenegildo Fernandes and to his colleagues and collaborators in Lisbon. A first oral version of this paper was presented at- versities,the VIII Héloïse which workshopPortuguese that scholars they organized have had theprecisely merit toin putLisbon on theon 22-23agenda October of the research 2018. It was thanks to this initiative that we had the opportunity to debate an issue, the funding of uni important documentary data and valuable methodical suggestions on this topic. in historyRegina of Lupi, universities. Gli Studia In del fact, papa. for someNuova time cultura now e theirtentativi works di Riformahas been tra providing Sei e Settecento us with

Un(Firenze, monopolio Centro imperfetto. editoriale Titoli toscano, di studio, 2005); professioni, Maria Teresa università Guerrini, (secc. XIV-XXI)“Conflitti (Bologna, corporativi Clueb, fra dottori bolognesi, ferraresi e romani intorno a titoli accademici e professioni (1626-1795)”, in 2 Giuseppe Ermini, Storia dell’Università di Perugia 2); Stefania Zuc- chini,2016), Università 59-80. e dottori nell’economia del comune di Perugia. I registri dei Conservatori della moneta (Firenze, Olschki, 1971 Scritti sullo Studium Perusinum (Perugia, Deputazione di storia patria per l’Umbria, 2012); Per la storia dell’Università(Perugia, di Perugia Deputazione, ed. Ferdinando di storia patria Treggiari per (Bologna,l’Umbria, Clueb,2008); 2015) Carla (estrattoFrova, da Annali di storia delle università italiane

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 18 (2014)). 16 CARLA FROVA

founded in 1303 by Boniface VIII: the Studium Urbis appears to be almost as Studium Curie, the university of the papal court founded in 1245 by Innocent IV3 - loa filiation on the culturalof the life in Rome in the fourteenth century, the Studium Urbis, clearly distinct from the. On Studium the contrary, Curiae in, is the presented recent work in all by respects Dario Internul as a city university, or rather as the university of the Commune Romanum (we can say that such a municipal government was present in Roome from the end of the 4 -

12th century until at least 1378) . In dealing with the financing of the Uni forversity the university?of Rome we will also find ourselves faced with the question: which is the role municipal governments played in determining the financial Studiumpolicies Urbis by public authorities, even if the theme that our Portuguese colleagues launchedI will under only thespeak title here Oeconomia of the funding Studii is and much management larger, as they of the themselves

have shown during our workshops and by various papers. Something about the sources

Studium Urbis? The panorama of the sources, too, has the Curia and the city as the two polesWhich of documents reference: can we refer to for a research on the financing of

1. In the papal archives we will have to interrogate both the tradition of the chancellery (which mainly provides us with normative documents) and that of the Apostolic Chamber (which preserves 5.

financial documents) - 2. The archives of the Roman commune have undergone remarkable 3 Brigidelosses, Schwarz, starting Kurienuniversität from the undsack stadtrömische of the city Universitätin 1527: wevon ca.have 1300 no bis archi 1471 (Leiden – Boston, Brill, 2013). 4 Dario Internullo, Ai margini dei giganti. La vita intellettuale a Roma nel Trecento (1305- 1367) (Roma, Viella, 2016). For the Quattrocento: Studieren in Rom der Renaissance, eds. Mi- chael Matheus and Rainer Christoph Schwinges (vdf, Zurich, 2020); Michael Matheus, Roma docta. Northern Europeans and Academic Life in the Renaissance (Regensburg, Schnell – Stei- ner, 2021). 5 - schreibung: das Beispiel Rom”, Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung Brigide Schwarz, “Produkte der pāpstlichen KanzleiLa Reverenda als Quellen Camera der Apostolica Universitātsgeschichts e i suoi archivi (secoli XV-XVIII) 126 (2018),1-33; Maria Grazia Pastura Ruggiero, (Roma, Archivio di Stato,CIAN, 24/11984, (2021), updated 14-33. repr. DOI: 1987).https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 THE FINANCING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ROME (15TH-16TH CENTURIES) 17

val series such as Consilia or Reformantiae, so useful for reconstruc- ting the history of municipal Studies in other cities, given that they document day by day the activity of municipal governing bodies6. An important normative document survives, the municipal statutes ; and, for accounting aspects, few registers reporting payments of professors7 in the second half of 1363 (reformed by Paul II in 1469) Camera Urbis, the . 3. Theof the ar chivesfifteenth of century,the doctoral which colleges were dokept not in contain, the for the 8period thatoffice I willthat discuss,was responsible any material for managing useful for municipalour research. finances The archive of the college of Advocati Consistoriales (consistorial lawyers) , the corporative body which has always played an important role in9 the direction and administration of the Studio, especially starting from

10 centurySixtus IV, editionretains thewe rolescan fortunately of the professors, read in but copy the the first roll one of that 1514 has11. survived as an original is dated 1539 . Thanks to a late eighteenth-

My analysis stops on this date, that is at the pontificate of Leo X. 6 Lorenzo Tanzini, “Delibere e verbali. Per una storia documentaria dei consigli nell’Italia comunale”, Reti Medievali Rivista Statuti della città di statutes7 of the fourteenth century;, 14/1 Statuta (2013), urbis 43-79. Romae Roma,) for ed. the Camillo statutes Re of (Roma, Paul II; Tipografia cfr. Paola Pavan, della Pace,“Il comune 1880) romano for the e lo Studium Urbis Roma e lo Studium [Rome, Urbis. Ulrich Spazio Han (Udalricus urbano e Gallus),cultura aboutdal Quattro 1471] al (istc Seicento. is00722300 tra XV e XVI secolo”, in 100; Andreas Rehberg,Atti “Innocenzo del Convegno VI, lo Roma status 7-10 popularis giugno 1989,e gli statuti ed. Paolo di CherubiniRoma”, Bullettino (Roma, Ministerodell’Istituto per storico i beni italiano culturali per e il ambientali, medio evo Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici, 1992), 88- David S. Chambers, Studium Urbis and gabella studii. The University of Rome in the fifteenth century8 , in Cultural aspects in Italian Renaissance., 110 (2008), Essays 237-278. in honour of Paul Oskar Kr.isteller,

Individuals and Institutions in Renaissance Italy (Aldershot, Ashgate ed. Cecil H. Clough (Manchester–NewSixtus IVYork, and Manchester Men of Letters University (Roma, PressEdizioni – A.F. di Zambelli,Storia e Lettera 1976),- 68-110, repr. in Chambers, RomaVariorum, da Sisto 1998); IV adEgmont Alessandro Lee, VI”, Rassegna degli Archivi di Stato tura, 1978);Giuliana Maria Adorni, Cristina “L’Archivio Dorati dell’Universitàda Empoli, “I lettori di Roma”, dello Studioin Roma e ie maestri lo di grammatica a 430;9 Giuliana Adorni, “Statuti del Collegio degli Avvocati concistoriali 40 (1980), e statuti 98-147. dello Studio romano”, Rivista internazionale di diritto comune Studium Urbis, 388- 10 I maestri della Sapienza di Roma dal 1514 al 1787: i rotuli e altre fonti, ed. Emanuele , 6 (1995), 293-355. 11 Gaetano Marini, Lettera al chiarissimo Monsignor Giuseppe Muti Papazzurri già Casali Contenella quale (Roma, s’illustra Istituto il storicoruolo de’ italiano professori per ildell’Archiginnasio Medio Evo, 1991). romano per l’anno MDXIV (Roma,

MicheleCIAN, 24/1 Puccinelli, (2021), 14-33. 1797). DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 18 CARLA FROVA

Studium Urbis and Commune

be reconstructed in the main lines12. About 15 years after the bulls of the po- The period from the foundation to the 30s of the fifteenth century can only

theirpes (Boniface salaries wasVIII andentrusted John XXII) to the which Romana gave Fraternitas the Studio its13, anoriginal organism form, that we associatedhave documentary the local evidence clergy of thatthe citythe 14task. In additionof choosing to the professors syndici and and rectores setting of this brotherhood, the budget of the Studio was administered, during the fourteenth century, by the Conservatores Camerae Urbis, which were, with 15, the Camera Urbis - theversity Senator, management the highest was elected therefore officials entrusted in the to municipality two bodies thatof Rome represent very well the being,municipal as we identity have said, of Rome, the city’s from financial both an department. ecclesiastical The and uni a secular point of view. And these are the authorities we see engaged in the government of the Studium Urbis for almost the entire fourteenth century, during the long absence of the popes from Rome.

and the castle of Rispampani: a civitas and a castrum that were subjected to RomeThe during city university the expansion is financed of the with city the in themoney countryside paid by the and city so of obliged Tivoli to pay an annual tribute to the Urbis Chamber. In addition, from the very

beginning, we find mentioned the income deriving from the duty imposed on goods that entered Rome through the Tiber river, a fiscal income which, 12 Filippo Maria Renazzi, Storia dell’Università degli Studi di Roma detta comunemente la Sapienza Renazzi, for a recent overall illustration of this period see Lidia Capo, “I primi due secoli dello Studium Urbis(Roma,”, in Pagliarini, Storia della 1803-1806, Facoltà di repr. Lettere Bologna, e Filosofia Forni, de 1971). “La Sapienza” In addition, eds. to theLidia work Capo of and Maria Rosa Di Simone (Roma, Viella, 2000), 3-34. 13 rectores and syndici of the Fraternitas elect Matteo canon of S. Crisogono to read the Decretals On October 15, 1319, at the request of a group of students (all mentioned by name) the Tyburtinis, quam etiam a tenentibus arcem Respanpani, et etiam a Ripariis»: Renazzi, Storia, I,in 261-263: the academic 262, doc.year xxv.1319-1320. The salary, of one hundred florins, will be provided «tam a 14 Giovanni Ferri, “La Romana Fraternitas”, Archivio della Regia Società romana di storia patria Romana Fraternitas”, Bollettino del clero romano, 40 Romana Ecclesia e Clerus Urbis. Consi- derazioni, 26 sul(1903), clero 431-466; urbano nei A. secoliIlari, “La centrali del medioevo”, Archivio della Società romana di storia(1959), patria 259-265; Tommaso di Carpegna Falconieri, “ 15 Michele Franceschini, “I Conservatori della Camera Urbis. Storia di un’istituzione”, in Il Palazzo dei Conservatori, 122 (1999), e 85-104:il Palazzo 102. Nuovo in Campidoglio, ed. Maria Elisa Tittoni (Pisa, Pacini,

1997), 19-27. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 THE FINANCING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ROME (15TH-16TH CENTURIES) 19 university16. more precisely The budget regulated, was spent will almost later beexclusively fundamental on the for salaries the financing of the profes of the- sors, since the Studium had at the time no buildings to be maintained, and a very little non-teaching staff to be payed (perhaps only a bedellus). But for

Studium Urbis the first half of the fourteenth century, and beyond, documents give us only- fragmentary information. On the contrary, the profile of the appears well defined in the Statutes of 1363, which fix the number of lectu eachres in academic each discipline year is and described the maximum as follows. amount Two ofprofessors professors’ are fees. required In book in theIII, chapterdisciplinary 87(86) area of thisof ci document,vil and canon the stafflaw; ofthey professors must necessarily lecturing duringhave a

- ne,doctoral and 40 degree for the and teacher each of of them grammar will receive and logic: up tothese 200 two gold do florins not have per to year be doctors,as a salary. but 150 they florins must areprove the tomaximum be experts salary and forcapable the professor in their respectiveof medici disciplines it is certainly17 not the project of a large university – and then, to what extent has it actually. Five been teaching applied? posts, The forstatute a maximum of 1363 total expresses budget in of any 750 case florins: the interest of the municipal government in providing Rome with an institution Ro- mana fraternitas no longer appears, while the Conservatores of higher education. With regards to management, in these statutes the are now flanked 16 See above, n. 13. The term riparii, which occurs in the document, indicates the custom ripae, the moorings for boats located along the Tiber river were the tax collection was carried out. Cfr. Maria Luisa Lombardo, La dogana di Ripa e Ripetta nel siste- maofficers, dell’ordinamento and derives fromtributario a Roma dal medioevo al sec. XV This description of the teaching staff is based on the text of the statutes published by 17 (Roma, Centro di ricerca, 1978). manuscripts survived, leaves some problems open. In particular it is possible that there was onlyCamillo one Re professor (see above, of canon n. 7). law, In reality, and two the of traditioncivil law; ofsome the manuscriptstext of the statutes, add a lectura of which of Dige- four stum vetus, but do not mention that of the Codex; it is also surprising that there is no teaching of the Decretum Gratiani. In this regard see some observations in Schwarz, Kurienuniversität, where however the importance of the city statutes for the history of the Studium Urbis is underestimated. Cfr. Andreas Rehberg, and Anna Modigliani, Cola di Rienzo e il comune di Roma, II. Anna Modigliani, L’eredità di Cola di Rienzo. Gli statuti del Comune di popolo e la riforma di Paolo II (Roma, Roma nel Rinascimento, 2004); Paola Pavan, “Intorno agli Statuti di Roma del 1363”, Bollettino della Deputazione di storia patria per l’Umbria Roma 1347-1527. Linee di un’evoluzione , 112 (2015), 367-388; Sandro Notari, “Statuti di Roma tra governo repubblicano e signoria pontificia”, in , Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi Roma 13-15 novembre 2017, eds. Massimo Miglio, and Isa Lori Sanfilippo (Roma, Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo, 2020),CIAN, 24/1 157-176. (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 20 CARLA FROVA

by another city magistrature, the Executores iustitiae, by four councilors, by thirteen whorty men chosen to represent the districts of the city and by four students of law . As for the money with which the wages must be paid (in two installments),18 it comes from the tribute of the city of Tivoli and from the income of the customs levy of Ripa Romea, on the Tiber river; nothing more is said of the tribute of the Castrum Rispampani . The fourteenth-century statutes are the 19clearest evidence of the Ro- man municipality’s desire to place the Studium under its own authority: in this sense they reveal numerous similarities with the statutes of other Italian cities that hosted a municipal Studium, for example Bologna (were however the statutes deal with the materia Studii much more widely), or Perugia20. But, in Rome, the project that inspired the fourteenth-century statutes did not last long. The return of the popes from Avignon would soon radically change the balance of power within the city.

The Popes and the management of the Studium Urbis in the fifteenth century

- vations in the management of the Studium Urbis. At the beginning of the fourteenthDuring the century,period of Innocent the Schism, VII promoted we have ano reform evidence that offocused significant on cultural inno aspects, opening the university to the humanistic revolution; but he did not 21. Martin V was very active

deal,intervened as far toas allocate we know, to thewith universities economic mattersshares of income from ecclesiastical propertiesin university (e.g., politics in Italy, on fora European Turin, Siena, scale: Florence); specifically as regardson economic the granting issues he of

Renazzi, Storia, I, 104. 18 - pio 19mensis novembris et de pecunia reditus et proventus Ripe Romee, videlicet medietas in principio «[…] mensis quod salarium novembris debeat et alia eis medietas solvi de in pecunia festo Resurrexionis quae per Tyburtinos Domini»: solvetur Statuti dellain princi città di Roma, 245. 20 Studium: Statuti di Bologna dell’anno - In the Bolognese statutes of 1288, book VIII is entirely dedicated to the De Studio scolarium civitatis Bononie1288, eds. manutenendo Gina Fasoli. andGli statuti Pietro ineditiSella (Città del Comunedel Vaticano, (1335-1454) Biblioteca per Apo la tutelastolica delloVaticana, Studio 1937-1939); e delle Università for this topicdegli in scolari”, the later L’Archiginnasio, statutes: Giovanna Morelli, “ L’università a Perugia negli Statuti cittadini (secoli XIII-XVI) (Perugia, 76 (1981), 79-163. For Perugia:21 Erika Bellini, DeputazioneRenaissance Quarterly di storia patria per l’Umbria, 2007). Gordon Griffiths, “Leonardo Bruni and the Restoration of the University of Rome (1406)”, 26 (1973), 1-10.CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 THE FINANCING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ROME (15TH-16TH CENTURIES) 21

importantbenefits, its turning bull of point,June 7, particularly 1419, which in extendedBologna; thebut possibilityno such measures of enjoying are the benefits to clerics who studied22 all. Certainly, the disciplines, however, was the perceived reform ofas the an - known for the university of Rome theoffices university of the Curia,23. By thewhich early this 1430s, pope thecarried cardinal out decisively,chamberlain laid (Camerarius the founda), tions for a centralization of the administrative offices that also interested- ned the control of the city as a whole, while the Camera Urbis was in practice closelyhead of supervised the Apostolic by Chamberpapal authority in the 24papacy’s. financial administration, gai

- er of theA radical Studium revolution Urbis25. inOn the 10 financingOctober 1431, of the within university a few took months place of with his Eugeneaccession, IV (1431-1447),the Venetian Pope whom addressed universitary to some tradition high considersmembers ofthe the re-found Roman the foundation bull of Boniface VIII, but in the second contained a provision entirelyclergy and new to26 the municipal authoritiesStudium ,a instead letter, which of the in tribute the first paid part by reissued the Ti- burtini (evidently an unreliable resource, given the recurrent rebellions of this city), a new. To tax finance was imposed, the or rather a surcharge on the tax paid on imported wine, the gabella vini forensis. The tax rate was set at 20 percent, while

Studium with a budget which in the documented years is estimated at around the previous was 3.7 percent. The money collected isgabella intended on to the provide imported the

2,000 florins per year. We have to consider that the 22 Carla Frova, “Martino V e l’Università”, in Alle origini della nuova Roma. Martino V (1417- 1431)

23 .Brigide Atti del Schwarz, Convegno “L’organizzazione Roma 2-5 marzo curiale 1992, di eds. Martino Myriam V edChiabò i problemi et al. (Roma,derivanti Istituto dallo Scisma”,storico italiano in Alle originiper il Medio della nuova Evo – Roma Associazione Roma nel Rinascimento, 1992), 187-203. 24 Maria Luisa Lombardo, La Camera Urbis. Premesse per uno studio sulla organizzazione amministrativa della città di Roma durante, 327-345. il pontificato di Martino V (Roma, Il centro di Camera Urbis in the Luciano Palermo, Un conflitto man- ricerca,cato: l’emarginazione 1970). From adella general Camera point Urbis of view, nel XVthe secolo marginalization, in Congiure of e the conflitti. L’affermazione dellafifteenth signoria century pontificia is underlined su Roma by nelthe Rinascimento:stimulating paper politica, of economia e cultura. Atti del con- vegno25 Alfonsus internazionale Ciaconius, Roma Vitae 3-5 dicembreet gesta summorum 2013, eds. PontificumMyriam Chiabò, […] necnon Maurizio S.R.E Gargano, Cardinalium Anna Modigliani and Patricia Osmond (Roma, Roma nel Rinascimento, 2014), 39-54. 26 Renazzi, Storia (Romae, apud Stephanum Paulinum, 1601),iter 906. of the document in the papal chancellery and underlines the importance, I, 117-118 of this and analysis 274-276 in interpreting (edition); Schwarz, it correctly. “Produkte der pāpstlichen Kanzlei…”, 1-33 describes the complicated CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 22 CARLA FROVA

wine or gabella Studii constituted a relevant quota (around a third) of the indirect taxes collected in Rome . To give an example, let’s see how much the funding of the Studium Urbis 27

weighed on this tax income in 1479. Revenues of indirect taxes collected by the Camera Urbis in 1479

a) gabella vini forensis or gabella Studii (tax on

Studium); b) importedgabella vini wine, (tax to on be wine used produced for the financing within the of the territory of Rome); c) Other gabellae.

ASR, Camera Urbis Dalla dogana , regg. 99, 116; see Lombardi, cit. (n. 17), p. 135.

asset wouldIn a financing occur at system the annual that closinghas acquired of the abudget. certain In stability a second – apparently bull of Fe- for the first time –, it was possible to foresee the after eventuality having paid that the a residualsalaries of the professors and all other expenses that were28 needed for the functioning ofbruary the Studium 7, 1432, thethe popeReformatores disposes mustas follows: use the residuals for the purpose of building and operating a college for poor students . The bull stresses that the consent of the city authorities – Conservatores 29and three of the Capita- regionum30 – is always required in all decisions relating, such as this, to the allocation of the university funds. Even in a phase of advanced centralization of papal power, it is important that the legal formalities to be observed and the language of the chancellery continue to present the Studium Urbis as an

a budget surplus, this too is probably a propaganda motive: in fact we have no institution strongly linked to the municipal authorities. As for the forecast of Daniele Lombardi, Dalla dogana alla taverna. Il vino a Roma alla fine del medioevo 27 Studium Urbis nel Storia della Facoltà, 35-54. (Roma, The Roma bull nelis edited Rinascimento, in Giuseppe 2018). Maria Cfr. Carafa, Ivana De Ait, Gymnasio “Il finanziamento Romano et dello eius professoribus (Ro- XV secolo:28 iniziative pontificie e interventi dell’élite municipale”, in

scholaribusmae,29 typis Antonii construi, Fulgonii aedificari, apus S.possessionesque Eustachium, 1751, et domosrepr. Bologna, vel alia Forni, immobilia 1971): bona II, 576-579. ad ipsius domus«[…] seu collegii domum opus seu emere». habitationemCarafa, De aut Gymnasio collegium pro pauperibus inibi collocandis 30 The capitaregionum headed the 13 administrative districts into which the city was divided; for the conservatores see above, n. 15. Romano, II, 578-579.

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 THE FINANCING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ROME (15TH-16TH CENTURIES) 23 that at this point, disposing the allocation of university funds, the pope no proof that a university college ever worked in those years. It is true, however,

IVlonger buildings thinks to only be used of the as schoolssalaries wereof the bought professors. near the Reissuing church of37 S. years Eustachio later the bull of 1432, Paul II will rememberStudium that during»31. The the ideapontificate that the of city Eugene university should have a permanent home is thus connected with its regular funding;«at the at expense the same of time the thoseaforementioned buildings must be the visible sign, in the city space, of the importance of this institution. An institution to which, from several

In fact, however, discontinuity will long remain one of the characte- risticspoints of view,the Studium Eugene UrbisIV’s project - as indeed aims to many ensure other in the aspects first place of the stability. life of a city whose government depends on the alternation of pontificates. We do32. notThis know statement whether is actually Eugene intended IV’s successor, to justify Nicholas his decision V, further to relieve increased the theca- university’s funding, as he claims he did in a document dated July 15, 1447 Romans, but it is not supported by documentary evidence33. nons ofThe St. historyPeter from of the the Roman obligation university to finance under the successivestudies abroad popes of showsyoung - ding. At the time of Pius II, the Capitoline Chamber, burdened with many expenses,that Eugene was IV’s unable reforms to ensure had not an definitivelyadequate salary resolved for professors, the problem who of confun- sequently neglected or abandoned teaching. The Conservatores address a pe- chairs34. Sixtus IV is consigned to the history of the University of Rome as the popetition whoto the systematically pope, who finds stole no resources other solution from than the Studiumto reduce the number of and above all the grandiose building sites destined to profoundly transform the face of the city. According to the chronicler Stefano Infessura to finance - who giveswars voice to a widespread sentiment in the milieu of municipal Rome - this pope

31 Renazzi, Storia, I, 126. 32 Collectionis bullarum, brevium, aliorumque diplomatum Sacrosanctae Basilicae Vatica- nae tomus II. Ab Urbano V ad Paulum III Domi- nicus Georgius, Vita Nicolai V pont. max. Alexis Gauvain, Il Capitolo di San Pietro in Vaticano (Romae, dalle Jo. origini Maria Salvioni,al XX secolo 1750),, II. Il 114-115; patrimonio cfr., (Città del Vaticano, ECV – Edizioni Capitolo Vaticano, (Romae, 2011), ex Typographia 613. Palearinorum, 1742); 33 The only other document of Nicholas V dealing with the Studium Urbis of the Bonifacius VIII’s foundation bull. Renazzi, Storia 34 Renazzi, Storia breve Paul is II, a publishingconfirmation in , I, 277-278. , I, 192; the of 1458 is edited at p. 280 doc. ix. 1469 a new edition of the statutes of Rome (see above, at n. 7), confirms all the provisions of EugeneCIAN, 24/1 IV (2021), concerning 14-33. DOI: the https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 Studio, explicitly mentioning those relating to financing. 24 CARLA FROVA

mistreated were the university professors, who were repeatedly denied the salaryshowed promised great greed to them and utterby the lack pope of speechtogether in with financial the Camerarius matters. The and most the Reformatores. In reality, the source itself suggests that the pope was rather

for the Studio with extraordinary donations35. On the other hand, it is preci- reproached for not remedying the chronic insufficiency of ordinary funding Studium ensuresely during the paymentthe pontificate of professors. of Sixtus AmongIV that wethe haveregisters some of of the the Camerarare extant Ur- bisevidences of how the financing of the actually worked in order to

the, gabellaa series Studiiof accounting36 records kept in the State Archives of Rome, only five, in the fifteenth century, account for the payments of professors from 37 : three of them concern theStudium years under1473-1474 the successor and 1481- of 1484 . In tese years the funding ranged from 2.000 to 3.000 florins. Little is knownwhat his about predecessor the economic had refused situation to do:of the draw on the funds of the Apostolic Sixtus IV; however, we know that at leastCamera on one Urbisoccasion. An Innocent important VIII chan did- ge in the spending strategies of the university funds occurred38 with Alexan- derChamber VI. As to we remedy have seen, the difficulties Eugene IV of had the already thought of allocating some resources to the construction of buildings for university schools. Now the Borgia pope spends a huge amount of money on the project of a new gran-

diose building. Between the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning aspectsof the new of thecentury, enterprise work startedare documented on what, completedby two motuproprio and modified of the over pope; the centuries, we still know today as the “Palazzo della Sapienza”. The financial

system,these documents i.e. from the prove tax leviedthat the on moneythe proceeds (one thousand from the saleducats of the in 1497imported and another thousand the year after) came from the university’s usual financing

35 In Infessura’s opinion, the pope’s behavior was particularly unfair towards the profes-

- ciperesors «quibus et insolutos per eum dimittere, una cum et camerariopecunias debitas et reformatoribus ad illud exercitium salaria statutaac per eum sunt. sepissime Ipse promisit pro- missasse velle illis omnino denegare solvere, et in et alios postquam usus convertere»: ab eis servitium Stefano recepit, Infessura, in fine Diario anni dellanon puduit città di eos Roma de,

civil law for a long time in the Studium Urbis ed. Oreste36 Tommasini (Roma, Forzani e C. 1890), 158. It should be noted that Infessura taught Archivio di Stato di Roma, Camera Urbisunder Sixtus IV: Dorati da Empoli, “I lettori…”, 117. 37 Bibliography above, n. 8. - , regg. 118, 123, 124. The other two registers (125 andRenazzi, 126) Storiaconcern, I, the pontificate of Alexander VI (years 1495 and 1496): Dorati da Em poli,38 “I lettori…”. 196. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 THE FINANCING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ROME (15TH-16TH CENTURIES) 25 wine in Roman taverns 39 Sapienza building came also. We - it have is said no - documentaryfrom a tax imposed evidence on the of Jewsa piece40. Ju of- liusinformation II showed that some is providedinterest in by the a literaryStudium source: Urbis only the towards money tothe finance end of the pontificate, and always dealing with financial matters. In a brief dated March 28, 1512, he confirmed the provisions of Eugene IV, canceling however the disposition relating to the financing of a student college; in a second one, on April 27 of the same year, he intervened to increase the budget of the Studio,41. dictating rules for its administration by the municipal officials and allocating the surpluses to the restoration of the walls and to other 42public. Shortly works after the coronation,Before the concluding, Medici pope let mepresents just briefly himself mention as the there-founder financial of aspects the Uni of- the reform of the university of Rome promoted by Leo X are carefully considered43 ofversity Eugene of RomeIV: the in same a bull will of November,happen shortly 5, 1513, afterwards in which for financial Bologna problems (bull of December, 10)44. In both cases. In this the subject, bull clearly he reconfirms expresses allthe the idea provisions that the success of a Studium - depends primarily on the financial commitment with which it is supported. Less than a year later Leo X reconfirms the same con Storia39 , I, docs. and ; 40 Paulus«de pecuniis Cortesius, vini De ad cardinalatu minutum dicti Studii»: boths documents are edited byDoes Renazzi, Cor- tesi, who 281, writes shortlyxi afterxii thecfr.197-199. events, under Jiulius II, refer to the tax charged to the Roman , ([Senis], Symeon Nicolaivigesima Nardi, 1510), imposed 104r. on Jews re- siding in the papal states? No tax imposed on the Jews by Alexander VI results in the volume ofJews, Kenneth which R. financed Stow, Community the city’s andCarnival State. celebrations, The Jews and or the to Fiscal the Foundations of Early Modern Papal State Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews. Documents: 1564-1521 (Stuttgart,points Hiersemann, out some documents 1982). On thewith contrary which Alexander VI requires the vigesima to the Jews of the Papal State, but among the(Toronto, purposes Pontifical of the levyInstitute there of is Medievalno funding Studies, of the university.1990), 1455-1460 here are no references to Cortesi’s information in Anna Bedon, Il palazzo della Sa- pienza di Roma ((Roma, Roma nel Rinascimento, 2016). 41 Renazzi, Storia 42 in Leone X. Finanza, mecenatismo,, I, 199-201. cultura. Atti del convegno internazionale Roma 2-4 novembre For 2016, more eds. details, Flavia I would Cantatore like to et refer al. (Roma, to Carla Roma Frova, nel “Leone Rinascimento, X e l’Università 2016), di 3-20. Roma”, 43 The bull is edited in Carafa, De Gymnasio Romano Storia, II, 30-31. In the opinion of Brigide Schwarz, - tuniversität, als die sie immer angesehen wird, ist dies nicht»:, II, 582-589; Schwarz, cfr. Kurienuniversität I, 198-200; Renazzi,, 44 Memorie storiche sopra l’Università«eine grundlegende e l’Istituto delle Konstitution Scienze di zur Bologna Stad 387. of Eugene Serafino IV. Mazzetti, (Bologna, tipi di S. Tommaso d’Aquino, 1840), 24. Also in this case Leo X refers to a document CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 26 CARLA FROVA

viction in a bull of September 20, 1514. Rejoicing at the sudden and extraor- Studium 1513, the pope attributes it to the fact that it was richly funded, and that pre- cisedinary rules flowering for the administrationof the ofthat the took budget place have following been established the provisions45 of

Sapienza: most of this second bull is dedicated to this topic. But the. mostWith a similar commitment, he now intends to restart work on therotulus Palazzo professo- della rum for the year 1514. The role is the result and the implementation tool of arepresentative grandiose project monument of restoration of Leo X’sof the university Studium policy Urbis 46is the

funding of the professorships in 1514 and in the years of. We Sixtus can notIV: the dwell num on- this document here: a first impression can be obtained if one compares the

ber of teachers is almost the same (101 in 1514 and, e.g., 107 in 1473-1474); graphsbut while below with allow Sixtus to IV, evaluate as far as the we criteria know, the by budgetwhich salaries never exceeded were establis 3,000- hedflorins, in the in 1514 various it amounts disciplinary to 12,250 areas: florins. As regards the role of Leo X, the

Number of teachers in the different Funding of the different disciplinary disciplinar areas in the rotulus of 1514. areas in the rotulus of 1514.

effort that the pope decided to face enabled the Studium Urbis to compete According to Paolo Giovio, a Leo’s biographer, the enormous financial

45 Success depends primarly on the fact that

1514 is edited in Carafa, De Gymnasio «vectigal Gymnasii Romani,Storia multis antea annis46 Gaetanoad alios Marini,usus distractum, Lettera. eisdem [i.e. to Roman citizens] restituissemus». The bull of Romano, II, 589-594; cfr. Renazzi, , II, pp. 28-30. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 THE FINANCING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ROME (15TH-16TH CENTURIES) 27 with the most famous Italian universities of the time, Bologna and Padua . 47- ment on the state of the Roman university is obviously not entirely reliable. MoreGiovio importantly, is a man of theletters happy who moment works thewithin Studium the papal court, and his judg was in any case an ephemeral episode. In reality, the pope did not succeed (and perhaps did not even intend to) endow the Studium experienced under Leo X- - ral patronage, which, despite declaring themselves motivated with financialby concern stabi for thelity. utilitasIts measures orbis christiani appear rather and the as profectusacts of a demanding incolarum Urbis undertaking et circumpositae of cultu regionis, have as very evident objectives both the promotion of cultural interests which Giovanni de Medici has cultivated since childhood and which he shares with a refined court, and the magnification of the person of the pope, of his family and of his pontificate. Research perspectives

I conclude with a brief reference to the commitments that await us for the future.

The research, in my opinion, must continue in two directions:

1. The registers of the gabelle. First of all, it is necessary to prepare a complete and reliable edition of those parts of the registers concerning the payments of the doctors. And then to exploit them more in depth as documents for the Studium’s economic and social history.

David Chambers, Egmont Lee, Cristina Dorati da Empoli, especially They were studied in the past century, in the pioneering worksmilieux of . More re- centlywith the they aim have of enriching provided thematerial knowledge for the of study the intellectualof some48 very inter- estingof Rome aspects during of the the second economic half life of ofthe Rome: fifteenth the centuryactivity of the mer- chants who contracted the collection of the gabella, which were in

ut neque47 Bononiensi neque Patavino, vel doctorum prestantia, vel auditorum concursu cede- re videretur»:«Accitis undiquePaulus Iovius, gravissimarum De vita Leonis artium decimi professoribus pont. max. [Leo] libri quatuor,gymnasium his ordineita instauravit tempo- rum accesserunt Hadriani Sexti Pont. Max. et Pompeii Columnae Cardinalis vitae (Florentiae, ex

officina48 Laurentii Torrentini, 1549), 67. CIAN, 24/1 Dorati (2021), da 14-33. Empoli, DOI: “I https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 lettori…”. 28 CARLA FROVA

; and recently the wine trade50 49 - manyphy that cases the greatregisters financial allow entrepreneurs us to build (as we have seen numbers, for a small. It is university, now necessary are quite to continue high), with working two aims: on the to prosopogra better place the problem of funding the university in the context of the city’s economy, and to analyze, for each of the doctors that will be possible to identify, what importance the teaching profession had in

2. Second resource to be valued: the Diversa Cameralia of the Vatican determining its economic profile and its social location. of documents from this series, has opened a road that remains still largelyArchives. to Thebe covered work of51 Cristina. Among Mantegna,the documents who ofedited the Diversa a small Cameranumber- lia, many are payment orders, with which the Camerarius of the Apos- gabella Studii to pay the salary to a single doctor. These allow us to enrich the prosopography tolicof the Chamber teaching instructs staff (unfortunately the officers multipleof the mandates, concerning not one but more doctors, have not yet been so far found for Rome). Camerarius petitions sent by individual professors, by municipal authorities, by Wethe canReformatores also see the of samethe Studium or minor officers responding to Studium and its members emerge . From this kind of sources the many grammarians)financial problems can thatbarely afflict survive: the those who are paid irregularly clairly, perhaps a bit magnified: poorly paid teachers (typically the an ad personam payment from the pope; or again: the contractors of thecomplain, gabelle and commit threaten irregularities to suspend or teaching; even thiefs a lucky in the teacher money obtains management; or the pope assigns the resources of the university for other

use, provoking the grievances of the academic authorities. - portance in the dialectic between the Curia and the city which we have said of at the Abeginning. final remark. This As situation, these sources mutatis testify, mutandis economic, can be issues found have in many great Itaim- lian states of the late Middle Ages, where the signore or prince is often faced -

with municipal claims that make a banner of the defense of the local universi , 35-54. 4950 Lombardi, Dalla dogana alla taverna. 51 Ait,Cristina “Il finanziamento…” Mantegna, Lo Studium Urbis e i Diversa Cameralia dell’Archivio Vaticano. Nuove edizioni di documenti universitari romani (Roma, Viella, 2000).

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 THE FINANCING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ROME (15TH-16TH CENTURIES) 29

- cityty and component its “municipal” of the tradition. university. This Because gives risethe totradition conflicts of that the cityrequire university repea wasted mediations. not so strong: In Romathe municipal those mediations phase of the were history certainly of the very Studium difficult (the for four the- teenth century, the century of a city “without a pope”) had not been, somme toute, very brilliant. And also for an institutional particularity: in Rome, that, happen in any other university: the chancellor of the Studio is here, from the origins,we must the admit Camerarius it, is not (or really the Vicecamerariusa city like any ),other, that ishappens the highest what authority can not of the Apostolic Chamber and summit of the whole papal administration52.

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CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 14-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6160 The Financing of Perugia University (14th-15th Centuries)

La financiación de la Universidad de Perugia (siglos XIV-XV)

Stefania Zucchini* Università degli Studi di Perugia ORCID ID: 0000-0001-9148-7958

Recibido: 03/03/2021 Aceptado: 23/04/2021

DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157

Abstract: This paper aims to illustrate Resumen: Este artículo tiene como ob- the funding mechanisms of Perugia Univer- sity in the Middle Ages, and how they have de la Universidad de Perugia en la Edad Media jetivo ilustrar los mecanismos de financiación- the institution itself. Perugia University was namiento de la institución. La Universidad de influencedfounded at the the origins beginning and theof the functioning fourteenth of y cómo han influido en los orígenes y el funcio century by the local government, which in the por el gobierno local, que en la segunda mitad second half of the thirteenth century had al- Perugia fue fundada a principios del siglo XIV ready established public Lectures of Physics de Física y Derecho a cargo de la ciudad. Par- and Law at the expense of the municipality. deltiendo siglo de XIII una ya visión había generalestablecido sobre Conferencias la relación Starting from a general insight about the rela- entre el gobierno de la ciudad y la Universidad tionship between the city government and the local, el presente trabajo analizará dos aspec- local University, the present essay will analyse - two different aspects of the University’s fun- sidad: 1) la relación entre la situación econó- ding: 1) the relationship between the city’s tos diferentes de la financiación de la Univer economic and political situation and the la Universidad; 2) las cuestiones más técnicas, mica y política de la ciudad y la financiación de

[email protected] de Historia de las Universidades, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 ISSN: 1988-8503 - www.uc3m.es/cian THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 35

University’s funding; 2) the more technical como los registros en los que se basa este estu- questions, such as the records this funding study is based upon. Palabras clave: historia económica y Keywords: social and economic his- diosocial; de financiación.universidades y colegios; historia de tory; universities & colleges; Europe history. Europa.

This paper aims to illustrate the funding mechanisms of Perugia University origins and the functioning of the institution itself. The analysis consists of in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and how they have influenced the role within the city’s institutions, which has been reconstructed on the ba- twosis of parts: the funds the first given deals by with the citygeneral government questions to concerning certain academic the University’s sectors, subject matters, and university professors. The second part deals with more technical questions such as the records this funding study is based upon. beginnings of Italian and European universities focused their interests on the mostUntil important the first half “cosmopolitan” of the twentieth teachers century, and historians on the most that ancient studied insthe- titutional documents about universities1. Instead, from the late seventies of the last century, historians’ attention has shifted towards the relationship between universities and local societies: the university model has been therefore interpreted as an important stage in the late Middle Ages cultural historians have studied the institutional and socio-economic contexts that haverenewal, conditioned and as a the socially origin relevant and evolution phenomenon. of the individual With this universities.new approach, On the other hand, historical investigations have also concerned the university role in social transformations2.

1 As an example, cf. Mauro Sarti and Mauro Fattorini, De claris Archigymnasii bononiensis professoribus a saeculo XI usque ad saeculum XIV Statuti delle Università e dei collegi dello Studio bolognese (Bolo- Chartularium (Bologna: universitatis Ex officina parisiensis regia fratrum (Parisiis: Merlani, Ex 1888-1896); Carlo Malagola, gna:2 N.Cf. Zanichelli,Manlio Bellomo, 1888); Saggio Heinrich sull’Università Denifle, nell’età del diritto comune (Catania: Ed. Giannotta, Typis fratrum Delalain, 1889-1897). 2); Università e società nei secoli XII-XVI. Nono Convegno In- ternazionale del Centro Italiano di Studi di Storia e d’Arte (Pistoia, 20/25 settembre 1979) (Pistoia: 1979; Roma: Il Cigno GG Edizioni, 1992 Cultura universitaria e pubblici poteri a Bo- logna dal XII al XV secolo, Atti del II Convegno (Bologna, 20-21 maggio 1988), ed. Ovidio Capitani Centro Italiano di Studi di Storia e d’Arte-Viella, 1982); Sapere e/è potere. Discipli- ne, Dispute e Professioni nell’Università Medievale e Moderna. Il caso bolognese a confronto, Atti del IV(Bologna: Convegno Comune (Bologna, di Bologna, 13-15 aprile Istituto 1989) per: I. la Forme storia e di oggetti Bologna, della 1990); disputa delle arti, ed. Luisa Avel- lini; II. Verso un nuovo sistema del sapere, ed. Andrea Cristiani; III. Dalle discipline ai ruoli sociali, ed. Angela De Benedectis

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157(Bologna: Comune di Bologna, Istituto per la storia di Bologna, 1991); 36 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

- ties and political power have been studied with particular attention to the momentsSpecifically, when a certain in the institutionallast fifty years structure the interactions has stabilised between or, conversely, universi

- weakened,pects have beenevolving done into3. In a Perugia,new system a large of power. record of registers containing pa- ymentsAt to least university for the professorsMiddle Ages, made few thisin-depth type ofstudies analysis on thepossible financial for theas late Middle Ages and early modern times4 - mation contained in these registers, supplemented with information from other sources. . This work is based on the infor

Payment methods used in Italian universities between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries

The different remuneration systems used in the first Italian universities will be briefly outlined, before dealing more specifically with the Perugia case. Andrea Romano and Jacques Verger, I poteri politici e il mondo universitario (XIII-XX secolo), Atti del Convegno internazionale (Madrid, 28-30 agosto 1990) 3 studied, limitedly to some disciplinary sectors or very short(Soveria chronological Mannelli: Rubbettino, periods; studies 1994). of The financial aspects of the universities of Florence, Siena, Rome and Turin have been Action and Conviction in Early Modern Europe: essay in memory of E. H. Harbison, ed. Theodore a general nature are still lacking. Cf. Gene Brucker, ‟Florence and its University, 1348-1434”, in Le finanze del Comune di Siena, 1287-1355 The K.Finance Rabb andof the Jerrold Commune E. Seigel of Siena (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1969): 220-236; William M. Bowsky, (Firenze: La nuova Italia, 1976; orig.Rinasci ed. - mento , Oxford: Clarendon press, 1970); Katharine Park, ‟The readers diat thegrammatica florentine a StudioRoma da according Sisto IV toad comunal Alessandro fiscal VI”, records Rassegna (1357-1380, degli Archivi 1413-1446)”, di Stato II, 20 (1980): 249-310; Maria Cristina Dorati da Empoli, ‟I lettori dello Studio e i maestri salari”, in Alma felix Universitas Studii Taurinensis. Lo Studio generale dalle origini al 40primo (1980): Cin- quecento98-145; Paolo Rosso, ‟Forme di reclutamento del corpo docente. I “rotuli” dei professori e dei Commune and Studio in Late Medieval and Reinassance Siena 4 For , aed. systematic Irma Naso analysis (Torino: of Alma the Conservatori universitas Taurinensis, della Moneta 2004): registers 235-268; and of Peter the CameraDenley, Apostolica registers, cf. Stefania Zucchini, Università e dottori (Bologna: nell’economia Clueb, del2006), comune 88, 91, di Pe-93. rugia - (Perugia: Deputazione Annalidi storia di storiapatria delle per l’Umbria,università 2008);italiane Daniele Sini and Stefania- Zucchini, ‟Il finanziamento pubblico dello Studio perugino nella Studiumdocumentazione e cultura della umanistica Came nellara apostolica Perugia (secoli di Maturanzio. XV-XVI)”, Con un’appendice documentaria sugli insegnamenti18 (2014): 126-137; del settore Ste “umanistico”fania Zucchini, nel ‟«aliquibus Quattrocento”, virtutibus Bollettino and eruditionibusdella Deputazione ornati»: di Storia patria per l’Umbria

CXVI (2019): 51-89 (68-89). CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 37

To frame the matter correctly, it is necessary to start from the corporative component of medieval universities. In fact, students and teachers’ universi- tates5 of late Middle Ages had a corporative dimension, which was perhaps the main element of novelty and originality of universities, compared to the monastic and episcopal schools of early Middle Ages and to those developed in other cultural settings, such as the Islamic universities. Students and teachers’ universitates were part of a productive society, organised in a corporative way: see, for instance, the Artes of central-northern Italy and the guilds of the German world. Teachers and students’ in- was considered a real profession: the idea that teaching could be one’s main incomeclusion inhad this begun general to occur context with is thevery city significant, schools of as the it meanstwelfth that century teaching and was fully developed in the universities6. Among these city schools, the Bo- lognese law schools attracted large numbers of students, who directly paid their professors with the collecta system . In the cities where spontaneous initiatives evolved into universities, the collecta7 system continued to be used. The same happened in the universities originated from student migrations. Stu- dium, the salarium began to be regularly used. Later, when the political institutions took over the management of the Bologna, the student universitates continued to be protagonists in the life of the TheStudium cases, while, of the at first least two initially, Italian the universities municipality are played representative: a completely in marginal role. Consequently, the collecta system lasted for a long time in Bo- logna, where doctors defended the collectae, because they ensured economic independence from the commune civitatis . Instead, in Padua a ‘mixed’ system was established, in which the salarium8 soon joined the collecta, which however remained the most widespread method of payment . In the cities where the Studia were founded by political9 power, such as Perugia, Florence and Siena, but also Naples, or Rome, since the beginning the main form of remuneration, although not the only one, was that of

5 On the distinction between schola, universitas and studium giuridiche e università studentesche in Italia”, in Luoghi e metodi di insegnamento nell’Italia medioevale (secoli XII-XIV), Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, cf. Manlio(Lecce-Otranto, Bellomo, 6-8 ‟Scuole ottobre 1986) 6 - tioned by ,Le ed. Goff. Luciano Cf. Jacques Gargan Le and Goff, Oronzo Les Intellectuels Limone (Galatina au Moyen [LC], Age Congedo, (Paris: 1989):Éditions 121-140. du Seuil, These were the medieval intellectuals who used to teach for a living, like Abelardo, men Cf. Bellomo, Saggio sull’Università 1957).7 Bellomo, Saggio sull’Università, 150. 8 Bellomo, Saggio sull’Università , 27. 9 CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157, 141, 148-153. 38 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

wages10 Studium represented an expensive but certainly successful strategy: on the one hand it guaranteed the control of the teaching. The staff,direct which financing no longer of the had autonomy from political power, on the other it represented an incentive for students, who could attend a course

Vicenza and Vercelli, used the salary method since the thirteenth century, howeverof study at not reduced systematically, economic because costs. Many in some ‟minor” cases centres, the public such asauthorities Modena, were unable to guarantee a constant functioning of the university institution; in others the city was used to pay only the most famous readers11.

- tmentsWhen to secure the Perugia renowned city teachers government and beganthe enrolment to work toof setforeign up medical students. and law courses, it immediately understood that it was necessary to make inves

The ‘Populus in Government’: the foundation of Perugia University and the structuring of university courses

Perugia University was founded by the local government at the beginning of the fourteenth century, although the municipality had already planned to create a local University in the second half of the thirteenth century12. At

10 For the history of the Studium Urbis and Studium Curiae

vicende istituzionali in età moderna”, in L’archivio di Stato di Roma in, ed. the Lucio fourteenth Lume (Firenze: and fifteenth Nar- centuries, cf. Carla Frova, ‟L’Università di Roma in età medievale e umanistica con una nota sulle Trecento e nel Quattrocento”, in Roma e lo “Studium Urbis”: spazio urbano e cultura dal Quattro al Seicento,dini, 1992): Atti 245-265; del Convegno Carla (Roma, Frova and7/10 Massimo giugno 1989) Miglio,, ed. ‟«Studium Paolo Cherubini Urbis» e (Roma: «Studium Ministero Curiae» per nel i - Roma e lo “Studium Urbis”: beni culturali e ambientali, UfficioKurienuniversität centrale per i beni und archivistici, stadtrömische 1992): Universität 26-39 (35); von Rino ca. 1300 Avesa bis 1471ni, ‟Appunti (Leiden-Boston: per la storia Brill, dello 2013); «Studium for the Urbis» cultural nel life Quattrocento”, of Rome in the in fourteenth century cf. Da- rio69-87 Internullo, (69-70); Ai Brigitte margini Schwarz, dei giganti. La vita intellettuale dei romani nel Trecento (Roma: Viella, 2016); for the foundation of the Naples Studium dello Studio di Napoli in età sveva”, in Il pragmatismo degli intellettuali. Origini e primi sviluppi dell’istituzione universitaria cf. Girolamo Arnaldi, ‟Fondazione e rifondazioni 11 Luoghi, ed.e metodi Roberto di Greciinsegnamento (Torino: Paravia/Scriptorium, 1996): 105-123. - ni nella For storia thirteenth-century delle piccole università“minor” universities, italiane durante cf. Carla il Frova,medioevo”, ‟Città in e «Studium»Le università a Vercelli minori (secoliin Europa XII e(secoli XIII)”, XV-XIX), in Convegno internazionale di: studi85-99; (Alghero, Carla Frova, 30 ottobre-2 ‟Crisi e rifondazio novembre 1996), ed. Bellomo, Saggio sull’Università, 144-145. 12 Gian Paolo Brizzi and Jacques Verger (Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino, 1998): 29-47;

Cf. Attilio Bartoli Langeli, ‟All’origine dello Studio: politica e cultura della città”, Annali di storia delle Università italiane 18CIAN, (2014): 24/1 13-24.(2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 39 that exact time, in fact, Perugia became internationally relevant for the papal curia’s stays. The mobility of the papal curia in the thirteenth century is well - te destinations of the thirteenth century. They resided in these cities for more known and much studied: Orvieto and Perugia were two of the popes’ favouri Perugia)13 than fifteen years (almost eight years in Orvieto and seven and a half years in- dens (providing. Hundreds housing, of people arranging arrived urban in the decor, city together and, in withsome the cases, pope. even constructingLike any new current buildings), international but they event, also provided papal stays undoubted involved advantages, many bur both from an economic point of view and in terms of image: any provincial centre could acquire an international resonance. In 1265, the conclave in which Pope Clement IV was elected was held - 14. in Perugia.In 1266, The when new pope the pope spent left the the first city, months the municipal of his pontificate principal in magistra the Um- briante, the city podestà, (from Albertinus11th September de Buschettis 1265 to15 19th, proposed April 1266) to the members of the major council the creation of a Studium, expensis communis16. In the second half of thirteenth century, public Lectures of Law, Arts and Medicine were Studium generale to the institution. From that moment on, the municipality tried to institutedincrease17 and and, improve finally, inthe 1308, Studium Clemente in order V granted to bring the Perugia title of closer to the most famous cultural centres. In Perugia, as in the other Italian universities, the two main disciplinary areas were Law and Arts & Medicine. The theological teachings, in which the University of Paris excelled, in Italy were generally given in mendi-

13 Annali della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia. Università degli Studi di Perugia. 2, Studi storico-antropologici Cf. Francesco Frascarelli, ‟La Curia papale a Perugia nel Duecento”, Arnolfo di Cambio, una rinascita nell’Umbria medievale, eda. Vittoria Garibaldi and Bruno Toscano XV, n.s. (Mi -I (1977/1978): 154-213; Stefania Zucchini, ‟Sedi della curia pontificia, 1198-1304”, in 14 lano:15 SilvanaAbout Albertinus Editoriale, de 2005): Buschettis 39-51., cf. Vittorio Giorgetti, Podestà, capitani del popolo e loro ufficiali Cf. a Zucchini, Perugia (1195-1500)‟Sedi della curia pontificia”, 48. 16 quod litere mittantur pro facto (Spoleto,Studii expensis CISAM, communis 1993), 87-88. undique per civitates et loca conve- «In reformatione consilii, facto partito per potestatem […] Item concordavit consilium nei Consigli e riformanze del Comune, 1: 1266-1389 (Perugia: Deputazione di Storia patria nientia».per l’Umbria, Sonia 2010), Merli 3. and Andrea Maiarelli, «Super Studio ordinare». L’università di Perugia

Due17 papi e un imperatore per lo Studio di Perugia (Perugia: Deputazione di Storia patria per Merli and Maiarelli, «Super Studio ordinare», 4-14; Maria Alessandra Panzanelli Fratoni, l’Umbria,CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 2009), 34-62. 51-55. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 40 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

cant convents. Law was typically divided into ius canonicum and ius civile: for

in all the universities of the time, including that of Perugia. each thereThe situation was a very of specificthe Arts canon & Medicine of texts, sector which was we more find almostcomplex, identical as the . For example, in the thirteenth century, in Padua, Bologna and Oxford, the18 qua- driviumArts sector varied greatly in the fields of study from place to place added to it. In Paris, students continued to learn grammar on the ancient was widely studied. In Bologna, Cicero’s rhetorical works were also- ne, however, was dialectics . worksIn of the Donato Perugia and statute Prisciano,19 of 1366, and on which more also recent contained texts; the the main Ordinamenta discipli Studii, the following teachers were included: three professors of civil law, three of canon law, seven of medicine, one of ars notaria legant et doceant gramaticam videlicet unus pro qualibet porta»20. The reference to the didactic action (docere) and to the portae (which and «quinque indicate thequi territorial divisions of the city) allows us to understand that these teachings - mar courses represented an intermediate level between basic and higher were intended for citizens and not for foreigners. It is very likely that gram went for the abacus education, and, indeed, there was no specific degree in grammar. The sameaba- cisti came to Perugia, fromprovided the Tuscan by the areacity21 statutes. starting from 1389 and attestedIn withthe Ordinamenta continuity throughout Studii, there the was fifteenth no reference century, to when the Arts: famous philoso - phy and logic were included among the courses provided for the medical curriculum, while in other universities they were part of the artistic syllabus22.

For the teaching of the Arts in the Middle Ages, cf. L’ensegnement des disciplines à la Faculté18 des arts (Paris et Oxford, XIIIe-XVe siècle). Actes du colloque international (Paris, 18- 20/5/1995) Facoltà d’Arti”, in Le Università dell’Europa. Le scuole e i maestri. Il Medioevo, ed. Gian Paolo , ed. Olga Weijers and Luis Holtz (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997); John M. Fletcher, ‟Le-

BrizziÂge”, Annales and Jacques du Midi. Verger Revue (Cinisello de la France Balsamo: Méridionale Silvana Editoriale, 1994): 103-138; Jacques Ver ger, ‟Remarques Jacques Verger, sur l’enseignement Le Università del des medioevo arts dans les Universités du Midi à la fin duLes Moyen uni- versités19 au Moyen Âge XCI (1979): 355-381. (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1982; orig. ed. 20 , Vendome:L’Università Imprimerie a Perugia desnegli Universitaires Statuti cittadini de France, (secoli 1973),XIIIXVI) 96-98. (Perugia: The quote is taken from page 97. Cf. Erika Bellini, Deputazione21 Cf. Zucchini, di storia Università patria eper dottori l’Umbria,, 103-105. Università degli Studi di Perugia, 2007), 15 e 49. The22 quote Cf. Bellini, is taken L’Università from page a 49.Perugia

CIAN,, 49. 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 41

In the mid-fourteenth century, the medical curriculum of Perugia Stu- dium was very rich: the previously mentioned courses of logic and philosophy were joined by medicina teorica, medicina pratica and surgery. The main division was between medicina teorica and medicina pratica: this division probably originated in Bologna in the sixties of the thirteenth century. Tizia- basa solo sul terzo libro del Canone, che costituisce un vasto trattato di pa- tologiana Pesenti generale wrote secondo about it: lo «Tutti schema i testi “de afferisconocapite ad calcem”, alla teorica, e su altrela pratica sezioni si all’dell’opera.opus, in grado,[...] La ossia,conoscenza di guidare teorica la prassi» è dunque23. preliminare e formativa alla praticaMedicine e la specificità was accompanied della pratica by stasurgery, nel suo which carattere in Italy di probably scienza formeddiretta 24. It is only from the end of the fourteenth century that physics became part of the medical syllabus25. a subject of study already in the first medical schools

Budget, professors and salaries in the second half of the fourteenth century: the universities shaped by the cities

Since the very beginning, the city government used to pay a salary to all the teachers of the Studium26 and to the students’ rector, who was considered to omnes et singulos doctores salariatos a dicto communi non servantes statute ipsorumbe at the etservice pacta ofinita the cum municipality dicto communi» and had the task of «inquirere contra University and the city resulted in the marginalisation27 of the student body. . This strong link between the

As already pointed out, in the first Universities, like Paris and Bologna, in 23 Tiziana Pesenti put forward the hypothesis that this subdivision was made by Taddeo curriculum medico”, in Luoghi e metodi di insegnamento Alderotti,24 active in Bologna since 1264. Cf. Tiziana Pesenti, ‟Arti e Medicina: la formazione del 25 : 153-177 (173). Pesenti, ‟Arti e Medicina”, 174-175. 26 ForPesenti, example, ‟Arti in e Medicina”,the city council 158-160. of 21 Inst Florence, physics has been among the teaching disciplines since 1357. Cf. Park, ‟The readers at the florentine Studio”, 253. July 1309 «Prefati domini potestas et capitaneus et priores Artium […] consituerunt et ordinaverunt prout […] Iohannellum Vaglentis nuntium addictorum promictendum priorum eidem […] ad salarium rapresentandum de quo fuerit et exibendum in concordia reverendis cum eo secundum viris doctoribus formam electis litter- per commune Perusii […] ad legendum in civitate Perusii in iure canonico et Decretum […] et Bellini, L’Università a Perugia negli Statuti cittadini, 52. Regarding the rector of the stu- arumdents27 communissee also Zucchini, Perusii Universitàeidem trasmissam». e dottori, 61-64. Merli and Maiarelli, «Super Studio ordinare», 26.

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 42 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

the thirteenth century, students would pay their lessons directly to their teachers using collectae, and, because of that, they could choose their own teachers . In Perugia, as well as in other municipal realities, students would not pay, or28 they paid very little, for university lessons. - laried by the municipality could request any form of contribution from local students,In 1319, in consideration the city government of the huge established expenses that incurred no teacher by Perugia that was for saits own Studium 30 29 had to pay a fee. Thisto the provision readers if was requested. reaffirmed The in amount the city of statutes this fee ofwas 1366 speci (I,- 276) , without any specification concerning foreign students, who probably pro collecta, sicut ab anti- quofied consuetumin the city’s est statutes fieri31. ofTherefore, 1400 (I, 216): whilst at Perugia the beginning students of couldthe course, attend each the foreignuniversity student for free, had foreigners to pay the had teacher to pay a gold a fee florin for each course, the amount of which, however, was not particularly high. As a term of comparison, bear in mind that to stay in the student house of Domus Sapientie a student had to pro medio tempore) and double for the six canonical years32. pay 40As or a 50 result florins of forthe a Perugia three-year University period (funding system, teachers could not be chosen by the students33. They used to be called by the municipal Savi dello Studio34, and they used to be paid, initially, by the Ufficiali

office

Bellomo, Saggio sull’Università, 141-143; Verger, Le università del medioevo, 61; Pierre Riché28 and Jacques Verger, Nani sulle spalle di giganti. Maestri e allievi nel medioevo (Milano:

Jaca2930 Book, Bellini, 2011), L’Università 128. a Perugia negli Statuti cittadini, 43. 31 Bellini,Merli and L’Università Maiarelli, a«Super Perugia Studio negli ordinare»,Statuti cittadini 122-123., 125. 32 - tesco della Domus Sapientiae Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven Stefania und Bibliotheken Zucchini, «Studenti, copisti, cuochi, panettieri. I tedeschi nel collegio studen 33 di Perugia (sec. XV)», municipality. Bellomo, Saggio 99 (2019): sull’Università 150-200, 143-145; (166-167). on Perugia cf. Bellini, L’Università a Pe- rugia , By43, the and end Zucchini, of the Università12th century, e dottori in cities like Modena some teachers were paid by the 34 On the Savi dello Studio L’Università a Perugia , 7-13. - office,Giornale cf. Bellini, di erudizione artistica pubblicato, 47-55, 78-80, a cura 117-118; della R. commissioneAdamo Rossi, conservatrice ‟Documenti perdi Belle la storia Arti dell’Universitànella provincia di dell’Umbria Perugia. Albo dei professori del se condo e terzo quarto del sec. XIV”, - ne di Perugia”, Bollettino della Deputazione di storia patria per l’Umbria 6 (1877): 165-166, 314; Danilo Segoloni, ‟OsservazioniUniversità sugli e dottori statuti, 11-12. del 1400 dei Conservatori della Moneta del Comu 45 (1948): 155-178 (156, 158); Zucchini, CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 43 dell’Abbondanza and, later, from 1364, by Conservatori della Moneta35. The

Savi dello Studio would appoint the teaching staff on a year-by-year basis, negotiatingeconomic and with educational the individual aspects doctores were and intrinsically magistri the linked. engagement Consequently, terms, including the amount of salary. From the second half of the fourteenth century to the beginning of the sixteenth century, the annual budget of the institution was approximately - tricted council chaired by the podestà. 2,000 gold florins and was set by the city council, more specifically by a res

Tab. 1. Perugia University budget (1364-1511) Università e dottori

Data in the graph are taken from Zucchini, , 27 (nt 83), 112, and Sini and Zucchini, ‟Il finanziamento pubblico dello Studio”, 126-137. For the following academic years, we have only partial data: 1444-1445, 1451-1452, 1455-1456, 1506-1507. - te with the nearby Universities of Florence and Siena. During the fourteenth With this funding system, the University of Perugia was able to compeStu- dium century, Florence invested between 1,500 and 2,000 florins a year in the , spending up to 3,000 florins in 1385; the Siena municipality, on the 35 On the Ufficiali dell’Abbondanza Bollettino della Deputazione di storia patria per l’Umbriaoffice, cf. Giovanni Cecchini, ‟PagamentiConservatori effettuati della Mone- dalla taCamera degli OfficialiUniversità dell’Abbondanza e dottori a lettori e al personale dello Studio”, 58 (1961): 129-138; on the CIAN,office, 24/1 (2021),cf. Zucchini, 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157, 175-183. 44 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

36. other hand,The investment set increasingly analysis lower shows budgets: that Law 3,000 was florins the major in the supported a.y. 1360-61, discipline,2,500 in followed the a.y. 1386-87, by Arts and and Medicine, 600 in 1398 with Grammar and Maths also in the

into account by this study common and canonical Law received more than 50%picture. of theMore funds specifically, allocated it to shows the University that in almost and almost all academic always yearsat least taken half of professorships. In the last ten years of the fourteenth century, the city

thegovernment sources ended. In this up regard, investing however, in Law it must disciplines be noted 70% that of these the University’s years were budget (1398-1399),37 with an average of 67.2% in the five years attested by mainly affected non-legal subjects, less related to the city than Law was. very difficult for the city, with the budget often suffering drastic cuts, which-

physiciansMore had generally, very high if among salaries jurists compared there to were other not less significant celebrated wage ones diffe and torences practical (often physicians due to career and progression),surgeons, who in werethe medical appointed field to some practice theoretical in the city as well as reading at the University and who often had rather modest salaries. For example, in 1365-1366 Iohannes magistri Nicolai de S. Suffia from Pa- dua , called to the Lecturae ordinariae while38 Durantolus If the University professors’ salariesof Medicine, were to had be acompared salary of 250to the florins, mu- of master Johan, reader of Surgery, had 10 florins (Fig. 2).

samplenicipal officers’year, the salaries, capitano it delwould popolo emerge, the thatpodestà the academicand the maggior career was sindaco less receivedremunerative for themselves than high-level and their public familia offices. In 1365, which was chosen as a

respectively 1,500, 1,450 and 700 florins for six months of work: therefore, the wages of the most important city public offices were much higher than the salaries established for the perprofessors. semester. The Finally, wages most of lower of the rank University’s officers were teachers more had similar a salary to those higher of the teachers: for example, in 1365 the city chancellor received 100 florins per semester doc- than the one 39given to the notaries, who received between 12 and 18 florins 36 . For example, in 1365-1366, threeCommune of the five and StudioCivil Law Zucchini, Università e dottori, 23. Brucker,Zucchini, ‟Florence Università and e dottori its University”,, 66, 113. 222-225; Denley, , 88, 91, 93; 37 On Iohannes magistri Nicolai de S. Sufia cf. Zucchini, Università e dottori, ad indicem. 38 For the capitano del popolo cf. Perugia, Archivio di Stato, Archivio storico del comune di Perugia39 , Conservatori della moneta podestà cf. Pe-

,CIAN, 13, cc. 24/1 6v, (2021), 13rv; 34-62. 14, cc.DOI: 4v, https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 9r, 11v. For the THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 45

Fig. 1. Salaries of Law doctors in the academic year 1365-1366 Onomasticon (unipg.it) > Institution > Insegnamento per anno accademico (accessed on 2nd March 2021).

Fig. 2. Salaries of Arts and Medicine professors in the academic year 1365-1366 Onomasticon (unipg.it) > Institution > Insegnamento per anno accademico (accessed on 2nd March 2021).

tores

earnedPerugia 200 maintained florins a suchyear, awhile relatively the salaries high budget of the inthree spite professors of an unfa of- vourableCanon Law political ranged and between economic 100 andsituation 120 florins that lasted (see Fig.for 1).all the second half of the fourteenth century. rugia, Archivio di Stato, Archivio storico del comune di Perugia, Conservatori della moneta, 13, maggior sindaco, cf. Perugia, Archivio di Stato, Archivio storico del comune di Perugia, Conservatori della moneta Zucchini,cc. 7v, 8v, Università13r; 14, cc. e dottori5r, 13r., For24-25. the , 13, cc. 10v, 11r, 16v; 14, cc. 6r, 7r, 13v. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 46 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

againstBetween the troops 1360 at andthe service1370, the of thecity Churchcontinued40. to invest in the institution, despiteTen repeatedly years later, resorting with an toeven very worse expensive economic mercenary situation armies following to fight the insurgency of Perugia against the Pope, during which, after a few years, the institution had ceased to receive funding41, the investments for the Universi- 42. This cost represented only 1.5% of total expenditure, but it still was a considerable economic effort43. ty fell to 1500 florins - perienced a relatively quiet period, and the University slowly returned to Starting from 1378, Perugia, which had a Savi popular dello government,Studio, who had ex been trying to reform the University, complained to the major council of the function, albeit with great difficulty. A year later, to the Savi – could not function or be renewed, as teachers would refuse to teachcontinuing without lack wages. of funds, The in Savi the absence of which the University – according- ties produced enormous economic damage to the municipality44. argued that the blocking of academic activi- 45, and this amount remained stable in all subsequentIn 1389, thestatutes, municipal up until statutes 1400 decided46 that the budget for the Univer sity would rise again to 2,000 florins . However, in all the years provided by 40the At thesources, beginning that of thesum fourteenth was never century, really in Perugia reached. military For costs example, were about in a third1391- of -

the municipal expenditure; in the middle of the century, they wereUniversità 67%. In 1365 e dottori (this, 24.year is tak en as41 a survey sample) the municipality spent about 30,000 florins for war operations (62,7% of- budget) and 2,616 florins for the University (5,6%). Cf. Zucchini, - tate ista In quocumque1376 the city modo, council nec approved concedere the alicui proposal aliquod of thesalarium merchant expensis consul communis «quod dicti Perusii, offi ciales eligendi super Studio non possit conducere aliquem qui fuisset offitialis Ecclesie in civi

nec intelligatur habere vigorem electionis vel conductionis fiende per eos, sed absque aliquot registerssalario legere of Conservatori teneantur et della pro conductismoneta did habeantur not attest et any aliter payments non». Merli for theand Studium Maiarelli, teachers «Super (Zucchini,Studio ordinare», Università 239-241 e dottori (the quote is taken from page 239). In fact, in the year 1376, the 42 43 Cf. Zucchini, Università e, 27,dottori nt 83). 44 Merli and Maiarelli, «Super Studio ordinare», 251. 45 , 26-27. Merli and Maiarelli, «Super Studio ordinare», 250. doctoribus «(…) et duximus magistris statuendum tam in medicinalibus quod Conservatores quam in artibus monete et possint, in theoricis teneatur et gramathica et debeant et [expendere] (…) omnibus et singulis doctoribus, tam in iure canonico quam civili, et etiam L’U- etiamniversità docendi a Perugia arismetricam vel abbacum legetibus in Studio Perusino (…) pro anno quolibet pro 46omnibus Cf. Zucchini, in totum Università usque ein dottori quntitatem duorum milium florenorum de auro». Bellini, , 69-70. CIAN,, 29. 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 47

. There was, therefore, a certain discrepancy between the statutory and council47 rules and the 1392 only 1,280 florins were granted to the University which the municipality could not free itself. practice, presumably determined by the pressing economic difficulties from headed by the condottiero Biordo Michelotti. During these years, university professorsBetween proved 1393 willing and 1398to give the their city contribution was ruled by to a save popular the municipalitygovernment from the gabelle’s contract, which had not yet been subcontracted, instead of from thatfinancial of wine, distress: as established in 1396 inthe their readers contract agreed. to receive their salary On 10th 48 ; the economic and political situation worsened rapidly. The critical conditions49 led the municipality March 1398to reduce Biordo university Michelotti expenses was killed again, in a cutting conspiracy the funds allocated to the various disciplines, and in particular to the medical ones. In - teo Feliciani, on behalf of the whole faculty, went so far as to renounce their 1399 three professors of law, Pietro Baldeschi, Onofrio Bartolini and Mat

Tab. 2 Università e dottori, 112. Perugia University budget (1391-1399) Data in the graph are taken from Zucchini, Cf. Zucchini, Università e dottori, 320. 47 in L’opera48 di Baldo. Per cura dell’Università di Perugia nel V centenario della morte del grande giureconsulto Oscar Scalvanti, ‟Notizie e documenti sulla vita di Baldo, Angelo e Piero degli Ubaldi”, Università e dottori Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (Perugia: Tip. della Unione cooperativa, 1901): 181-359 (353-357); Zucchini, , 30; Thomas Woelki, ‟Pietro di Francesco degli”, 49 97 (2020): UBALDI, Pietro di Francesco degli in “Dizionario Biografico” (treccani.it) Pompeo Pellini, Dell’Historia di Perugia (Venetia: appresso Gio. Giacomo Hertz, 1664; rist.CIAN, anast.24/1 (2021), Sala 34-62. Bolognese: DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 Arnaldo Forni Editore, 1968), 95-96. 48 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

salaries for the current year so that that money could be used for the most urgent expenses, but the situation got too bad, and the city surrendered to 50.

the Duke of Milan The fifteenth century: the university as a means of exercising power

Between the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century, unstable,Perugia institutional to an aristocratic framework government. was transformed: the city changed hands from theDespite municipal this institutional government, change, which however, was increasingly the city was weaker unable and to mainmore- tain the leading position in the political balance of central Italy – balance it had achieved in the second half of the thirteenth century but had struggled to maintain during the following century. - der the rule of many signori DespiteDuring changes the tofifteenth the governance, century, the upon city request lost its of political the Perugia autonomy elite, unthe , until its final submission to the Pope (1424).

UniversityIn January continued 1400, to Perugini be financed entered by budgetsinto negotiations that shifted with between Giangaleazzo 1.500 Viscontiand 3.200 on florins. various issues, including the University. In the submission pacts

year in favour of the University51. a clause was inserted, which established the allocation of 2.000 florins per- galeazzo Visconti’s death, Perugia returned under papal control. The pope let theThe city same continue request to have was madeits own to UniversityBonifacio IX with in 1403, the usual when, salaries after Gian and expenses, as established in the city statute52.

51 Cf.Gino Giuseppe Franceschini, Ermini, ‟La Storia dedizione della Università di Perugia di a Perugia Giangaleazzo Visconti Duca di Milano”, Archivio Storico Lombardo 90 (1963): 287-305. Trecento”, in Storia e arte in Umbria nell’età comunale, Atti del (Firenze:VI Convegno Leo di S. studi Olschki umbri Editore, (Gub- bio,1971), 26-30 I, 192 maggio and nt.1968) 1; Hermann Goldbrunner, ‟I rapporti tra Perugia e Milano alla fine del Zucchini, Università e dottori, 32. 52 Perugia, Archivio di (Perugia: Stato, Archivio Centro storico di Studi del Umbri, comune 1971), di Perugia II: 641-694, Consigli (670-671, e riformanze 692);, Comune e Studio a Perugia nel Quat- trocento 48Ermini, (a. 1400), Storia cc.della 172r-176v Università (c. 173v). Cf. Erika Bellini, , unpublished doctoral thesis (Perugia: Università degli Studi di Perugia, 2007), 180; , I, 192.CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 49

- cent VII 53, who was a pope particularly attentive to the cultural sphere, as provedIn by 1405, the fact the thatsame he concession advocated wasthe re-foundation reaffirmed by of his the successor, Studium UrbisInno, 54. hewhich received took placethe usual in 1406 requests from the local elite on behalf of the University. The sameWhen happened in June 1408 eight Ladislao years later, di Angiò when DurazzoBraccio Fortebracci became Lord manu of Perugia, militari 55. As soon as he came to power, Braccio showed interest in the institution by took increasing over the the city appropriations, which then tumbled again in the years he was at war with the pope56. just over a month after his death, Perugia surrendered to Martin V . As On 5th June, 1424 Braccio died in battle, in L’Aquila: on 18th July 1424,57 budget that had been allocated by the city statutes usual,the city the statutes, local elite the Ordinamenta asked the new of thelord students’ to keep universitas58the University and thewithin college the . Martin V agreed to keep

53 Perugia, Archivio di Stato, Archivio storico del comune di Perugia, Consigli e riformanze, Comune e Studio Storia della Università,

50 (a.54 1405), c. 10v. Cf. Erika Bellini, , 181; Ermini, Dizionario Biografico degliI, 192. Italiani 62 (2004): ); for the Studium On Innocenzo VII see Amedeo De Vincentiis, ‟Innocenzo VII, papa”, - tion of the University of INNOCENZORome (1406)”, VII, Renaissance papa in “Dizionario Quarterly Biografico” (treccani.it reformation by Innocent VII, cf. Gordon Griffiths, ‟Leonardo Bruni and the Restora- XXVI (1973): 1-10; Frova and Miglio,55 ‟«Studium Urbis» e «Studium Curiae»”, 35; Avesani, ‟Appunti per la storia dello «Stu- dium Urbis»”, 69-70. in Ricerche For the su submission Perugia tra pactsDue e toQuattrocento Ladislao DìAngiò Durazzo, cf. Claudio Regni, ‟L’amministra zione politico-finanziaria del Comune di Perugia nei suoi rapporti con la Camera Apostolica”,- rugia: una signoria annunciata”, in Braccio da (Perugia, Montone Universitàe i Fortebracci, degli Atti Studi, del 1981):Convegno 161-188 internazionale(169-170); di on studi the (Montone,Braccio Fortebracci 23-25 marzo Signoria, 1990) see Claudio Regni, ‟Il conte di Montone a Pe Storia illustrata delle città dell’Umbria. Perugia (Narni: Centro studi storici, 1993): 129-146; ClaudioErmini, StoriaRegni, della ‟Da BraccioUniversità da Montone ai Baglioni”,Università e dottori, 34. 56 Zucchini,, ed. Raffaele Università Rossi e (Milano: dottori E. Sellino, 1993), II: 273-288; regarding the University, cf. , I, 192-193; Zucchini, Dizionario Biografico57 degli Italiani , 327-337. - cani.it) On Braccio Fortebracci’s death, cf. Pier Luigi Falaschi, ‟Fortebracci, Andrea”, della Tesoreria Apostolica 49 di(1997): Perugia FORTEBRACCI, e Umbria dal AndreaR. Archivio in “Dizionario di Stato in Biografico”Roma”, Bollettino (trec della Deputazione; for the submission di storia patria pacts toper Martin l’Umbria V, cf. Luigi Fumi, ‟Inventario e spoglio dei registri Storia della Università 58 VII (1901): XXX-XLIX. CIAN, 24/1 Fumi, (2021), ‟Inventario 34-62. DOI: e https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 spoglio”, XL; Ermini, , I, 193. 50 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

of jurists’ statutes. All of them, however, were subject to the approval of the papal legate . A new era had began for the Perugia Studium. 59 -

traditionalMartin governing V, like his bodies, predecessors, therefore, did formally not suppress continued the to local exist, magistra but they were,cies, but in practice,subjugated strongly them tosubordinated papal officials to whothe representatives were given veto of powers. the central The power: the legate, the governor, and the treasurer60. Thus, a diarchic regime was established, in which the areas of local intervention were much reduced compared to the past, but not completely eliminated61 -

. In fact, «assunto il do Regni, 59 Alle origini della nuova Roma. Martino V (1417- 1431). Atti del‟L’amministrazione Convegno Roma, 2-5 politico-finanziaria”, marzo 1992 173; for Martino V’s University policy, cf. Carla Frova, ‟Martino V e l’Università”, in , ed. Maria Chiabò, Giusi D’Alessandro, Paola AlmaPiacentini, felix Universitas Concetta Ranieri Studii Taurinensis(Roma: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1992): 187-203 (190-197);60 Cf. Regni, Carla Frova, ‟Documenti pontifici per l’Università: da Benedetto XIII a Felice V”, in 61 For the relationship between central: 41-74 power (52-60). and peripheral power in the Papal State, cf. ‟L’amministrazione politico-finanziaria”, 173. La crisi degli ordinamenti comunali e le origini dello stato del Rinascimento, ed. Giorgio Chittolini (Bologna, Il Peter D. Partner, ‟Comuni e vicariati nello Stato pontificio al tempo di Martino V”, in

mulino, 1979; orig. ed. The Papal State under Martin V. The Administration and Government of inthe Principi Temporal e città Power alla in fine the del Early Medioevo. Fifteenth Atti Century, del Convegno London: di Studio British del School Centro at diRome, studi 1958): sulla civiltà 227- 261;del tardo Sandro Medioevo, Carocci, San ‟Governo Miniato papale 20-23 e cittàottobre nello 1994 Stato, a dellacura Chiesa.di Sergio Ricerche Gensini sul (Pisa: Quattrocento”, Ministero

Alessandro VI e lo Statoper i Benidella culturaliChiesa (Atti e ambientali. del convegno, Ufficio Perugia, centrale 13-15 per marzo i Beni 2000) archivistici,, ed. Carla 1996): Frova 151-224; and Maria Mario Gra- ziaCaravale, Nico Ottaviani ‟Le istituzioni (Roma: temporali Roma nel della Rinascimento Chiesa agli albori/ Ministero dell’età per moderna”, i Beni e inle Attività culturali. Direzione generale per gli Archivi, 2003): 11-26; Sandro Carocci, Vassalli del papa: potere pontificio, aristocrazie e città nello Stato della Chiesa, XII-XV sec. (Roma: Viella, 2010); Sandro Carocci, Lo Stato del Rinascimento in Italia: 1350-1520, ed. Andrea Gamberini, - ‟Lo Stato Pontificio”, in AnnaliIsabella della Lazzarini Fondazione (Roma: Italiana Viella, 2014):per la Storia69-86. Amministrativa For the relationship between the pope and Peru gia, cf. Christopher Black, ‟Commune and the Papacy in theThe Government English Historical of Perugia, Review 1488-1540”, IV (1967), 163-191; Christopher Black,Cinquecento”, ‟The Baglioni in Storia as e Tyrantscultura inof Umbria Perugia, nell’Età 1488-1540”, moderna. Atti del VII Convegno di Studi LXXXVumbri, Gubbio(1970): 18-22 245-281; maggio Christopher 1969 (Perugia: Black, Centro ‟Politica di Studie amministrazione Umbri presso laa Perugiacasa di S. tra Ubaldo Quattrocento in Gubbio e - Una santa, una città. Attie palazzo del Convegno della sapienza storico in nel Perugia, V centenario 1972): della101-116; venuta Rita a ChiacchellaPerugia di Colombaand Maria da Grazia Rieti, NicoPerugia Ot 10-12taviani, novembre ‟Perugia 1989tra Quattrocento e Cinquecento: un difficile equilibrio”, in 13-33; Regni, L’amministrazione politico-finanziaria Perugia al tempo di Alessandro, ed. Giovanna VI”, in Casagrande Alessandro VIand e loEnrico Stato Menestòdella Chiesa (Spoleto, CISAM, 1991): ; Claudio Regni, ‟Le istituzioni comunali a CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157: 229-254. THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 51 minio di Perugia, Martino V si rendeva subito conto di non poter governare senza l’appoggio dei nobili che detenevano tutte le leve del comando; cerca- ristretta oligarchia una serie di favori e di privilegi che ben presto rendevano alcuneva perciò famiglie di legare veri a e sé propri gli interessi arbitri della della vita classe cittadina» nobiliare62. elargendo ad una

Tab. 3. Perugia University budget (1424-1511). Università e dottori, 112.

Data in the graph are taken from Zucchini, -

III63. TheThe defeat difficult of politicalPerugia andbalance the subsequentthat ensued tightening marked the of historypapal control of Pe rugiaover the until city the led city to fiscalnew dynamics revolt in 1540, in the followed political-institutional by the war with management Pope Paul of Perugia. tight: this supervision was not implemented by supplanting the traditional On the financial level, since 1424 papal control over the city was very financial bodies, but by incorporating them into a wider and more articulated structure. Papal authorities – as Mario Caravale wrote – acted «con estremo 62 63 - ne della Regni, Rocca ‟Da Paolina Braccio in da Perugia”, Montone Archivio ai Baglioni”, storico 278. italiano - Cf. Rita Chiacchella, ‟Per una reinterpretazioneStoria illustrata della “guerra del sale” e della costruzio CXLV/1 (1987): 3-60; Rita Chiac CIAN,chella, 24/1 ‟Perugia (2021), 34-62. nello DOI: Stato https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 pontificio”, in : 369-384. 52 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

realismo, esercitando le competenze comprese nella superiore giurisdizione unitaria della Chiesa nei modi in cui tale esercizio era di fatto reso possibile dagli ordinamenti particolari affermatisi nelle varie regioni»64. In the transitional phase from municipal governments to lordly regi- mes, two extreme and opposite situations had the chance to occur relatively to the relationships between universities, politics and society. They can be summarised as follows: in some contexts, university careers represented a

for services performed at court (these were, for example, both the cases of Romefirst step and towards Turin) 65more; in otherimportant contexts, political universities careers, orended a form up of being appreciation controlled by the families of the municipal oligarchy, who considered the prestige

clout in the management of public affairs. linked to the academic world a sort of “compensation” for the loss of a real- minant power to oust the old ruling class from the university management When this aspiration was met by the firm determination of the do

and make the local university its own university – this was the case of Padua subjugated to Venice –, the66. two conflicting interests gave rise to a series of clashesIn for Perugia, the control the university of the institution, management which wasreflected part theof the general relationship climate betweenof latent politicalthe centre conflict and the periphery which led to a general growth in funding and a parallel increase in the number of courses. Schematically, it can be argued that papal interventions were of two

Paultypes: II, some operated popes, energetically such as Martin to directly V, Eugene control IV theand institution. Niccolò V, allowedIn the papal the local oligarchy to manage the university with ample autonomy; others, like Savi dello Studio operate with the traditio- nalage, prerogatives; therefore, opposite on the interventionsother, legates occurred:and governors on the intervened one hand, to pontifical directly provisions were issued to make -

regulate the management of the institution. However, no resolution was defi 64 Roma capitale (1447-1527). Atti del IV Con- vegno di studio del Centro di studi sulla civiltà del tardo Medioevo (San Miniato 27-31 ottobre 1992) Mario Caravale, ‟Le entrate pontificie”, in 65 - , ed. Sergio Gensini (Pisa: Pacini editore,Forme 1996): di reclutamento”. 73-106 (87). 66 OnFor the the contrasts Rome and between Turin universities Venice and Paduacf. the forabove-mentioned the management Frova of the and Studium Miglio,, cf. ‟«Stu Giu- dium Urbis» e «Studium Curiae»”; Rosso, ‟ Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova Università e Signoria a Padova seppinadal XIV secolo De Sandre, al XV secolo‟Dottori, Università, Comune a Padova nel Quattrocento”, 1 (1968): 15-47; Donato Gallo, (Trieste: LintCIAN, Editoriale, 24/1 (2021), 34-62.1998). DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 53 game of parts conditioned the life of the Studium for a long time . nitive,The and grammar it often met sector firm offers resistance a very from eloquent the local example aristocracy: of the 67negative this subtle re- by different interests (including the governors and legates’ personal ones, sults produced by overlapping powers and decision-making plurality moved- teenth century, the new humanistic disciplines were established in many Ita- lianwhich centres. did not In always Perugia, coincide too, both with the the governors position and of the the pontiff).local oligarchy During showed the fif

- tor,an interest humanists in humanist proposed intellectuals. by Savi dello When Studio an were attempt not accepted was made by to the introduce pope or humanistic disciplines, such as Greek and rhetoric, into the grammatical sec by the pontiff were rejected by the Savi. The reciprocal vetoes, together with theby the traditional pontifical consideration governor and, of vice grammar versa, asthose a basic proposed discipline, by the prevented governor the or development of the humanities sector at the University of Perugia . 68 leading sectors of the University, a gradual local opposition unfolded, which led to Withthe complete regard to monopolisation Law and Medicine, of all which teaching continued positions to represent by the expo the- nents of the most important Perugia families.

The Conservatori della Moneta registers

This short essay on Perugia University’s funding in the Middle Ages will be concluded with a brief reference to the sources. The procedures of the profes-

Conservatori della Moneta would paysors’ the remuneration salaries to the used University to be regulated professors for the in first two time six-monthly in the city instalments, statutes of half1366: at chaptersChristmas 279 and and half 313 at Easter, stipulated with that the revenue from the sale of wheat . 69

Zucchini, Università e dottori, 40-41. 67 68 Statuto del comune e del popolo del 1366 De salario doctorum, medicorum et magistrorum69 Zucchini, ‟«aliquibussolvendo virtutibus et eruditionibus ornati»”, 51-67. - vant et solvere teneantur et debeant sine alia, apodixaLib. I, chapter vel mandato 279, rectori et omnibus et singulis doctoribus, medicis et magistris: «Item [Conservatoresin quacumque scientia monete et et facultate averis communis seu ad quacumque Perusii] dent practicam et sol electis, conductis et conducendis ad salarium et provisionem communis Perusii omnes et singu- Statuto del comune e del popolo del 1366, chapter 313, De offitio offitialium super blado campionis las quantitates florenorum et pecunie eisdem et cuilibet eorum debite et debende (...)»; vendere tantum de blado predicto quod possint dare et solvere offitialibus debentibus solvere: «Item quod dicti offitiales bladi (…) debeant annuatim ante festum Domini et Pascatis resurrectionis CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 54 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

Fig. 3 Payment of the jurist Conte Saccucci (a.y. 1365-1366). Perugia, Archivio di Stato, Archivio storico del comune di Perugia, Conservatori della Moneta, 20,

et Vidensio ser Petri de Perusio testibus rogatibus. Dominus Conte ser Sacchy de Perusio legum doctorc. 24r: «Dieconductus quinto ad mensis legendum Iunii actumin Studio Perusii Perusino i n supradicto ad sedem loco ordinariam presentibus Codicis Gyrolamo et Digesti Nicolay ve-

contentusteris per tempus habuisse decem et recepisse annorum et habuitinceptorum presente anno me Domini notario MCCCLXV et testibus die suprascriptis XVIII octubris a dictis cum Francischosalario CC florenorum et Berardello auri conservatoribus pro quolibet anno supradicts manu solventibusser Iohannis ut Gioli supra notarii pro suo fuit salario confessus secun et-

dorum sex mensium secundi anni inceptorum die XVIII aprilis proximi preteriti et finiendi dei XVIII mensis octubris proximi venturi centum florenos auri de quibus fecit eis refutationem». In the period between 1365 and 1424, all the payments made by the Comune to the University professors were registered in the expenditure records of Conservatori della Moneta . In 1424 Perugia surrendered to Pope Martin V. From that year on, Conser70 - vatori della Moneta : there areCamera more thanapostolica 700 payments perugina, and a copy of the registers was sent to Rome. The study of all the sources from Perugia office became part of the . In the payments of the second half of the fourteenth century there was71 andconsiderable part of those information from Rome regarding led to the identificationthe duration of of another the appointment, 850 payments the subject taught, the total salary and any taxes imposed.

salaria predicta dictis doctoribus ad minus quindecim diebus ante dicta festa nativitatis et resurrectionis quantum ipsius valor ascendit ad quantitatem quam dicti doctores et rector recipere tenebuntur in festivitatibus supradictis». Bellini, L’Università a Perugia Zucchini, Università e dottori, Appendice A. Pagamenti ai lettori 70 On the Camera Apostolica , 45-46, 59. - 71 Alessandro VI e lo Stato della Chiesa, 195-272. (Atti del convegno, Pe- rugia, 13-15 marzo 2000), ed. Carla, cf. Peter Frova D. and Partner, Maria ‟La Grazia Camera Nico apostolica Ottaviani come(Roma: organo Roma cen nel Rinascimentotrale delle finanze / Ministero pontificie”, per iin Beni e le Attività culturali. Direzione generale per gli Archivi, Università e dottori, Appendice A. Pagamenti ai lettori

2003): 27-36; Zucchini, , 273-311; Sini and Zucchini, ‟Il finanziamento pubblico”,CIAN, 24/1 125-137. (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 THE FINANCING OF PERUGIA UNIVERSITY (14TH-15TH CENTURIES) 55

- mation. The fifteenth-century payments, on the other hand, contain less infor

Fig. 4. Cumulative registration of all payments to professors of the University (a.y. 1443-1444). Perugia, Archivio di Stato, Archivio storico del comune di Perugia, Conservatori della Moneta, - - di75, fuerunt c. 5v: «Infrascripti confessi et legumcontenti doctores, habuisse medici a dictis et magistri conservatoribus conducti etper pro Sapientes eis a dicto Studii Antonio Peru eorumsini pro fancello tempore pro unius eorum anni salario incepti et die pro VIII eorum octubris conductis proxime de preteritiquibus patet et ut manu sequitur ser finienAngeli

Guaspareis notarii dictorum Sapientium infrascriptas florenorum et pecuniarum quantitares secundumvigore cuiusdam stilum bullectini dicte camere; prefati Dominus domini Luchasthessaurarii de Ballionibus […] Dominus fuit confessusBaldassar habuissede Signorellis pre- predicto eius salario florenos septuaginta ad rationem quatuor librarum pro quolibet floreno dicto eius salario florenos quadragintaocto ad dictam rationem; Dominus Marchus Filitiani florenos centum quadragintaquinque ad dictam rationem; Dominus Benedictus ser Filippi florenos centum vigintiquinque ad dictam rationem […]». - construct the whole University teaching staff of many academic years, and subsequentlyIn conclusion, to examine, the Middle not only Ages the financial individual sources teachers’ allowed, biographies firstly, to and re their academic careers, but also the history and characteristics of the entire University and its relationship with the political institutions. Concerning the University of Perugia, the study of the various local sources,CIAN, 24/1 (2021), especially 34-62. DOI: thehttps://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 financial ones, have an important role: it allows us 56 STEFANIA ZUCCHINI

to sustain that the birth of Perugia University, promoted by political power,

tookwhich place the city in awas period forced of to particular face epidemics, splendour wars for and the an city.unprecedented Interest in the institution was maintained, however, even in the difficult years in

financialby Perugia crisis. citizens and had been averted for a long time, further enhanced the University,In the fifteenth as the localcentury, aristocracy, the papal deprived domination, of effective which hadpower been at fearedpoliti- cal level, reversed its ambitions on it. The sources relating to the fourteenth century show that all the Lords

funding. During the papal age, the budget and number of disciplines even increased.to whom Perugia The pope submitted used the confirmed University, the along previous with universitythe old municipal statutes maand- gistracies, which were never suppressed, as a relief valve for the local ruling class which did not accept the loss of political autonomy. The local elite, on its part, projected its interests and energies on the ancient city magistracies,

maxima glory at the time of the mourned municipal freedom and, for that verydevoid reason, of political was asignificance, matter of municipal and on the pride. University Furthermore, which had for reached the expo its- nents of the local nobility, starting a university career in Perugia could facili- tate a future career progression to the curia in Rome.

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CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 34-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6157 The Pope’s Universities: Sources and Research Perspectives on Finances and Funding in the Early Modern Period in Bologna

Las universidades papales: fuentes y perspectivas de investigación sobre finanzas y financiación en Bolonia en la temprana Edad Moderna

Maria Teresa Guerrini* University of Bologna – Alma Mater Studiorum

Recibido: 03/03/2021 Aceptado: 23/04/2021

DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158

Abstract: The contribution aims to Resumen: El presente artículo tiene - como objetivo proponer una primera pano- versities subject in the Papal State during the propose16th th a centuries. first overview Although on the there founding were nineuni universities in the Church State in this period, rámica sobre el tema de la financiación de las- the –18research is going to focus on the most re- Universidadesversidades en enel Estadoel Estado de Pontificiola Iglesia duranteen este levant and ancient of them: Bologna, Perugia losperíodo, siglos la XVI-XVIII. investigación Aunque se centrará hubo nueveen las más uni and Rome. The history of these three Studia is relevantes y antiguas: Bolonia, Perugia y Roma. La historia de estos tres Studia es bien conoci- wellanalysed. known, In butparticular, the specific regarding topic concerning this topic, ha sido ampliamente analizado. En particular, financesthe focus and will founding be on the has feature not been that broadly distin- da,en relaciónpero el temacon estaespecífico cuestión, de lasse analizaráfinanzas nola guish the situation in the University of Bolog- situación en la Universidad de Bolonia, du- na, during the early modern period, when the rante el período moderno, donde la tradición tradition of political autonomy of the town política autonómica de la ciudad condicionó en

[email protected] de Historia de las Universidades, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 ISSN: 1988-8503 - www.uc3m.es/cian 64 MARIA TERESA GUERRINI

conditioned the development of the Universi- gran medida el desarrollo de la Universidad. En ty. The condition of the sources will be a focal particular, se prestarà especial atención al es- point in the essay. These three cases could tado de las fuentes. Por tanto, estos tres casos therefore offer the opportunity to compare podrían ofrecer la oportunidad de comparar different situations and to verify the action of the State towards an increasing uniformity. Estado hacia una uniformidad cada vez mayor. Keywords: Bologna; Rome; Perugia; diferentesPalabras situaciones clave: y Bolonia;verificar Roma;la acción Peru del- management; funding. .

gia; gestión; financiación The financial situation of the three main Universities in the Papal State

Since the Middle Ages University corporations had their own budget. Gene- rally, University funding came from both internal and external sources: internal sources were matriculation and graduation fees, graces, dispensations, collectae -

. External sources were ecclesiastical benefices. Salaries,1. So gifts, different lega universitiescies, grants and had endowmentsvaried experiences were often in relation paid by to political the geo-political authorities context (kings,2. dukes Asor regardstowns) forthe the Bologna permanent situation, support during of thethe University early modern age, this

but many privileges were recognized by popes to the Senate (composed by aristocratictown was direct people), conducted to guarantee under a the local political ally3 Pontifical control since 1506,-

. We are therefore in the presen Onece of of a theseparticular new politicalprivileges situation assigned that by alsopopes had to significantthe Senate, consequences at the begin- ningon the of theUniversity 16th century, administration was in fact and the rightfinances to appoint until the University French revolution.professors

1 - ment and resources”, A history of the University in Europe. Volume I. Universities in the Middle Ages An overview of the situation in the Middle Ages is in Aleksander Gierysztor, “Manage

A history, ed. Hildeof the de University Ridder-Symoens in Europe. (Cambridge: Volume II. Universities Cambridge inUniversity Early Modern Press, Europe 1992), 108-143 and for the Early Modern Europe see Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, “Management and resources”, 2 For the Italian universities situation see Andrea Romano, “Dall’Università degli, ed.Studenti Hilde de Ridder-Symoens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 155-209. età moderna”, Finanzierung von Universität und Wissenschaft in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart, ed.all’Università Rainer Christoph degli Studi. Schwinges Modelli (Basel di finanziamento : Schwabe Verlag, delle 2005),Università 33-56. italiane fra medioevo ed 3 Sto- ria di Bologna. Bologna nell’età moderna. I. Istituzioni, forme del potere, economia e società, ed. Andrea Gardi, “Lineamenti della storia politica di Bologna: da GiulioOn thisII a Innocenzotopic see also X”, Id., Lo Stato in provincia. L’amministrazione della Legazione di Bologna durante il regno di Sisto V (1585-1590)Adriano Prosperi (Bologna : Bononia University Press, 2008), 3-59. Repubbli- ca per contratto, Bologna: una città europea nello Stato della Chiesa (Bologna : Istituto per la storia di Bologna, 1994); Angela De Benedictis, CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 (Bologna : il Mulino, 1995). THE POPE’S UNIVERSITIES: SOURCES AND RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES ON FINANCES AND FUNDING 65

(privilege previously recognized to the Riformatori dello Studio, a municipal institution)4: a local political authority was invested of a cultural power. Alfeo Giacomelli started studying the unique characteristics of the political situation in the early modern period in the University of Bologna since 1432, when Eugenio IV stated that the salaries of the professors should be paid with the incomes of the Gabella Grossa (a tax on goods entering in Bologna)5. This happened in the other main Pope’s Universities, at the beginning of the 15th 6, when the popes wan- n Perugia Martino century (like Rome and Perugia) - torited todella regularize moneta, the on chaoticbehalf of financial the Reverenda situations. Camera First, Apostolica i in Rome . Second,V centralized Bologna all andthe finances,Rome followed previously closely, managed with the by Eugenio the local IV Conserva decisions7 that rationalized the organization of these two universities: the Alma Mater Studiorum Sapienza of Rome was held with the new Gabella dello Studio founded on taxes on foreign was financedwines . with the Gabella Grossa incomes, in parallel the The three Pope’s8 universities had different characteristics: in both Pe- rugia and Rome, during the early modern period, the Camera Urbis (based in the Roman Curia) managed the incomes for the direction of the two Studia. In Bologna, however, there was grater autonomy and the administration of

the4 localAbout University the Riformatori was dello free Studio from see any L’archivio Pontifical dei Riformatori interference. dello Studio. Inventario,

5 L’Università a Bologna. Mae- stri,ed. Claudia studenti Salterini e luoghi (Bolognadal XVI al : XX Istituto secolo per la storia dell’Università, 1997). Alfeo Giacomelli, “L’età moderna (dal XVI al XVIII secolo)”, Dazio del Sale and, as a last resort, with all the (Bolognaduties of the: Cassa city. di Risparmio, 1988), 13. In case that the 6amount of money was insufficient,th the expenses forUniversities the Studio fundingwere paid and with management the The financing of the University of Rome, 14th- 15th See Centuries the papers), by Stefaniaanalysed Zucchini in the 8 ( TheHeloise financing Atelier, of the University of Perugia, 14th-15th Centuries(Lisbon, 22-24) and byOctober Regina 2018) Lupi by(Funding Carla Frova and financing( the University of Perugia in the early modern age). About the early modern period see also Regina Lupi, Gli studia del papa. Nuova cultura e tentativi di riforma tra Sei e Settecento (Firenze : Centro Editoriale Toscano, 2005). Stefania Zucchini, Università e dottori nell’economia del comune di Perugia (Perugia : De- 7 this topic see also Giuseppe Ermini, Storia dell’Università di Perugia, t. 1 (Bologna : Zanichelli, putazione di storia patria per l’Umbria, 2008), 39-53 and more in general in chapter 2. About Regarding the situation in Rome see Filippo Maria Renazzi, Storia dell’Università degli studi1947),8 di 262, Roma. 269-272. Detta comunemente la Sapienza che contiene anche un saggio storico della lette- ratura romana, dal principio del secolo XIII sino al declinare del secolo XVIII (Roma : stamperia La Sapienza romana nel Settecento. Organizzazio- ne, università e insegnamento del diritto Pagliarini, 1806) and Maria Rosa Di Simone, CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 (Roma : Edizioni dell’Ateneo, 1980), 43-44. 66 MARIA TERESA GUERRINI

The situation at the University of Bologna

Coming back to the Bologna situation, the next pope, Niccolò V, in 1450-51 lireset thedi bolognini number of per teachings year) . (46 reserved to local professors and 4 booked for foreigners)Until theand beginningalso fixed9 theof the maximum 16th century salary the for administration any professor of(400/500 the Ga-

- torsbella (two in Bologna for any was doctoral under College)the control10: in of thisa local way Treasurer. the University With Giulio economic II, in 1509, this control passed under a close commission composed by six doc the salaries at 26.000 lire di bolognini and increased the Gabella’s duties by powerlire switched di bolognini to the 11 .doctoral class. Clemente VII, in 1523, finally fixed For the whole early modern period the professor salaries in Bologna 8.000was therefore paid with the Gabella Grossa incomes and the members of doctoral Colleges deprived the ancient institution of the Riformatori dello Studio of their economic power12. Several local professors were paid with the incomes from the Gabella Grossa, while the few foreign teachers (doctores forenses eminentis scientiae) were paid by the Depositeria, a local po- eminenti were professors who had a great reputation and

chairslitical office.for eminenti The professors: Civil and Canon Law lectures were scheduled inan theincredible afternoon knowledge. and two otherSince eminentithe Middle professors Ages in Bologna gave Medicine, there were Philoso four- 13. Mariano Sozzini, the Younger, was in Bologna

phy and Humanities lectures Giacomelli, L’età moderna, 14. 910 In the Bologna Studium there were three doctoral Colleges: the College of Canon Law, the College of Civil Law and a College of Medicine and Philosophy. See Gian Paolo Brizzi, “Lo Studio di Bologna fra orbis academicus e mondo cittadino”, Storia di Bologna. Bologna nell’età moderna. II. Cultura, istituzioni culturali, Chiesa e vita religiosa, ed. Adriano Prosperi (Bologna:

11 Anton Felice Marsili, Memorie per riparare i pregiudizi dell’Università dello Studio di Bo- Bononialogna, e ridurlo University ad una Press, facile 2008) e perfetta 5-113, riformain particular 40-42. fondazione dell’Istituto e la Riforma dello Studio di Bologna”, Memorie intorno a Luigi Ferdi- nando Marsili pubblicate nel secondo centenario (Bologna della morte : s.l., per 1689) cura indel Ettore Comitato Bortolotti, Marsiliano “La 3. 12 See note 4. (Bologna13 : Zanichelli, 1930) th and 16th Centuries: Statutes, Statistics and Student Teachers”, Annali di Storia delle Università italianeAnuschka De Coster, “Foreign and Citizen Teachers at Bologna University in the 15 Gli Statuti universitari. Tradizione dei testi e valenze politiche,12 (2008): Atti 329-356; del Convegno Ead., “L’immagineinternazionale dei di docenti studi, Messina-Milazzo, forestieri negli statuti 13-18 universitariaprile 2004, e cittadini di Bologna e Padova (secoli XV-XVI)”, CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 THE POPE’S UNIVERSITIES: SOURCES AND RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES ON FINANCES AND FUNDING 67 the main eminente lecturer but Carlo Ruini, Andrea Alciato and Angelo Spa- nocchi were appointed foreign lecturers too. Among others, Romolo Amaseo and Carlo Sigonio gave humanities teachings. Usually in Bologna citizen lecturers were appointed the professorship and four chairs were assigned to non-resident, to build a reputation of the Studium. The same thing didn’t happen in Perugia where all the teachers were local. In Dallari’s list of professors in Bologna, in early modern period, foreign professors were about 40% of the teachers14. The number of foreign professors increased because of the high number of lecturae universitatis assigned to young foreign students to help them with graduation expenses (the salary for these lectures was 100 lire th teachers at the University of Bologna: about 40 chairs were appointed to citizens and the). At rest the were beginning appointed of the to 17 foreigners century (a there smaller were number about 90of chairsactive for eminenti and many lecturae universitatis for students)15. In Bologna there was a salary hierarchy, which is lecturae universitatis th century, the salary of a young teacher generally was 200 lire of bolognini and the salaryconfirmed of an ordinary by the pro - fessor could reach. 2.000In the lire first of half bolognini of the. The16 four doctores forenses eminentis scientiae were well paid: in 1530 Carlo Ruini received 4.330 lire for Civil lire16. The characteristic of the salary at the University of Bologna was that Bolog- neseLaw lecture;lecturers Giovanni earned Angeloa modest Papio, income, in 1581 while received the four a salaryeminenti of 4.250had a well- paid salary. The limited number of eminenti allowed the University to save money, which they used to increase the number of local professors. - th century when Clemente VIII introduced into the Congrega- zione Thedella situation Gabella describedGrossa seven for Bolognasenators, changed connected significantly to the Assunti at the dibegin Stu- ning of the 17

- ne e Collegi dottorali di fronte al problema dei lettori non cittadini nello Studio bolognese”, Studentied. Andrea e dottori Romano nelle (Bologna università : CLUEB, italiane 2007), (origini-XX 813-824; secolo) Ead. ,“La ed. mobilitàGian Paolo dei Brizzidocenti: – Andrea Comu

14 Umberto Dallari, I Rotuli dei lettori, legisti e artisti dello Studio bolognese (Bologna : F.lli Romano (Bologna : CLUEB, 2000) 227-241. 15 See my paper for the 10th - Merlani,scription 1888-1924). of foreign teachers in Bologna: Professors in motion. The mobility of Bolognese teachers in early modern period (in print). Atelier Heloise, held on 29-30 March 2021 for a detailed de 16 Andrea Zannini, “I Maestri: carriere, metodi didattici, posizione sociale, rapporti con le professioni”, Storia delle Università in Italia, t. II, eds. Gian Paolo Brizzi, Piero Del Negro, An-

CIAN,drea 24/1Romano (2021), (Messina 63-81. DOI: : https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158Sicania, 2007), 37-63. 68 MARIA TERESA GUERRINI

dio, to balance the doctoral power: this decision caused a lot of problems . The Assunteria di Studio was founded at the beginning of the 16th century to17 examine special issues . It was an extraordinary commission, composed by three senators, that became18 ordinary and permanent a few years later . The Assunti di Studio examined, on behalf of the Senate, the procedures related19 to teaching and the contents of the lessons. Every deal they have dealt with is also represented in the documentation of the Senate. As time passed the As- sunti gained more autonomous to the point that the Bolognese ambassador in Rome wrote directly to them and received a reply from them. The structural economic crisis during this century also exasperated - dio); between the doctoral Colleges; between the archdeacon (in Bologna chancellorthe conflicts of between the University doctors instead and senators of the bishop) (also through20 and thethe doctoralAssunti di Colle Stu- ges21. - tributedThe to archdeacon the funding Anton of the Felice Istituto Marsili delle was Scienze the center in Bologna of these22. The conflicts. arch- deaconHe was Marsilithe brother held ofthe the doctors well-known of the Collegesgeneral Luigiaccountable Ferdinando, for the who decline con

Giacomelli, L’età moderna, 14. 17 In order to be able to meticulously control all areas of public life in Bologna, from the 18 th century the Senate decided to found different commissions, and each of

first half of the 16 - nentthem commissionswas designated too. for Among a specific those subject. the commission The Assunti of were Magistrates selected representedby drawing lot the among most the senators and elected by the Senate. Their term of office was one year. There were perma rights granted to the city; other assunterie were extraordinary, ad hoc commissions, that were important, as it had the task of ensuring that the activity of the legates did not affect the Patrizi e comunità. Il governo del contado bolognese nel Settecento established Giorgio at Cencetti,the time whenLo Studio a specific di Bologna. need arose. Aspetti About momenti this topic e problemi see Angela (1935-1970) De Benedictis,, eds. 19 (Bologna : il Mulino, 1984). 20 Riccardo Parmeggiani, “L’arcidiacono bolognese tra Chiesa, città e Studium”, L’Università Robertoin tempo Ferrara,di crisi. RevisioniGianfranco e novità Orlandelli, dei saperi Augusto e delle Vasina istituzioni (Bologna nel :Trecento, CLUEB, 1989), da Bologna 336-339. all’Eu- ropa 21 An analysis in Maria Teresa Guerrini, Collegi dottorali in conflitto. I togati bolognesi e la Costituzione, eds. Berardo di Benedetto Pio – Riccardo XIV (1744) Parmeggiani (Bologna : CLUEB, 2016), 95-111.

Un monopolio imperfetto. Titoli di studio, (Bologna professioni, : CLUEB, università 2012); (secc. Ead., XIV-XXI) “Conflitti, eds. corporativi Maria Tere fra- dottori bolognesi, ferraresi e romani intorno a titoli accademici e professioni (1626-1795)”, 22 Marta Cavazza, “Riforma dell’Università e nuove accademie nella politica culturale dell’Arcidiaconosa Guerrini, Regina Marsili”, Lupi, Università,Maria Malatesta Accademie (Bologna e Società : il Mulino, scientifiche 2016), in 59-80.Italia e in Germania dal Cinquecento al Settecento Settecento inquieto. Alle origini dell’Istituto delle Scienze di Bologna (Bologna : , eds. Laetitia Boehm and Ezio Raimondi (Bologna : il Mulino, 1981) 245-282; Ead., il Mulino, 1990). CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 THE POPE’S UNIVERSITIES: SOURCES AND RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES ON FINANCES AND FUNDING 69 of the studies in Bologna23 and for the decline of the responsibilities of the Chancellor of the Studium24. th century, when the archdeacon Marsili directed his invective at the Colleges of doctors, the economic crisis hit Bologna and also theAt Gabella the end incomes of the 17 fell (from 65.000 lire di bolognini to 53.000) and the outputs grew as a result of a thoughtless progressive increase of the number of professors (according to wrong equivalence: many professors = grater fame)25 Rotuli, although they had been set at 4626 - . In 1677 there were 122 teachers registered in the the whole system . The solutions adopted was a snap block of teachings (that passed27 to lire70) di and bolognini a reform of lectures in 1713 that rationalized up over 44.000 lire . diBut bolognini benefits didn’t. last over time: from the annual resto red amount of 28.000 28 the expenses for salaries quickly grew revolution when the University of Bologna passed completely under the control ofThis the criticalState and financial here we situation are a synthetic was destined overview to stay on untilthe mainthe French documents, kept in Bologna archives, about this subject. The financial sources

Many magistrates were mobilized to support the complex organization of the University in Bologna 29 documents from the doctoral. Each Colleges of the offices (civil andhad itscanon own law, archive, medicine and today and philosophy)all their documents and from are the mainly Universities kept at of the students local State (universitates Archive. Wescholarium can find)

23 Anton Felice Marsili, Memorie per riparare i pregiudizi dell’Università dello Studio di Bo- logna, e ridurlo ad una facile e perfetta riforma. 24 Anton Felice Marsili, Delle prerogative del Cancellierato Maggiore dello Studio generale di Bologna carico depositato nell’Arcidiacono della Metropolitana di essa Città raccolte da monsignore Antonio Felice Marsili moderno Arcidiacono, e Maggior Cancelliere See Lupi, Gli studia del papa, 62-66. 25 Giacomelli, L’età moderna, 20. (Bologna : s.l., 1692). 26 Ibidem. Franca Baldelli, “Tentativi di regolamentazione e riforme dello Studio bolognese nel Set- tecento”,27 Il Carrobbio Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Assunteria di Studio, Diversorum amount28 was 44060.14.11 10 (1984): (in a local 10-26. monetary system based on lire bolognine, soldi, denari). A detailed description of the magistrates involved in the local , Studium b. 93: the can exact be found annual in Cencetti,29 Lo Studio di Bologna. Aspetti momenti e problemi (1935-1970), 313-344.

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 70 MARIA TERESA GUERRINI

Studio collection. Other documents are stored in the collections of the Riformatori dello Studio, Congregazione di Gabella Grossa and Assunteriathat are kept di inStudio the . Finally there are numerous documentary traces in the archives of the Comune, in particular in the archive that belonged to the Sen-

references between all these documents. ate. In order to study finances of the University it is necessary to make cross a great authority managing the University. In the middle of the 14th century studentsIn thestarted late medieval having less period autonomy the office after of thethe Riformatori Comune (the dello Municipality) Studio had had gained more responsibilities in Studio. A sign of this change came with the creation of the judiciary of the Riformatori dello Studio, which originate from Anziani)30. From then on, the students could not choose professors. They were elected by the Reformes who were responsiblethe municipal for office drawing of the up Elders the Rotuli (the (the annual lists of teachers with the timetable of courses, one for lawyers and another for artists) that were pu-

- sentblished and and those hung who in did various not have places enough in town. students. This judiciary The report, also called had the punctatio task of, monitoring the work of professors, penalizing those who were frequently ab punctator. This collection of documents is therefore important because they provideestablished information a fine that with was a the focus exact on amountthe teaching of a day’s activities salary in imposed the University, by the the lists of professors, the penalties imposed on them that had repercussions on their wages, which were paid every three months, four time a year, and for this reason were called quartironi. These documents stated, next to the name of each professor, their annual salary and the total amount of the punctationes. The authorization to the depositary of the Gabella Grossa to issue the payment is in a footnote at the bottom of the document. This collection is very important for the studies on the University of Bologna because we can compare wages, read the complete list of professors and understanding the changes that

betweenoccurred thethroughout Rotuli and a year the forQuartironi: each course it would (fines, be reserved useful to seats, cross a referencerecord of retired and deceased professors). For this reason we often findRiformatori inconsistencies dello Studio collection31, in order to have a better understanding of reality. between these two series of documents, that are kept in the

30 L’Archivio dei Riformatori dello Studio. Inventario. 31 Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Riformatori dello Studio, Rotuli dei lettori (1438-1800), b. 2-13; Quartironi degli stipendi Puntationi dei lettori (1465-1513,

(1461-1796), b. 38-55; 1702-1795), b. 15-22. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 THE POPE’S UNIVERSITIES: SOURCES AND RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES ON FINANCES AND FUNDING 71

Many other sources, about the economic life of Bologna University, are Congregazione di Gabella Gros- sa, Studio and Assunteria di Studio. kept in these three documentary collections:the documents about the expenses of the Studio that consists in the statements of incomes and expenses for The State ArchiveLibri of Bologna giornale keeps and Libri mastri with the detail of each item held in the Fondo of the Congregazione di Gabella Grossa)32, the lists of therates period (Tariffari 1600-1797 ( Fondo Studio), the lists of paid persons (Salariati conserved in the Fondo Assunteria di Studio that show how many University kept in the also the writer and the printer of the Rotuli, the writer of calendars, the wri- terpeople of the were quartironi paid with, the the anatomist money taken and thefrom anatomy the Gabella: ceremony, the teachers the lecture but universitatis held by good students, the guardian of the Schools, the guardian of the Botanic Garden – il Giardino de’ Semplici)33. In particular a group of sheets could be interesting because they th century the Congregazione di Gabella Grossa paid the rent of houses des- speaktined toabout host the the Archiginnasio University lessons. building In costs. 1561 Before the vicelegato the middle Pier of theDonato 16 Cesi34 decided to build a new seat for Schools near the church of San Pe- tronio, to better control the students. The Pope didn’t pay anything for this project. The whole costs in fact were leaning against the Gabella Grossa. The Archiginnasio was opened in 1563 and the Gabella spent 63.502 lire di bolognini (corresponding to approximately 14.000 Roman scudi) on the building process35. In addition, each month the Gabella sindaci should pay 146 lire di bolognini to the San Petronio church for the rent of the domain and for the Archiginnasio facilities maintenance and 10 lire di bolognini to the bidello (beadle) of the Schools36. The building continued to be property of Gabella Grossa who forbade the Senate to place an epigraph in the memory of the founding.

32 Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Congregazione di Gabella Grossa, Spese di Studio, b. 55. 33 Ivi, Studio, b. 204, 231, 231bis, Tariffe, statuti e capitoli di Gabella (1580-1678) and As- sunteria di Studio, Salariati 34 Cesi was the bishop of Narni and in Bologna he replaced the legato Carlo Borromeo involved in ecclesiastical affairs,, b. 5, on7, 92behalf (1400-1748, of the Pope, 1790-1797). in both Milan and Rome. 35 Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Congregazione di Gabella Grossa, Diversorum beadle was Gherardo da Panico (on the bidello rule see Antonio Ivan Pini, “Per una storia so- Studio, università e città, b. nel 96. medioevo The first bolognese ciale36 dell’Università: Ivi, Assunteria dii bidelli Studio, bolognesi Diversorum nel XIII secolo”, (Bologna : CLUEB, 2005), 288-323. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158, b. 96, 5. 72 MARIA TERESA GUERRINI

The expenses for wall decorations, with students’ coat of arms, instead were paid with the Collecta Nivis (a tax paid by the city authorities to student representatives . Another chapter in this overview on the economy of37 the Pope’s Univer- sities, with a focus specifically on Bologna, for could the first winter snowfall) for the doctorate. In Bologna there were a lot of opportunities. The licentia, lower than a doctoral degree, was almostbe opened completely speaking rejected about in thethe earlyexpenses modern period. On the contrary the Bolognese title became a requirement for local students. It had high costs, about 50 roman scudi, which corresponded to 225 lire bolognine, for the private and the public exam (a requirement from the doctors from Bologna in order to teach at the Alma Mater Studiorum) . About 1/3 less was required from foreign students in order to get the degree38 : the reason for the lower fee was that the forensium doctorate were excluded39 from the opportunity to teach in the Bolognese Studium. Some institutions could propose students to gain a doctorate free of charge and other students could 40. The costs of the doctorate also refer to the division of money earned by the doctorate exclusively among the members of the exam com- askmissions: for handouts the doctoral Colleges consisting of 16 doctors for the civil law, 12 for the canon law and 12 for medicine and philosophy41. About this subject we

doctoral College42. These numbers show how high were the earnings of those have the registers of distributions of money, for the years 1560-1800, for each Andrea Daltri, “Memorie e consigliature nella decorazione parietale dell’Archiginnasio”, Imago37 Universitatis. Celebrazioni e autorappresentazioni di maestri e studenti nella decorazione parietale dell’Archiginnasio, t. I, ed. Gian Paolo Brizzi (Bologna : Bononia University Press, 2011), 31-50. Maria Teresa Guerrini, “Norma e prassi nell’esame di laurea in diritto a Bologna (1450- 38 Storicamente http://www.storicamente.org/01_fonti/guerrini.html; Piero Del Negro, “Le università italiane nella prima età moderna”, Storia delle Università in Italia, t. 1800)”, 3 (2007): Some tables, containing the expenses for the degree Bologna, are in Archivio di Stato, Studio, Lauree.I, eds. Gian Depositi Paolo e Brizzi,spese per Piero i dottorati Del Negro,, b. 262. Andrea Romano (Messina : Sicania, 2007), 95-136. Guerrini, “Norma e prassi nell’esame di laurea”. 4039 On poor student see Sante Bortolami, “Gli studenti delle università italiane: numero, mobi- Storia delle Università in Italia, t. II,

lità, 41distribuzione, Maria Teresa vita Guerrini, studentesca “Una dalle corporazione origini al XVper secolo”, il potere: i collegi dei dottori di diritto eds.bolognesi by Gian d’età Paolo moderna Brizzi – tra Piero conservazione, Del Negro – Andrea autonomia Romano e tutela”, (Messina Examens, : Sicania, grades 2007), et diplômes. 65-115. La validation des compétences par les universités du XIIe siècle à nos jours, ed. Thierry Kouamé (Paris : Editions de la Sorbonne, in print). 42 Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Studio, Collegi Legali, Comparti e distribuzioni di somme ai dottori collegiati (1560-1713, 1792-1800) Libri delle distribuzioni (1666-1739) , b. 178-180; Collegi di Medicina e d’Arti, , b. 308. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 THE POPE’S UNIVERSITIES: SOURCES AND RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES ON FINANCES AND FUNDING 73 legal consultations (the consilia sapientis)43, administrate the Gabella Grossa, managewho occupied the money the position destined of doctor for poor of Collegeyoung womenwho could who be could asked notto offer afford also a dowry, by Luigi Ratta at the end of the 16th century, and some privileges on the appointment of the Avvocato dei Poveri for criminal trials in the city44.

The wealth of doctors

One graduate could therefore be, at the same time, teacher, member of doctoral College, private or public lawyer/doctor. In Bologna a professor could also give private lessons in the times established by the law45. The gains earned by doctors, in some cases, could therefore be considerable. To demons- Gregorio Vernizzi as example of th centrate the economic power of graduates,his I would great-grandfather, like to mention Ugo, and his grandfather Egidio werea doctor the beadles in law atwho the lived Schools. in the The middle Vernizzi of the family 18 had recentlytury. He beencame admittedfrom a non-noble to the city family: patriciate and the doctorate was probably useful for social growth46. Gregorio was a man of humble origins, only the son of Vincenzo Maria, a simple tribune of the plebs (legacy of the glorious municipality of Bologna) and stendardiere, but his cousin, Giuseppe Maria 47 43 Giovanna Morelli, “Ne tacenda loquatur et dicenda conticeat. I consilia dei collegi legali Honos alit artes. Studi per il settantesimo compleanno di Mario Ascheri. La formazione del diritto comune. Giuristi e diritti in Europa (secoli XII-XVIII), eds. Pao- bolognesi del XVI-XVIII secolo”, 44 Cesarina Casanova, “Gli avvocati dei poveri”, Atlante delle professioni, ed. Maria Malate- la Maffei, Gian Maria Varanini (Firenze : Firenze University Press, 2014), 109-118. - stizia”, Storia di Bologna. Bologna nell’età moderna (secoli XVI-XVIII). I. Istituzioni, forme del stapotere, (Bologna economia : Bononia e società University Press, 2009), 121-123; Marco Cavina, “I luoghi della giu . In general, for all rights see Giovanna Morelli, “I Collegi di diritto nello Studio di Bo- , ed.Il Carrobbio Adriano Prosperi (Bologna : Bononia University Press, 2008), 367-39945 Maria Teresa Guerrini, “Tra docenza pubblica e insegnamento privato: i lettori dello Stu- diologna di traBologna XIV e inXVII epoca secolo”, moderna”, Dalla 8lectura (1982): all’e-learning 250-258. , ed. Andrea Romano (Bologna :

46 Alfeo Giacomelli, “Famiglie nobiliari e potere nella Bologna settecentesca”, I «giacobini» nelleCLUEB, legazioni. 2015), 183-193.Gli anni napoleonici a Bologna e Ravenna. Atti dei convegni di studi svoltisi a Bo- logna il 13-14-15 novembre 1996, a Ravenna il 21-22 novembre 1996, t. I, ed. Angelo Varni (S.l. : Costa, s.d.), 150. See also Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Ambasciata bolognese a Roma, Registrum, Aggregazione all’ordine nobile della famiglia Vernizzi […] la quale per lungo corso di anni si è sempre resa distinta per ragguardevoli e virtuosi soggetti. b. 137, Angela 226 (1747), De Benedictis, Diritti in memoria, carità di patria. Tribuni della plebe e governo popolare47 a Bologna (XIV-XVIII secolo)

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 (Bologna : CLUEB, 1999). 74 MARIA TERESA GUERRINI

(son of Ottavio, the professor), as appreciation for his service. clergyman was appointed count by the Duke of Modena and Giovanni48 Battista) who wereHis appointed brother wason the Filippo local Vernizzi,Canon Chapters a famous of San Petronio that and leftof Santa him all Maria his wealth.Maggiore. He had two uncles (Girolamo Maria

49 - ces of GregorioPiombino was Gregorio born andin Bologna Ippolita in Ludovisi 1706 .Boncompagni, He came from his a newwife, nobleagre- edfamily, to become therefore Gregorio’s his godparents godparents were perhapsof the highest for the ranks high of position society: histhe uncleprin Girolamo Maria had in the hierarchy of the royal court in Poland50. Gregorio’s brother Filippo had a noble godfather too, the prince Antonio Boncompagni Ludovisi, brother of Gregorio Boncompagni51 iuris utriusque 52, he was doctor of Colleges53, lawyer54, professor in the public University for 40 years55 and in. Gregoriohis private Vernizzi home 56took: during his his career he accumulateddegree in 1728 many capitals. In the Studium he taught minor lectures, especially civil law lectures. After the discussion of the public conclusio-

Guerrini, Collegi dottorali in conflitto. I togati bolognesi e la Costituzione di Benedetto XIV (1744)48 . Filippo played an important role in the long debate against the Pope defending the rights of the doctors in Bologna. The right date of birth was the 21st - logna,49 Archivio di Stato, Studio, Registro delle aggregazioni al Collegio civile 50 of August 1706, he was baptized two days later (Bo Carrati, Alberi genealogici delle famiglie di Bologna , b. 123, 37). 51 Bologna,Bologna, Archivio Biblioteca di ComunaleStato, Studio, dell’Archiginnasio, Registro delle aggregazioni B. 698, Baldassarre al Collegio Antonio civile, b. Maria 123, , 119. 52 Maria Teresa Guerrini, Qui voluerit in iure promoveri … I dottori in diritto nello Studio di Bologna21, 1695. (1501-1796) 53 Stato, Studio, Costituzioni (Bologna del Collegio : CLUEB, civile 2005), n. 8686, 26 June 1728. - chiginnasio,He was Gozzadini admitted 413,in the Aggiunta Civil Law al College libro de the dottori 25 February bolognesi 1734 di legge (Bologna, civile Archivioe canonica di laureati in Bologna doppo li 6 agosto del 1623,, 1591, pubblicati b. 16; Bologna, dall’Alidosi Biblioteca condotta Comunale fino al dell’Ar 1811, ivi, Studio, Costituzioni del Collegio canonico Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Registro dei processi di aggregazione al82) Collegio and the canonico Canon ,Law b. 113, College 33). welcomed him the 7 May 1744 ( 54 cursus honorum, 1591, b. is 6; described in Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Studio, Registro delle aggregazioni al Collegio civile 55 Dallari,His I Rotuli dei lettori, legisti e artisti dello Studio bolognese 56 For the private lessons, b. 123,see Bologna, 37. Archivio di Stato, Assunteria di Studio, Requisiti dei lettori , t. III/I and II, 353, 4-198. ivi, Studio, Registro dei processi di aggregazione, b. 58, al Collegiof. 5 (1744), canonico the document, b. 113, 33) informs it is explained that Gregorio that lecturedin the morning at home he to taught prepare at homeyoung canonical students Institutionsto the final andexam. in Inthe another afternoon document he taught ( at the public Studium. In his home he housed students too.

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 THE POPE’S UNIVERSITIES: SOURCES AND RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES ON FINANCES AND FUNDING 75 nes57 Institutiones the Ripetizioni di Bartolo Malefici (in , he started in 1736 with civil and in 1739 he then taught lectura of the Regole del diritto until 1745, when he started teaching the years 1748-1749 he obtained a reserved seat). In 1749 he acceptedLibro sesto the e clementine that he held until the 1751 with a reserved seat for teaching. From 1751 to 1753 he taught canonMalefici law withand endedthe his tea- (with a reserved seatRipetizioni for the years di Bartolo 1751 and 1752). During the academic year 1753-54 he returned to teaching (heching was career, master until cerimonies 1776, with of the the compatriot Pompeo. HisAldrovandi, absence archibisfrom the- workplace, with the reserved seat, were probably due to his positions abroad- lary of 200 lire bolognine per year, which increased to 300 lire at the end of his careerhop of Montefiascone: not a high salary until compared 1752). During to the hisincome teaching of an career ordinary he earnedprofessor a sa of civil law58 who could earn at least 1.000/1.200 lire per year . Gregorio belonged to the lower noble side of the family59 because the comital title was passed bequeathed from the descendants of his cousin Giu- seppe Maria. Despite this, two servants (a man and a woman), a porter and a charioteer. when Gregorio died childless (in 1776)60: his he house had He left a long testamentother houses (more intra than moenia 17061 and pages) three to hunting administrate lodges: his one legacy in Olmetola (near Bologna)was in Bologna and two under in San the Lazzaro.parish of In San the Giorgio will he in mentions Poggiale. goods, He also paintings, had four jewels, money, credits, for an amount of 20.500 lire di bolognini62 lire . He could aclaim lawyer 5019.3.5 and he lire had and a veryhe had big a debtschool of in3253.16.11 his home 63, but. However, in his will in his we will, did there is a noticeable absence of books. We don’t know why because he was

The conclusiones - ment57 in order to have a chair in the public Studium. The conclusiones discussed by Gregorio Vernizzi in the Archiginnsaio, a kind building, of thesis the to be12 thdiscussed after the graduation, were a require of Bologna, Registro degli atti dell’Università degli scolari leggisti Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Riformatori dello April Studio, 1731, Quartironi are preserved degli in stipendi the State, b. Archive53-54. 58 Zannini, I Maestri: carriere, metodi didattici, posizione sociale,, b. rapporti363, 67. con le professioni. 5960 61 One house (with four apartments) was in the Pratello quarter, another house was under the parish Bologna, of Mascarella, Archivio di one Stato, was Notarile, in Santo Giovanni Stefano andBattista another Guarmani, under the4 August parish 1776. of San Tom- maso del Mercato (ibidem). 62 lire of bolognini lire of clothes, 1060 lire lire of tables tools and money for 6352.3.0 lire (ibidem). 63 11108.15.6See note 56. of goods, 1329 in jewels, 761

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 76 MARIA TERESA GUERRINI

not 64, but there is a list of documents from his archive.

find a list of books years)Gregorio65 had accumulated a great amount of wealth thanks to his brother- versityFilippo he(professor had a modest of Criminal salary, Practicebut he had at greatthe University privileges of in Bologna the Colleges for 49 of doctors66 but, and especially good reputation thanks to as his a privateknowledge: teacher. as teacher Among in the the people public whoUni - tired servita general), his second cousin Ugo (son of the count Giuseppe Ma- benefittedria), his servants from his (Ludovico inheritance Pondrelli there andwere Anna his brother Diolaiti, Girolamo the porter Maria Gasparo (re Ugolini and Antonio Mantovani the charioteer), the parish priest of San Gior- gio in Poggiale (Francesco Patrizio Cristofori) who received two legates, the Chapter and the Rectory of San Petronio where his brother Filippo and his cousin Gioacchino were involved and Elena Mingozzi, widow of his tenant Negri professorial67 title , starting from his cousin Giuseppe Maria and his brother Filippo;. Gregorio’sthe inheritance68 family was grew claimed in social by hierarchy his second thanks cousin to hisUgo, doctoral son of andthe count Giuseppe Maria.

Conclusions

D the three Pope’s Universities examined. Perugia heavily depended on Rome uring the early modern age we found different financial situations into University restored at the beginning of the 15th century by Martino V pope. in the administration of the finances of its University, and it was the first 64 -

65 ExceptDallari, thoseI Rotuli books dei lettori, inherited legisti from e artistihis brother dello StudioFilippo, bolognese who then, cit., he sellst. (Bologna, Ar chivio di Stato, Notarile, Giovanni Battista Guarmani, 4 August 1776). 66 III/I, 299-354, t. III/II, s. 4 - 182. He was the Head of the Colleges of doctors many times. Head of the Civil Law College in- 1738 (second bimester); 1740 (third bimester); 1743 (fifth bimester); 1749Libri (first segreti and del fourth Col- bimester);legio civile 1753 (fourth bimester); 1757 (second bimester); 1759 (first bimester); 1764 (second bimester); 1767 (fourth bimester): Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Studio, , b. 148-149. Head of the Canon Law CollegeLibri in segreti 1740 (second del Collegio semester); canonico 1747, b. 136. (sec ond semester); 1753 (first semester); 1760 (second semester); 1766 (first semester); 1767 (first67 semester):In addition Bologna, to Gregorio Archivio and Filippo, di Stato, their Studio, uncle Ottavio lectured in the Studium of Bolo- gna 68tooBologna, (Dallari, Archivio I Rotuli di dei Stato, lettori, Notarile, legisti eGiovanni artisti dello Battista Studio Guarmani, bolognese 4 August 1776. his cousin Vincenzo Maria for 22 years (ivi ivi , cit., t. III/I, 49-183), , t. III/I, 321-353, t. III/II, 4–69), and his second cousin Ugo will teach there for 38 yearsCIAN, (24/1, t.(2021), III/II, 63-81. 129-324). DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 THE POPE’S UNIVERSITIES: SOURCES AND RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES ON FINANCES AND FUNDING 77

The Sapienza of Rome depended by the Camera Urbis (the municipal admi-

Popes instead left to Bologna greater autonomy in the University adminis- nistration irredeemably influenced, for its proximity, by the papacy). The- tion without the medieval moral stature). This freedom however produced tration of finances (run especially by doctors that became a power corpora consequences. Maybe this was not the right solution for Bologna and one of theinstability advantages in the of Universitythis situation of Bologna,was an increase political in conflicts the number with of disastrous students in Rome . Nevertheless69 lawyers and doctors who graduated at the University of Bologna still had a very good reputation locally and great economic power, as the example of Gregorio Vernizzi shows, despite the competition from the both secular and ecclesiastical, of the Papal State. In contrast to repeating the samegraduates contents frome lecture Rome after who lecture. aimed for The a careertopics wouldin the mostbe in factimportant renewed offices, only th century . The case study of Gregorio Vernizzi shows how much the testamen70 - taryafter documentthe new wave can ofbe the useful French to reconstruct Revolution thein the economic late 18 condition of university professors in early modern period. Documents demonstrate how the income of a teacher included not only his salary, but also the proceeds from

(the Colleges of doctors), which increased their earnings. The extremely va- private lessons and the income from taking part to the exam commissions

Universityluable yet unexploredof Bologna during documentation the early modern kept in age.the archivesA research in analyzingBologna have thesethe features potential would to open contribute new perspectives to demonstrate on the thatfinancial the University administration of Bologna of the attempted, in the early modern period, to protect its independence claiming

An example of this shift of preference (from Bologna to Rome) is studied for Sardinian students.69 See Maria Teresa Guerrini, “Un Regno senza Università: nuovi dati sulla presenza di studenti sardi nella Sapienza romana”, Le origini dello Studio generale sassarese nel mondo universitario europeo dell’età moderna, eds. Gian Paolo Brizzi - Antonello Mattone (Bologna: CLUEB, 2013), 33-46 About the renewal of the curricula and the teaching methods see Le università napoleoniche.70 Uno spartiacque nella storia italiana ed europea dell’istruzione superiore. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi. Padova-Bologna, 13-15 settembre 2006, eds. Piero Del Negro and Luigi ; Dalla pecia all’e-book. Libri per l’Università: stampa, editoria, circolazione e lettura. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi. Bologna, 21-25 ottobre 2008, Pepeeds. (Bologna : CLUEB, 2008) Dalla lectura all’e-learning, ed. Andrea Romano (Bologna : CLUEB, 2015). Gian Paolo Brizzi and Maria Gioia Tavoni (Bologna : CLUEB, 2009); CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 78 MARIA TERESA GUERRINI

the town autonomy in the Late Middle Ages 71 , when the pope was Niccolò V.- lognaThus the and research its Studium would in ahelp wider redefining and new not Italian only andthe economicEuropean background,context that goesbut also beyond enriching the traditional the local reputationpolitical framework of the Alma by Mater including Studiorum the city. of Bo

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GuerriniUn monopolioMaria Teresa. imperfetto. “Conflitti Titoli corporativi di studio, fraprofessioni, dottori bolognesi, università ferra(secc. XIV-XXI)resi e romani, eds. Maria intorno Teresa a titoli Guerrini, accademici Regina e professioniLupi, Maria Malatesta.(1626-1795)”. Bo- logna : il Mulino, 2016. . Gli studia del papa. Nuova cultura e tentativi di riforma tra Sei e Settecento. Firenze : Centro Editoriale Toscano, 2005. Lupi Regina . Memorie per riparare i pregiudizi dell’Università dello Studio di Bologna, e ridurlo ad una facile e perfetta riforma (Bologna : Marsili Anton Felice dello Studio di Bologna”, Memorie intorno a Luigi Ferdinando Marsi- s.l., 1689) in Ettore Bortolotti, “La fondazione dell’Istituto e la Riforma CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 THE POPE’S UNIVERSITIES: SOURCES AND RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES ON FINANCES AND FUNDING 81

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. “I Maestri: carriere, metodi didattici, posizione sociale, rap- portiPepe. conBologna le professioni”. : CLUEB, 2008. Storia delle Università in Italia, t. II, eds. Gian Zannini Andrea . Università e dottori nell’economia del comune di Perugia. Paolo Brizzi, Piero Del Negro, Andrea Romano. Messina : Sicania, 2007. Zucchini Stefania Perugia : Deputazione di storia patria per l’Umbria, 2008. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 63-81. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6158 The Socio-economic Role of Medieval Parisian Colleges Through the ‘Studium Parisiense’ Database

El papel socioeconómico de las universidades parisinas medievales a través de la base de datos Studium Parisiense

Jean-Philippe Genet, Thierry Kouamé and Stéphane Lamassé* LaMOP (UMR 8589), CNRS-Universite Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne. Labex Hastec (ANR-10-LABX-85)

Recibido: Aceptado: 23/04/2021 27/03/2021

DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159

Abstract: Studium Parisiense is a data- Resumen: Studium Parisiense es una base which intends to identify all the students - car a todos los estudiantes y maestros de la - base de datos cuyo objetivo es el de identifi anded this masters results of in Paris exploring university. the impact With nearlyof the 20000college files,system it may in medievalbe half-way. Paris. We Ahave chrono test- Universidadse ha intentado de París. medir Aún el impacto por concluir, del sistema cuenta logical trend appears: the development of the hoyde colegios con 20000 mayores fichas. en En el base París a medieval.estos datos, El college system in the 14th century is a more resultado logrado apunta a una tendencia - cronológica: el desarrollo del sistema de co- ing academic population than the creation efficientof the Augustinian solution to canons accommodate houses (12ththe grow century), and of the mendicant convents (13th legiospoblación mayores académica en el sigloque laXIV creación resulta de ser casas una century). On the other hand, both in terms of solución más eficaz para acoger a la creciente- international recruitment and of literary outputs, Paris colleges were inferior institutions, detanto canónigos en términos agustinos de reclutamiento (siglo XII) y la interna de con- ventoscional comomendicantes de producción (siglo XIII). literaria, Por otro salvo lado, la with the exception of the Sorbonne. However,

[email protected], [email protected], [email protected] de Historia de las Universidades, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 ISSN: 1988-8503 - www.uc3m.es/cian THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 83 it helped to provide better conditions of study excepción de la Sorbona, los colegios mayo- and to discipline the student’s population on res parisinos no dejaban de ser instituciones de segundo nivel. Sin embargo, estas insti- - tuciones, situadas en la ribera izquierda del thecreased left bankstheir reputationof the Seine, and and attracted by the end again of Sena, proporcionaron mejores condiciones theEuropean fifteenth students. century, Paris colleges had in de estudio a la población estudiantil y ayuda- Kerywords: college; university; Paris; mendicant convents; students. colegios mayores parisinos lograron mejorar ronsu reputación a disciplinarla. y atraer A finales de nuevo del sigloestudiantes XV, los europeos. Palabras clave: colegio; universidad; París; conventos mendicantes; estudiantes.

The aim of the Studium Parisiense project is to create for Paris schools and university a bio-bibliographical repertory on the model of Alfred B. Emden’s dictionaries for the universities of Oxford and Cambridge1 of the technical advantages of computerisation in terms of data homogeni- sation, information retrieval, indexation and statistical approach while benefitting2. It is es- cathedralsential to schoolkeep in and mind extending the fundamental to 15003 fact that it is a work in progress: we have so far realised 19 268 individual files for a period starting with the about our use of statistics: since we are dealing, but wewith may grossly expect incomplete that the data,final numberwhich value of files is to will be be attributed well beyond to our 40 results000. This which raises are immediately obviously provisio a doubt- - ble to consider our population as complete. As Oxford and Cambridge, Paris nal? There are two answers to this. The first one is that it will never be possi German universities: matriculations are made at the level of nations (Arts), Facultieshas not the (Theology, unified system Canon of Law matriculation and Medicine) we andfind colleges,in some Italianbut very and little in allof

1 Alfred Brotherton Emden. A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to 1500 A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford A.D. 1501 to 1540 Biographical Register of the (Oxford:University Clarendon of Cambridge Press, to 1957-1959),1500 3 vol.; Id., 2 Studium Parisiense is (Oxforda research : Clarendon program of Press, the Laboratoire 1974) ; Id., de Médiévistique Occidentale (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1963).

Thierryde Paris Kouamé,(LAMOP). Stéphane It is funded Lamassé, by Paris Claire 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, Priol et Anne Tournieroux, the CNRS, “General the LABEX introduction Hastec and to thehas Studiumbenefitted project”, from anMedieval ERC Advanced Prosopography Program, SAS: see Jean-Philippe Genet, Hicham Idabal, parisiennes au Moyen Âge: un dictionnaire numérique”. Mémoires de Paris et de l’Île-de-France, , “Studium, 31 (2016), Parisiense, 155-170; un Id., répertoire “L’université informatisé et les écoles des écoles et de l’université de Paris”. Annali di Storia delle Università Italiane 68 (2017),3 The program 331-354 will ; Jean-Philippe be later extended Genet to the sixteenth century. , 21 (2017), 25-74. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 84 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

extremely patchy (10 years for the largest nation, the Natio Gallica): there the archives kept by these institutions has come down to us. The sources are or more, especially if our strategy of exploration is coherent. On this second ispoint, no reason our answer why the has results to be more for 19 detailed. 268 would differ from results for 40 000

created records for all individuals whose Christian name begins by letters A to F (standardisedGenerally speaking, classical we Latin have form,followed e.g. an“Aegidius” alphabetical for “Egidius”,strategy. We “Gilles”, have “Gillot” etc.) in our core sources, the so-called Chartularium and Auctarium Universitatis Parisiensis4 Chartularium, t. 1 et 2, and the Auctarium, t. 5 have already been entirely dealt with and we are in the middle of Chartularium,. We are now III. working Besides, on we letter have G. followedThe the same strategy with a group of publications which are indispensable complements to the core group: repertory of authors for the Faculties of arts5, records of the Faculties of medicine6 and of canon law , editions of the Parisian rotuli , the repertories of Palémon Glorieux and Thomas7 Sullivan10, and the volumes8 of the Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae11, to9 mention but the most important. The alpha-

4 Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis (Paris: Delalain, et alii. Auctarium Chartularii Universita- tis Parisiensis Heinrich Denifle; Émile Châtelain. 1889-1897),5 4 vol.. Le; Heinrich travail intellectuel Denifle; Émile à la Châtelain Faculté des arts de Paris: textes et maîtres (ca.1200-1500) (Paris: Delalain and H. Didier, 1894-1964), 6 vol. 6 Olga Weijers , Commentaires de la Faculté de médecine de l’Université de Paris (1395-1516) (Turnhout : Brepols, 1994-2012) 9 vol., Dictionnaire biographique des médecins en France Ernest au Wickersheimer moyen âge Dictionnaire biographique (Paris des médecins : Imprimerie en France nationale, au moyen 1915) âge. ; Id. Supplément (Genève: Droz, 1979 [1915]), 2 vol.La ;Faculté Danielle de Jacquart, décret de l’Université de Paris7 au XVe siècle (Genève : Droz, 1979). Marcel Fournier, Léon Dorez,Rotuli Parisienses:Émile-Aurèle supplications Van Moé, to the Pope from the University of Paris,8 I, 1316-1349 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1895-1942) 4 vol. : analysis to letter J only.- dard, WilliamRotuli Parisienses: J. Courtenay, supplications to the Pope from the University of Paris, II, 1352-1378 (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2004) (Leiden-Boston: ; Rotuli Parisienses: Brill, 2002); supplications William J. Courtenay to the Pope and from Eric the D.Univer- God sity of Paris, III, 1378-1394 (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2013) 2 vol. : analysis to letter G only. Palémon Glorieux, RépertoireId., des maîtres en théologie de Paris au XIIIe siècle (Paris : Vrin, 9 La Faculté des Arts et ses Maîtres au XIIIe siècle 10 Thomas Sullivan, Parisian Licentiates in Theology, A.D. 1373-1500: a Biographical Regis- 1933),ter. Vol. 2 I, vol. The ; ReligiousId., Orders (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2004); (ParisParisian : Vrin, Licentiates 1971). in Theol- ogy, A.D. 1373-1500: a Biographical Register. Vol. II, The Secular Clergy (Leiden-Boston : Brill, 2011). Id., 11 Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae, Répertoire prosopographique des évêques, dignitaires et cha- noines des diocèses de France de 1200 à 1500 published so far. (Turnhout : Brepols, 1996-2021), 22 volumes CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 85 betical strategy is not exempt of bias, since Christian names have strong regional ties: most Adam are from Picardy, Roger and Richard from Normandy, from A to Z) analysis of some sources containing lists of masters and students which,Hervé andthough Yves seldom from Brittany. complete, To correctprovide this, us with we have great made numbers a complete of names: (i.e. records of collective payment of taxes for various reasons in 131312 133013 and 146414, and the collection of rotuli sent in 140315 to pope Benoît , 1329-

XIII when French universities returned to the Avignon papacy’s obedience. Secular colleges

- However, given the theme chosen for the HELOISE meeting at Lisbon, we bibliography,have collected and specific it is impossible data about to the list Paristhem collegeshere in full. (both But secular special andmention reli mustgious). be The made details of the of thesenew collegespecific studies sources derived is given from in each thesis individual initiated bio- by Jacques Verger: they provide as complete as possible surveys of the scholars of the colleges of Navarre16, Dormans-Beauvais , Laon and of a group of 17 18

12 Crisis of 1313”, History of Universities 13 William J. Courtenay,Parisians “Foreign Scholars Scholars in at the Paris Early in Fourteenth the Early Century:Fourteenth A Social Century: Portrait the , 15 (1997-1999) : 47-74. computus. 14 WilliamMax Ludwig J. Courtenay, Spirgatis, “Personalverzeichnis der Pariser Universität von 1464 und die (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999) for the 1329-1330’Beihefte zum Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen , “Les darinmembres aufgeführten de l’université Handschriften-und de Paris et la collecte Pergamenthändler”, de 1464 : quelques remarques”, in Pierre Bau- duin, Pierre et al.,, Iéd., (1888): Sur les 1-52 pas de (http://www.archive/org); Lanfranc, du Bec à Caen. Recueil see Jean-Philippe d’études en Genethommage à Véronique Gazeau 15 Chartularium, (Caen : Cahier des Annales de Normandie,e 2018), 279-289. Mélanges Denifle d’archéologie et Châtelain, et d’histoire de l’Écolet. 4, n° française 1786 à 1799. de Rome See Jacques Verger, “Le recrutement ingéographique Id., Les universités des universités françaises françaises au Moyen auÂge début du XV siècle d’après les suppliques de 1403”, 16 Nathalie Gorochov, Le collège de Navarre de sa fondation, 82(1305) (1970), au 855-902,début du reprintedXVe siècle (1418) : histoire de l’institution, de sa vie intellectuelle (Leiden, New et York,de son Köln: recrutement Brill, 1995), 122-173. Joannis Launoii Constantiensis, Parisiensis theologi, Regii Navarrae gymnasii Parisiensis historia (Paris: Honoré beenChampion, used systematically. 1997); Jean de Launoy, Thierry Kouamé, Le collège de Dormans-Beauvais(Paris: apud viduam à la finEdmundi du Moyen Martini, Âge. Stratégies1677) has poli not- tiques17 et parcours individuels à l’Université de Paris (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2005). e et XVe siècles18 (Paris: École des Chartes 2005). For material reasons, this thesis has not been fully Cécile Fabris, Étudier et vivre à Paris au Moyen Âge : le collège de Laon aux XIV CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 86 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

. All other mentions of college membership come from the Chartularium and19 the Auc- tariumNorman, supplemented colleges (Harcourt, by a thesis Maître-Gervais, on the “small” Justice, colleges’ Trésorier) libraries20. Unfor- tunately, procuratores and receptores’s registers, our main sources for the names of students and masters in Chartularium and Auctarium references to colleges: an exceptional case is that of the procurator of the , make few- 21. The Chartularium contains Nation of Picardy, Cornelius Adriani de Goes, 22who. mentions the college affi liation of twelve of the 35 bachelors for 1480 only some 50 colleges’ documents after 1286 Jerusalem,As a matterwas structured of fact, the on first the collegehospital created model into Paris, house the poor ‘College students, des Dix-and thisHuit’, is founded also true by of thethe merchantcolleges created Jossius by of someLondon Paris in 1180chapters at his (Saint return Thomas from -

appearedand Saint moreNicolas than du halfLouvre, a century Saint Honorélater with …) the until Sorbonne the middle (see of Table the thir123), teenthwith students century. forming The college a community conceived sharing as a the specific same educationalreligious and institution moral va- lues24. By the end of the fourteenth century, these colleges organized lectures, opened as those of the mendicant convents to an external public, and they

Studium Parisiense, while

analyzed:deduced from at the the moment, statutes. there are only 191 files of Laon scholars in Cécile Marion Fabris hasBernard-Schweitzer, identified 368 scholars, Les collèges roughly normands half the àtheoretical Paris à la numberfin du Moyen which Âge. she Hishas- toire19 institutionnelle et étude prosopographique de leur recrutement (Paris-Sorbonne, docto-

20 Karine Klein-Rebmeister, Les livres des étudiants et des petits collèges à Paris aux XIVe et XVrale diss.siècles 2018). (Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, doctoral diss., 2005). 21 AUP 22 - pectives”, ,in II, Andréas col. 236-239. Sohn et Jacques Verger, ed., Die universitären Kollegien im Europa des Mittelalters Thierry und Kouamé, der Renaissance/Les “L’édition des sources collèges médiévales universitaires des encollèges Europe parisiens. au Moyen Bilan Âge et et pers à la Renaissance (Univ. Paris 4/Univ. Paris 13), Décembre 2008

23 (Bochum:Les coll D.français Winkler, 16e-18e 2011), 39-56siècle, .3, special issue of Publications de l’Institut national de recherche pédagogique, 10, no. 3 (2002), The table is based upon Marie-Madeleine Compère, èges e e Itinéraires du savoir de l’Italieand Thierry à la Scandinavie Kouamé, “Rex (Xe-XVI fundator.e siècle) Les interventions royales dans les collèges universitaires de Paris,24 Oxford, Cambridge (XIV -XV siècle)”, in Corinne Péneau, dir., Claire Angotti, Gilbert Fournier, Donatella (Paris: Nebbiai, Publications dir., Les delivres la Sorbonne, des maîtres 2009), de Sorbonne. 231-254. His- toire et Thierry rayonnement Kouamé, du “Lacollège Sorbonne et de ses médiévale bibliothèques dans du l’univers XIIIe siècle des à collègesla Renaissance parisiens”, (Paris: in

Publications de la Sorbonne, 2017)CIAN, 33-59. 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 87 received paying external younger students, such as the so-called “martinets” of the Dormans-Beauvais College25 raising new funds by this system. They added to the scholars holding bursae a teaching staff, recruiting masters of soon became permanent: in the sixteenth century, the Faculty suppressed its ownarts asschools, regent and masters. the teaching These dutiesappointments were entirely were leftfirst to temporary, the colleges but26. theyThis was a very important step in the birth of the modern college system, but it has an important consequence for us: scholars became more and more frequently attached to several colleges, getting bursae colleges according to their needs (an artist bursa in one college and later a theology bursa in another) while serving as regent-masters in other colleges. A good example is Johannes Lant- man 27 , a doctor in theology (1496) who came from Basel – wheresocius he had of thegot his B.A. – who resided and taught in the Collège de Bourgogne when he was regent-magisterelected rector by at the the Faculty Domus ofpuerum Art in Alemannorum 1489: he also. Itbecame is not surprisinga that Collège de Navarre in 1491 and of the Sorbonne in 1493, and he was also a in the fifteenthThe creation century, of many newly new elected colleges rectors in thehad fourteenth to specify publicly century to led which to a rapidof the increaseseveral colleges in the number they had of some bursae link offered with theyto students, wanted asto detailedbe “attached”. in the foundation statutes. Later on, many new bursae were added to the primi- tive numbers, generally by rich masters and/or ecclesiastics in their wills. century by a certain stability : less new creations, balanced by the economic Graph 1 shows this quick rise28 from 1240 to 1360, followed in the fifteenth political crisis which led to the creation of potential rivals, Poitiers (1431), depression caused by the consequences of the Hundred Year Wars and the bursae toCaen colleges, (1432), and and a Bourgesmajority (1463). was always This hiringgives a lodgings number fromof some Parisian 750 available houses’ until the end of the fifteenth century: but all students did not belong owners which makes it impossible to deduce the number of students in Paris 25 Kouamé, Le collège de Dormans-Beauvais martinet, qui vient a l’escole oudit college, doit chascun an III s.p.”. 26 , 146, note 915: “chascun enfant forain, appelé- e e Collegiate Learning in the Middle Ages and beyond. Thierry 2 ndKouamé, Coimbra “Les Group collèges Birthday de l’université Seminar (Milano: de Paris Cisalpino, : de la charité 2012), privée 25-34. à l’enseigne ment public (XII -XVI siècle)”, in Antonio Savini, dir., ; see Sulli- van,27 Parisian Licenciates … The Secular Clergy, 315-316. http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/7095-johanneslantman Paris”,28 30-31. For the making-up of this graph, see Thierry Kouamé, “Les collèges de l’université de CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 88 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

from the number of bursae, though a tendency to reside in hostels or “péda- gogies ” grouping students under the aegis of a master rather than in indivi- 29

boardingdual lodgings hostel (a forsolution students which which was Geoffroyfinally forbidden Lenormand, by University previously statutes) master is perceptible: this is for instance the origin of the Collège Sainte-Barbe,30. a

of the students of the Collège de Navarre transformed into a full college

Graph 1. The number of bursae according to the Paris colleges’ statutes (1180-1600).

The number of bursae gives a clear indication on the respective sizes of the colleges. But there is no correlation between the theoretical number of bursae in a given college and the number of masters and students who is bursae and the real number of students, especially in time of crisis, for instance known to us. There may be some discrepancies between the number of differences are best explained by the amount of sources left by each college31. after the Black Death or during the occupation of Paris by the English. But the the secular colleges present in Studium Parisiense (S). With Table 1 we may compare the number of bursae (B) with the members of

See Simone Roux, La rive gauche des escholiers (XVe siècle) (Paris: Éditions Christian, 29 30 Les collèges français 1992),31 19-21. since 2020Compère, a new project, ORESM, which, 339. is developed by Lucie Veillon (BIS) and Stéphane La- massé The (LAMOP) LAMOP to and prepare the Bibliothèque the digitization Interuniversitaire of the archives de of laParis Sorbonne University (BIS) in have the Archivesinitiated 3, and in the Sorbonne Library.

Nationales, shelfmarks M, S and H CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 89

Table 1. The secular colleges.

College Founded Founders Suppressed Bursae Studium Allemands

Arras Bef.1332 1348 Saint-Vaast Abbey, Arras 74 Autun 1341 Cardinal Pierre Bertrand 15

Ave Maria 1, president of 69 1 the chamber of inquiries of the 1336/1339 JeanParliament de Hubant of Paris, canon of Rouen HubantBayeux Guillaume Bonnet (Bouvet), bishop 12 6 of Bayeux Boissy 1309 12 2 Boncourt 21 1359 Godefroy of Boissy, clerk of King John Bons Enfants Bef. 1250 ? 1430 d’Arras 1357 Pierre Bécoud, knight 8 Bons Enfants 13

Bons Enfants 1209 Chapter? of St. Honoré, Paris 18?1? St.HonoréSt.Victor Bourgogne 1332Bef. 1248 Queen Joan of Burgundy 209 15 Calvy 6 Cambrai 5 Bef. 1271 [controlled by the Sorbonne] 1348Laon Hugues then de archbishopPomare, bishop of Reims; of 19 GuillaumeLangres; Hugues d’Auxonne, d’Arcy, bishop bishop of of (7) Cambrai then Autun Cardinal 1302 Cardinal Jean Lemoine 20 15 Lemoine Cholets Cardinal Jean Cholet 36 Constantinople ? 1362 1 1295 49 Coquerel Bef. 1463 Nicolas Coqueret2, canon of Amiens 1204/1289 Cornouaille 22 Guistry, royal physician 7 Dacie 1321/1379 Nicolas Galeran, clerk; Jean de 3 11 Dainville Jean de Dainville, steward of the 12 1 1284 Petrus Arnfast, canon of Roskilde 1429 1380 Josse de Londres, merchant returningHousehold from Jerusalem DonjonDix-Huit Bef.14121180 Bertrand Donyou, Master-Regent of 18 19 the Faculty of Canon Law Dormans Jean de Dormans4, chancellor of 24 642 France Écossais 1326/13331370 David de Moravia, bishop of Moray 4

1 2 3 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/8055-johannesdehubanto 4 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/50252-johannesdedormanshttp://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/indaividus/18439-nicolauscoquerel http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/24248-petrusarnfast (Elisabeth Mornet).

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 90 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

College Founded Founders Suppressed Bursae Studium Fortet Pierre Fortet, canon of Paris (College 5 placed under the patronage of Notre- 1391 Dame) 8 40 councillors JusticeHarcourt 13531280/1311 JeanRaoul de and Justice, Robert canon d’Harcourt, of Paris royal 12 11193 Karembert Bef. 1421 Éonet de Kérembert 1 La Marche 1362 Jean and Guillaume de La Marche/ 12 15

Laon 1314/1324 Guy de Laon, Treasurer of the Sainte- 16 161 ChapelleBeuve de (royalWinville palace’s chapel) and Raoul de Presles, Lord of Lizy, royal legist (368)

Lisieux 1336 24 12 Linköping 1317 Chapter of Linköping 1449? 8 Lombards 1334 Andrea Ghini, Master of Requests of 11 15 Guy of Harcourt, bishop of Lisieux

Renierthe Household, Jean, apothecary François ofde Queen l’Hôpital, Joanclerk of of Burgundy the Royal Crossbowmen, Lyon ? ? 1 Maclou Bef. 1323 ? Maître Clément Robert Clément, master 1371? Maître Gervais Gervais Chrétien5, royal physician 24 114 1349 1371 Mignon 1343/1353 12 2 1371 Chamber of Accounts Montaigu 1314Jean Gilles Mignon, Aycelin masterde Montaigu clerk 6of, Keeper the 1584 12 20 of the Seal Narbonne Bernard de Farges , archbishop of 11 Narbonne 7 Navarre 13051317 Queen Joan of Navarra 9 Plessis 1323 Geoffrey du Plessis, councilor of King 40 Philip IV, also founder of the College (25)70 817 of Marmoutier 8 Presles 1314/1324 Guy de Laon , Treasurer of the 13 Sainte-Chapelle8 (royal palace’s chapel) and Raoul de Presles, Lord of 8 Lizy, royal legist Reims Guy de Roye , archbishop of Reims 1444 Reims and 1444 King Charles9 VII Rethel 1409 Rethel Bef. 1444 ? 1444 7

5 6 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/2994-gervasiuschristiani 7 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/3405-guidodelaudunohttp://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/50823-aegidiusaycelindemontaigut1 8 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/17272-bernardusdefargis 9 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/50068-guidoderoya

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 91

College Founded Founders Suppressed Bursae Studium St. Barbe 1460 Geoffroy Lenormand10, regent- master of the College of Navarre St. Michel Guillaume de Chanac11, bishop of 1217 1 (Chenac) Paris and Patriarch of Alexandria St. Nicolas du L. 1338/1348 Robert I, Count of Dreux, brother of 4 St. Thomas du L. King Louis VII 1186/1187 Robert I, Count of Dreux Sées Grégoire Langlois, Master of 6 1 19 1404/1428 12 Requests of the 12Household SkaraSorbonne 1292 MagisterRobert de Hemphastus, Sorbon13, royal canon chaplain of 456 Väjxö and Skara Tonnerre Bef. 1406 Abbot Richard de Tonnerre and 2 Ca. 1257 convent of St. Jean en Vallée 19 Tou (Thou) ? 1 Tournai ? 4 Bef. 1393 Tours 1334 Étienne de Bourgueil, archbishop of 6 3 1295 Tours Tréguier 1325 Guillaume de Coatmohan14, cantor of 6 Tréguier, canon of Paris Trésorier Guillaume de Saane15, Treasurer of 8 24 56 Rouen Uppsala 1268 Andreas And, provost of Uppsala16 1354 12 6

10 1280 11 12 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/2578-galfredusnormani 13 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/11020-robertusdesorbona.http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/4197-guillelmusdechanaco1 14 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/23221-guillelmusdecoetmohan.http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/15779-hemphastus (Elisabeth Mornet). 15 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/3653-guillelmusdesaana. 16 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/611-andreasand (Elisabeth Mornet).

socii and hospites, and even in some cases people who were regularly procurators or auditors We have included among the colleges members both colleges who have the best archival sources (and consequently have been of the accounts. Even with such a wide definition, the contrast between the- bursae best studied) and those which have left fewer records is striking. bursaeTrue, Na (a varre has 70 and we know the name of 817 scholars (a ratio of 11.7)- courtwhile (40we bursaeknow 647 scholars for Dormans-Beauvaisbursae for only 24 ratioPlessis of (40 nearly bursae: 27): ratio but 0,2)the databaseand only onecontains for Dainville only 93 and scholars Saint-Michel from Har (12 bursae , ratio 2,3), 49 from Cholets (36 : ratio 1,4), or 8 from

CIAN, 24/1 each:(2021), 82-125. ratio DOI: 0,08). https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 This gives a good, though alarming, measure of our 92 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

Graph 2. statutory bursae and scholars in Studium parisiense.

presents the data for two religious colleges because they exceptionally had bursaesources, anddeficiencies. we must nowGraph turn 2 charts to the thesereligious differences. establishments However, which the operagraph- ted within the University of Paris or on its fringes.

Convents, religious colleges and communities

The real “invention” of the college as an educational institution has to be credited to the mendicant orders, who were introduced in Paris in 1216-

convents (the “Cordeliers” for the Franciscans, the “Jacobins” for the Domi- 1217nicans). establishing They attracted small many houses scholars which – thosewere convertedhaving graduated in due beforetime in beco vast- 32. They were later joined by the - ming friars have not been taken into account Carmelites (ca. 1259: they built later their great convent on the Place Mau 32 On the word ‘college’, and the similarities and differences between Mendicant convents and Vivarium

secular colleges, see Olga Weijers, “Collège, une institution avant la lettre”, , 21 (1983), 73-82. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 93 of Rome33 got from Philip the Fair buildings and lands to erect the Grands- bert) and the Austin Friars, also present in Paris since 1259, for whom Giles- vents, each of which was considered as the studium generale of its order, in Augustins in 1293-1295. We have therefore included these four Paris con University scholars. In most convents, there are two courses of study, one for theour academicsurvey: nonetheless, grades, and anotherit must beone kept to prepare in mind friars that to many become friars lectors are not (in arts, naturalia, or theology) in their order’s convents. All these are students, same is true of the many preachers who resided there. But the information atbut our only disposal the first does ones not are allowproperly a clear speaking distinction members between of the University.these different The groups: all friars have therefore been included in the following tables as students, if they had not graduated. To prepare the present paper, as in the case of the colleges, we have followed the alphabetical strategy, but with the addition of some bibliographical items34 and databases35. The traditional orders followed the Mendicants’ lead, and have been dealt with in a similar fashion, the usual A-F letters, supplemented by the full analysis of an additional bibliography, especially for the Cistercians36 (Saint- Bernard College, or Bernardines College) and for the Benedictines of the Cluny congregation (Cluny College). A special mention must be made of a small order which made37 education one of its chief commitments, the Augus- tinian canons of the Val des Écoliers, which created a college in Paris, Sainte- Catherine, initially for the order’s “écoliers”, but managed to hold a chair in the Faculty of Theology for a long time . Other orders had colleges such as the canons of Prémontré, and several important38 abbeys had also small colle-

33 :

http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/50875-aegidiusromanus the first toconvent, acquire in the Montmartre, site of the wasGrands-Augustins. transferred to Saint-Victor Street in 1288-1289, until Giles, using the 34money brought by the sale of the suppressed convent of the Brothers of the Sack was able Letters of Adhesion of 1303”, Speculum 35 For ainstance general the approach, invaluable William database J. Courtenay, Franciscan “Between authors Pope 13th-18th and King. centuries: The Parisian a catalogue in progress , 71 (1996), 577-605.

36 , a co-productionLes maîtres of Maarten et étudiants Van der du CollègeHeijden Saint-Bernard and Bert Roest, à Paris now de at 1224 the Radboudà 1494 University Nijmegen, see: https://applejack.science.ru.nl/franciscanauthors/. - Caroline Obert-Piketty,Cîteaux Thomas, diss. École Sullivan, des chartes, Benedectine Paris, Monks 1985; at “Les the lectures University et œuvresof Paris desA.D. pensionnaires 1229-1500. A Biogra-du Col lègephical37 Saint-Bernard”, Register (1989), 245-291. Catherine Guyon, Les écoliers du Christ. L’ordre canonial du Val des Écoliers, 1201-1539 38 (Leiden, New York, Köln: Brill, 1995).

(Saint-ÉtienneCIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125.: Publications DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 de l’Université de Saint-Étienne, 1998). 94 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

have observed in compiling the biographies of Studium Parisiense that some gesreligious for lodging communities their novices had among while their they memberswere students so many in Paris. scholars However, that they we were de facto colleges: this is obviously the case of the two great abbeys of Augustinian canons, Saint Victor (which had its own school) and Sainte- 39 which was the place where the Faculty of Arts elected the Rector of the Uni- versityGeneviève and and where of the the convent University’s of the congregation Trinitarians (calledfrequently Mathurins met. The in Paris)small - ded, but we might as well consider the Benedictine Abbey of Saint-Germain- des-Préshouse of andthe Antoninesthe Cluniac (Hospitalers priory of Saint-Martin of Saint Antoine) des Champs has also40. Besides, been inclu the -

ofmonks the Bonshommes of the order of of Grandmont, Vincennes: severalwho were of them transferred graduated in the as Collègebachelors Mig of non (afterward Collège de Granmont) in 1584, probably resided in the Priory- ligious houses associated in one way or another with the University. theologyThere in the is veryfifteenth little century. overlap Table between 2 gives table an 1idea and of table the spectrum 2. Donatus of rede Puteo de Mediolano was an Italian Franciscan who became successively bachelor, “licencié” and doctor in theology from 1432 to 1436, presumably -

withresiding the inagreement the Cordeliers’ of pope convent: Nicholas he V was41; he also is an from exception 1447 onwards to the rule. the There prin cipalwere (“provisor”)also some transfers of the Collège from one des order Lombards to another. in which But thehe founded case of Gerardus a chapel Martelli shows that things might be less clear-cut: this master of arts was a socius of the Sorbonne, probably because he was a student even a bachelor in theology, but at some stage he became a canon of Saint-Victor42. It is perhaps

proportion of those religious members of the university who remain hidden even more difficult than in the case of the secular colleges to estimate the- sity led religious houses to increase their size to accommodate novices of to us. Generally speaking, it seems obvious that the presence of the univer Cédric Giraud, “L’école e - le monastique39 et école cathédrale”, in L’école de Saint-Victor de Paris : influence et rayonnement du moyen âge à l’époque de moderne, Saint-Victor colloque dans international la première CNRSmoitié 2008 du XII (Turnhout: siècle, entre Brepols, éco

40 The chapter of Cluny wanted that the Priory receives Parisian novices who had too few 2010):bursae at101-119. their disposal: Simone Roux, La rive gauche des escholiers, 31. 41 . 42 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/21541-gerardusmartelli. See Jeanne http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/2018-donatusdeputeodemediolanoLe registre de prêt de la bibliothèque du Col- lège de Sorbonne Vielliard and Marie-Henriette Jullien de Pommerol, (Paris: CNRS Éditions,CIAN, 2000), 24/1 (2021), 595. 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 95

Table 2. Convents, religious colleges and communities. Mendicant convents Institution Founded Designation and founder Bursae Studium Dominicans Couvent des Jacobins, or Couvent Saint- 424 Jacques Franciscans 13251218 Couvent des Cordeliers, or Grand Couvent 330 Carmelites Couvent of Maubert place Augustinians Grands Augustins 165 Ca. 1259 267 1293 Religious colleges 1186 Canons of the Val des Sainte Catherine 34 Écoliers O.S.B. Saint-Denis 1228 Cistercians 1246 20 215 1229 CollègeBernardins, de Saint-Denis founded by Stephen of 8 LexingtonCollège du1 ,Chardonneret, abbot of Clairvaux later des Canons of Prémontré 1252 6 O.S.B. Cluny 40 Vergy,Collège abbot de Prémontré of Cluny O. Servorum Beatae 1258-1259 Collège de Cluny, founded by Yves de 1072 Virginis Mariae2 Manteaux) gift of St. Louis O.S.B. Marmoutier 1258/1277 Collège des Servites: convent (Blancs- Abbey (Tours) Plessis, councilor of King Philip IV, also 1329founder Collège de of Marmoutier,the College du Geoffrey Plessis du 17 O.S.A. Saint-Jean des Ca. 1335 Vignes (Soissons) O.S.B., Trinité de Collège Saint-Jean des Vignes

O.S.B. Cluny Before? 1367 Collège de Vendôme (suppressed 1441) Vendôme 362 Collège de Vézelay Religious communities Canons O.S.A. Canons O.S.A. Saint-Victor, founded by the magister 52 502/1108 Sainte-GenevièveGuillaume de Champeaux3 48 Trinitarian Brothers 1108 Couvent des Mathurins 11 Petit Saint-Antoine, founded by Charles V 4 Anthony (Antonines) 1209 Hospitalers of St. 1361-1371 115

1 2 3 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/15292-stephanusdelexington. The order was officially approved by the papacy in 1249, but suppressed in 1274, to be restored in 1277. http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/50929-guillelmusdecampellis.

The mendicant convents offer a good example, especially because most of their order from all over the Christian world who flocked to Paris to study. appeal to the council against pope Boniface VIII have been preserved: from the letters of adhesion required by the king of France in 1303 to support his CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 96 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

43 Franciscans at the Cordeliers44, about the same number of Dominicans45 at thesethe Jacobins, letters, Willliamwhile the Courtenay Austin Friars has were reckoned around that 50 there or 60 were46, the at Carmelite least 173 being still few at that stage (apparently their adhesion was not even required). In any case, the master and students of the convents on the one hand, the religious colleges and the houses of the religious communities on the other, are two groups whose weight may be compared with the population of the secular colleges.

Colleges and religious establishments: a chronology

It is possible to extract chronological information from Studium Parisiense. - dents and masters: very often one or two dates, for instance when they get a gradeThe chief or appear difficulty on oneis that of the we rotuli know very little about the lives of most stu in a money collection. The date of death scarcely appears, and dates of birth sent to the pope, or when they take part date to each scholar, the mean date of activity, that is the mean between the are extremely rare. We have therefore taken the decision to attribute a single

ca.first 1245, date diedof appearance in 1316: the in amean university between context 1265 and (1245 the + last 20) one, and eventually 1316 (his death)his date is of 51/2 death = 26 when (25½ known. being Laterounded us take up tothe 26), case which of Giles gives of aRome, mean borndate

us to group the scholars in demographical cohorts. In table 3, the cohorts of 1265 + 26 = 1291. This mean date is automatically produced, and enables- riods are of decreasing value, since because of the present terminal date for have been defined on a 25 years basis. The numbers for the three last pe- . The global column inclusion in the database (1500), we have not yet been47 able to make a sys tematic43 use of the essential works of James K. Farge 44 - William J. Courtenay, “Between Pope and King”. Franciscan Studies There were 68 adherents, and 87 nonadherents. The lists are printed). Very few and of comment them are alreadyed upon present in William in the J. Courtenay,Studium Parisiense “The Parisian database. Franciscan Community in 1303”, 45 The, 53 list (1993): is edited 155-173 by Antoine (https://www.jstor.org/stable/41975172 Dondaine, “Documents pour servir à l’histoire de la province de France : l’appel au concile (1303)”, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 46 - tury”, Analecta Augustiniana , 22 (1952), 381-439.). SeeJames William K. Farge, J. Courtenay, Biographical “The Augustinian Register of CommunityParis doctors at ofParis theology, in the Early 1500-1536 Fourteeth (Toron Cen- 47 , 51 (2001), 219-229 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/44992715Students and

to: Pontifical Institute of MediaevalCIAN, Studies 24/1 (2021),Subsidia 82-125. Mediaevalia DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 10) 1980, and THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 97

concerns(for instance all theprinces, people sorcerers included or in cardinals the database: in Chartularium among the or 19 Auctarium 268 files, orare masters 1464 “external” of foreign files university of people who who have are never mentioned set a foot in our in Pariscore sourcesbut are included in Glorieux’s repertory of masters of arts) without being members members but for whom we have no decisive proofs of attendance at Paris. of the University, and 950 files for “uncertain” people who might have been secular colleges alumni - Thelong real to Parisian number religious of university48 colleges members or establishments. is 16854. Of these, roughly 16% are To analyze the evolution, 7% mendicant of the university’s friars, and population, a little less we than shall 3% con be- centrate upon the column “Members”. Globally, it reveals an increase in the abruptlynumber ofwith university the century members, quarter but 1225-1250. this increase The is reasons not a regular of this one. sudden We stagnationhave first a are century easy toof discover:exponential it is increase most probably from 1125 a result to 1225, of the which great stopscrisis . 49 of 1229-1231 which is analyzed with great precision by Nathalieth Gorochov Following the murder of students (one chronicler speaks of 320 clerks) by- tersthe Queen-Regent decided to stop Blanche teaching of Castile’sand most soldiers masters on and the students 27 of February left the town.1229 to repress disorders caused by drunk students the preceding day, the mas in 1231 (13th of April), with the fulmination of the famous papal bull Pa- rensThanks Scientiarum to the intervention. In the mean of times,Pope Gregorymasters IX,and peace students came had back migrated but only to others places in France: Angers and Orléans which later became universities in their own right, Toulouse, where a university had been created this

Reims, Amiens or Beauvais. They also migrated outside France, in Spain (Pa- lencia,same year Léon), 1229 in Italy by count (Vercelli, Raymond Bologna) VII tobut fight the mostheresy important in the South, transfer or even was to Oxford, essentially because many masters and students were English and

teachers at the University of Paris: the generation of 1500: a critical edition of Bibliothèque de l’Université de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives, Registres 89 and 90 (Leiden-Boston: Brill, Education and Society un the Middle Ages and Renaissance, 25) 2006. In a synthesis of Jacques Verger and Jean Favier’s estimates, Simone Roux supposes that roughly48 25% of the students had bursae in the Paris colleges: this points to the fact that the number of colleges’ students in Studium Parisiense is probably underestimated: Roux, La rive gauche des escholiers, 32. Nathalie Gorochov, Naissance de l’université. Les écoles de Paris d’Innocent III à Thomas d’Aquin49 (v. 1200-v. 1245)

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: (Paris: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 Honoré Champion, 2012) 397-459. 98 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

Table 3a. The chronological evolution.

Period Secular Colleges Convents Religious communities Members Global Before 1100 1 1101-1125 6 11 1126-1150 4 16 25 33 15 6 50 1151-1175 9 58 1201-1225 115 1176-1200 92 1226-1250 1 24 12 110 7 172 13 11 241 453 247 60 100 20 413 1251-1275 77 1301-1325 1276-1300 784 1326-1350 265 33 2146 129 148 17 817 1172 32 1145 137 1793 1351-1375 290 78 1339 1401-1425 432 43 1376-1400 667 180 59 2189 2374 1426-1450 142 1655 77 2820 2975 106 248 69 1796 211 120 34 1541 1451-1475 294 84 3682 3767 1501-1525 62 15 221 230 1476-1500 1618 1526-1550 2 19 Total 7 7 2696 1186 477 16854 19268 50

went backThe exponentialhome : some increase came back starts to Paris,again butin themost next of them quarter remained century, in andOxford, it lasts the developmentuntil the middle of which of the really 14th startscentury, in 1229.when the quarter century

1351-1375 shows a sharp decrease, by at least one third: this is certainly 1426-1450:a consequence it is of obviously the Black aDeath. consequence The exponential of the English increase occupation, starts again but init is1376-1400, also probably but it a slowsresult down of the quickly fading andinternational there is a newprestige sharp of decrease Paris after in the departure of many masters and students leaving for urbanist countries,

the Great Schism and with the creation of rivals in the traditional zones of Pariscombined students’ with therecruitment, takeoff of themainly German Caen universities (1432) and which Louvain had (1425). begun withThe

be dealt with cautiously: it is largely due to an exceptional document51, the recovery is obvious from 1451 onwards, but the peak in 1451-1475 must 50 Ibidem 51 See note 14 above. , 418-423. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 99 list drawn up for the collection of a tax in 1464: it gives the name and title (Magister, Frater, Dominus pope Pius II who, following…) the of revocationthose who ofgave the their “Pragmatique contribution Sanction”, to the intendedsums needed to retain to fund the an ecclesiastics’ embassy to goodsKing Louis at their XI todeath gain and his tosupport deprive against them names seem to appear twice, and the status in relation to the university of someof the peopleright to appears make wills. dubious, Unfortunately, while graduates the document and students is incomplete, whose presen some- ce is attested in Paris are not mentioned. For reasons indicated earlier, the interpretation is impossible for the two last periods. The table enables us to interpret the respective weights of the secular colleges, the mendicant convents, and the religious establishments in the evolution of the number of Parisian scholar. For this, we must turn to percentages the global increase of the scholars was partially due to two religious communities,(table 3B).essentially We can the discern canons three of Saint-Victordifferent stages. (15 forDuring the periodthe twelfth 1126-1200) century story in relation with the schools of Paris which may have had some conse- quencesand those on of their Sainte-Geneviève ambiguous integration (4). These twoin the communities University’s have structure. a complicated Once it had become a house of regular canons (with canons drawn from Saint-Victor - opment, since its chancellor was responsible for the schools of the Montagne in 1146-1147), Sainte-Geneviève played a crucial part in thelicencia schools’ docendi devel and to organize examinations was an important element in the scholars’ strug- gleSainte-Geneviève against the other and chancellor, his chancellor’s that of capacity Notre-Dame to confer de Paris. the It may have had of the Faculty of Arts, its chapter had relatively few graduates: they had some- timesa school, to hirebut though external it keptchancellors, its central since role they in the had running no masters of the of examinations arts among teachingthem, this position: grade being in a a way,requisite it always to hold remained this office. close Saint-Victor to the University, derived from but the hermitage founded by Guillaume de Champeaux when he left his official penitentialneither in or role out. of However,the canons the in canonsthe university had a school52. It also and had were one authorized of the largest by librariesthe pope into Paris. have aBut master if the ofimportance theology: theof the pope regular justified canons this is privilege obvious by in the of regular canons, that of Sainte-Catherine du Val-des-Écoliers, and of the col- twelfth century, it slows down quickly, despite the foundation of a new house

52 Chartularium,

CIAN, 24/1 Denifle (2021), et 82-125. Châtelain, DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 t. 1, 159 (n° 111). 100 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

Table 3b. The chronological evolution: percentages.

Period Colleges Convents- Religious communities 1101-1125 16,6 1126-1150 25

32 12 1151-1175 27,3 1201-1225 6,1 1176-1200 1226-1250 5 32 4,5 0,9 21,8 10,9 14,5 24 1251-1275 1301-1325 2 1276-1300 4,8 1326-1350 15,8 18 25,3 14,8 7,6 1,8 30,5 1351-1375 6,8 2,8 1401-1425 15,3 1,5 1376-1400 8,2 2,7 1426-1450 15 4,2 2,7 2,3 8,6 2,2 1451-1475 8 2,9 1476-1500 13,7 7,8 leges of the Cistercians, the Cluniac and the canons of Prémontré: from 1251 onwards, their part in the university population remains always inferior to that of the members of secular colleges and to those of the mendicant orders53. The mendicants came early in Paris, but they were apparently few: their number swelled rapidly since many magistri and students decided to enter the orders of St. Francis and St. Dominic. These have not been coun-

which role they played after their conversion, since many of them left Paris ted as Franciscans or Dominicans, since it is difficult to know with certainty of both orders meant that from 1230 onwards Franciscan and Dominican to work in the orders’ convents. But the rapid development of the convents 1231 crisis gave them the opportunity to get two chairs in the Faculty of masters and teachers were present in increasing numbers, while the 1229-- ched a violent campaign to put an end to what they saw as an unfair com- Theology. Their prominence was such that in the fifties secular masters laun of the friars. Their convents continued to grow, they gained new chairs and attractedpetition: butmore this and was more to no students, avail and reinforced the papacy by finallythe Augustinian arbitrated Friars in favour and

53 orders are described as ‘Fratres - Except in 1451-1475: it is because in the 1464 collection, all members of the regular ’, while the Cistercians of the ‘Collège des Bernardins’ are iden tified, though not by their own name,CIAN, but 24/1 by (2021), their 82-125.monastery’s DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 name. THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 101 the Carmelites. In the second half of the thirteenth century, the increase of the Friars’ number became one of the chief components of the University’s providedgrowth, the some proportion of its most of friarsfamous reaching Masters 32% (see ininfra 1251-1275.). But institutionally They were completely integrated in the Universitystudium machinery generale and, in as its is own well right known, for his order, and funded by him by a complicated system involving all his pro- vincesspeaking, throughout each Mendicant Europe. convent The convents’ was a priority was to satisfy their orders’ - culties of Paris University! Once the convents accommodated the number needsof students in competent necessitated lectors, for notreaching to solve their the own educational objective, and they housing stopped diffi to grow: and the proportion of friars began to decrease regularly since the university population continued to swell, to a modest proportion of 7/8% in the thefifteenth prominent century. sources The very for thislow period:proportions the overwhelming for 1401-1425 statistical and 1451-1475 weight ofmust the not 1403 be rotuli taken, andinto thataccount, of the since list of they the can contributors be explained to the by 1464,the nature both of them containing practically no names of mendicants. Secular colleges, as mentioned earlier, had appeared at the end of the - - tiltwelfth the foundation century: exceptionally, of the Sorbonne, we know when the many names names of the can first be retrievedeighteen schofrom thelars house of the cartulary,‘Collège des though Dix-Huit’, many but doubts after thatremain we haveabout practically the real status nothing of tho un- se mentioned54. The proportion of scholars from the secular colleges already the 14th century to more than 30%: this is a minimum, since many or perhaps reaches 14,5% in the quarter century 1276-1300 and increases throughout members of these colleges. As table 1 reminds us, the end of the 13th century even most of the secular scholarsth whose affiliation is unknown to us could be- tions in Paris. The proportional decrease which the table shows for the 15th and the first half of the 14 century make the great century of college founda 55. It may be a century may not reflect a real loss of importance of the colleges, though the- period 1411-1436 is undoubtedly a very difficult one for them consequence54 Palémon Glorieux, of the terminalAux origines dates de la ofSorbonne. the thesis I, Robert we dehave Sorbon, used: l’homme, 1418 le for collège, Na les documents , Aux origines de la Sorbonne. II, Le Cartulaire (Paris : Vrin, future members (Paris of the : Vrin, Sorbonne, 1965); whichId. is possible, but far from certain. 1965°.55 Kouamé, Glorieux Le tends collège to consider de Dormans-Beauvais most if not all procurators of the Sorbonne as members or the case of Dormans-Beauvais College. , “Le collège dans la tourmente”, 138-144 for CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 102 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

Graph 3. The scholars of secular colleges, convents and religious communities compared with global university numbers.

andvarre, most 1458 of forthe Dormans-Beauvais, religious. The rotuli 1480 for Laon. It is therefore a probable- consequence of the specificities of the sources, as for the Mendicant Friars- tion for some students of the college ofde 1403Navarre. rarely The mention fact that college the terminal affilia tions, as well as the list for the 1464 collection, which only makes an excep K. Farge’s publication explains that we cannot read in the table what we could calldate the of ourfourth research, stage in 1500, Paris has developments: prevented us the so fact far that,to make perhaps full use as aof belated James consequence of the Statutes of the Cardinal d’Estouteville56 which required a

56 Chartularium, http://studium-parisiense. univ-paris1.fr/individus/4230-guillelmusdeestoutevilla2. See Jacques Verger, “La réforme du cardinal Denifle d’Estouteville et Châtelain, (1452): l’universitét. de4, Paris713-734 entre (n° Moyen 2690): Âge et modernité”, in Les Uni-

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 103 reinforced and stricter control on Parisian secular colleges and pédagogies, several colleges were reformed and recovered a long lost prosperity, integra- education and gaining a new international recognition: one may mention the ting from the 1480 onwards many more students, providing a much better bursae for poor students, the renovation57 of the Bourgog- reformne College of theafter Montaigu the legacy College of his principal,by Jean Standonck Jean de Martigny (principal from 1483) with the creation 72 58 1531) , in 1491, or the reformshall see,59 of they the Boissynow came College to the by Paris Michel colleges, Chartier, not histo the principal Paris convents. from 1482 to . Scholars continued to flock to Paris from all over Europe: but, as we

Elements of prestige and international influence schools and university can also be measured by the information provided byThe the problems Studium of Parisiense the international database. influence These problems and of the are prestige not simply of the cultural Paris the consumers’ number, while the literary output of the scholars stimulated matters: the influx of foreign students increases the town’s population and - laumethe multiplication Fichet60 of bookshops 61and scribal activity. And it is well known that the first printing press in Paris was established in the Sorbonne by Guil and Jean Heynlin . This printing press produced the first magistriprinted book, graduates in Paris and in “students” 1470. But62 how in each to measure institution. all Thethis other? In Table one, is4, thewe havenumber selected of authors. two quantitative These data indices.are tabulated The first in Tableis the 4repartition (percentages between have not been calculated if the number of scholars is inferior to ten). versités en Europe (1450-1814),

(Paris : Bulletin de l’Association des Historiens modernistes des 57Universités française, 2013), 55-76. 58 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/7539-johannesstandonckLes collèges français.,105. See http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/indi- 59 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/8142-johannesdemartignaco ? 60 Compère, . vidus/20760-michaelquartier61 . 62 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/3488-guillelmusfichetiIn Studium Parisiense, we use the word “student” to describe both people who are de- scribedhttp://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/5824-johannesheynlindelapide as such in the sources and are students in the modern sense of the word, and people bursae - whose later grade is unknown (this is probably the case of many holders in the Collèg es de Dormans, Laon and in the Norman colleges) and people whose affiliation to colleges and nationsCIAN, 24/1 is (2021), unknown. 82-125. This DOI: mayhttps://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 have to change. 104 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

As regards the number and proportion of masters, it must not be for- gotten that, when the institution’s sources have not been systematically scrutinized, a high proportion of magistri may simply be a result of the fact magistri (and graduates) mentioned in rotuli or graduation documents63, whereas the names of studentsthat most who of those never whose graduated name can is known only be to discovered us are the by a close study of the

and Navarre especially valuable. Navarre has a higher proportion of masters accounts: this is what make the data for the colleges of Dormans-Beauvais-

otherthan Dormans-Beauvais, college’s candidates. and And we Dormans-Beauvais know that in the Faculty masters of are theology’s mostly mas exa- terminations, of arts, whilethe rank Navarre of Navarre’s has many candidates Masters isof constantlytheology. Dormans-Beauvais, better than that of though founded by a chancellor of France, is therefore not so different from the typical diocesan colleges, founded by a bishop mostly for students coming

scholars are masters) is also debatable: according to the college’s statutes, allfrom members the founder’s ought diocese to be at (in least that masters case Soissons). of arts andThe engagedSorbonne in (74% theology’s of the studies but the attribution of a grade of master of theology generously bes- towed by Jeanne Vielliard to hospites and socii of the college has been con- tradicted by Thomas Sullivan on such a scale that we have preferred to be cautious64 result shown on the table is the relatively high proportion of magistri in the mendicant. conventsLet us simply and in say some that of 74%the religious is a minimum. establishments, Another betweeninteresting 40 and 60%65 students were engaged in the lectorate cursus, and were not expected to get a university. This graduation. is quite Thissignificant, relatively since high we score know is that also many found of in the some orders’ religious establishments, and here the difference between the college of the Ber-

63 magistri) and of the college

where This the seemsarchives to behave the been case studiedof the college by Marion of Harcourt Bernard-Schweitzer (78% of is more complex and des Cholets (73%). The high scores of the collegesbursae du system: Trésorier “small” (78,5) bursae and of were Maître-Gervais, reserved to students whose accession to the grade of magister was facilitated, while “great” bursae were givenmay be to a scholars testimony who to thewere good already working magistri of the. 64 The biographies compiled by Sullivan, Parisian Licentiates in Theology …, passim, demonstrates that many of those described by Jeanne Vielliard as “perhaps doctor of theology” were at most graduates (bachelors?) in theology, not doctors or masters. 65 attributed by internal sources such as Johannes Trisse’s repertory of Paris Carmelite masters, written The in Carmelite1360-1363, score repeated (70%) by must later behistorians considered of the with order, suspicion: to all those the gradewho were seems masters to be of the convent’s school.

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 105

Table 4. Graduation and authorship.

Dubious or College Mag % Gr. Stud. Total Authors % unknown

Convents of the mendicant orders Austin Friars 44,6 50 3 Carmelites 115 36 11 2 164 52 119 95 267 47 17,6 Dominicans 53,5 101 15 424 45,3 70 31,7 Franciscans 56 42 5 331 227 81 192 Total 40 305 25 186 98 157 47,4 Religious communities 647 209 1186 Bernardines 52 3 215 44 20,4 Cluny 20 21 2 5 88 72 St. Victor - 5 52 20 29 72 7 21 3 21 3 4 28 18 38,5 St. Catherine 22 4 34 23,5 St. Geneviève 48 8 Marmoutier 5 3 5 4 1 5 8 8 Mathurins 5 4 2 11 1 17 Servites 5 3 2 10 2 20 9 St. Denis 4 4 1 Prémontrés 4 1 5 1 8 Antonines 2 2 4 Secular Colleges Navarre 35 26 503 4,6 Dormans1 113 43 463 21 642 6 1,5 288 817 38 Sorbonne 341 2 456 65 14,2 17,6 Laon 41,6 2 1 161 3 74 29 84 Justice 34 4 114 1 67 91 1,9 Maître Gervais 2 46 113 3 2,6 78 76 0,8 1 10 5,2 67 78,5 Trésorier 44 2 10 56 4 Harcourt 73 78 19 93 Cholets 36 2 11 5 10,2 78,5 7 1 73 49

Kouamé, Le collège de Dormans-Beauvais, gives the names and careers of 12 servants or assistants of the College (« suppôts ») of the officers of the College and of the chapel’ staff. telling, as well as that which is observed to a lesser extent between the two abbeysnardines of (40%) regular and canons the college (both membersof Cluny (27,7)of the achievementsVictorine congregation) is especially of statistical indicator for an estimate of the intellectual activity of the colleges, conventsSaint-Victor and (53,8) religious and communities,that of Sainte-Geneviève the numbers (43,7). of authors. But we have another - cator of intellectual activity and prestige which can be combined with other The number of authors is indeed another significant statistical indi CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 106 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

numerical indicators, such as the number of manuscripts and of the early

printed editions of their works. Here, secular colleges, even the Sorbonne- (14,2%), are not in the class of the mendicant convents (from 17,6% for the Augustinians, to 47,4% for the Franciscans) and of some religious communities, such as Saint-Victor (38,5%) and even Sainte-Catherine (23,5%). The- scorespite its of academic the secular excellence, colleges theare Navarrerather low, College from has0,8% only for 4,2% the Justice of its memColle- gebers to whoa surprising can be described high of 10,2 as authors. for the “Collège But the desauthors Cholets”. of real Surprisingly, importance des are those who have an impact on the culture of mediaeval western Europe: it is their achievement and celebrity which draws the most brilliant students to Paris. To list the great authors of the Dominicans (Albert the Great66, Aqui- nas , Johannes Quidort , Robert Kilwardby67 68 or Guillelmus Peraldus69 to name but70 a few , Hugo71 de Sancto Caro 72, Herveus Natalis 73 , Bonaventura, Master Eckhart of Bagnoreggio , Roger Bacon , Johannes Pecham , Matthewamong74 the of most Acquasparta fertile and influential75 writers), Franciscans, Johannes76 Duns (Alexander Scotus 77of, NicolausHales de Lyra 78 79 , Augustinus de An80- cona , Jacobus de81 Viterbo , Johannes Wallensis 82 ) is equi- valent83 to draw a list …), of Augustinians the84 greatest (AegidiusEuropean Romanus theologians, though85 we must not forget that generally Paris …) was and not Carmelites the only (Johnuniversity Baconthorpe they attended: the

66 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/12000-thomasdeaquino: the larg- 67 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/385-albertusmagnus http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/51240-hugodesanctocaro. est file68 in the database. . 69 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/51520-johannesquidort. 70 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/5097-herveusnatalis . 71 72 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/51775-robertuskilwardby . 73 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/18949-echardusdehocheim. 74 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/1533-bonaventuradebagnoregio.http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/23409-guillelmusperaldus 75 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/476-alexanderdehales 76 77 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/51826-rogariusbacon 78 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/5905-johannespecham 79 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/51497-matthaeusdeacquasparta 80 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/52074-johanneswallensis 81 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/51367-johannesdunsscotus 82 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/1101-augustinusdeanconahttp://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/51944-nicolausdelyra 83 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/51363-jacobusdeviterbohttp://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/50875-aegidiusromanus 84 85 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/51820-johannesbaconthorpeCIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 107

Oxford-Paris coupling is frequent for all orders, as the Cologne-Paris for the , since he probably had to set aside his projected Paris master graduation86 to rush to Dominicans. William of Ockham is the only major name missing

Avignon to defend himself against the attacks of the Oxford chancellor, Henry authors.of Harclay Few (another authors Oxford-Paris from secular student). colleges canThe betwo compared canons of with Saint-Victor, the great Hugo and Richard, are also two of the most widely read and copied medieval- me , Pierre d’Ailly and Jean Gerson for the 15th mendicantsof Ghent87 , Godfrey and the88 of Victorines Fontaines in and terms for theof influence: 15th century, perhaps Albert Nicolas of Saxony Ores. 89 century at Navarre, Henry90- - With the possible exception of Gerson, the mendicant authors are also outs Rometanding and in termsthere areof manuscript more than copies:1 100 manuscriptswe know of more for Lyra’s than 4Postillae 000 manus. The cripts containing the works of Aquinas, more than 1600 for those of Giles of works of these three authors have also been continuously printed. - lis (Nédellec)It is also from noteworthy Britanny, that Johannes there are Quidort only three (maybe natives from of Paris) the kingdom and the Normanof France Nicolaus in the list de ofLyra the most famous mendicant authors, Herveus Nata 91 - . Richard of Saint-Victor is probably a Scot, Hugo- nedcertainly in rotuli a German and in fromlists ofSaxony. graduation: However, it is the the analysis diocese ofin thewhich scholar’s he became geo graphical origin is riddled with difficulties. The scholar’s diocese is mentio - a clerk, not that of his place of birth. The two coincide most often, but not always, and clerics may change for another diocese when it appears profita caseble to we their always beneficial record career. in Studium When Parisiense we have no indication of the diocese, we forcan instancemake a guess especially from topographicadventurous names, for Italian but scholarsthis is guesswork, called ‘de and Roma’, in that ‘de an interrogation mark. This is in Italy than jumping to the conclusion that they were born in the dioce- Florentia’, ‘de Venetia’ or ‘de Milano’, for the diocesan network is so dense

, clas- 86 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/21496-guillelmusdeockham2. sified87 as uncertain. 88 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/21498-nicolausoresme 89 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/421-albertusdesaxoniahttp://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/13574-petrusdealliaco1 90 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/4904-henricusdegandavo 91 France. Guillelmus Peraldus and Hugo de Sancto Caro were respectively born in the dioceses of Viviers and Vienne when their territories had not yet been integrated into the kingdom of CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 108 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

toses deduce of Roma, the Florence, region from Milan, the not diocese: to mention for instance, a fictitious the diocese diocese of of Soissons Venezia is(for mainly Carole, situated Castello, in Île-de-FranceTorcello and Equilio)(the Soissonnais), very risky. but But it it has is alsoa small difficult part

(Langresin Champagne and Chaumont) (Dormans andand BurgundyChâteau-Thierry), (Dijon, Beaune). and another Another one problemin Picardy is the(Compiègne), denomination while and the delimitation diocese of Langresof these isregions divided for between medieval Champagne times: for instance, we have created a region of ‘Alemania’, which includes the dioceses of Strasbourg, Constance, Basel, Ulm/Augsburg and Chur . All this explains why an exact correspondence between ‘region’ and ‘diocese’92 is impossible, as it is impossible with modern countries. The next tables use the ‘region’ variable, since the diocese is very rarely mentioned for the regular clergy, and establish as strict a distinction as possible between those who are born

Table 5a contrasts the recruitment of the mendicant orders with that inside the kingdom and those who were born outside. French regions, though Berry and Touraine have very low scores. The four regionsof the secular best represented colleges inside are Flanders the kingdom. (25 friars), The Mendicants Brittany (24), come Normandy from all

Languedoc(22) and Burgundy and Aquitaine (21), but are Languedoc practically (18), absent Picardie from the(17) selected and Champagne panel of secular(16) have colleges also a fairly, and thegood presence representation. of men from However, these partsit is noteworthy in Paris Univer that- sity seems mainly93 due to the mendicant convents. The only French province which is much better represented in the secular colleges than in the mendicant convents is Auvergne (corresponding to the dioceses of Clermont, Tulle and Le Puy). As regards the secular colleges, only two bring together indivi-

duals of markedly different regional origins, the Sorbonne and Navarre. But even in the Sorbonne, 76% of the students whose geographical origins are de-Franceknown and (10,1% who were each), born and inside there the are kingdom very few come people from onlyoriginating five regions, from SouthNormandy of the (34%), Loire, LimousinFlanders (13,8%),and Auvergne Picardy excepted: (11,6%), none Champagne from Languedoc, and Île-

Magistri92 in artibus der Universität Paris aus dem Bistum Konstanz und dessen näherer Umge- bung, K.H.Alemania Burmeister, Studens, ‘… Mitteilungender in fremden des landen Vereins were für Vorarlbergeruff der schuol’. Bildungs- Die Baccalaurei und Student- und en-Geschichte Though we must not forget the existence of the College of Narbonne. 93 , 11, (2003): 23-90. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 109

Table 5a. Regional origins: inside the kingdom. Maître-Gervais Augustinians Dominicans Franciscans Carmelites Sorbonne Trésorier Dormans Harcourt Navarre Cholets Justice Total Laon

Anjou 2 2 2 5 1 Aquitaine 1 1 11 Artois 2 2 1 1 6 2 5 1 9 Auvergne 6 6 1 Berry 1 1 3 3 7 7 Brittany 4 12 6 2 24 4 12 1 Burgundy 3 16 2 21 3 20 6 1 1 Champagne 16 14 Flanders 2 25 1 2 7 9 75 77 Île-de-France 4 1 4 14 32 1 1 1 7 9 7 19 9 Languedoc 2 3 5 1 1 9 99 Limousin 3 2 5 5 2 8 18 Normandy 2 13 4 3 22 40 4 1 55 60 Orléanais 4 1 5 1 5 1 1 47 98 39 Picardie 4 5 4 4 16 2 41 130 1 32 Poitou 1 1 2 1 17 Quercy 3 3 Touraine 1 1 2 2 55 32 23 221 133 65 40 33

85 195 138 229 58 98 Poitou, Aquitaine or Quercy . The same is true for Navarre, though the pro- 94 . The other secular colleges vinces are somewhat different: Champagne 95 (33,9%), Normandy (17,3%),- clesiasticsÎle-de-France reserving (13,9%) the andbursae Burgundy to their (9%)diocese, their family or their village: theyillustrate recruit this their Parisian students specificity, form one that region of colleges only. This founded is the by case bishops for the or Nor ec- - man colleges (Harcourt, Maître-Gervais, Trésorier and Justice) which, in con This corroborates the conclusions of Jacques Verger, “Les étudiants méridionaux à Paris au Moyen94 Âge: quelques remarques”, Annales du Midi Cadres de vie et société dans le Midi médiéval: hommage à Charles Higounet Nathalie Gorochov gives a detailed analysis of ,the 189-190, geographical origins of the Navarre students95 by dioceses and by regions which shows (1990), that 359-366. the geographical recruitment drastical- ly changed from one period to another, favouring for a time Champagne, Normandy or Paris, whereas the founder, Queen Joan of Burgundy had expressly wished to have students coming from all French dioceses: see Gorochov, Le collège de Navarre

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 , 156, 239-246, 344-352, 433-443. 110 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

formity with their founders’ wishes, appear exclusively reserved to Norman students (252 on 261 between the four of them), or for the colleges of Laon and of the Cholets for Picardy. This provincial recruitment helped the colle96- ges to function within97 the Nations structure of the Faculty of Arts. As mentioned earlier, the College of Dormans is not so different, despite its reparti-

heterogeneitytion between three of the regions, diocese Île-de-France of Soissons (43,4%),. But the Champagne difference between(33,8%) andthe Picardy (18%), since this is at least for a part98 a consequence of the regional

mendicantIt is true convents that there and theare severalsecular ‘national’college is collegeseven more in Paris, striking which if we are turn re- toceiving the scholars students originating from Scandinavia from outside the kingdom. 99 of the Lombards). But it is obvious that (colleges most Parisof Dacia, secular Uppsala, colleges Linköping), received veryGermany few students (the House from of theabroad. poor The German Colleges Students), of Navarre Scotland, and above or Italy all (Collegethe Sor- bonne are exceptional in this respect: whereas the selected secular colleges

members),have practically and Navarre no scholars 10 (only coming 1,2%). from The a Sorbonne region outside is clearly the kingdomin the same (a classmaximum than ofthe 3 convents for Dormans-Beauvais), of the Mendicant the orders Sorbonne for the has proportion 100 (21,9% of offore its-

36,5% of the Franciscans and 32,6% of the Augustinians may be described as foreignign students students. and Butmasters: the regional 19,5% ofdistribution the Carmelites, of the 22,9 Sorbonne’s of the Dominicans, scholars is

Countries100 quite different from that of the friars: 39% of them are coming from the Low Laon was, andcreated 23% in 1314of the for regions students which of two aredioceses, close Laon to the and kingdom’s Soissons, but borders in 1324 the 96Soissons bursae formed the College de Presles and Laon was reserved to students from the diocese of Laon alone. The only exceptions are some theologians from the diocese of Saint-Malo in Brittany: see Fabris, Étudier et vivre à Paris. Also created for students of two dioceses, Beauvais and Amiens, with no separation in 97 Les collèges français The repartition by dioceses is: Soissons 54%, Paris 12%, Reims, 11,5% and Meaux (10,4%),that98 case: allsee the Compère, other French dioceses accounting, 138. for 11,5%: Kouamé, Le collège de Dor- mans-Beauvais, 200.

au Moyen99 Âge”, in Sohn et Verger, ed., Die universitären Kollegien Elisabeth Mornet, “Piété et honneur.Studium Profil des Parisiense fondateurs. des collèges nordiques à Paris 100 States’ borders coincide neither with those of provinces, ,nor 59-75. with Elisabeth those of Mornetdioceses. is Inresponsible these tables, for the Scandinaviandioceses of Thérouanne files in and Tournai are considered as “Flanders”, that is

inside the kingdom, Cambrai and Liège are considered with Utrecht as Low Countries, outside the kingdom. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 111

Table 5b. Regional origins: outside the kingdom. Augustinians Dominicans Franciscans Carmelites Sorbonne Dormans Harcourt Navarre Justice Total Total

England 20 5 12 2 4 4 Scotland 3 4 5 1 1 6 39 Ireland 2 5 2 1 1 7 Low Countries 5 5 2 46 25 3 2 2 2 2 9 28 Sweden 5 13 1 2 Denmark Finland 3 3 18 Germany 12 15 4 1 Alemania 5 6 1 12 6 1 18 49 17 18 Bavaria 1 1 4 6 7 Rhineland 1 2 1 5 5 5 Saxony 5 4 1 2 12 3 9 Bohemia 1 1 Bosnia 1 1 Moravia 1 1 Poland 1 1 Dalmatia 1 1 Slovenia 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 Italy 23 6 56 122 2 1 11 Hungary Campania 1 1 37 8 Emilia Romagna 4 2 2 6 14 1 1 Latium 2 1 4 15 1 1 Liguria 3 3 1 1 8 Lombardy 1 2 1 5 2 2 Marches 4 11 9 Umbria 5 2 6 13 7 Piedmont 3 1 1 1 6 1 1 Apulia 1 1 Tuscany 1 35 1 1 2 Veneto 2 1 6 2 2 8 9 17 Iberian Penins. 24 2 1 45 23 3 1 9 Aragon 4 2 6 2 2 18 27 Catalonia 5 6 1 12 2 1 1 1 11 Castile 6 2 8 Majorca 2 1 3 8 9 9 Navarra 2 2 1 1 Portugal 3 10 1 1

7 CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 112 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ Augustinians Dominicans Franciscans Carmelites Sorbonne Dormans Harcourt Navarre Justice Total Total

Valencia Crete 1 1 Cyprus 2 2 Burgundy (Ct.) 1 2 3 2 2 Provence 2 3 2 2 Savoy 1 4 5 2 2 9 Lorraine 6 6 1 2 15 4 1 5 Total 121 106 32 100 10 3

(Lorraine, County of Burgundy, Savoy, Provence). In the mendicant convents, Italians are by far the wider group of foreign students, even for the Carmelites

(18,7%): 64,3% for the Augustinians, 30,6% for the Franciscans, and 21,7% Swedenfor the Dominicans. (12,2%). British For theIsles Dominicans, is the second the place Iberian of origin Peninsula for the (17%) Franciscans comes immediately after Italy, followed by Germany (14,1%) and, quite remarkably,

each),(19,1%), followed followed by the by theLow Iberian Countries Peninsula (15,6%), (18,3%) and for andthe GermanyAugustinians, (9,2%). the The Carmelites give first place before Italy to the students of England (37,5% These proportions did vary from one period to another as the decline of the numberGermans of is Britishthe only students other group shows: of butimportance they are (20,7%)a structural behind element the Italians. closely

(i.e. French) proportion following the lectorate course or participating in cam- paignslinked ofto predicationeach order’s and organisation. in the administration In each convent, of the house, there but was each a “national” province ought or could send (and fund) a given number of students to follow the graduation course in Paris. The importance of the Italians is due to the fact that there were many Italian provinces especially in the Augustinian and Francis- can orders. In the four orders, the number of scholars born abroad was largely

superior to that of the scholars born inside the kingdom. It is only at the end of ofthe students fifteenth whocentury have that attended the colleges other opened universities. their doors Once toagain, foreign the students. contrast is complete:Finally, this we time,may takeeven into the considerationSorbonne appears another cut offindicator, from the the other number Eu- ropean universities, though it is worth noting the presence of some scholars

having attended central EuropeCIAN, 24/1 universities, (2021), 82-125. DOI: such https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 as Krakow, Vienna and THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 113

Table 6. Other universities. Maître-Gervais Total Convents Total colleges Augustinians Dominicans Franciscans Carmelites Sorbonne Trésorier Dormans Harcourt Navarre Justice Laon

Orléans 1 1 11 14 1 1 1 1 Angers 1 2 2 5 29 Toulouse 3 1 1 1 2 Montpellier 2 6 2 10 1 1 8 7 19 Caen 1 1 2 1 1 4 Avignon 1 2 10 20 1 1 Oxford 15 4 26 1 1 7 Cambridge 2 2 4 1 1 7 St.Andrews 1 1 Louvain 1 1 2 2 1 1 4 1 1 Cologne 12 1 13 3 1 4 Bâle Erfurt 2 2 4 2 2 Greifswald 1 1 1 1 1 1 Leipzig 1 1 Heidelberg 1 1 Tübingen 1 1 Rostock Vienne 1 1 2 1 1 Prague 1 1 2 2 Cracovie 1 1 Bologne 5 1 4 Florence 2 2 7 17 Naples 3 3 1 1 Padoue 1 1 2 Pavia 1 1 1 1 Pérouse 1 2 1 4 Rome 1 1 1 3 Alcala 1 1 Lerida 1 1 Salamanca 1 Valencia 1 1 1 1

Coïmbra number of Parisian students are Orléans and at a lesser degree Angers, and thisPrague. number The is only certainly “other” underestimated, universities which since appearmany civil to admitlaw students a significant in Or- léans and Angers were probably Parisian bachelors and masters of arts and/

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 114 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

or students of canon law. The friars also attended other French universities, but neither Orléans nor Angers, rather Avignon, Toulouse, and Montpellier.

the three universities of Oxford, Bologna and Cologne, indeed other places of highBut the intellectual most salient achievement. feature of table 6 is the importance of the links with

The colleges in the town

Masters and students are also important as inhabitants of the city of Paris. The problem of scolars’ accommodation was of crucial importance, not only for the students and masters themselves, but also for the burgesses owners 101, a system had taxationes domorum dating of houses or flats.102 At some time in103 the: a committee,thirteenth century associating burgesses of beenParis, set Masters up, which of arts we and know two thanks or three to Masterssurviving of theology (usually a secular fromcleric 1281-1283 and a mendicant and friar, 1286-1288 some of them being quite famous, such as Adam de Gulyn104 105, O.P., and Arlotus de Prato106 - xed maximum for 1281,rents forthe housesfuture Cardinalopened toHugo students Aycelin (including de Billom schools and , O.F.M., for 1282 and Giles of Rome, O.E.S.A. for 1287) fi

aftercolleges). house Nearly by the all collectors these houses of a taxwere for situated the defence on the of lefta student bank of accused the Seine of theand rape in 1329-1330, of a young girl,when the all localisation members ofof thestudents’ university lodgings were was visited exactly house the same . Apart from some colleges founded in the vicinity of the Louvre pa- 107

Dame’slace (the cloister, Bons Enfants all colleges Saint wereHonoré, in theSaint-Thomas same part duof theLouvre, city. Saint-NicolasIn fact, many collegesdu Louvre) foundations and the ‘Collège started bydes the Dix-Huit’ legacy of in his the house(s) City island by the close founder, to Notre- and since many of the founders were academics, it is quite natural that the colle-

101 Chartularium, taxatione The hospitiorum right to control scholarium”. rents is the first royal privilege conferred to the university on the 23rd102 of February 1270 by Chartularium,Saint Louis: Denifle et Châtelain, t. 1, n° 429, “De 103 Chartularium, 104 Denifle et Châtelain, t. I, 597-600 (n° 511). 105 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/51233-hugoaycelindebillomDenifle et Châtelain, t. 2, 28-32 (n° 556). 106 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/87-adamdegulyn Courtenay, Parisians Scholars, 107 http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/individus/16800-arlottusdeprato CIAN,59-80. 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 115 ges were situated there. Many colleges remained simple houses, or rather groups of houses more or less connected between them, the buildings being sometimes distributed along the two opposite sides of a street (as in the case - hall,of Harcourt the Magna College). aula Most of them were not very different from the surroun dingcommon houses, life theof their only specificitymembers. inGraph most 4 cases gives being a good the idea existence of the ofColleges’ a large concentration in the: “collegesQuartier were d’Outre-Petit-Pont first and foremost” (“Quartier places latindevoted to theth phrase): and to the Colleges seen on the map, one must add the convents of the mendicant orders and the religious establishment: the Cordeliers” is a XIX and

. the Jacobins being delimited by Paris’s fortified wall, as the108 abbey of Sainte-- uralGeneviève choice while to acquire Saint-Victor new buildings was just outsidein the schools the city district. walls The executors of the Whenwill of the Queen houses Joan proved of Navarra inadequate, chose to they build were Navarre sold and College it was close a nat to the Queen. Since this was a royal foundation, they were able not only to buy houses,the schools but on also Sainte-Geneviève’s to get others by mount,expropriation: disregarding they thecould place therefore intended con by- struct the new college buildings ex nihilo 1315 . Jean de Dormans, the founder of Dormans-Beauvais College had an- other109 strategy, similar to that of Robert de and Sorbon on a awide century space earlier, from because1309 to but he may have begun to accumulate lands and rents as early as 1354. And his foundation was a life affair for him: the foundation’s official date is 1370, “Maison des Ymages” which was intended to be the core of the future college) he began to buy houses in 1365, when he got from the Collège de Laon (the them110. On these wider spaces, it was possible to construct buildings better andadapted the Collègethan a simple de Presles house which or a group had movedof houses to tonew the sites functions and had which vacated were those of a college, with a refectory, a library, a chapel and later classrooms111. The best example of a Parisian college’s library was that of Navarre, which 112. Saint Louis’s ‘Sainte Chapelle’ provided a model for the colleges who could afford to erect a chapel and new build- was demolished as late as 1877

See the map in Philippe Lorentz and Dany Sandron, Atlas de Paris au Moyen Âge. Espace urbain,108 habitat, société, religion, lieux de pouvoir Nathalie Gorochov, Le collège de Navarre, 153-154. 109110 Kouamé, Le collège de Dormans-Beauvais(Paris: Parigramme, 2006) 140, 145, 147, 172. 111 Aurélie Perraut, L’architecture des collèges parisiens au Moyen Âge (Paris: Presses de , 39-52. 112 th century photography in Lorentz and Sandron, Atlas de Paris au Moyen Âge l’université Paris-Sorbonne, 2009). CIAN, 24/1 XIX (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 , 173. 116 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

Graph 4. Bursae geographical distribution in 15th century Paris.

ings113 Jean de Dormans, his nephew Miles de Dormans, commissioned the famous royal architect,. The Sorbonne Raymond got du its Temple, chapel into 1328,build theand still the survivingexecutor ofchapel the will of the of college. The chapel was also intended to become a family sanctuary shelter- ing its members’ graves, but Miles de Dormans went further than his uncle’s intentions, and entrusted the famous architect to erect a college integrating

(“salle basse”) built over a cellar, a hall (“chambre haute”) and a library (“salle hautein a beautiful two-story hostel of vast dimensions a kitchen and a refectory the second one114. If even the largest Parisian colleges did not create a new architectural”) on the paradigm first floor, as and those the of scholars’ Oxford, bedroomsespecially (foursince inthe each construction room) on

of William113 of Wykeham’s New College, they gradually modified the aspect of 114 Kouamé, Le collège de Dormans-Beauvais This is not a Parisian specificity: see the chapel of Exeter College in Oxford, for instance. CIAN, 24/1 (2021),, 52-57. 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 117

Quartier d’Outre-Petit-Pont” a specific visual identity, which was reinforced by the symbolic intervention of the Paris’scholars left in bank the city’s and conferredstreets by enormousto the “ (sometimes as many as 4 000 par-

115. ticipants,Paris according scholars wereto a chronicler) present and and active frequent in the (330city’s betweenlife. The defence1393 and of their1492) privileges university was processions a constant preoccupation. They relied on the royal courts and above all on the Parliament of Paris for this defence: Serge Lusignan has - reckoned that between 1277 and 1448 there were116 633. These trials privileges in the Parlia were ment involving universities (78%) or college (22%): most of them concern- lationsthe university with Paris of Paris citizens (71%) were and not its too colleges bad, with (92%) the possible exception of the an efficient weapon against the university’s adversaries. On the whole, the re for the colleges. The relations with the sergeants and the guards of the “Pré- vôtébutchers of Sainte-Geneviève’s Mount, whose smelly garbage was a nuisance the university’s participation in the economic and social life of the city. The de Paris” were more difficult. But what is the most important is perhaps- - tentialscholars source privileges of frauds: enabled the themSorbonne, to benefit which of was fiscal also and a commercialwine producer, privile was especiallyges, for instance vigilant to in import the defence fish or ofwine these in therights city without. The university paying taxes, controlled a po many activities: the librarians, the paper and parchment117 dealers, the schoolmasters and schoolmistress, were all sworn members of the university. The university was also responsible for the control of medical practice in the city:

- those who had no Paris graduations were to be prevented to work in the city, dangerousbut it also implied spices and some astrologers control – notwere without prosecuted conflicts and – delivered of apothecaries, to the royal sur courts.geons and A special barbers, attention while quacks, was paid bonesetters, to these matters sorcerers, in Colleges’ grocers statutes,dealing with and - atroyal night and to civic prevent authorities prostitutes’ took carepromiscuity of the preservation with the students of the students’. mora lity: for instance, in 1358, the future Charles V had the “rue du Fouarre”118 closed

115 Antoine Destemberg, L’honneur des universitaires au Moyen Âge. Étude d’imaginaire social 116 Serge Lusignan, “Vérité garde le roy”. La construction d’une identité universitaire en France (Paris: (XIII PUF,e-XV e2015) siècle) 161-170. Robert Marichal, Le livre des Prieurs de Sorbonne, 1431-1485 (Paris: Aux amateurs de 117 (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1999), 26-41. Destemberg, L’honneur des universitaires, 311. livres,118 1987). CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 118 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

Conclusion

- plete. In the early thirteenth century, masters and students constituted a group By the fifteenth century, the integration of the university in the city was com professional practices which set them apart from the rest of the town’s popula- of individuals united by a set of shared values, a common culture and specific another city. This was not a Parisian feature: it happened elsewhere in Europe, andtion. the As thefoundation crisis of by1229-1239 migration demonstrates, is for instance they the chiefcould cause leave ofand universities’ migrate to creation in Italy. Once the colleges had been set up, migration was impossible: the university was tied to the town. And in the case of Paris, this town hap-

penedDeath andto be again also atthe the capital end ofof thethe 15kingdomth century. of FranceIt meant as thatwell the as oneColleges the most had populatedan unlimited of westernaccess to Europe, potential with external some students,200 000 inhabitants whereas most before of them the Black were offering bursae to provincial scholars: graduates could set up “pédagogies” or negotiate contracts with citizens trying to give a good education for their male children . Among these clients were the citizens and burgesses of Paris, but also the 119staff of the royal administration and of the royal courts, such as the Parliament of Paris: a university education was more and more understood as the indispensable requisite for a career in the fast growing royal administration, a new alternative to the ecclesiastical careers, which were initially the only option opened to students. Studium Parisiense is especially useful to stu-

people who are neither masters nor students but have ties and contacts with dy this aspect because it contains files (in the category “External”) of many- versity (librarians, schoolmasters etc. as detailed supra, but also messengers, the university, and files of people who are under the control area of the uni Studium Parisiense appears as a useful tool to inter- venebeadles, in the and vexed college’s question servants) of the and number are identified of the universityin the “Suppôt” members category. and of their proportionGenerally speaking, in Paris total population. Jean Favier in the detailed study he

Roux, La rive gauche des escholiers (1446)119 between Geoffrey Le Normand, the future founder of the Sainte-Barbe College, then rector of Saint-Benoît-le-Bestourné and provisor, 68-70, ofdetails Navarre the College,very good and example Robert deof aBuymont, contract “écuyer” – whose father and brother were ushers of the Parliament of Paris – and his wife, - varre’s College (the house “À l’écu de Boulogne” and the house “Aux Deux Lions”), but he gets specialAgnès d’Auvergne conditions (heiresssince he of will a butcher’s board in dynasty):his “pédagogie” he rents the two couple’s houses son they for own two behind years. TheNa cost of this free boarding is estimated at 20 gold “écu”.

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF MEDIEVAL PARISIAN COLLEGES THROUGH THE ‘STUDIUM PARISIENSE’ DATABASE 119 people, perhaps 5 000 at most120 usehas devotedthe graduation to this problemrecords asgives well a finalas the evaluation numbers of of probably available around bursae 4. This000 . But his method is questionable. He mainly declare themselves in the rotuli as students in decree, medicine or theology may work for the higher faculties, though it takes no account of those who of Arts, for which the graduation lists are very far from being complete, and whichand who obviously appear todo have not mentionnever graduated. those students But it cannotwho never work completed for the Faculty their courses. And these appear rarely in the documentation: the registers of the Anglo-German nation, by far the best we have in Paris, contains references to some of these students who were nichil habentes and disappear from view

- tionwithout of the graduating, status of presumablythe clerical studentby lack ofbased financial upon resources. the strict Butprohibition before the of armsreform wearing of the andCardinal the necessity d’Estouteville to produce and thethe signetenforcement of the college of a new where defini the student is registered (whether as bursa holder or as external student)121, the vast majority of the Faculty’s members is totally ignored by academic sources. Studium Parisiense integrates all those who appear to have been members of the Paris schools form the grammar school level to the higher Faculties: it intends to put at the disposal of the researchers a new statistical tool, the ratio between graduates (the categories “Master” and “Student”) and stu- describeddents (the ascategory those who “Student”). have no Tograduation achieve this, records many but difficulties which aggregates have still too to be solved. One is probably a redefinition of the category “student”, hitherto overwhelming presence in our data of uncertainty: we are currently engaged inmany a research different program profiles: with a new statisticians typology has and to computer be devised. scientists Another to one improve is the 122. But in the the efficiency of data analysis in case of uncertain information 120 Jean Favier, Nouvelle histoire de Paris, IV : Paris au XVe siècle (Paris: Association pour

121 Roux, La rive gauche des escholiers l’Histoire122 The de Daphne Paris, 1974), research 68-76. project, sponsored by the French National Agency of Research, , 145-148. directed by Cédric du Mouza and Stéphane Lamassé. Seend the two working papers on HAL: Jacky Akoka, Isabelle Comyn-Wattiau, Stéphane Lamassé and Cédric du Mouza, “Modeling- historical social networks databases. HICSS 2019”, 52 Hawaii International Conference- alon modelingSystem Sciences, to enhancing Jan 2019, historians’ Hawaii, intuition: United States application (hal-02283278); to prosopography”, and Jacky in Akoka, ER 2020: Isa 39thbelle InternationalComyn-Wattiau, Conference Stéphane on Lamassé Conceptual and Modeling Cédric du Mouza, “Contribution of conceptu ( ). ( ). , Nov 2020, Vienna, Austria, 164-173, CIAN,10.1007/978-3-030-62522-1_12 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159hal-03023837 120 JEAN-PHILIPPE GENET, THIERRY KOUAMÉ, STÉPHANE LAMASSÉ

end, we hope to be able to offer a more comprehensive evaluation of the economic and social weight of the university population in the capital town of France in the Middle Ages

Databases

— F ranciscan authors 13th-18th centuries: a catalogue in progress, and , Radboud University Nijmegen : . — StudiumMaarten Parisiense Van der Heijden: Bert Roest and https://applejack.science.ru.nl/franciscanauthors/CNRS-Université Paris 1-Panthéon- Sorbonne, http://studium-parisiense.univ-paris1.fr/Genet, Jean-Philippe, Thierry Kouamé, Stéphane Lamassé, LAMOP (

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CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 82-125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6159 La financiación de las universidades hispanas durante el período medieval (siglos XIII-XV)

The Funding of Hispanic Universities in the Middle Ages (13th-15th Centuries)

Susana Guijarro González* Universidad de Cantabria ORCID ID: 0000-0002-0082-1541

Recibido: Aceptado: 23/04/2021 18/02/2021

DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156

Resumen: Este artículo analiza los Abstract: This paper studies the funding models of medieval universities in the medievales de la Corona de Castilla y de la Co- Crowns of Castile and Aragon during their modelosrona de Aragón de financiación durante su de primera las universidades andadura initial stage in the Middle Ages. The compa- en los siglos medievales. La comparación en- rison between the models reveals differen- tre dichos modelos revela diferencias y simi- ces and similarities. The former are related litudes. Las diferencias observadas están relacionadas con el papel desempeñado por la bishops and their cathedral chapters, and tomunicipal the role corporationsthat the monarchy, played the in theirpontificate, origin con sus cabildos catedralicios y los gobiernos and development in the Late Middle Age. The monarquía,municipales elen pontificado,su origen y evolución los obispos durante junto similarities are seen in the administration and la Baja Edad Media. Las similitudes atañen a the types of sources of income, which proved la administración y tipología de las fuentes de

to be insufficient and unstable. The financial ingreso que demostraron ser insuficientes e weakness of the medieval universities meant

* Algunos de los datos de este artículo han sido tomados de las fuentes eclesiásticas reu- [email protected]. autora es investigadora principal. nidas en el contexto del desarrollo del Proyecto de I+D, PID2019-108273GB-I00 del cual la CIAN-Revista de Historia de las Universidades, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 ISSN: 1988-8503 - www.uc3m.es/cian LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 127 inestables. La debilidad económica de estas that they constantly needed to resort to ponti- universidades medievales hizo necesario el oligarchies who ruled them were not always Por otra parte, el compromiso de las ciudades fical protection. Moreover, the cities and urban recursoy las oligarquías continuo urbanas a la protección que las gobernaban pontificia. educational institutions. para con esta nueva institución educativa no committedKeywords firmly: anduniversity effectively funding; to these Medie new- val Castilian and Aragonese Crowns; sources Palabras clave - of income and expenses; 13th-15th Centuries. dades;fue siempre coronas igual de de Castilla firme yy efectivo. Aragón; fuentes : financiación-universi de ingreso-gastos; siglos XIII-XV.

La Universidad o Estudio General como institución genuina de la enseñanza superior nació en los territorios de la España medieval a la par que en el resto del Occidente europeo pero con diferentes ritmos. Mientras que en los reinos de Castilla y de León (Corona de Castilla desde 1230) los Estudios generales

- de Palencia, Salamanca y Valladolid (referencia de 1293) aparecieron en los primeros decenios del siglo XIII como sus grandes homólogas europeas (Bo lonia, París y Oxford), en la Corona de Aragón se demoraron hasta el siglo XIV (Lérida y Huesca). La financiación regia y eclesiástica de las primeras universidades castellanas frente a la iniciativa municipal de las aragonesas tuvo la monarquía castellana si se compara con la aragonesa, tanto en la crea- Historiográficamente, se ha puesto el acento en el mayor protagonismo que documentos fundacionales que caracteriza la infancia de las universidades castellanasción como en no la permite financiación ir más de allá sus de universidades la formulación medievales. de hipótesis La conescasez mayor de o menor aceptación. Esta afirmación puede extenderse a los tres primeros y únicos Estudios generales que florecieron en Castilla entre los siglos XIII al XV y es especialmente cierta para la primera universidad hispana (Palencia) con un siglo escaso de vida (ca. 1180-1275), así como para la de Valladolid- que perduró. En la de Palencia, al igual que en la de Salamanca (ca. 1218), hanel protagonismo sido los relatos regio. cronísticos Ambos preladosdel obispo inscribieron Lucas de Tuy sus (+1249) fundaciones y del Arzoen el bispo de Toledo, Jiménez de Rada (+1247), los que ha contribuido a reforzar contextoCIAN, 24/1 (2021), de 126-149.la política DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 de Alfonso VIII y de Alfonso IX para con sus reinos de 128 SUSANA GUIJARRO GONZÁLEZ

Castilla y León respectivamente1. Sin embargo, es preciso matizar que el protagonismo regio se tradujo en el impulso dado a la iniciativa de los obispos del entorno real. No hay que olvidar que la Iglesia y la monarquía castellana - prometidas con las campañas militares de conquista de las ciudades andalu- se hallaron aún durante el primer cuarto del siglo XIII financieramente com se sucedieron entre los reinos cristianos. zas bajoEn dominioel surgimiento musulmán, del Estudio además palentino de los propios se ha querido conflictos ver internos en el Obispo que

pero no existen documentos en los que intervenga el monarca2. Los frentes Raimundobélicos que (1148-1183) tenía abiertos el germenno facilitaron de la iniciativa seguramente que apoyaría la dedicación Alfonso de VIII, las tercias reales (rentas eclesiásticas concedidas por la Iglesia hispana a los reyes para llevar a cabo la guerra contra los musulmanes) a la dotación de los salarios de los maestros que enseñaban en Palencia. Con Fernando III y su canciller, el Obispo Tello Téllez de Meneses, se dispone de evidencias

general entre 1214 y 1246. Entre 1220 y 1225, ambos lograron del Pontí- de la obtención de rentas eclesiásticas suficientes para mantener el Estudio de Palencia (1220) y dos prórrogas ,por cinco años, de esta concesión para cubrirfice Honorio el salario III lade cuarta al menos parte cuatro de los cátedras diezmos (1221 de las y iglesias1225)3. deNo la cabe diócesis pen- sar en más partidas de gasto por entonces ya que, tanto las dependencias catedralicias como las casas propiedad del cabildo catedralicio, harían las veces de escuelas y residencia de maestros y estudiantes. Por otra parte, la condición de clérigos (bastaba con las órdenes menores) de la inmensa

eclesiásticos, eso sí, con cuantías muy desiguales. Pero el lastre del estado demayoría guerra de continuo los miembros que se activódel Estudio de nuevo les hacía desde ya 1224 receptores hasta la de conquista beneficios de

no vuelven a producirse noticias del mismo, con la excepción de una bula deSevilla Urbano (1248) V en debió virtud sumir de la cualal Estudio se le otorgaban de Palencia a sus en miembros la decadencia los mismos ya que

1 Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, De rebus hispaniae Car- tulario de la Universidad de Salamanca, 1218-1600 (en adelante, CUS), I, (Salamanca: Univer- , SigloChronicon XIII, Vicente Mundi Beltrán de Heredia,

sidad2 Gonzalo de Salamanca. Martínez 1970), Díez, “Palencia,p. 600. Lucas primera de Tuy, universidad de España”, ca. en 1238, El Estudio ed. de General Emma deFalque, Palencia. (Turnhout Historia : Brepols de ocho 2003).CUSsiglos de la I,Universidad doc. 11, 596. española -

3 La, Ed. antigua Margarita Universidad Torremocha de Palen- Her cianández, (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid-Instituto Universitario Simancas, 2012), 58. Bulas de Honorio III, ed. de Jesús San Martín Payo, (Madrid: Afrodisio Aguado, 1942), doc. I (30/12/1220), doc. VII (18/03/1221) y doc. 8(17/01/1225). CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 129 privilegios e inmunidades de que disfrutaba la Universidad de Paris4. No hay que desdeñar la competencia creciente que supuso la vecina villa de Valla- dolid, cuyo crecimiento urbano y condición de sede reiterada de la corte de no ser cabeza de diócesis como Palencia. No hay pruebas documentales, sinreal, embargo, se manifestaron que sustenten con vigor la hipótesis desde la segundade un traslado mitad delde la siglo Universidad XIII, a pesar de Palencia a la ciudad del Pisuerga. Mejor suerte corrió la Universidad de Salamanca que nació en el reino de León con presupuestos de partida similares a la de Palencia. Sede episcopal y un cabildo catedralicio que respaldaría el desarrollo de unas escuelas catedralicias como caldo de cultivo previo. Bien es cierto que no destaca una proyección de la sede arzobispal de Compostela se dejó sentir en la compo- siciónfigura delepiscopal cabildo de salmantino. la talla de ElTello relato Téllez cronístico de Meneses de Lucas en Palencia, de Tuy atribuye pero la - sa documentación disponible para el período remite a Fernando III como el protagonismo de su fundación al rey Alfonso IX hacia 1218, pero la esca exento”primer 5agente. Por entonces, de la configuración el pago de los del maestros Estudio salmantinoprovenía de como las tercias un órgano de la fábricaprivilegiado de las y iglesias autónomo, de la así diócesis lo definía de las cuando que el confirmaba rey disfrutaba en 1243 por concesión su “fuero

- tivopontificia. (Carta Con magna, todo, 1254) no es y posible de rentas hablar reales de parauna madurezsufragar loscorporativa salarios dehasta 11 la intervención de Alfonso X quien dotó al Estudio de un estatuto organiza - cesidadescatedráticos de ylos cuatro docentes oficiales6. Ahondó (2.500 también maravedíes en las de exenciones oro anuales). de impuesAunque- tosesta municipales cantidad ascendió sobre los en artículos1286 a 11.600 de alimentación maravedíes,. Con apenas el beneplácito cubría las nedel Obispo y el cabildo, la protección real contribuyó a asentar7 su sanción ponti- en Estudio general (validez universal de sus grados) . A pesar del fuero y de ficia. Alfonso X obtuvo del Papa Alejandro IV en 12558 la bula que lo convertía 4 5 Fernando III, 06/04/1243, ed. de Enrique Esperabé Arteaga, Historia pragmática e interna de Gonzalo la Universidad Martínez de SalamancaDíez, 68-69. III exime de impuestos a los estudiantes de Salamanca. 6 , Vol. I (Salamanca, 1914): I, 19 y 12/03/1252,, doc. 20: 23, Fernando 604.

7 Alfonso X, Carta magna, 08/05/1254, Vicente Beltrán de Heredia, CUS I Reales Cédulas de Alfonso X, ed. Esperabé Arteaga, vol. I, doc. IV (1267),Bulario 23; de la doc. Uni- V (1271),versidad8 24 de ySalamanca, doc. VI (1276), 1219-1549 25. (en adelante, BUS), I, (Salamanca: Universidad de Salaman- Bula de Alejandro IV, 22/09/1255, ed. de Vicente Beltrán de Heredia,

CIAN,ca, 1966), 24/1 (2021), doc. 126-149.15, 322. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 130 SUSANA GUIJARRO GONZÁLEZ

- tica.la dotación La jurisdicción financiera del que Estudio la monarquía estaría le en suministró, manos del el maestrescuela Estudio salmantino de la catedralse configurará al contrario como deuna lo universidadque sucedió marcadamenteen la universidad pontificia de Valladolid y eclesiás y en

las competencias jurisdiccionales. las universidadesCiertamente de y, ala pesar Corona de dehaberse Aragón sustentado donde la tambiénfigura de con rector rentas asumió rea- - sidad de Valladolid presenta un rasgo que la diferencia de las castellanas de lesPalencia (procedentes y Salamanca, de los y ladiezmos acerca deal modelo la Iglesia), de las la configuraciónuniversidades dede la univerCorona de Aragón sin ser el mismo. Se trata del papel que jugó el concejo en la ad-

salarios de los maestros. El Estudio no fue elevado a la categoría de Estudio ministración y cobro de las rentas fijadas por la Corona para el pago de los-

quegeneral ordena hasta a 1346los recaudadores (bula de Clemente del concejo VI) pero de Valladolidse hallaba queactivo entreguen en las últi al mas décadas del siglo XIII. Por un documento de Fernando IV (1304) en el tercias reales del Obispado de Palencia), sabemos que ya su padre, Sancho IV,Estudio había una realizado renta fijadonaciones anual para de lassu sustentotercias reales (20.000 en lamaravedíes villa de Valladolid sobre las y sus aldeas. Es decir, el concejo administraría las rentas concedidas al Estudio por delegación real . En la Corona 9de Aragón los gobiernos municipales que hasta el siglo

autónoma que escapaba a su control tomaron la iniciativa en la fundación XIV se habían resistido a integrar dentro de sus ciudades una corporación

monarcasde las dos primerasaragoneses universidades. tomaron el testigo En realidad, de la iniciativasolo Lérida y solicitaron(1300) y Huesca al Pa- pado(1354) la lograronautorización obtener para sanción crear en pontificia su reino durante Estudios la generales, Baja Edad pero Media. no Loslos dotaron con fondos reales. Jaime II en el estatuto que otorgó a la Universidad

y el nombramiento de maestros. Imitando el modelo boloñés de corporación de Léridaescolares tras juristas, su fundación entregó confió al rector a los pahereselegido porde la ellos ciudad la jurisdicción su financiación del Estudio. El rey había delegado, de este modo, la facultad de ejercer justicia

istoria de la Universidad de Valladolid,9 24/03/1304, Elena Sánchez Movellán,”La época medieval” en H los lectores e estudiantes,José María Palomaresconservadores (Coord.), e demás (Valladolid: ministros Universidad del Estudio Generalde Valladolid, de Valladolid 1989), de28: las “Sabed tercias que de el dicha rey, mivilla padre, e su tierra, hobo ea máspro ede a lasbuen de recaudoMocientes se ydus Fuensaldaña”. reino hacer mercedes a

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 131 en el ámbito académico de acuerdo con los paheres y el obispo de la ciudad10.

11. También Pedro IV entregó el gobierno de la Universidad de Huesca (1354) al municipio y le encargó su financiación La hacienda de las universidades hispanas en los siglos XIV y XV: administra- ción y fuentes de ingreso

El papel jugado por las instituciones laicas (monarquía y gobiernos conceji-

Estudiosles) y eclesiásticas generales (Pontificadohispanos. Se eforjaron Iglesia diocesana)modelos de durante gestión elde siglo su hacienda XIII y la conprimera rasgos mitad diferenciadores, del siglo XIV, de sin menor duda, caladomarcó enel devenirlos castellanos, bajomedieval y un modelo de los mixto en los aragoneses. No obstante, ambos modelos compartieron una debilidad endémica en su financiación. Corona de Castilla

En la Corona de Castilla solo Salamanca y Valladolid contaron con Estudios generales que desarrollaron su juventud y primera madurez en los siglos bajomedieval de ambas. De hecho, desarrollaron su actividad en inmuebles XIV y XV. Apenas disponemos de indicios sobre la formación del patrimonio- nuó descansando en rentas de origen eclesiástico, las tercias o tercera parte provenientepropiedad del del cabildo diezmo catedralicio. destinada aLa la dotaciónfábrica de financiera las iglesias. de Unaambas parte conti de las tercias de la fábrica (es decir, el noveno del diezmo) solían destinarlos entre los miembros del Estudio de la tercia de las tercias de la fábrica de las iglesiaspapas y dereyes las dosa la diócesisguerra contra fue otorgada los infieles. por losLa monarcasrecaudación a los y distribuciónconcejos de Salamanca y Valladolid.

10 Mariano Peset, “La fundación y el fuero universitario de Lérida”, Hispania

11 Isabel Falcón, María Luisa Ledesma, Carmen Orcastegui y Esteban Sarasa, “Las universi nº 58/2- (1998): 519-520. en Homenaje de la Universidad de Valladolid a la de Bolonia en su IX centenario, (Valladolid: Universidad de dades en el reino de Aragón (Huesca y Zaragoza) y de Lérida en la Edad Media”

CIAN,Valladolid), 24/1 (2021), 87. 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 132 SUSANA GUIJARRO GONZÁLEZ

Salamanca: rentas eclesiásticas y paulatina intervención regia al final Fernandodel XV IV reguló en 1300 la recaudación y distribución de las tercias del Estudio de Salamanca. Estas serían puestas en arriendo cada año por el obis-

por el rey12 po/cabildo catedralicio y los oficiales conservadores del concejo nombrados . Los testimonios sobre la concesión pontificia por trienios de las entercias 1301 y laspara dificultades seguir cobrando de la recaudación las tercias ende momentos las fábricas de de crisis las seIglesias suceden en Castillaa lo largo y otradel siglode Clemente XIV. Fernando V en 1313 IV obtuvo de la tercera de Bonifacio parte de VIII las una tercias prórroga de la fábrica de la diócesis. Esta concesión supuso además el desligamiento de las tercias de la universidad de aquellas que se concedían a los reyes para la gue- 13. Entre medias, hubo una crisis agraria (1302-1305) que culminó con la suspensión de las mismas y la consiguiente falta de dotación rrapara contra los salarios el infiel de los maestros. El concejo acudió en su ayuda poniendo en 1306 un tributo sobre la tierra de 12.000 maravedíes y el cabildo se mostró también dispuesto a colaborar por iniciativa propia y no por mandado del rey14 por la inestabilidad política que prosiguió a la muerte de María de Molina (+1321),. Nuevas y que calamidades debieron provocar sobrevinieron la suspensión entre 1312 de lasy 1325, clases intensificadas puesto que, por entonces, la concesión que había hecho Clemente V en 1313 resultaba 15. Prueba de la anarquía reinante

deinsuficiente Alba de Tormes para sufragar se habían a los negado maestros a entregar la parte de las tercias que leses que,correspondía un año antes16 de que Alfonso XI llegase al trono (1325), los clérigos

. Las contribuciones debidas para financiar la guerra de CastillaGranada la empeoraron concesión de la supenuria antecesor de estas de la décadas décima centralesde las rentas del eclesiásticassiglo XIV. Un yleve de aliviodos partes se produjo de la enfábrica 1335 de cuando las Iglesias el Papa por Benedicto un cuatrienio, XIII renovó esta promesaal rey de persistiría si no se produjeran treguas en la guerra de Granda. Circunstancia

que12 sobrevino, por lo que el pontífice hubo de otorgar una prórroga de un 13 La Universidad CUS, I,07/08/1300, de Salamanca. doc.46, Historia 626. y proyecciones, I, en M. Fernández Álvarez. L. Robles Car- BUS, I, 16/09/1301, doc. 22. y 14/10/1313, doc. 24, 330. Antonio García y García, 14 cedo15 y L. E. Rodríguez San Pedro (eds.), (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1989), 22. 16 CUS, I, 121.09/01/1306, doc. 48, 627. CUS, I, 117. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 133 año para completar el cuatrienio . Además, puede considerarse esta conce- sión como un precedente de la donación17 que Clemente VII hizo al rey Juan I contexto del Cisma de Aviñón; del cual el monarca traspasó a la universidad elen tercio 1381 decorrespondiente un tercio de las a rentasla ciudad de todode Salamanca el reino por y su haberle término. apoyado Con ello, en ella institución se aseguró una donación estable de 20.000 maravedís anuales . Dentro de la estructura jerárquica del Estudio salmantino el órgano18 administrativo-económico principal era el claustro de Diputados (rector, diputados doctores y no doctores, y maestrescuela), del cual dependía el arca cuentas. El maestrescuela era uno de los tres clavarios, junto con el obispo/ de la universidad, la concesión de préstamos y la rendición última de las custodiaban las tres llaves del arca que se encontraba en dependencias cate- draliciascabildo y o los en oficiales casa del delbedel. concejo El claustro nombrados de consiliarios por el rey (rector (conservadores) y consiliarios) que elegían al administrador del Estudio que gestionaría los ingresos, ayudado - do dar cuenta de su gestión anualmente. Las fuentes de ingreso principales eranpor un las grupo provenientes de oficiales de las del tercias, arca, los a lasgastos que yse pagaría unían algunaslos salarios, rentas, debien mul- tas cobradas y la devolución de préstamos realizados por la universidad. La cada año. El control de los arrendadores y las cantidades que deberían entre- gargestión en tres de lasplazos tercias competía era compleja, al administrador, éstas eran quien puestas de forma en pública privada almoneda llevaba cuentas de ello por lo que no se han conservado pruebas documentales. La gestión de cobros y pagos cotidianos a cargo del administrador requería una organización contable amplia que no se recoge en los Libros de rentas y ter- - ticas se repartían en cerca de 300 aldeas integradas en cuatro villas con su tierracias conservados. (Ledesma, Alba, En el Salvatierra siglo XV los y Miranda)adjudicatarios y en los de denominadosestas rentas eclesiás cuartos (el de Val de Villoria, el de Almunia, el de Caños y el de Peña del Rey), a lo que hay que añadir Medina del Campo fuera de la diócesis . El análisis de los 19 remates finales en las almonedas públicas que tuvieron lugar entre 1403 y 1448 ha puesto de manifiesto que las fluctuaciones anuales fueron similares- para cada fuente de las tercias. El grado de inflación fue significativo durante las cuatro crisis estacionales documentadas entre 1437 y 1442. Generalmen

17 CUS, I, 122. 18 BUS,Fernando I, 12/04/1335, Martín Lamouroux, doc. 29, 336. La revelación contable en la Salamanca histórica, (Sala- 19

CIAN,manca: 24/1 Diputación (2021), 126-149. de Salamanca,DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 1988), 38-42. 134 SUSANA GUIJARRO GONZÁLEZ

te, los administradores pagaban menos de lo que ingresaban, entregaban las cuentas a veces con años de retraso. De ahí, que en los Libros de claustros

pesardel siglo de estosXV puedan retrasos, encontrase la recaudación requerimientos funcionaba al20 administrador. para que se entregase lo adeudado (en 1488 se le requirieron 100.000 maravedís). A-

Entre finales del siglo XIV y las décadas iniciales del siglo XV la Univer- dorsidad de de la universidadSalamanca se salmantina, benefició dedebido forma al efectoespecial que de las la constitucionesprotección de quedos pontífices. La historiografía ha considerado a Benedicto XIII como restaura

le otorgó en 1411 tuvieron en su desarrollo durante gran parte del siglo XV. yEn gastos las mismas,21. Reguló se elaprecia sueldo el de interés los maestros del pontífice de derecho, por introducir medicina, rigor teología en el y lasistema facultad de deadministración Artes en el título de la segundo, hacienda al académica tiempo que y fiscalizarconcedió losa los ingresos acadé- micos un indulto para que pudiesen disfrutar durante un septenio de sus be- 22. Intervi-

aneficios causa del eclesiásticos, nombramiento mientras del administrador estuviesen cursando del Estudio sus estudios(1413), reforzando no en los conflictos surgidos entre23. Su el política Arzobispo para de con Santiago la universidad y la universidad salman-

el derechosuperávit del hacía primero la inversión (1419) en infraestructura, como muestran las bulas tina se orientó, sobre todo, a salvaguardar su débil financiación y a orientar las dos terceras partes de la renta de la fábrica de Almuña, Baños y Peña del Rey.que otorgóLas rentas en 1413. recaudadas En la primeraen la segunda dirección mitad fue del la primerratificación decenio que del hizo siglo de - ravedíes y debían cubrir ajustadamente los gastos24. En la segunda dirección XV,fueron según tres algunas bulas, lanoticias de 1413 aisladas, que obligó oscilaban a depositar entre en160.000 el arca y del 180.000 Estudio ma el remanente para dedicarlo al pago de las suplencias de los catedráticos,25 y las dos que reclamaban a los arrendatarios del cobro de las rentas del Estu-

de las escuelas mayores (previsto en las constituciones de 1411) y en una dio (adeudaban 2000 florines) para invertirlo en la construcción del edificio

20 21 Antonio García y García, Historia de la Universidad de Salamanca, 42. 22 Idem, 165 y 228. 23 24 BUS, II,26/07/1411, doc.,.444, constitución 2 y doc. 443, 24-25. BUS, II, 12/01/1419, doc. 571, 195-196. 25 BUS, II, 31/03/1416, doc. 515, 82 y CUS, I, 1405-1408, doc. 82, 372: en este trienio la- dadsuma a losde ingresosmiembros anual del Estudio fue de 53.00.y el aumento 188.671 del y salario169.351 de maravedíes los catedráticos respectivamente. de cánones y leyes. BUS, II, 03/07/1413, doc. 476, 56: se regula también las tasas de alquiler de casas en la ciu CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 135 librería. En la misma línea, fue la concesión de indulgencias a los que ayuda- sen a sostener el hospital de la universidad26. Mayor trascendencia tendrían en el devenir de la institución las constituciones aprobadas por Martín V en 1422, vigentes hasta las reformas del

Porsiglo ello, XVIII. elaboró La corporación unas nuevas consideraba que presentó obsoletas a Martín y demasiado V para ser severasaprobadas las constituciones de Benedicto XIII por las numerosas censuras que imponían. gestióncon resultado económica, positivo. las constitucionesEran muy similares octava, a lasnovena de Benedicto y décima XIII, reglamenta tan solo- banmodificaron el cargo yde completaron administrador algunas de rentas de sus o disposiciones.mayordomo que, En alo partir relativo de aen la- tonces, sería propuesto por la universidad y nombrado por el Arzobispo de - dor se transformó en juez de rentas, el mayordomo (elegido por el claustro pleno)Toledo. seEn encargaría el siglo XVI de esta la gestiónfigura se patrimonial desdobló, mientras. La pérdida que elde administra un control directo sobre las rentas por el prelado provocó su27 protesta ante el Papa y un pleito contra la universidad. . La constitución veintiuno regulaba la tasación de alquileres de casas a universitarios28 y la treinta la administración de las tercias eclesiásticas y la función del administrador. Las rentas recaudadas deberían ser invertidas en salarios, en la compra de libros y en la dotación quedaba remanente (residuo), la mitad se depositaria en el arca para gastos imprevistosde edificios paray la lasotra escuelas mitad se y ladistribuiría biblioteca. ente Una lovez catedráticos cubiertos los vitalicios gastos, si. Las constituciones vinieron precedidas de la concesión del Martín V al rey29 con algunas excepciones, una ellas fue la de las tercias reservadas a la univer- sidadJuan II (1421) de las 30tercias de la fábrica de las iglesias para la guerra contra el infiel - des31 . Testimonios fragmentados revelan que las dificultades para la recaudación de las tercias del Estudio continuaron presentando dificulta

26 . En la misma línea de protección de la institución, Eugenio IV confirmó

27 BUS, II, 13/09/1413, doc. 480 y doc. 481, 60-61. muerte28 Mariano del primero Peset, (1445) “La organización y el retorno de a las la universidadesconstitución original españolas de 1422.en la edad moderna”, 78. BUS, II, 20/02/1422, doc. 647, 235. El apoyo de Eugenio IV al arzobispo concluyó con la- res, 29La Universidad de Salamanca en el primer renacimiento (1380-1516), (Salamanca: Ayunta- BUS, II, 20/02/1422, doc. 647, 185 y 201-220. Luis Enrique Rodríguez-San Pedro Beza 30 amiento reparación de Salamanca, de iglesias 2013), y la otra 28-29. mitad a la Cámara apostólica. 31 BUS, II, 08/10/1421, doc. 638, 169: si bien una vez cada 20 años la mitad se destinarían Alba de Tormes para que den facilidades al administrador del Estudio en la recaudación de las CUS, I, 17/11/1439, doc. 99, 686: mandamiento del señor de Valdecorneja al concejo de CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 136 SUSANA GUIJARRO GONZÁLEZ

- cios eclesiásticos durante el tiempo de permanencia en el Estudio32. en 1432 el privilegio para los universitarios de percibir íntegros sus benefi fuentes de ingreso que tuvo el personal académico, la colecta o pago que los maestrosEn lasrecibían constituciones de los estudiantes. de Benedicto La información XIII (1411) sobrese menciona las misma otra es de muy las

pues disponemos de una referencia a un estatuto de colectas en ese momento. escasa, pudieron introducirse a finales del siglo XIV y existían todavía en 1466,33.

En cualquier caso, es posible documentar que fueron suprimidas en 1480 A partir de la proyección que Benedicto XIII hiciera en sus constituciones lade universidad la construcción34 de 7 aulas (cuatro para juristas y tres para teólogos, médicos y filósofos) se advierte una política de dotación de infraestructuras propias de de leyes, cánones. En y medicina,1414 y en las 1418 cuales el claustro hasta entonces adquiere se solares encontraban y casas en en ca la- sasRúa alquiladas Nueva para al construir cabildo catedralicio unas Escuelas35 mayores que albergasen las escuelas - . Se cree que el edificio de las Escuelas- mayores se finalizó hacia 1420, lo cual permitiría a la universidad ganar inde pendencia con relación al cabildo catedralicio. En la Rúa Nueva se encontra dichaba también calle que el Hospital habían sidode Santo del hospital. Tomás conocidoPor su parte, como las Hospital nuevas delEscuelas Estudio. de GramáticaEn 1427 precisamente o Escuelas menores, la universidad antaño recibió ubicadas una en donación casas del de cabildo casas corral cerca ende

la adquisición de unos suelos pudiera ser que cerca de San Bartolomé36. la Iglesia de San Vicente (1417), comenzaron a construirse en 1428 a partir de

El avituallamiento del personal académico provocó algún conflicto con el concejo y fue objeto de regulación por ello. En 1388 el concejo estableció - dor de Bobadilla y el comendador en Villoria por impedir la cobranza de las tercias del Estudio. tercias32 del Estudio en la villa y aldeas. CUS, II, 22/08/1469, doc. 143, 65: proceso contra el regi 33 34 BUS, II, 24/02/1432, doc. 837, 354. 35 BUS, I, 75. de 3.300 BUS, maravedíes. II,26/07/1411, Ángel doc..444, Vaca Lorenzo 25-36., Diplomatario del Archivo de la Universidad de Sala- manca CUS, I, 01/09/1414, doc. 85, 664: adquisición de estas casas a cambio de una renta anual

, (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 1996), doc. 4: se adquieren casas en Decretalesla Rúa Nueva estaban a cambio las decasas una que renta. el cabildo Sabemos había que arrendadoen 1378 las al Escuelas bedel. Si de éste Leyes se comprometíay de Cánones aestaban restar deen la casas renta arrendadas 40 maravedíes al cabildo, anuales, CUS, el bedel I, 18/08/1378, acometería obrasdoc. 71, para 647: acondicionarlo Las Escuelas con de bancos para 200 escolares, al igual que se había hecho con la Escuela de Leyes. 36 , Diplomatario Vaca, Diplomatario 26/10/1427, Ángel Vaca , doc. 10. CUS, I, 24/09/1417, doc. 88, 667. Ángel , 17/08/1428, CIAN,doc. 15.24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 137 algunas exacciones sobre el pan, el vino y la carne. Consecuencia de ello de-

- versitariosbió ser el pleito y sus que familiares se entabló podrían entre introducir el Estudio vino y el para concejo sus enbodegas, 1418 consiem la- intervenciónpre que no fuera del pararey. En vender. 1421 El se Estudio alcanzó tenía un acuerdo, su propia según panera el cualpara los vender uni trigo, sin embargo, no parece que disfrutase de una carnicería propia pues la . 37 requirióintervencionismo al corregidor de los de Reyesla ciudad Católicos en 1497 en la Universidad como prueba el Las tres últimas décadas del siglo XV se caracterizaron por el creciente . Estas visitas, expresión del ejercicio del derecho nombramiento de un visitador38 y de conservadores del Estudio entre 1476 y 1484 por la reina Isabel I . Noticias de patronato regio sobre la universidad, fueron constantes en el39 siglo XVI, llegando incluso a influir en la modificación40 y de adquisición de sus de constituciones casas en propiedad por aisladas como la de 1473 hablan de un remanente en el saldo de las cuentas- lasanuales mayores (582.26841. Sin maravedíes)embargo, los viejos problemas con la recaudación de las rentasla institución, persistieron sobre42 todo,. El pleito en la que Rúa el Nueva Estudio donde mantuvo se encontraban con el cabildo las porEscue los derechos de ambos en los diezmos de la fábrica de la catedral finalizó con Diplomatario 37 alguna, Octubre vino blanco de 1388, e tinto, Ángel lo que Vaca, ovieren menester, doc.para 1,su doc.provisión 4 (30/09/1418), e mantenimiento doc. 7de (23- sus familiares24/09/1421): continuos ”pueden comensales, meter ellos, con o un en alvalá otro depor un su regidor mandato qualuier”. en la dicha çibdat, sin pena

38 - go de CUS,Tejada II, presenta08/10/1476, carta doc. de los156, Reyes 74: la Católicos reina Isabel para perdona ser proveído al Marqués de la conservaduría; de Villena y a sus parientes y les restituye la conservaduría del Estudio; 31/12/1477, doc. 160, 76: Die- para23/11/1478, su doncel, doc. Rodrigo 164, 78:Maldonado Juan de Villafuertede Talavera. presenta carta de la conservaduría que le hi cieron los reyes; 08/02/1484, doc. 199, 130: confirmación por los reyes de la conservaduría 3940 41 MarianoÁngel Vaca, Peset, Diplomatario “La organización de las universidades españolas en la edad moderna”, 82. CUS, II, 09/11/1475, doc. 155, 73. , 05/11/1473, doc. 53: el cabildo vende a la universidad el censo anual de unas casas que le tenía arrendadas por 40.000 maravedíes. 25/10/1483, doc. 64: La universidad compra unas casas sitas en la Rúa Nueva próximas a las Escuelas menores por 70.000 maravedíes. 19/10/1487, doc. 74: el vicario del administrador del Obispado de maravedíes.Salamanca autoriza a Juan Pereira, arcediano de Nájera, a dar a la universidad en enfiteusis una42 casas Ángel sita Vaca, en Diplomatariola Rúa nueva frente a las Escuelas mayores por una renta anual de 1.500- na del Campo y señor de Bobadilla jura no ocupar ni embargar las tercias que la universidad , 11/07/1468, doc. 47: Rodrigo de Bobadilla, regidor de Medi cobrar las tercias del Estudio en aquella vicaria. poseía en Bobadilla. CUS, II, 21/08/1478, doc. 161, 77: que el alcalde de Monleón permita CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 138 SUSANA GUIJARRO GONZÁLEZ

una sentencia que reconocía al primero el noveno de los diezmos de Ledes- ma, Miranda de Castañar, Alba, Medina del Campo y Salvatierra junto con los de Valdoba y Monleón43. Por otra parte, las deudas que los administradores del Estudio tendían a contraer tiene su máxima expresión durante las dos

A su muerte, la universidad entabló un pleito con su hijo al que embargó últimas décadas del siglo XV en el administrador Diego Ruíz de Camargo. dejo a deber a la Universidad, dada su posición de máximo responsable de la recaudaciónbienes por no anual haber de saldado las rentas la deuda de la misma de 343.44. 671 maravedíes que su padre

Valladolid: tercias reales y administración municipal

La villa de Valladolid pertenecía al Obispado de Palencia, aunque su Iglesia colegial de Santa María disfrutaba de un privilegio de exención de jurisdic-

frecuenteción y en elde siglo la corte XIII realtodavía favoreció no poseía la instalación el rango de de ciudad. órganos Sin de embargo, la adminis se- había producido una diversificación de la actividad económica y la presencia un Estudio particular en la villa por la referencia que hace al mismo Sancho tración de la monarquía. Se sabe que en la segunda mitad del siglo XIII45 existía, pero tendría que esperar hasta 1346 para ser elevado a la categoría de Estudio IV en 1293 cuando funda una institución similar en Alcalá de Henares - dio vallisoletano con la concesión durante 6 años de dos partes de las tercias degeneral la fábrica por bula de la de Catedral Clemente y diócesisVI. El pontífice de Palencia reforzó para la financiación sufragar los del salarios Estu de los catedráticos, período durante el cual el personal del Estudio podría 46. Lo ingresos bajomedievales del Estudio de Valladolid se basaron en el disfrutar de beneficios eclesiásticos sin residir en ellos diócesis de Palencia. Los reyes de Castilla disfrutaron de una parte del tercio siglo XIV en las rentas concedidas por reyes y papas sobre las tercias de la

43 Ángel Vaca, Diplomatario 44 Ángel Vaca, Diplomatario 45 Mercedes Gaibrois, Historia, 08/02/1481, del reinado dedoc. Sancho 61. IV de Castilla,( Madrid : Tip. de la Re- , 26/08/1481, doc. 80. 46 vista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 1922-1928), Vol III, doc. 479. - rior. Bulario BUS, III, de 31/07/1346, la Universidad doc. de 1407, Valladolid 345. , Laeds. bula Mª original Ángeles de Díez Clemente Rabadán, VI seAna perdió I. Martinez por lo Ferreriraque la Universidad y Miguel Angelsolicitó Gónzalez a Clemente Manjarres VII una ,(Valladolid: copia en 1384 Universidad que incluye de y Valladolid, confirma la 2006), ante

doc. 1, 36-37. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 139 del diezmo eclesiástico que en principio estaba reservado a la fábrica de la su recaudación y la administración de la universidad, para lo cual nombraron iglesia. Los monarcas fijaron las rentas y entregaron al concejo de Valladolid concejo pertenecientes a los dos grandes linajes de la oligarquía urbana, los Reoyounos oficiales y los Tovar. o conservadores. El documento En de ValladolidFernando estosIV de 1304,fueron en dos el queregidores instaba del a - vedíes anuales donados por el monarca y derivados de varios tributos reales, hacíalos oficiales referencia del concejo a las donaciones de Valladolid de su a entregarpadre Sancho al Estudio IV de los tercias 20.000 reales mara de la villa de Valladolid y su tierra, junto con las de Mucientes y Fuensaldaña. derivados del arriendo de las tercias reales de Valladolid y su tierra, situadas enAlfonso pan, vinoXI aumentará y ganado, esta destinados donación a pagaren 1323 los con salarios 10.000 de maravedíes los maestros anuales lectores, de los conservadores y del bedel . 47 - ron los 20. 000 maravedíes de renta anual sobre las tercias de la villa y los En los últimos tres decenios del siglo XIV Enrique II y Juan I confirma a los miembros . Pero Juan I fundó el monasterio de San Benito en la ciudad lugares de Mucientes48 y Fuensaldaña, además de otorgarles la exención fiscal asignadas al Estudio. Ante las protestas del Estudio, su sucesor Enrique III le recompensóque recibió la con aprobación la concesión pontificia de las en tercias 1387, de cediéndole los arciprestazgos las tercias de que Portillo tenía y Cevico de la Torre. La universidad se quejó a Enrique III de que los arrendadores le impedían la cobranza de dichas tercias, alegando que valían más ser percibidas por la misma, fuere cual fuere su valor . Además, en 1404 dedestinó los 20.000 las tercias maravedís de los fijados;dos arciprestazgos a lo cual el monarcaa la creación respondió49 de tres que nuevas debían cá- tedras para asegurar los salarios de sus titulares50. La resistencia de las autoridades municipales a obedecer el privilegio de exención de impuestos para protección real. La respuesta de los reyes fue positiva. Con Juan I lograron el Estudio motivó quejas ante rey por parte de este último y la búsqueda de Elena Sánchez Movellán, Historia de la Universidad de Valladolid, (Valladolid: Universi- 47 Vicente Vázquez de Figueroa, Libro Becerro de esta Real Universidad de Valladolid Completadodad48 de Valladolid, con notas 1989), de vol. Mariano 1, 28. Alcocer, Francisco Fernández Moreno y Calixto Valverde y Historia de la Universi- (1757). dad de Valladolid. Bulas apostólicas y privilegios reales doc.Valverde, 3, 11. (Valladolid, 1919), 20/12/1367, 204-205. Mariano Alcocer, Vicente Vázquez de Figueroa, Libro Becerro de esta, (Valladolid, Real Universidad 1919), vol. de II,Valladolid 22/12/1379,, 205. Mariano49 Alcocer, Bulas apostólicas y privilegios reales, II, Enrique III, 1404, doc. 5, 15. 50 Vicente Vázquez de Figueroa, Libro Becerro de esta Real Universidad de Valladolid, 206.

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 140 SUSANA GUIJARRO GONZÁLEZ

1431 de acudir a la guerra de Granada51. La protección real no estuvo exenta los miembros del Estudio la exención de hospedaje en 1379 y con Juan II en - diciónde conflictos. que debían Enrique entregar III (1390-1406) cada año 6000 devolvió maravedíes al Estudio a Diego las rentas Meléndez de que de Valdés,le había debido privado a enuna beneficio merced delreal monasterio que este personaje de San Benito, había tenidopero con anterior la con- mente sobre las tercias52. La obediencia de Castilla a los Papas de Aviñón durante el Cisma pon-

de las tercias de los arciprestazgos de Cevico y Portillo, a cambio de que el tificio redundaría en la concesión por Benedicto XIII en 1416 de dos partes Salamanca (1411)53. Contrapartida que el Estudio de Valladolid aceptó pero Estudiono cumplió se 54rigiese pues suponíapor las constitucionesuna mayor intervención que el pontífice de los conservadores había otorgado del a Estudio, es decir, de la oligarquía urbana del concejo, en la asignación de cá- - tudio de los arciprestazgos de Cevico y Portillo, pero acabo levantado dicho tedras. Benedicto XIII reaccionó decretando el embargo de las tercias55. Martíndel Es

secuestro en 1417 sin lograr introducir las nuevas constituciones 56. La V tuvo también que transigir, en 1418 ordenó levantar cualquier secuestro- sósobre en dichasla obtención tercias de y confirmó la protección los estatutos de la monarquía antiguos defrente la universidad a la oligarquía urbanabúsqueda del de concejo autonomía que tratabapor parte de decontrolarla. la universidad Por lo de demás, Valladolid los reyes descan del

cátedras,siglo XV mantuvieron una de Decreto las rentasy otra dereales Decretales, destinadas los Reyesal Estudio católicos general facultaron aunque alos la ingresosuniversidad debieron a dividir ser en modestos. dos el salario Así, ende 1498la Cátedra para defundar Decreto dos (50.000 nuevas maravedíes) . Durante su reinado, además, la universidad recibió el apoyo 57 autonomía jurisdiccional de que gozaban sus miembros . En los comienzos regio ante los intentos del corregidor y otros oficiales de58 justicia de violar la

de la edad moderna se configuró como un Estudio más jerarquizado y con 51 Mariano Alcocer, Historia de la Universidad de Valladolid. Bulas apostólicas y privilegios reales 52 Idem, 53 , 22/12/1379, doc. 10, 11. 54 10/09/1437, doc. 21, 62. Incluye diversas provisiones de reyes anteriores.a 55 IdemIdem,, Benedicto XIII, 02/06/1416, doc. 10, 19. 56 IdemIdem,, Benedicto XIII, 12/05/1417, doc. 11, 31. Idem, doc.Benedicto 31, 103. XIII, 18/06/1417, doc. 11, 31. 57 Elena SánchezMartín V, Movellán 08/07/1418,, Historia doc. de 16, la 43; Universidad 201/12/1418, de Valladolid doc. 17, yvol. doc. 1, 18,34. 45-47. 58 CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 141 al patronato regio . menor autonomía.59 Las constituciones del siglo XVI revelan su sometimiento

Corona de Aragón

El nacimiento de las universidades en la Corona de Aragón no se produjo - quía, los gobiernos municipales y la Iglesia. Las dinámicas oligarquías urba- nashasta que el siglocontrolaban XIV y fue los el gobiernos fruto de una de acciónsus ciudades mancomunada veían en entreesta institución la monar como una amenaza para su autonomía. Solo dos ciudades, Lérida (1300) y -

Huesca (1354,) tuvieron un Estudio general con aprobación pontificia y de- casarrollo hasta durantelos albores los desiglos la época XIV y moderna. XV. Los Estudios aparecidos en las ciudades de Gerona, Mallorca, Barcelona y Valencia no lograron confirmación pontifi

Lérida: financiación municipal exclusiva y fórmulas mixtas - ciscanos dirigió a los paheres del gobierno municipal de Lérida una carta con A finales del siglo XIII Jaime II de Aragón con la mediación de los fran - candola petición el deseo de crear del gobiernoun Estudio municipal, General enconcedió la ciudad al nuevo(1293). Estudio Poco después, privile- gioen 1297,fundacional. recibió La autorización fundación delpontificia Estudio para General el proyecto fue acompañada y en 1300, de ratifi unas normas estatutarias aprobados casi de manera simultánea. El municipio de Lérida como partícipe del nacimiento de la institución retuvo un claro prota- - miento de profesores60. Aunque el Papa deseaba que siguiera el modelo de gonismola Universidad en los deaspectos Toulouse relacionados se inspirará con en la el su modelo financiación boloñés. y con Jaime el nombra II evitó, de este modo, que el Estudio quedase bajo el control exclusivo de la Iglesia y lo convirtió en una estructura de poder equilibrado, que fue la base de las universidades de la Corona de Aragón, bajo un amplio poder municipal61. El rey conservaría la facultad de intervención en la nueva universidad, pero la

5960 Joan J. Busqueta (ed.). Llibre de les Constitucions i Estatuts de l’Estudi General de Lleida, Mariano Peset, “La organización de las universidades españolas en la edad moderna”, 93. 61 Rafael Ramis Barceló, Estudios sobre la Universidad de Lérida 29-30. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 , 18. 142 SUSANA GUIJARRO GONZÁLEZ

jurisdicción de la misma correspondería al rector nombrado entre los estu-

posición central en los reinos de la Corona de Aragón, en cuyos territorios se lediantes. concedía En el privilegiomonopolio fundacional de la enseñanza se justifica superior la elección que después de Lérida no se por cum su- plió62. A diferencia de los que ocurrió en las universidades de Salamanca y Valladolid, el Estudio general de Lérida no fue dotado con rentas reales o

sostenimiento del mismo. En el mes de septiembre del mismo año de la fun- daciónpontificias (1300), propias. el consejo La pahería general o degobierno la ciudad municipal se reunió asumió en la Seo la yerección se obligó y a pagar el salario de seis maestros y de un estacionario, así como a construir cuatro aulas y a facilitar vivienda a los estudiantes63.

de armonía.Durante El elObispo período y el fundacional cabildo llegaron (1300-1319) a un acuerdo se estableció con los paheres una fórmula para colaborarde financiación en el sostenimiento eclesiástico-municipal del Estudio. no Paraexenta ello, de crearon dificultades un impuesto por la falta que todos los clérigos de la diócesis deberían satisfacer so pena de excomunión. Por su parte, la ciudad estableció un impuesto municipal para pagar el salario de los profesores. El acuerdo funcionó entre 1300 y 1305 pero el Estudio hubo de cerrar en el quinquenio siguiente. Una nueva concordia64 permitió reabrir- lo en 1310. La Pahería cedió al Obispo y cabildo el nombramiento de profesores durante diez años. Ambos deberían contribuir con 2.500 sueldos jaqueses

catedráticos. En 1313 mediante una sentencia arbitral del monarca los paheres(250 recuperaron libras), cantidad el nombramiento que resultó ser de suficiente los catedráticos. para la plantillaSe allanó inicial así el decamino siete

establecierona una segunda un etapa impuesto de financiación sobre la venta enteramente del vino en municipal la ciudad (1319-1349).denominado Para ello, sin autorización del monarca y burlando el fisco real, los paheres de 3 años). Pedro IV condonó esta irregularidad y concedió una prórroga del la “libra del Estudio” (1 sueldo por cada 28 del valor del vino con una vigencia-

impuesto hasta 1359. Sin embargo, desde 1360 esta fuente de ingreso resul taba insuficiente debido al crecimiento de la plantilla. A pesar de los apoyos 62 J. LLadanoa I Pujol, L’Estudi general de Lleida del 1430 al 1524, 210-212. y Mariano Peset,”La fundación y el fuero universitario de Lérida”, Hispania (Barcelona, 1970), 188, 63 Francesc Esteve Perendreu, El régimen jurídico del Estudio General de Lleida (s. 58I/2, XIII- XVIII)nº22 (1998): 519-520. 64 Roser Gort Riera, L’Estudi General de Lleida al segle XIV, (Lleida: Edicions de la Univer- , (Lleida: Pagès editors, 1992), 61-64. cátedras durante 6 años, aportando la mitad del salario. sitat de Lleida, 2016), 39: El obispo y cabildo de Lérida se comprometieron a proveer las CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 143 recibidos de Pedro IV para acrecentar la recaudación, comenzaron a exigirse

65 tallas o imposiciones a los profesores y estudiantes. Hacia 1378 el sistema de- nesfinanciación dedicadas municipal a captar únicarecursos se había para resquebrajadoel Estudio. Para .ello, En 1399 estableció el Rey queMartín los estudiantesel Humano promoviódeberían tambiénreformas pagar fiscales por para una equilibrarserie de artículos el pago alimenticios. de imposicio66 Durante el período del Cisma de Aviñón se volvió en cierto modo a la fórmula de financiación municipal y eclesiástica. Clemente VII le concedió- al Rey Martín el Humano los denominados “legados inciertos de la diócesis” decir,(provenientes unas 2000 de libras) los beneficios pero eran eclesiásticos eventuales. vacantes Obtuvo entambién la Provincia tres rótulos ecle siástica de Tarragona que alcanzaban en 1398 la suma de 4000 florines, es . La pahería de Léridapontificios estableció de expectativa una imposición de beneficios a los estudiantes eclesiásticos de un para dinero los67 miembrospor cada libra del Estudio que dan fe de su crecimiento (1378, 1387 y 1394) - de carne y, a pesar de la resistencia, se convirtió en una renta fija en el futuro. losTambién bienes Benedicto legados por XIII Berenguer favoreció alGallart Estudio (albaceazgo concediéndole de Gallart). 100 florines Además, anua in- les sobre el decanato del cabildo de Lérida y una renta de 400 florines sobre de seis a tres (uno por el Estudio, uno por el municipio y uno por el cabildo tervino en la organización administrativa reduciendo el número de clavarios- taba con cinco fuentes de ingreso aseguradas que cubrirían la nómina de los catedralicio). De este modo, al final del Cisma la Universidad de Lérida con (“libra de vino”, “los legados inciertos”, pensión anual del Decanato de Lérida y laprofesores, pensión sobre sumando el albaceazgo unos 970 de florines: Berenguer los tres Gallart). que se A elloacaban habría de mencionarque sumar las colectas que cada catedrático podía recaudar de sus alumnos por las lecturas impartidas (estipuladas en estatutos fundacionales de 1300) y el bancaje, cantidad anual que se pagaba por sentarse en los bancos de las aulas . 68 - prende una reforma de los estatutos fundacionales del Estudio que en lo que Hacia mediados del siglo XV (1447), el Obispo García Aznares em- se refiere a la financiación continúa nutriéndose de viejas fuentes imposi 65 Ramón Gayá, “Las rentas del Estudio General de Lérida”, Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia, , El régimen jurídico del Estudio General de Lleida (s. XIII-XVIII) nº 2566 Rosert(1954): Gort 293-303. Riera, FrancescL’Estudi General Esteve Perendreude Lleida al segle XIV, 45. Joan J. Busqueta,,166-170. “Sobre l’Estudi General de Lleida a l’Edat Mitjana. Algunes quëstions”, Millars:67 Espai i Història

68 ,nº 46/1 (2019): 150-151. CIAN, 24/1 Ramón (2021), Gayá, 126-149. “Las DOI: rentas https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 del Estudio General de Lérida”, 308-315. 144 SUSANA GUIJARRO GONZÁLEZ

la Prepositura de la Sede que recibía el maestro de gramática y un nuevo albaceazgotivas. Se añadió (del maestrouna donación Juan de del Prusia), obispo con de los 50 cuales florines, se alcanzaríamedia porción la suma de - - de 1.005 florines para cubrir los salarios de profesores. El Papa Calixto III fa voreció al Estudio y le asignó, además, una renta de 100 florines. Desde me eldiados monarca del siglo embargó XV, Lérida las rentas sufrió de de la formapahería directa y del losEstudio embates general de la pero guerra los paherescivil que consiguieronenfrentó a Cataluña que se respetasey al rey Juan el privilegio II (1462-1472). de la universidad. Tras la rendición, Fue el -

períodocomienzo por de el una Papa larga Paulo decadencia II a ruegos pues del se monarca enfrentaron Juan a II. la Aunque dificultad lograron añadi recuperarda de la competencia algunas fuentes de la deUniversidad ingreso, el de cobro Huesca de las que demás fue restaurada no se restableció en este hasta 1553 por bula de Julio III . El apoyo de la monarquía de que había dis- frutado se fue diluyendo a causa69 de la atención prestada desde mediados del - goza. Tendencia que no excluyó la toma de medidas favorables a la Universi- dadsiglo de XVI Lérida, por los defendida reyes a las por universidades Felipe II como emergentes sede universitaria de Barcelona tradicional y Zara. 70

LaHuesca: segunda insuficiente universidad financiación en los territorios municipal peninsulares y débil apoyo de eclesiástico la Corona de Ara- - sidades de estos reinos, caracterizó los comienzos de una institución cuya vidagón fue fue Huesca. errática La en iniciativa la Baja Edad municipal, Media, al debido igual que precisamente sucedió en aotras sus probleuniver- - señanza superior que se había atribuido a la Universidad de Lérida y como respuestamas de dotación a la petición financiera. de los Pedro jurados IV, municipales,rompiendo el fundó monopolio el Estudio sobre general la en

ende estaHuesca decisión. en 1354. El monarca Sin duda, les el entregó contexto el gobiernopolítico que del Estudiollevó a Huesca y se reservó a no eljurar derecho el privilegio a promulgar de la estatutos.Unión de losComo aragoneses se ha observado (1287) enque el sucedió pasado, con pesó el

- de Lérida, no le dotó con rentas reales por lo que la financiación del nuevo Estudio general recayó en el gobierno municipal de Huesca. El refrendo pon tificio a esta nueva institución no llegó hasta 1465 lo que puede explicar la

69 Rafael Ramis Barceló. Estudios sobre la Universidad de Lérida, 23. 70 Ramón Gayá, “Las rentas del Estudio General de Lérida”, 318-328. CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 126-149. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 145 ausencia de aportación eclesiástica. El municipio impuso un tributo sobre la - carnejudía y que musulmana topó con quela resistencia contribuyeran de los con vecinos un impuesto pero resultó pero laser debilidad insuficien de te. Pedro IV intentó paliar la deficiencia financiera pidiendo a las aljamas la hacienda del Estudio culminó con su cierre entre finales del siglo XIV y esecomienzos momento de sesiglo nutría XV. Notambién se puede de estudiantes eludir que laoscenses protección71. de Fernando II a la universidad de Huesca suscitó recelos en el Estudio de Lérida que hasta

La Universidad de Huesca hubo de ser refundada a comienzos del siglo XV, esta vez de la mano del Obispo Fenollet y del cabildo catedralicio. Por otra parte, la confirmación pontificia de 1465 la equiparó en privilegios a la de Bolonia y a la de Lérida, además de facilitar financiación eclesiástica. El obispo y el cabildo de Huesca la dotaron en 1473 con las rentas de cuatro concejobeneficios (un eclesiásticos. prior de los jurados La junta y deun ciudadanogobierno en designado la segunda por mitad el concejo). del siglo El concejoXV estuvo recurrió constituida a los impuestos,por el obispo/cabildo, imponiendo de alguna una parte,sisa sobre y, de productos otra, por el y - a finales del siglo XV el obispo aportó más rentas..Por otro Nada lado, de elloCataluña debió contaba fortale cer la endeble financiación de un Estudio general72 que hacía 1475 continuaba siendo modesto en número de estudiantes Estudiopara entonces de Gerona con Estudios aprobado desprovistos por Alfonso todavía V, del Estudio de refrendo de artes pontificio y medicina pero con suficiente prestigio como para suponer una competencia. Es el caso del 1401) y del Estudio de Mallorca (Privilegio fundacional de Fernando el Ca- de Barcelona promovido por Martín el Humano (privilegio fundacional de de la Corona de Aragón no bastó para acrecentar la importancia del Estudio tólico, 1483). La protección que Fernando II ejerció sobre las universidades general de Huesca en los decenios finales del siglo XV. Conclusión

La escasez de documentación sobre el origen y evolución de las primeras uni- - versidades Mª Isabel hispanas Falcón, Mª en Luisa el sigloLedesma, XIII Carmen no permite Orcastegui establecer y Esteban conclusiones Sarasa, “Las universi defi- 71 dades72 del reinoEl de poder Aragón real (Huesca en la Corona y Zaragoza) de Aragón y de Lérida en la Edad Media”, 88-89. José María Lahoz Finestres, “Las intervenciones reales en la Universidad de Huesca (1354-1599)”, . Congreso de Historia de la Corona de CIAN,Aragón, 24/1 vol. (2021), 5, (Zaragoza:126-149. DOI: Gobierno https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 de Aragón, 1996), 441-445. 146 SUSANA GUIJARRO GONZÁLEZ

- sidadesnitivas sobre de Palencia su infancia. y Salamanca El innegable respectivamente, protagonismo ha deque ser la matizado.historiografía Ambos ha fueronatribuido receptivos a los reyes a las Alfonso propuestas VIII y deAlfonso los prelados IX en el que surgimiento formaban de parte las univer del entorno real y sensibles al cado de cultivo cultural de las escuelas catedralicias existentes. Ciertamente, tomaron el testigo de estas iniciativas e impulsaron la mutación institucional que alumbró los Estudio generales. Ese apoyo polí-

terciastico reforzado reales, (terciaspor la necesaria del diezmo confirmación destinado a pontificia la fábrica fue de lasacompañado iglesias de por las diócesisuna dotación de Palencia financiera y Salamanca). sustentada Duranteen rentas esta reales centuria de origen sirvieron eclesiástico, para sus las- tentar el salario de los maestros. Los estudiantes, en su gran mayoría clérigos

condición para sufragar sus estudios. Sin embargo, a falta de mayores indicios,de órdenes es posible menores, aventurar se valieron que el deEstudio los beneficios de Palencia eclesiásticos fue víctima anexos de la a prio esta- ridad que para los monarcas castellanos supuso completar la recuperación de la Meseta Sur bajo dominio musulmán. Una urgencia que ya no afectó al

- Estudio salmantino en las décadas centrales del siglo XIII cuando alcanzó una losmadurez tres clavarios corporativa que custodiabanque lo configuró el arca como de laun universidad). Estudio marcadamente En cambio, enpon la tificio y eclesiástico (el maestrescuela, juez del Estudio, era además uno de

vecina Valladolid, cuyo Estudio se demoró en la obtención de la confirmación- gadospontificia, de esta el concejo tarea serían asumió dos por regidores delegación que real representaban el cobro y la a administraciónlos linajes más importantesde las rentas realesde la ciudad; fijadas paraen el la futuro institución. pondrían Los oficialestrabas a dellas concejoexenciones encar de impuestos para los académicos e intentarían intervenir directamente en la provisión de cátedras. - versidades de Salamanca y Valladolid acusaban los vaivenes provocados por En el siglo XIV, mientras que las haciendas universitarias de las uni Granada, las universidades de la Corona de Aragón hicieron su entrada en la escenalas crisis histórica agrarias, como las fluctuacionesresultado de unade la acción moneda mancomunada y el costo de de la los guerra monar de- cas y los gobiernos municipales con el respaldo de sus iglesias diocesanas.

de lo sucedido en Castilla, hizo recaer el peso de la misma en los gobiernos De ahí, que desarrollasen un modelo de financiación mixta que, a diferencia - municipales y no contó con una dotación específica por parte de los reyes aragoneses, tampoco del Pontificado salvo de forma puntual. Solo los Estu dios de Lérida (1300) y HuescaCIAN, 24/1 (1354) (2021), 126-149.obtuvieron DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6156 confirmación pontificia, LA FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS UNIVERSIDADES HISPANAS DURANTE EL PERÍODO MEDIEVAL (SIGLOS XIII-XV) 147 convirtiéndose en Estudios generales en la Baja Edad Media. Su evolución en - sos sostenidos mayormente en la imposición de tributos municipales a unas ciudadeslos siglos recelosasXIV y XV se de vio los lastrada privilegios por dela dificultad la institución, de consolidar y por la tensiónunos ingre con las autoridades eclesiásticas que exigían el control sobre el nombramien- to de maestros a cambio del apoyo monetario. Las aportaciones papales en momentos críticos no impidieron los períodos de decadencia que, en el caso del Estudio de Lérida, se agravaron con la guerra civil catalana en la segunda

- mitad del siglo XV; y, en el caso de Huesca, hizo necesaria una refundación lacon protección financiación regia eclesiástica. frente a las Paralelamente, pretensiones deen controlla Corona sobre de Castilla,la misma la de uni la oligarquíaversidad de urbana. Valladolid La universidad con una hacienda de Salamanca, modesta por durante su parte, el siglo reguló XV buscócons- - nanciera, mantuvo las tercias reales como fuente principal de sostenimiento, asegurótitucionalmente el avituallamiento la gestión demediante su hacienda la exención para salvaguardar de impuestos su concejiles debilidad so fi- bre productos básicos y orientó el superávit a la dotación de una infraestruc- y eclesiástica, garante de su protección, no impediría una creciente inter- tura propia (escuelas mayores y menores). Su marcada impronta pontificia Católicos en los albores de la Edad Moderna. vención de la monarquía en la institución que se intensificó con los Reyes

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GORT RIERA, ROSER, L’Estudi General de Lleida al segle XIV, Lleida: Edicions deca, la1989. Universitat de Lleida, 2016. - El poder real en la Corona de Aragón. LAHOZ FINESTRES, JOSÉ MARÍA. “Las intervenciones reales en la Universi- dad de Huesca (1354-1599)”. En LLADONOSACongreso I PUJOL, de Historia JOSEP. de L’Estudi la Corona general de Aragón, de Lleida vol. del 5, 1430Zaragoza: al 1524 Gobier, Bar- no de Aragón: 1996, 437-448. La revelación contable en la Salamanca históricacelona: Institut d´Estudis Catalans, 1970. MARTINEZMARTÍN LAMOUROUX, DÍEZ, GONZALO. FERNANDO. “Palencia, primera universidad de España”. En El Estudio, Salamanca: General de DiputaciónPalencia. Historia de Salamanca, de oho siglos 1988. de la Universidad española -

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. Ser (de nue- tal del Estado, se estableció también vo) doctor por Salamanca. Las tesis un circuito cuyo recorrido permitía doctoralesEugenia Torijano de la Facultad Pérez de Derecho en uniformizar el sistema. Pieza funda- el Sexenio Revolucionario (1868-1874). mental de ese circuito fue que los as- pirantes al profesorado debían cur- sar un año en las cátedras del doc- Madrid: Dykinson, 2021, 441 pp. torado que solo existían en Madrid. Así, se bebían unas mismas fuentes, DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6161 El estudio del doctorado como grado se adquiría una misma doctrina, se universitario ha tenido un gran desa- adoptaba un estilo... nacional. Estos rrollo desde aquel estudio pionero de doctores, una vez ganada la cátedra, recorrían distintas universidades - antes de llegar (en teoría solo los yectoCarlos liberal. Petit (1997) Entre enlo muchoel que pusoescrito, de mejores) a ocupar las de la Central. destacanmanifiesto los su trabajos singularidad de Aurora en el pro Mi- Por otro lado, esas cátedras del guel, que culminaron con su Catálogo doctorado se dedicaban a materias de las tesis de derecho leídas entre que estaban en la vanguardia y que - permitían así modernizar la ciencia mitió poner en valor como fuente las nacional. En derecho fue fundamen- tesis1847 o y discursos1914 (2018). del gradoEl catálogo de doctor, per dando un paso de lo adjetivo a lo sus- Pero José Luis Peset recientemente tantivo, pues ya no se trata de ana- hatal señaladola dedicada algo a análogola filosofía para jurídica. las cá- lizar una tesis concreta sino que al tedras médicas del doctorado. mostrar el conjunto nos enfrenta con Este proyecto, mejor o peor lle- el doctorado en sí; es decir, con una vado a la práctica, fue rechazado en pieza fundamental en la construcción del sistema universitario nacional. proclamar la libertad de enseñanza En efecto, los liberales rechaza- permitióla Gloriosa también Revolución que otras (1868) universi que al- ron el concepto de universidad fun- dades (y no solo la Central) organi- dada en la corporación que era una zasen las enseñanzas del doctorado realidad de ámbito local, y frente a y concediesen ese grado. Se pudo así, ella proponen un modelo nacional. por pocos años, ensayar otro modelo Este cambio de escala, de lo local a de modernización, distinto del cen- lo nacional, exigía neutralizar los tralizado puesto en juego hasta ese poderes locales. Y para ello eran ne- momento. cesarios instrumentos adecuados: el Eugenia Torijano nos cuenta cómo doctorado fue uno de ellos. en Salamanca este cambio se vivió de Al crear un sistema centralizado manera especial. Salamanca había - sido el modelo de universidad en el sidad Central, es decir, la de la capi- antiguo régimen y por ello sufrió con en cuya cúspide se situó a la Univer CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 151-152. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6161 152 BIBLIOGRAFÍA

mayor intensidad la política centra- lizadora y uniformizadora que, entre como datos aparecen sistematizados - ennuevos una base doctores: disponible 37 biografías en . los expedientes del grado. Donde leyes salmantinos tenían el privilegio - desido ejercer todo (hasta de abogados 1831 los en doctores todos losen - tribunales), se entiende el deseo de rrecciónDe las de 38 la tesis, demanda la mitad una corres vez poder ser de nuevo doctor por Sala- agotadaponden ala 1869, novedad. lo que Algunos indica dela colos manca. Obviamente había un abismo nuevos doctores pertenecían a la éli- entre lo que había sido y lo que podía ser ahora en el Sexenio doctorarse oriundos de Puerto Rico y Cuba que por esta Universidad, pero los imagi- eligieronte de juristas Salamanca locales. para Hubo doctorar incluso- narios colectivos, las tradiciones, los sentimientos no desaparecen tan fá- Falcón) aprovechó la oportunidad cilmente. parase. También obtener algún un segundo auxiliar doctorado. (Modesto La autora no solo hace una incur- sión en este argumento, utilizando celebrados (un doctor lo fue de dos el rico archivo universitario, ana- secciones:De los 38 Derecho ejercicios civil de y doctoradocanónico; lizando los expedientes del grado, Derecho administrativo) se conser- elaborando el catálogo de las tesis van 25, todos ellos disponibles en el defendidas; ofrece también la trans- libro. Previamente, la autora nos presenta estos discursos, los temas que que agradecerle este trabajo enor- trataron, las doctrinas defendidas, me,cripción pues íntegra las cuartillas de las mismas.manuscritas Hay su mayor o menor novedad, adelanta conservadas, destinadas a un ejer- una comparación con lo que sucedía cicio oral, no siempre son de fácil en Madrid. Sería interesante desde luego con- completo sobre el particular. Gracias tar con los datos de otras universida- alectura. él conocemos Resulta ahoraasí el cómoúnico seestudio vivió des para tener un conocimiento más esta experiencia en una universidad completo de lo que supuso esta ex- de distrito. Si en el primer capítulo la periencia del Sexenio. Pero este libro autora nos cuenta el iter de la crea- supone ya un avance fundamental. ción de las cátedras de doctorado, gracias a la intervención de la Dipu- Manuel Martínez Neira tación; en el segundo estudia a los Universidad Carlos III de Madrid

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 151-152. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6161 BIBLIOGRAFÍA 153

. La - República de sabios. Profesores, cáte- ción de la metodología de Rodríguez- drasFrancisco y universidad Javier en Rubio la Salamanca Muñoz del Sanmanca, Pedro en al2017. estudio La tesis,del profesorado extrapola siglo de Oro. - miento conceptual, y en ella se en- Madrid: Dykinson, 2020, trecruzabancomo grupo, lo tenía antropológico un gran refinacon lo 289 pp. estadístico, con una gran solidez en DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6162 el trabajo archivístico. El libro que La Universidad de Salamanca, pese nos ocupa mantiene asimismo esa a la muy laudable labor llevada a robustez metodológica, combinada cabo por Luis Enrique Rodríguez- con una redacción elegante y un tra- San Pedro Bezares y sus discípu- tamiento incluso literario de la cues- los, sigue teniendo muchos ángulos tión. La división de la obra en cuatro inexplorados. Su importancia es tal, partes (Lectio, Repetitio, Disputatio, y que –incluso con el ímprobo esfuer- Conclusio) da fe de tal estructura. zo realizado– de momento tenemos La Lectio se ocupa de la ciudad de valiosos cuadros generales y algunos Salamanca y su Universidad como contexto de estudio, y da unas prime- laboriosa recopilación exhaustiva ras nociones del profesorado como deespecíficos. todos los datos Hace sobre falta todavíala hacienda, una objeto de investigación, mediante las Repeti- la Universidad, desde sus orígenes tio es el corazón del libro, en el que, matrículas, grados… de la historia de fuentesa través y della prosopografía. análisis de cifras La y las un resultado que debe llegar llegar características socioeconómicas del tardehasta o finales temprano. del Antiguo Régimen, profesorado, arroja un balance de las La tesis de Rodríguez-San Pedro, Dis- La Universidad salmantina del barro- putatio intenta establecer unas cate- co, periodo 1598-1625, Salamanca, goríastendencias acerca entre del 1570 profesorado y 1600. La como grupo social, cultural y económico, es, en cierto modo, el antecedente analizando su procedencia, estado delUniversidad trabajo que de aquí Salamanca, presentamos, 1986, civil, ocupaciones y promociones, referente a su aventajado discípu- rasgos que delimitan el gremio profe- lo Francisco Javier Rubio Muñoz. El Conclusio es una libro es el fruto principal de la tesis síntesis que permite poner de relieve de este joven investigador, titulada lossoral. rasgos Por último,del profesorado la salmanti- El profesorado en las universidades no durante el período analizado. hispánicas del Siglo de Oro. El caso Se trata, sin duda alguna, de un de Salamanca y sus proyecciones, y trabajo inspirado en las humanida- defendida en la Universidad de Sala- des digitales, y en particular a la red

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internacional Héloïse-European Net- por ejemplo, en el tópico del “pro- work on Digital Academic History, a la que el autor pertenece. Baste ver había sido discutido por Rodríguez- el despliegue de tablas del apéndice, fesor pobre” (pp. 175-178), que ya- cincuenta y dos en total, para darse lado con gran claridad también para cuenta de hasta qué punto esta obra San Pedro, y que ahora queda perfi es fruto de un análisis serial, magis- II. Aunque la hacienda universitaria tralmente combinado, sin embargo, la etapa final del reinado de Felipe- con un discurso literariamente muy cho por investigar, lo cierto es que bien trabado y de lectura amena y lassea cátedrasun tema enmejor el que remuneradas queda aún mu del agradable. Estudio salmantino no tenían nada Frente a la frialdad de la estadís- tica que se halla en el apéndice, el la burocracia de la Corona de Casti- lector encuentra una cálida presen- lla.que Laenvidiar diferencia a los mejoressalarial oficiosentre Sa de- tación de profesores como colectivo, lamanca y las demás universidades y una explicación, –hasta cierto pun- era, en este punto, abismal. El tópico to– didáctica de los temas, de modo del profesor pobre, tan frecuente en que la obra puede leerse con gusto las universidades colegiales de Cas- y provecho tanto por un especialista tilla, y en las municipales de Aragón, como por un lector curioso. solamente casa con ciertas cátedras Con este libro, uno se percata de lo cursatorias y otras de menor relieve mucho que ha avanzado la historio- del Estudio salmantino. Entre las conclusiones, Rubio los lejanos esfuerzos de Stone y Ka- destaca que “manteístas, religiosos gan,grafía y sobreel correctivo las Universidades que ha supuesto desde regulares y colegiales mayores se repartían de forma desigual en las estudio de la universidad a partir so- facultades. El triunfo de los primeros lamentela historiografía de la historia italiana social. sobre El libro un fue generalizado en todas las faculta- de Francisco Javier Rubio Muñoz en- des salvo en Artes, en donde los cole- cuentra un buen punto de equilibrio giales superaban a los ordinarios, y - en Teología, en donde predominaban mático análisis de los datos. El apén- las órdenes regulares. La facultad dice,entre divididola mera prosopografíaentre “estadístico” y el fle y de Leyes mantuvo cierto equilibrio, “onomástico”, es, sin duda, un acierto. mientras en Cánones los manteístas eran más numerosos. Teología no lleva a cabo muchas precisiones, es- contaba con colegiales mayores; los pecialmenteHistoriográficamente, a la interpretación el autor de religiosos dominaban esta facultad, Pelorson, a quien rebate en muchos principalmente dominicos y agusti- puntos con elegancia, como sucede, nos, los cuales dejaban al clero secu-

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 153-156. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6162 BIBLIOGRAFÍA 155 lar en un discreto segundo plano. Los diado, pocos fueron quienes lograron médicos eran prácticamente todos la de Vísperas o Prima, dada la longe- manteístas, al igual que gramáticos y vidad de sus poseedores. Los artistas, el profesorado no adscrito a facultad. La representación de los colegios menores puede considerarse como dependiendoen fin, comenzaban de su titulación,con algún desdecurso residual” (p. 206). ahíde Artes,la trayectoria Físicos opodía Súmulas, intercalar aunque, cá- Indica asimismo que los grados tedras en Teología, alternadas con las del profesorado arrojan un resultado total de 166 doctores, 50 licenciados Señala asimismo que el profeso- - radode Filosofía permaneció moral oen natural cátedra y Lógica. apro- cialmente en la Facultad de Artes. ximadamente unos catorce años de Frentey 27 bachilleres, a lo que sucedió estos enúltimos el Seiscien espe- media, si bien algo menos de la mi- tos con los colegiales, subraya Rubio tad no pasó de un quinquenio como docente. Algunos llegaron a treinta manteístas consiguieron acaparar y cuarenta años de ejercicio. El pro- lasque principales “hasta inicios lecturas del siglode propiedad XVII, los fesorado de la Universidad era, para como una forma genuina de promo- Rubio, un grupo social “gerontocrá- tico”, dado que casi la mitad de los cuanto al cursus honorum, el autor indicación en que un los nivel canonistas local” (p. empezaban 207). En casi todos manteístas) fallecieron en su carrera enseñando Decretales, activo,catedráticos con una (99 media individuos de edad en de total, en- para después pasar a alguna sustitu- - ción o Sexto para llegar a Vísperas o cedencia, la mayor parte procedía Decreto como antesala a la cátedra de detre Salamanca.55 y 57 años. En En un cuanto segundo a la nivelpro Prima. En Leyes, lo más habitual era hallamos las diócesis de Palencia, el itinerario Instituta - Código para Burgos y Toledo, y luego una exigua pasar luego a Volumen o Digesto, y proporción de otras. desde allí alcanzar la cátedra de Vís- peras o Prima. Rubio subraya que los profesorado salmantino poseía un teólogos siguieron un orden bastante Por último, cabe señalar que “el azaroso, con inicios en las cátedras palpable entre el sector colegial que de Escoto, Santo Tomás o Teología entreperfil el eminentemente manteísta, con clerical, una fuerte más nominal, para pasar luego a otras su- presencia –casi exclusiva– del clero periores como la de Biblia, Vísperas regular en las cátedras teológicas y o Prima. Los catedráticos de Medici- del secular entre los artistas y gra- na transitaban primero por algunas máticos. En las facultades jurídicas, cursatorias de Anatomía, Método o sin embargo, los seglares superaban Avicena, aunque, en el período estu-

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médicos la ausencia del clero fue to- muy bien el tema de la matrícula uni- tal” (p. 210). versitaria, sigue siendo necesario un Este libro de Rubio Muñoz es una estudio no solo serial de las matrícu- obra muy recomendable, que debe- las y los grados. La Universidad de ría extenderse sincrónica y diacró- nicamente. Por un lado, se tendría envidiable, pero necesita un estudio que llevar a cabo un estudio com- Salamanca tiene una historiografía parativo de todo el profesorado de saber quiénes fueron los estudiantes, la Universidad de Salamanca en el ysistemático quiénes los de que estas llegaron series, aa recibirfin de los grados. De este modo, se podrían las conclusiones son compartidas en lograr interesantes comparaciones losAntiguo períodos Régimen, anteriores a fin de y verificar posterio si- con las series de Acta graduum de las res. Por otro lado, sería sumamente principales universidades italianas. interesante conocer el estado del Mientras tanto, hay que felicitar profesorado en las demás universi- a Francisco Javier Rubio por su tra- dades mayores y menores de Castilla bajo, sólido y maduro, accesible gra- tuitamente desde la red gracias al de constatar la debatida hipótesis de ladurante progresiva el reinado atracción de Felipe profesoral II, a finde las Universidades” de la Universidad Salamanca, como imán universitario, Carlosadmirable III, y programa animarle ade perseverar “Historia ende tanto por su prestigio como por sus la historia de su Alma mater. ventajosas condiciones económicas. Así como Rubio se está especia- Rafael Ramis Barceló lizando en el profesorado y conoce

Universitat de les Illes Balears - IEHM

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Lauree pave- ria, muy especialmente en Medicina, si nella prima metà del 500, II (1513- aunque también alguno en derecho, Elisabetta1535). Milano: Canobbio. Cisalpino, 2020, 613 pp. Buena parte de los graduados prove- DOI níancomo del Francesc propio Mília, ducado en 1514 de Milán (p. 71). y

: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6163 también de otras partes de Italia. La serie Lauree pavesi, publicada des- Se trata de una época convulsa para el Milanesado, pues los france- detalladísima de los diversos diplo- ses y los hispanos intentaban con- masde 1996, de grados procura de la una Universidad información de trolarlo. El libro precedente concluía Pavía. Al disponer de un fondo nu- con la primera batalla de Pavía, que trido y bien conservado –aunque en aconteció en junio de 1512, y enfren- diferentes sedes–, desde hace años –siguiendo las directrices de Agosti- con la Señoría de Venecia, que se ha- no Sottili– se ha privilegiado la trans- bíató al aliado ejército con de las Luis tropas XII de Franciala anti- ellos, de modo que el resultado es bando fue el vencedor, y el ejército muycripción rico paleográfica en información, de cada si bienuno dese francésgua Confederación abandonó Suiza.el territorio, Este último lo procede de forma lenta, pues en 25 que permitió resistuir a Maximilia- años apenas se han publicado los tí- no Sforza a la cabeza del Ducado. tulos desde 1540 a 1535. Queda toda Mucho más célebre fue la batalla de la transcripción de los diplomas has- Pavía, que tuvo lugar el 24 de febrero de 1525 entre las tropas germano- Esta obra es la continuación del españolas del emperador Carlos V y librota finales Lauree del pavesisiglo XVIII. nella prima metà el ejército francés al mando del rey del ‘500, I (1500-1512), en el que la Francisco I, quien fue derrotado y misma Elisabetta Canobbio había hecho prisionero. transcrito con paciencia y solven- En cuanto a las consecuencias cia la nómina de los graduados en bélicas en la Universidad, indica aquellas fechas. En el presente libro Canobbio que “mentre gli insegne- se transcriben un total de 262 diplo- menti risentivano pesantemente de- mas, en el que hay una presencia de hispanos menos abundante que en franco-asburgico per il controllo del el anterior. En total, fueron 11 indi- Ducatolle operazioni di Milano, militari il conferimento del conflitto viduos procedentes de la Península dei gradi accademici si svolgeva, sia Ibérica y de Baleares. Cabe subrayar pure a singhiozzo, secondo la proce- la importancia de las islas, puesto dura documentata con continuità dal que no pocos mallorquines se docto- Quattrocento, ad opera di Collegi che raron en Pavía a lo largo de la histo-

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secolo presentano una composizio- pagina) (p. 4). Uno de los grados en ne prossoché immutata rispetto alla prima dominacione francese, così de 1526 “per commisionem sedis come stabili risultano gli assetti for- apostolice”teología fue aconcedido Luca da elRomagnano, 7 de junio mali degli acta graduum” (p. 1). un ermitaño de San Agustín (p. 465), Esta estabilidad permite mostrar como ya había puesto de relieve Si- una continudad prácticamente inal- mona Negruzzo en Theologiam dis- terada en la colación de los grados, cere et docere. La Facoltà teologica di si bien es cierto que la perspectiva Pavia nel XVI secolo, Milano, Cisalpi- internacional que tuvo Pavía en las La reciente tesis doctoral de Danie- lano, Buccomino, 1995, p. 165. «Di scienza ornati e di últimas décadas del siglo XV y en la virtù famosi». I laureati dell’Università huboprimera tantos del sigloextranjeros XVI se vio ni bastanteprofeso- di Pavia (1525-1796), Alma Mater Stu- reslastrada de nombradía. por los conflictos, Canobbio y lo que ejem no- diorum Università di Bologna, 2021, llena el vacío que había dejado la que se había desplazado a Bourges y - aplifica Aviñón, con y elde caso de Gian de Andrea Francesco Alciato, San- nazaro della Ripa, quien presenció historiografía hasta el momento, op Buccominotando por una ha seguido elaboración el mismo de fichas mé- y luego continuó su periplo docente todoque cubren que Maria hasta Teresa 1796. Guerrini, Por lo tanto,en su los exámenes en Pavía hasta 1518, obra: Qui voluerit in iure promoveri... todo, que Rinaldo Sannazzaro della I dottori in diritto nello Studio di Bo- Ripaen otras recibió sedes. la licenciaturaHay que apuntar, y el doc con- logna (1501-1796), Bologna, CLUEB, torado in utroque iure el 22 de sep- 2005. La ventaja del enfoque prosopo-

entiembre un escenario de 1517 mucho (tal y más como tranqui figura- un censo de todos los graduados, que lo,en regresóel diploma a Pavia n. 300, en p.1534, 258). una Alciato, épo- sirvengráfico luego es que para ofrece confeccionar rápidamente bases ca que cae fuera del estudio del libro. de datos y para tener un acceso mu- En cuanto a las titulaciones, de los cho más rápido tanto a los nombres - como a las estadísticas. De todos - 258 individuos, 125 fueron de la Fa mente complementaria, pues aporta delcultad Colegio de Derecho de los doctores (109 in médicos- utroque, unmodos, material la labor de paleográfica trabajo fundamen es total- 10 en cánones, y 6 en leyes), y 127 tal para la historia social y cultural, en medicina y 5 en artes). Solamen- como son los nombres de los maes- teartistas hubo (996 grados en artes en yteología, medicina, inclu 23- tros y los testigos. Lo óptimo es que yendo un doctorado en artes y sacra cada universidad sea estudiada des-

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res y, si puede ser, los testigos que le Si se completa la serie Lauree pavese, acompañaron al acto académico. So- yde se ambas encomienda vertentes a personas historiográficas. tan com- lamente así se puede avanzar de una petentes como Elisabetta Canobbio, manera sustancial. no hay duda de que Pavía será la Uni- Por el momento, cabe felicitar al versidad de referencia en los estudios Centro per la storia dell’Università di acerca de los grados académicos. Pavia y a la Dra. Elisabetta Canobbio Ojalá el resto de las universida- por los logros de este volumen, re- des italianas y europeas recojan el matado por un índice solvente, que guante y se apliquen a la elaboración que será de mucha utilidad para los insistir en que la historia serial no investigadores.ayuda mucho a realizar búsquedas y bastade un paracenso el deestudio graduados. de las universiHay que- dades: es necesario conocer quiénes Rafael Ramis Barceló fueron los graduados, sus profeso-

Universitat de les Illes Balears – IEHM

CIAN, 24/1 (2021), 157-159. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20318/cian.2021.6163