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Brexit Jargon Buster
Brexit Jargon Buster Brexit Jargon Buster • 1 2 • Brexit Jargon Buster AAgencies European Union agencies regulate a number of regimes for goods and services; the European Chemicals Agency in Helsinki regulates chemicals and biocides; the European Medicines Agency, formerly in London is now relocated in Amsterdam responsible for the scientific evaluation, supervision and safety monitoring of medicines in the EU; the European Aviation Safety Agency. AIFMD The Alternative Investment Fund Managers Directive. This EU Directive regulates the managers (AIFMs) of alternative investment funds (AIFs). AIFMD includes passporting rights (see separate definition) for EU AIFMs to market funds across the EU. The Directive also contains provisions allowing non-EU AIFMs to become part of the passporting regime by way of a ‘third country passport’ (see separate definition) which may, in the future, provide a means for UK AIFMs to retain passporting rights post-Brexit. Competition law Competition laws of the EU are set out in the TFEU. They are a very important aspect of the single market. The European Commission is tasked with developing policy and enforcing the law ensuring that the European Union remains free from business practices that could ultimately be harmful to competition and consumers. In doing so, the Commission works with national competition authorities which are obliged also to apply EU competition law as well as domestic law. Particular emphasis is placed on ensuring businesses do not enter into anti-competitive agreements or abuse dominant positions in markets; the consequences of doing so can be severe. Brexit Jargon Buster • 3 The European Commission also assesses very large mergers and state aid. -
Beyond Brexit Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity
Beyond Brexit Liberal politics for the age of identity A collection of essays presenting a roadmap to a better Britain Sir Vince Cable MP BEYOND BREXIT Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity BEYOND BREXIT Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity A collection of essays presenting a roadmap to a better Britain By Sir Vince Cable MP Leader of the Liberal Democrats March 2019 First published in Great Britain in 2019 by the Liberal Democrats, 8–10 Great George Street, London, SW1P 3AE, on behalf of Vince Cable MP Copyright © Vince Cable 2019. Vince Cable has asserted his rights under the Copyright, Designs & Patents Act, 1988, to be identifed as the author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the publisher’s prior permission in writing. Tis book is published subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publishers’ prior consent in writing in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. ISBN 978-1-910763-67-4 A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Research and editing by Alex Davies and Mike Tufrey. Typeset in Adobe Caslon Pro and Myriad Pro by Duncan Brack. Cover design by Mike Cooper. Printed and bound in Great Britain by Park Communications Ltd, Alpine Way, London E6 6LA Contents Introduction: Beyond Brexit ............................................................1 1 Where We Are ................................................................................3 2 A Functioning Economy and an Entrepreneurial State ..................11 3 Te Digital Economy and the Tech Titans ....................................23 4 Capital and Labour ...................................................................... -
1 Inevitability and Contingency: the Political Economy of Brexit1 Placing
Inevitability and contingency: the political economy of Brexit1 Placing Britain’s vote on 23 June 2016 to leave the European Union in historical time raises an immediate analytical problem. What was clearly the result of a number of contingencies, starting with the 2015 general election where we can see how events could readily have turned out otherwise and was a shock to the British government that had not prepared for this outcome might also represent the inevitable end of Britain’s membership of the EU seen from the distant future. This paper seeks to take both temporal perspectives seriously. It aims to provide an explanation of the vote for Brexit that recognises the referendum result as politically contingent and also argue that the political economy of Britain generated by Britain’s position as non-euro member of the EU whilst possessing the offshore financial centre of the euro zone and Britain’s eschewal in 2004 of transition arrangements on freedom of movement for A8 accession states made Brexit an eventual inevitability, saving a prior collapse of the euro zone. Keywords: Brexit, European Union, Cameron, the euro, freedom of movement Britain’s vote on 23 June 2016 to leave the European Union (EU) presents a temporal paradox. Seen from the distant future, Brexit is likely to appear the inevitable outcome of the long history of Britain’s membership of the EU and its predecessors. Britain joined a partial economic union whose rules had been determined by others, when that union became a currency union it was unwilling to sacrifice monetary sovereignty and opted-out, and when that currency union produced an economic crisis that both required more political union and had spill-over effects for Britain, membership was rendered unsustainable. -
The Reluctant European
SPECIAL REPORT BRITAIN AND EUROPE October 17th 2015 The reluctant European 20151017_SRBRITEU.indd 1 05/10/2015 16:26 SPECIAL REPORT BRITAIN AND EUROPE The reluctant European Though Britain has always been rather half-hearted about the European Union, its membership has been beneficial for all concerned, argues John Peet. It should stay in the club THE QUESTION THAT will be put to British voters, probably in the au- CONTENTS tumn of 2016, sounds straightforward: “Should the United Kingdom re- main a member of the European Union, or leave the European Union?” 4 How referendums can go (The final clause was added last month at the insistence of the Electoral wrong Commission, which decided the question might look biased without it.) Herding cats When David Cameron, Britain’s Conservative prime minister, first pro- 5 Euroscepticism and its roots posed a referendum in early 2013, he was hoping that the answer would The open sea ACKNOWLEDGMENTS also be straightforward. Once he had successfully renegotiated some of Britain’s membership terms, the electorate would duly endorse him by 6 Britain’s clout in Brussels Besides those mentioned in the text, Not what it was the author would like to thank the voting to stay in. following for their help: Andy But referendums are by theirnature chancy affairs, as a string ofpre- 7 Costs and benefits Bagnall, Matthew Baldwin, Steven vious European examples have shown (see box later in this article). Mr Common market economics Blockmans, Stephen Booth, Hugo Cameron is well aware that the September 2014 referendum on Scottish Brady, Helen Campbell, Martin 9 The euro zone Donnelly, Monique Ebell, Matthew independence, an issue about which he said he felt far more strongly Elliott, Jonathan Faull, Maurice than he does about the EU, became a closer-run thing than expected. -
Brexit Populism: the Thick (And Thin) of It
64 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 1/2018 Brexit Populism: The Thick (and Thin) of It MARIUS GUDERJAN AND ADRIAN WILDING* Abstract On 24 June 2016, a narrow majority of citizens of the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, a decision which has exposed deep divisions in British society. This article analyses the ex- tent to which the campaign to leave the EU and its aftermath can be explained in terms of existing definitions of ‘populism’. It distinguishes between a ‘thin’ and ‘thick’ ideology of populism. Whereas the ‘thin’ ideology refers to a specific political method or style, one which claims to represent the ‘true people’ against a ruling elite, the ‘thick’ ideology focuses on substantial ideological elements, e.g. authoritarian and nationalist worldviews. The paper demonstrates that the Brexit campaign has been dominated by exclusive, right-wing populist ideas. In order to understand the appeal of populist parties and movements in the UK, the paper explores the multi-layered factors that have led to widespread support for the anti-European and anti-immigration politics. It argues that a mix of economic, political and cultural disenfranchisement is a root cause of the vote for Brexit. In this light, the Brexit rhetoric of ‘taking back control’ can be interpreted as a (problematic) attempt to overcome disenfranchisement. Keywords: United Kingdom; Brexit; UKIP; populism; disenfranchisement; ideology DOI: 10.5817/PC2018-1-64 1. Introduction In Britain in 2015, a decision was taken by the newly elected Conservative government to hold a referendum which would ask the British electorate ‘[s]hould the United King- dom remain a member of the European Union or leave the European Union?’ Two possible answers were offered: Remain or Leave. -
Is Your Workplace Brexit Ready?
IS YOUR WORKPLACE BREXIT READY? HOW TO GET STARTED SPECIAL THANKS TO: GARY GRIFFITHS LOUISA HOGARTY BEN WILLMOTT, CAREN AYOUB HR BUSINESS PARTNER, WASABI HR DIRECTOR, NOBLE FOODS HEAD OF PUBLIC POLICY, CIPD HRBP DIRECTOR FOR NORTH SUSHI AND BENTO EUROPE, LEVI-STRAUSS & CO CONTENTS 1. What are we dealing with?………………….…………………………………………….…….………………03 2. The economics explained………………………………………………………………………………............04 3. The challenges for HR………………………………………..…………………………..……….......………….08 4. A case of: Manufacturing………………………………………………………………………….……………..11 5. A case of: Retail……………………………………..……………………………….……………………………….13 6. A case of: Hospitality……………………………………................................……………………………….16 7. Your Brexit checklist………………………………………………................................……………………..19 8. Conclusion…………………………………………………......………………………………………….........……..22 PAGE 2 | IS YOUR WORKPLACE BREXIT READY? Introduction: 01 What are we dealing with? The dust has settled on the bombshell that is Brexit. After two years of chaos and calamity, a post-EU Britain is beginning to take shape. The long, agonising process of legislative attrition between Westminster and Brussels is beginning to subside and practical negotiations are getting underway. However, it still looks as if annexing Britain from Europe with a giant saw might be easier than striking a mutually beneficial bargain. Debate around the “divorce bill”, seems to have all the emotional trauma of a genuine divorce, complete with Mother Theresa and Father Junckers. The negotiations are stuck in a quagmire, far deeper and murkier than anyone had previously thought: the Irish Border, exit fees, trade agreements/alignments, as well as a complete rewriting of thousands of different policies. It’s the biggest constitutional change Britain has seen since, well, joining the European Communities (E.C) back in 1973. The immensity of which is reflected by the extra £2bn being spent on readying the UK diplomatic and civil services 1. -
The Economic Consequences of Leaving the EU
April 2016 The economic consequences of leaving the EU The final report of the CER commission on Brexit 2016 Advisory Board Esko Aho Sir Richard Lambert Senior fellow, Harvard University, consultative Chairman of the British Museum, former partner for Nokia and former Finnish prime director-general of the Confederation of minister British Industry and editor of the Financial Joaquín Almunia Times Former vice-president and competition Pascal Lamy commissioner, European Commission President emeritus, Jacques Delors Institute Carl Bildt Philip Lowe Former prime minister and foreign minister Former director-general for energy, European of Sweden Commission Nick Butler Dominique Moïsi Visiting fellow and chairman of the Kings Senior adviser, Institut français des relations Policy Institute, Kings College London internationales Tim Clark Lord Monks Former senior partner, Slaughter & May Former general secretary, European Trades Iain Conn Union Confederation Group CEO, Centrica Mario Monti Sir Robert Cooper President, Bocconi University and former Special adviser to the High Representative Italian prime minister and former counsellor, EEAS Christine Ockrent Professor Paul De Grauwe Former chief executive officer, Audiovisuel John Paulson Chair in European Political Extérieur de la France Economy, London School of Economics Michel Petite Stephanie Flanders Lawyer Of Counsel, Clifford Chance, Paris Chief market strategist for the UK and Europe, Lord Robertson J.P. Morgan Asset Management Deputy chairman, TNK-BP and former Timothy Garton Ash secretary -
Britain's European Question and an In/Out Referendum
To be or not to be in Europe: is that the question? Britain’s European question and an in/out referendum TIM OLIVER* ‘It is time to settle this European question in British politics.’ David Cameron, 23 January 2013.1 Britain’s European question It came as no surprise to those who follow the issue of the European Union in British politics that David Cameron’s January 2013 speech on Europe excited a great deal of comment. The EU is among the most divisive issues in British politics. Cameron himself drew on this to justify his committing the Conservative Party, should it win the general election in 2015, to seek a renegotiated position for the UK within the EU which would then be put to the British people in an in/out referendum. Growing public frustrations at UK–EU relations were, he argued, the result of both a longstanding failure to consult the British people about their country’s place in the EU, and a changing EU that was undermining the current relationship between Britain and the Union. As a result, he argued, ‘the democratic consent for the EU in Britain is now wafer-thin’. Cameron’s speech was met with both criticism and praise from Eurosceptics and pro-Europeans alike.2 In a speech at Chatham House backing Cameron’s plan, the former Conservative prime minister Sir John Major best captured some of the hopes for a referendum: ‘The relationship with Europe has poisoned British politics for too long, distracted parliament from other issues and come close to destroying the Conservative Party. -
The Rise of English Nationalism Is Something British Politicians Can No Longer Ignore
The rise of English nationalism is something British politicians can no longer ignore blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/2016/07/12/britains-brexit-vote-has-thrown-up-more-questions-than-answers/ 12/07/2016 Britain’s vote to leave the EU was supposed to help settle Britain’s ‘European Question’ – Tim Oliver argues that instead it has thrown up more questions than answers. This piece was first presented at the LSE IDEAS post Brexit vote event. When in 2013 David Cameron committed to calling an in/out referendum, he declared: “It is time to settle this European question in British politics.” But, in his wide-ranging speech he failed to identify or narrow down what the actual question was. The wording of the actual question asked last week might have seemed clear enough. But that last week’s vote to leave the EU has thrown up more questions than answers points to how the issue of Europe in British politics is a multifaceted one, especially in three areas: party politics, the constitution and identity politics. The referendum result has thrown both the Conservative and Labour parties into a turmoil that has shaken their leadership and put MPs at odds with the people they represent: While the majority of MPs favoured remaining in the EU, 37 per cent of Labour voters and 58 per cent of Conservative voters opted to leave. For the Conservative party, this now risks shouts of betrayal if, as we’ve seen hints of with Boris Johnson’s position in the past few days, the UK now seeks a deal with the EU that – as the Eurosceptic press are likely to describe it – scuppers, thwarts or betrays what some Leave voters thought they were voting for. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science British Opinion and Policy towards China, 1922-1927 Phoebe Chow A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, November 2011 2 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Phoebe Chow 3 Abstract Public opinion in Britain influenced the government’s policy of retreat in response to Chinese nationalism in the 1920s. The foreigners’ rights to live, preach, work and trade in China extracted by the ‘unequal treaties’ in the nineteenth century were challenged by an increasingly powerful nationalist movement, led by the Kuomintang, which was bolstered by Soviet support. The Chinese began a major attack on British interests in June 1925 in South China and continued the attack as the Kuomintang marched upward to the Yangtze River, where much of British trade was centred. -
Brexit: Options for Britain Graham Avery CMG Professor Aldwyn Cooper Sir Malcolm Rifkind KCMG, QC
Brexit: Options for Britain Graham Avery CMG Professor Aldwyn Cooper Sir Malcolm Rifkind KCMG, QC iCES Occasional Paper XXV Institute of Contemporary European Studies iCES Occasional Paper XXV © Institute of Contemporary European Studies Graham Avery, Professor Aldwyn Cooper, Sir Malcolm Rifkind, 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means without the permission of the publishers. ISSN 2040-6517 (online) First published in Great Britain in 2017 by the Institute of Contemporary European Studies (iCES) Regent’s University London, Regent’s Park, London, NW1 4NS regents.ac.uk/ices 02 Contents Foreword Professor John Drew 3 Contributors Graham Avery CMG 5 Professor Aldwyn Cooper 11 Sir Malcolm Rifkind KCMG, QC 17 Discussion 22 Background Paper 25 1 Professor John Drew Chancellor, Regent’s University London Director, Institute of Contemporary European Studies A former UK diplomat in Paris, Kuwait and Bucharest, John held the positions of Director of International Corporate Affairs at Rank Xerox and Director of European Affairs at Touche Ross International. He was the Representative of the European Commission in the UK and is the Director of the Institute of Contemporary European Studies at Regent’s University London. 2 Foreword Good evening ladies and gentlemen, students and staff. As Chancellor of Regent’s University London and Director of Regent’s Institute for Contemporary European Studies it is my very pleasant duty to welcome you this evening to our joint seminar with the Senior European Experts. The seminar is based on the background paper prepared by the Senior Experts. I think it is one of the best papers that they have written over the many years I have been reading their work. -
Implications of Brexit by Rudolf G
Berlin, 17.09.2020 BGA Insight - Departing the EU - destination unknown? Implications of Brexit by Rudolf G. Adam On 31 Januar 2020 the United Kingdom left the European Union, losing vote and voice. It was a legal departure. Until the end of 2020 the UK will be treated as a member in economic and financial aspects. The critical date is not 31 January, but 31 December 2020. This is when Brexit will be felt in the world of money and products. Brexit was a vote against the EU. It remained silent of what was to replace EU-membership. During the campaign, Leavers assured voters that nothing substantial would change - Britain would have its cake and eat it, in the immortal and immoral words of Boris Johnson; Britain would retain unrestricted access to the Single Market, an agreement on future trade relations with the EU would be the easiest treaty in diplomatic history. A launch without a place to land The Brexit referendum had given the command ‘cast off’. But neither the captain nor the crew knew the port of destination, what course to take or which manoeuvres to execute. Nobody had a map with suitable places to anchor. Nobody had the slightest idea about costs or po- tential profits of this journey. The confusion of what to make of the Brexit vote was responsible for the tortuous path British politics took under Theresa May. But it was not confusion about Brexit that made her stumble. It was Northern Ireland and the Backstop. Northern Ireland had played no role in the Brexit campaign of 2016.