100 Hundred Years of Light the Photography of Manuel Álvarez Bravo

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100 Hundred Years of Light The Photography Of Manuel Álvarez Bravo

An Interview with Mexico’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Jorge G. Castañeda

Mexico’s Commercial Treaties Articles by Antonio Ortiz Mena And Alejandro Chanona

The Hispanic Market In the Western U.S. Esther González and Erika González Manuel Álvarez Bravo V o i c e s

o f M e x i c o www.unam.mx/voices

NUMBER 60 JULY • SEPTEMBER 2002 MEXICO $40 USA $9.00 CANADA $11.70 TM

ISSN 0186 • 9418

Voices of Mexico is published by El Centro de Investigaciones sobre América del Norte, CISAN (Center for Research on North America), of the Office of the Coordinator of Humanities, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, UNAM (National Autonomous University of Mexico).

Director José Luis Valdés-Ugalde

CISAN Publications Coordinator Editor-in-Chief Editor Dolores Latapí Ortega Diego Bugeda Bernal Elsie Montiel

Assistant Editor Copy Editor & Translator Art Director María Cristina Hernández Escobar Heather Dashner Monk Patricia Pérez

Layout Sales & Circulation Manager Business Manager Ma. Elena Álvarez Tonatiuh Soley DíazWalls María Soledad Reyes Lucero

Rector, UNAM Juan Ramón de la Fuente

Coordinator of Humanities Olga Elizabeth Hansberg

Director of the Center For Research On North America ( CISAN ) José Luis Valdés-Ugalde

EDITORIAL BOARD Sergio Aguayo, Adolfo Aguilar Zínser, Jorge Bustamante, Jorge Carpizo, Emilio Carrillo Gamboa, Alonso García Chávez, Guadalupe González, Rosario Green, Roberto Gutiérrez López, Andrés Henestrosa, Julio Labastida, Miguel León- Portilla, Jorge Alberto Lozoya, Antonio Luna Arroyo, Paz Consuelo Márquez Padilla, Mario Melgar, Silvia Núñez García, Olga Pellicer, Elena Poniatowska, Federico Reyes Heroles, José Sarukhán, Rodolfo Stavenhagen, María Teresa Uriarte, Mónica Verea, Luis Vill oro.

Address letters, advertising and subscription correspondence to: Voices of Mexico , Canadá 203, Col. San Lucas, Coyoacán, 04030 México, D.F. Tel: 5336-36-01, 5336-35- 95 and 5336- 35-96. Electronic mail: [email protected]. Web site: http://www.unam.mx/voices. Annual subscription rates: Mexico Mex$150; USA U.S.$34; Canadá CAN$44.80 ; other countries U.S.$68.50, prepaid in U.S. currency to UNAM . Opinions expressed by the authors do not necessarily represent the views of Voices of Mexico . All con tents are fully protected by © copyright and may not be reproduced without the written consent of Voices of Mexico . The magazine is not respon sible for the return of unsolicit ed manuscripts. Publicación trimestral, año quince, número 60, julio-septiembre de 2002. ISSN 0186-9418. Certificado de Licitud de Contenido No. 2930 y Certificado de Licitud de Título No. 3340, expedidos por la Comisión Calificadora de Publicaciones y Revistas Ilustradas. Reserva al uso exclusivo del título No. 04-2002-060413383000-102, expedida por el Instituto Nacional del Derecho de Autor. Correspondencia nacional de segunda clase. Registro 0851292. Características 220261212. Correspondencia inter - nacional de segunda clase. Registro Cri D F 002-92. Preprensa: Ediciones de Buena Tinta, S.A. de C.V., Insurgentes Sur 1700, 6o. piso, Col. Florida, Álvaro Obregón, 01030 México, D.F. Tels. 5661-66-07, 5662-28-3. Impresa por Editorial Offset, S.A. de C.V., Durazno No. 1, Col. Las Peritas, Tepepan, Xochimilco, México, D.F. TM Contents

Editorial

4 Our Voice Number 60 July • September 2002 Politics

7 Mexico’s New Diplomacy Interview with Minister of Foreign Affairs Jorge G. Castañeda

15 Political Parties in Mexico Since the Changing of the Guard César Cansino

Society

19 Growth and Poverty Two Persistent Faces of Mexico Jesús Francisco Estévez García

24 Mexican Businesses A World of Inequality Isabel Rueda Peiro

History

28 Tracing U.S. Predominance In Mexico’s Foreign Trade (1870-1948) Sandra Kuntz Ficker

Art and Culture

33 The Possible World Of Álvarez Bravo Roberto Tejada

Economy

49 Mexico, Modern Diplomacy And the European Union Cover Alejandro Chanona Manuel Álvarez Bravo, Portrait of the Eternal , 1935. 56 Ten Years of NAFTA Back Cover A Mexican Perspective Manuel Álvarez Bravo, Reverie , 1931. Antonio Ortiz Mena United States Affairs

61 The Hispanic Market 101 And If I Were Susana San Juan… In the Western United States (Fragment) Erika González Susana Pagano Esther González 104 A Way of Dying (Fragment) Vizania Amezcua Canadian Issues

67 Oil, the State and NAFTA In Memoriam Is Canadian Oil Up for Grabs? Aaron Roth 105 Mariana Yampolsky’s Profound Mexico Elsie Montiel The Splendor of Mexico Reviews 73 La Huaxteca in Time and Space Lorenzo Ochoa 107 La pintura mural prehispánica en México Área maya 79 El Tajín Leticia Staines Cicero First Approximations of a Civilization Arturo Pascual Soto 109 Territorio de leonas. Cartografía de narradoras mexicanas en los noventa Edith Negrín 83 History and Ecology of Vanilla Mariana Hernández Apolinar a g a i r r A a i c i t e Museums L

87 Science and Art at the Xalapa Anthropology Museum Rubén B. Morante López

Science and Technology

93 Strategies for Developing A Cervical Cancer Vaccine Ricardo Rosales

Literature

98 Writers of Tierra Adentro Publishers Two Mexican Women Novelists of the 1990s Graciela Martínez Zalce OUR VOICE

Nothing is possible without men, but nothing lasts without institutions.

JEAN MONNET , 1888-1979

ecently, intense discussions have been taking place in academia —and to a lesser extent also in polit - Rical circles— in Mexico, Canada and the United States about the North American community. Before centering on how to design concrete political proposals, the debate has first involved, among other issues, the need to define what is understood by “community” and why an initiative of this magnitude should be supported. This is important if we ask ourselves how the integration of a community could be conceived of among three countries that have encountered certain difficulties in defining their bilateral, trilateral and multilateral agendas and priorities. As we have already said in other editorials, Mexico and Canada have put forward some guidelines for beginning the discussion. However, Washington has been unclear about, if not reluctant to accept the feasibility of a community. The challenge of this kind of a discussion makes it necessary for both academics and politicians to for - mulate questions before they try to put forward answers about the scope of a project of these dimensions. Above all, it is worthwhile considering that this issue has begun to be discussed in political and aca demic circles —mainly in Canada and the United States— with the intention of sparking a profound debate in which the different scenarios for building a North American community can be explored. In Mexico, this has been initially put forward in political circles, generating a debate still in its infancy among academics. In political milieus, the issue is beginning to be discussed at the highest level, certainly a new develop - ment. The discussion should aim to determine the steps needed to guarantee that if a Community of North America were created, we would have a national and tri-national perspective that would be, if not sym - metrical, at least relatively similar. To this effect, we should keep some historical precedents of our trilateral relations in mind. Even before there was talk of a trade treaty, Mexico began a process of liberalization with its entry into the General Agreement of Tariffs and Trade in 1986, followed by one of integration which crystallized with the coming into effect of NAFTA in 1994. Thus, a trade mechanism began to function de facto before it was formalized; integration began without being covered formally, something that was later implemented unsatisfactorily. The same thing might be happening in the case of the Community of North America: at the same time that the community is being discussed, it may have begun to function de facto. This is why it is important to establish a moment in trilateral relations that would prevent an atmosphere wherein the institutional intentions and capabilities to deal with the essence of the matter in a timely, appropriate fashion in the three countries could be overwhelmed. The following is a list of the central aspects of the discussion that in our opinion should be taken into account in the academic debate and in the application of public policies in Mexico:

1. The need to define “community.” It is fundamental to define the concept of “community.” It is a term and a reality that could have three radically different meanings in each of the three countries. In any case, the construction of the Community of North America should be a gradual process of accords, negotiations and agreements in which the parties define common objectives based on their own interests but that encompass the basic proposal of the community.

4 2. When should a community be constituted? About this, two spaces for reflection are proposed: a) the societal agenda and b) the state agenda. Three moments for negotiation are also proposed: a) the short term: gathering consensuses; b) the medium term: the consensus of institutional construction; c) the long term: the consensus of the construction of the community. In this context, we can pro - pose that four types of relationships are possible: Canada-U.S., Canada-Mexico, U.S.-Mexico or an articulated trilateral relationship that would lead to the establishment of solid bases for the construction of a community. 3. What kind of community should be set up? A Confederation of North America or a Consortium of North America (the latter implies the strengthening of existing trilateral institutions or creating new ones. There is certain skepticism in the three countries about this.). 4. How should a community be set up? • First goal: reformulating the concept of national sovereignty with the aim of defining the bases for the defense of the national interest; • Create a high level commission to deal with trilateral issues in a preliminary, preparatory fashion to be able to set the agenda and develop a coherent position about the question of “North America”; • Discuss among the three countries on an academic and political level what “thinking about the North American Community” means; • Give Mexicans even more information about their two partners and about the meaning of integra - tion at all levels; • Put forward a strategy for national development through development funds (the so-called social fund); • There are six basic issues involved in the community negotiation: trade, energy, borders, the envi - ronment, migration and security. 5. Why a community? • The strategic meaning of community; • The political will to create a community; • The political and economic viability of a community. 6. Obstacles to the creation of a community • NAFTA opened up borders to trade and posed the maturation and deepening of the treaty, a task which has not been completely realized; • Prior to NAFTA , at the end of the 1980s, the treaty as such was not discussed as “the community” is now being discussed. If we stopped doing so, we would be running a grave risk; • The gravest possible of political moments, 9/11, partially postponed the viability of this opening.

Since it is now inevitable that this issue be part of the trilateral agenda, these and other elements will have to be taken into consideration and discussed in coming issues of Voices of Mexico to be able to think as clearly as possible about how far our three countries would want and would be able to go. However, we should recognize that at least for Mexico, this will be an arduous exercise considering that Washington has not responded very favorably about many topics on the bilateral agenda that are part of the integration process. This would have to change if we hope to achieve a relationship of true cooperation and reciprocity.

* * * The topic of the community of North America is anchored in Mexico’s bilateral and trilateral relations with the other countries of the region. In this issue of Voices of Mexico, we include an interview with Minister of Foreign Affairs Jorge G. Castañeda about the fundamental issues of our bilateral agendas with the United States and Canada, such as migration, security, borders, trade and culture. He also deals with more gen eral topics linked to the new strategies of Mexican foreign policy, which has sought —without a doubt, successfully— to play a more active role than in the past, a role that truly has an impact on changes in the international order in light of phenomena like globalization and September 11. A good example of this new

5 philosophy of Mexico’s foreign policy is its favorable performance in the U.N. Security Council, where it has been a member since the beginning of the year, a balance sheet of which Castañeda presents in his interview. For Mexico, the community of North America also implies thinking about its recent experiences in international trade, the analysis of the advantages and disadvantages, the successes and failures of integration in the region through NAFTA , and about the need and importance of diversifying trade through other treaties like the one signed with the European Union. Alejandro Chanona and Antonio Ortiz Mena, two of Mexico’s most widely recognized specialists on these topics, present articles in this issue. Thinking about a community of North America also implies dealing with the inequalities and asymme - tries of the countries that would integrate with each other. In our “Society” section, we present articles about two social problems that have undoubtedly been a hindrance to our development and international competitiveness and that Mexico must overcome in the medium term: poverty and the no less thorny prob - lem of inequality, on this occasion with regard to businesses, their access to credit and growth. The North American community also presupposes recognizing the growing economic and political importance of the population of Mexican origin in the United States. That is why we present a panorama of the Hispanic market in the U.S. West, with a look at its buying power and specific weight in the region’s economy. We also include a contribution about the interaction between Canada’s provincial and federal governments in oil exports to the United States in the context of NAFTA . The centrality of the U.S. economy for Mexico and its resulting dependence is not new, but neither has it been completely constant, as historian Sandra Kuntz Ficker demonstrates in her article about Mexico- U.S. trade from the end of the nineteenth century to 1948.

* * *

This year is the hundredth anniversary of the birth of one of the greatest artistic geniuses of the twentieth century: Mexican photographer Manuel Álvarez Bravo. Voices of Mexico could not remain on the sidelines of the national homage that is being paid to him, and therefore we include in this issue a photographic port - folio with some of his best work in order to disseminate it to the U.S. and Canadian public. We have dedicated “The Splendor of Mexico” to some aspects of the vast historical, cultural and artis - tic wealth of the state of Veracruz. One article deals with the little-studied but undoubtedly influential civ - ilization of the Huaxtecs; another looks at the cultural and architectural achievements of El Tajín and its Teotihuacan influences; yet another examines the ecological, cultural, economic and nutritional impor - tance of vanilla, a typical Veracruz product. Our “Museums” section presents one of the state’s most inter - esting institutions, the Xalapa Anthropology Museum. In this issue, we are inaugurating the section “Science and Technology,” through which we aim to dis - seminate some of our university’s and our country’s important contributions to the world of science. The section’s debut article is by UNAM researcher Ricardo Rosales, who has made important discoveries in the quest for a vaccine to treat cervical cancer. Graciela Martínez Zalce has contributed an article about the rise of literature written by women in Mexico, including the work of Vizania Amezcua and Susana Pagano, fragments of whose novels we have also translated and included in this issue. Lastly, we have dedicated our “In Memoriam” section to remem - bering another great Mexican photographer, Mariana Yampolsky. From our pages, we wish to thank her for her sensitivity in portraying rural, indigenous Mexico. We are sure her work will endure.

José Luis Valdés-Ugalde

6 P O L I T I C S Mexico’s New Diplomacy Interview with Minister of Foreign Affairs Jorge G. Castañeda e c i f f O

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Minister Castañeda at the Monterrey Summit.

VOICES OF MEXICO : In the days prior States meant a pause in bilateral nego - rity as a matter of con cern to the United to September 11, spectacular advances tiations on migration, but certainly not States, particularly regarding its bor - could be foreseen in the negotiations a suspension of our dialogue. What has ders and ports of entry . on migration with the then-recently changed is the pace in reaching our ob - We understand that our two coun - inaugurated Bush administration. Eight jectives. A little after 9/11, Presidents tries’ bilateral agenda must take into ac - months later, what has been done to Fox and Bush recognized that the fun - count new priorities. Nevertheless, both reactivate those negotiations and what damenta l conditions that made a broad governments are aware that mig ration has been achieved? migratory agreement necessary were plays a central role in that agen da, as was MINISTER JORGE G. C ASTAÑEDA : The still present in both countries, with the shown by the rapid resumption of the ter rorist attacks against the United important addition of the issue of secu - work of the High Level Group on Migra-

7 Voices of Mexico • 60

paign against terrorism have been added to the negotiations with the United States more as opportunities than as obstacles. The agreements reached by both countries in Monte rrey were made possible by this shared vision, which de m onstrate the importance of the bor - der, both as an economic link and a port of entry.

VM : President Fox once said in the United States that with NAFTA we should work toward not only free transit of goods but also of people. But, what mea - sures and policies has the Mexican gov - ernment developed to protect Mex icans who cross the border illegally? MJC : Within the framework of the broad negotiations, Mexico introduc ed the issue of security as a priority on the migration agenda. This allowed Mex - ico to emphasize the im portance of know ing the profile and location of our migrants as a major element in bolster - ing U.S. internal security, as this would mean greater orderliness and protec - tion of our fel low countrymen who are in the United States to work and make money, not to threaten U.S. national security. We should never lose sight of their great contribution to the Amer - ican economy . tion after 9/11. Our view of mi gra tion has A crucial achievement in the nego - We have already made significant not been fundamentally al tered, since tiations has been the launching of pro - progress, particularly with regard to the main problem has not changed either. grams for regional economic develop - bi-national programs for migrant se- We continue to acti ve ly promote a broad ment in Mexico, particularly in those curity, efforts to prevent border vio - migration accord that would include states and municipalities that have the lence and trafficking in persons, coo p - the most generalized regularization highest migration rates. This point is a eration in cases of emergency in the possible for Mex ican residents in the central component of the Partner ship area, and me chanisms for safe, order - United States; the issuing of more H2 for Prosperity that we establish ed last ly repatriations. These issues w ere part visas for our workers; the definition and March in Monterrey, one of the most of the Plan of Action that Mexico and implemen tation of a temporary work ers ambitious initiatives that we have ever the United States signed in June 2001. program ; the promotion of in creas ed undertaken to promote a greater socio - We must not forget that, more than a border sa fety; and the fostering of devel - economic convergence of our peoples. starting point, these actions go straight opment in the Mexican communi ties The new concerns that stem from to the heart of the matter. Mexicans that send more migrants to the U.S. the attacks and the international cam- who cross the border, par ticularly in

8 Politics

summer, are ex posed to grave dangers less in nature and we do not question such as ensuring full ob servance of in desert areas where there is less sur - their validity. Nevertheless —and here individual rights and protecting human veillance and no walls separating the lies the first misunderstanding— they rights in general. two countries. Many die in the attempt . are values, criteria that serve as a guide Secondly, it is a recognized fact that For the Mex ican government , averting for decision-making; they are not, in several of these principles have under - more Mexican deaths is a priority and to that end we have put into practice different systems of protection and aid Both governments are aware that mi gration along the border, in coordination with plays a central role on the bilateral agen da, as was shown U.S. authorities, such as the INS , the Border Patrol and local police forces. by the rapid resumption of the work of the High For our part, the authorities of the Na - Level Group on Migration after 9/11. tional Migration Institute, the Beta Groups and the Mi nistry of Health, among other insti tu tions, have rein - themselves, therefore, a program for gone profound changes in recent de- forced a variety of safe ty measures in fo reign policy, as many would like to cades. Principles do not disappear; they these remote areas, in clud ing surveil - believe. Until recently, these principles evolve. States have decided to cede lance and rescue missions in aid of those —in particular those of non-in ter ven- sovereignty in many fields of action, who find themselves in situations of tion and self-determination— were both for the common good and in their danger, dis trib ution of water and easy - used as shields to avert foreign scruti - own interests. The universal trend of to-prepare food and transfer of mi grants ny, at a time when the country was favoring the protection of individuals to safe places where they are given the clearly lagging behind other na tions over the protection of states has in medical atten tion they require. As a re - in areas such as democracy and res- fact reduced the breadth of those prin - sult, the num ber of mi grants who die in pect for human rights. This abuse of ciples. This positive evolution has been their attempt to cross the border has the principles distorted the way they the result of continuing international dropped significantly. were understood, blurring their rela - negotiations and is rooted in com - tion to other government objec ti ves, monly accepted legal norms we would VM : Globalization and its collateral phe nomena have placed the concept of sovereignty under discussion. Do you think that our traditional foreign policy principles of non-intervention and self-determination continue to be valid, or is it time to move toward other ways of conceiving and implementing a strategic foreign policy in today’s in - ternational relations? MJC : This is one of the issues that sparks the greatest debate in Mexico among those interested in foreign po l - icy, and I believe that it has led to several misunderstandings. The prin - ciples of foreign policy incorporated in the Mexican Constitution in 1988 already existed in the United Nations Charter. They are universal and time - With President Vicente Fox.

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like to see applied in all states. Today, culture abroad, thus fostering an open tural products abroad, but also to pre - Mexico’s internatio nal behavior fully dialogue between Mexico’s arts and sent our country as an attractive place incorporates this evolution. Without humanities community and those of for foreign tourism and investment. falling prey to r hetoric about those other countries. On the other hand, and Regarding the second policy area, prin ciples, we can become front line independently from the first stra tegy, the ministry’s Program for Mexican players in the current international the federal government is committed Com munities Abroad is the instrument system and active participants in its to keep supporting the populations of that the government has established to transformation. Mexican origin living in other coun - bring people of Mexican origin closer tries, most particularly in the United to Mexico’s culture. But this program VM : One of the main objectives of States, establishing close ties between goes much further than that, as it carries Voices of Mexico is to contribute to them and our country, fos tering both in - out many other academic, education - al, health, cultural and sports proj ects that seek both to strengthen their ties Our fel low countrymen are in the United States with our country and facilitate their to work and make money, not to threaten U.S. national own insertion into the commu nities security. We should never lose sight of they live in. To this end, we have car - their great contribution to the Amer ican economy . ried out intense di plomatic efforts to eliminate the bar riers and obstacles most Mexicans face due to their con - dition as migrants or minorities, or often sup porting and disseminating Mex- dividual and community development. their cultural and educational back - ican culture, art, history and thinking Both tasks are govern ment priorities, but ground. Additionally, we are also pro - in the international community. Could I think that to carry them out effective - moting greater person al and group you explain to our readers the kinds ly, it is necessary to make a clear dis - dev elopment among Mex ican immi - of activities and policies that have tinction be tween their objectives and grants and their families. been developed to strengthen cultur - strategies. In one case, we are trying to This program has already had im- al policy in the United States to favor attract other peoples to Mexico; in the portant successes in education, health the social climate in which communi - other, the purpose is to support our and culture. For example, in educa - ties of Mexican origin live there? fellow citizens abroad, particularly in tion we have increased the coverage MJC : One priority in Mexico’s inter - the United States. and depth of the programs the mi nis- national strategy today has been trans - With regard to cultural promotion try conducts along with the Ministry forming people’s perceptions of Mex - abroad, we have strengthened the Mi n - of Public Education, as well as other ico abroad. At the same time that the istry of Foreign Relations’ Office for public and private institutions in Mex - government works domestically to fight Cultural Affairs so it can be more ef- ico and the United States. With re gard the evils that have damaged our inter - fective in disseminating Mexican cul - to health, we have coordinated a series nationa l image so greatly —like corrup - ture and therefore contribute to the of activities aimed at promoting pre - tion or insecurity— the Mi nistry of rebranding of Mexico as a modern, plu - ventive medicine and health care for Foreign Relations has promoted a bet - r al and democratic nation. As an essen - the most vulnerable sectors of the Mex - ter understanding of our country’s polit - tial part of this strategy, we de cided to ican community in the United States, ical renovation, econo mic potential and create the Institute of Mex ico, a new on issues such as addictions, cancer, cultural wealth. entity within the ministry that will diabetes, HIV /AIDS , tuberculosis, and Here, I would like to stress that we bring under one roof Mex ico’s cultur - domestic violence. We have also sup - are promoting Mexico’s culture abroad al centers around the world providing ported cultural activities in these com - in two main directions. On the one them with a common identity and a munities through “Spanish-language hand, we have undertaken an ambi - single legal framework. Our aim is not reading circles” in Ca li fornia, Ari zo na, tious strategy to promote Mexico’s rich only to promote Mexico’s culture or cul - Illinois, New York and Texas; chil dren’s

10 Politics

drawing contests; touring painting and on the other, achieving a more active the North American region, designed photography exhibits; courses and lec - participation in the internatio nal sys - on the basis of open markets —in clud - tures; and radio campaigns. tem. Under this dual conception, the ing the labor market— and a new sense relationship with Canada plays a cen - of community. Ca nada’s experience is VM : Relations with Canada have be - tral role. Since the signing of NAFTA , significant in this regard because of its come strategic for Mexico , both be cause trade relations between our two coun - greater integration to the U.S. eco nomy we are partners in NAFTA and because tries, as well as their relationship with and, at the same time, because it ulti - we each border on the United States the United States, have generated a mately offers a different perspective. at a time in which U.S. national secu - strong economic convergence that not This economic convergence and the rity has become an issue that has an only increased the exchange of goods creation of a trilateral institutional fra me - influence on the dynamics of interna - and services among all three countries, work are similar to those we have tional politics. Where do relations with but also revealed the potential for greater been witnessing in Europe for nearly Canada fit into the government’s for - integration in other fields. The logical five decades, although they will of ne - eign policy priorities? evolution of the treaty and the politi - cessity have their own dynamics and MJC : President Fox has decided that cal and eco nomic maturity of Mexico, characteristics. What is important is Mexico’s new foreign policy should de- which made our democratic change that this transition is possible and close velop along two central guidelines: on feasible, open up the possibility of mov - at hand, and that it offers advantages the one hand, deepening our stra tegic ing toward the creation of a new su- for all three countries, not just Mex ico. relationship with North Amer ica, and pranational institutional frame work in The strategy of integration in North

11 Voices of Mexico • 60

America promotes our foreign policy new issues such as the environment protocol to the Biological Weapons interests and at the same time will be an and sustainable development, inter - Con vention. We should also remem - anchor for Mexico’s emerging de mo c - national organized crime or the rights ber that the United States withdrew racy, just like the European Economic of minorities, issues that together form from UNESCO in 1984 and has not made Community was for Spain’s democra - what is known today as the “new in - any plans to rejoin this organization. cy in the 1980s. The difference is that ternational agenda”. We believe that no power can be a Spain was able to take advantage of Mexico is committed to strength - part of the international system with - already existing institutions, while Mex - ening the international system and its out subjecting itself to a minimum set ico must first promote their creation. rules. For that reason we supported of rules adopted to improve interna - This is the ultimate purpose of estab - and took part in the negotiation of an tional coexistence. Never the less, par - lishing a new, closer and more profound international convention to protect and ticularly after the September terrorist attacks, the United States seems to have become aware of the limits of For the Mex ican government, averting unilateralism and of the support it has more Mexican deaths is a priority and to that end received from the global community, which in reciprocity re quests its soli - we have put into practice different systems of protection darity on many other issues. and aid along the border. We would like this policy of “mul - tilateralism a la carte ” to move into a terrain of firmer global commitment. relationship with the United States and promote the rights of the disabled dur - We also believe that in the complex Ca nada, which will nurture a new in- ing the Durban Conference Against world created by 9/11, all nations should ternational identity of Mexico and a new Racism, Racial Discrimi nation, Xeno- resist the grave temptation of reduc - sense of community in North America. phobia and Related Intolerance in ing policy options to a simple dualist VM : Beyond the anecdotal, the matter September of 2001. At the United or Manichaean ethic. In any case, this of Fidel Castro and Mexico’s vote in Na tions, we also presented a proposal is an argument that Me x ico is putting the Human Rights Commission in Ge - for a convention against corruption that forward today in all in ternational fora. neva make for a conceptual trans- is now being negotiated in Vienna. formation of the role Mexican diplo - As a matter of course, as was the VM : In this framework, we have one macy must play in the international case with the great majority of na tions, obligatory question: What is Mexico’s sphere, a diplomacy that is more ac - we have also watched with concern position vis-à-vis certain U.S. actions ti ve and more committed to democra - the United States’ tendency —it must abroad and unilateral foreign policy cy, the free market, human rights, the be said that this is not only attribut - positions, for example, the certifica - fight against drug trafficking, etc. In able to the current administration— to tion of other countries’ fight against that sense, what position will Mexico withdraw from or avoid involvement drug trafficking or some of its stances take, as a firm defender of multilater - with a great many important interna - about the recurring and increasingly alism, vis-à-vis the United States’ grow - tional agreements, not only the one profound crises in Latin American ing unilateralism on such important creating the Inter na tio nal Criminal countries (Argentina, Venezuela, Co- issues as the International Cri minal Court, but also, to mention just a few, lom bia, Guatemala)? Court? the Kyoto Protocol on the environ - MJC : Clearly, the United States is MJC : Multilateralism and internatio n- ment; the Comprehensive Nuclear today the international system’s hege - al law are the foundations of our Test-Ban Treaty; the Con vention on monic power, possessing a political and shared international system. In the last the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpil - economic weight that greatly enhan c- decades we have witnessed a strength - ing, Production and Transfer of Anti - es its capability for action. Its condi - en ing of multilateralism, as the inter - per sonnel Mines and Their Des truc - tion as an unrivaled power may lead it national community gets involved in tion (or Mine Ban Treaty); and the to make unilateral decisions that di rect -

12 Politics

Castañeda with other U.S. and Mexican cabinet members at the White House. ly serve its interests and —it should be en mutual cooperation efforts and are ico was committed to continue fight - recognized— may sometimes affect part of a bilateral commitment to build ing drug trafficking, and living up to its the interests or rights of other nations a new, broader and more mature rela - commitments. (I have already referred to some im por - tionship, one that does not compro mise As the recent arrests of important tant examples , like the Kyoto Pro tocol Mexico’s foreign policy principles or drug traf fickers prove, Mex ico is keep - or the Statute of Rome). Addi tio nally, actions. ing its word. Only through commit - due to the tragic events of Sep tember The process of certification in the ment and delivery was Mexico able to 11, the United States has focused its fight against drugs is an excellent exam - stop the certification process. It is with foreign policy more on regions and issues ple of what can be achieved through concre te actions of this kind that the specifically linked to the fight against dialogue. As a result of intensive lob - govern ment of President Fox is strength- terrorism and, as a result, seems to be bying efforts, Mexico managed to per - ening our mutual trust and coope ration, paying less attention to Latin Amer ica. suade U.S. authorities, particular ly in factors that are indispen sable for deal - Nevertheless, Mexico and the United the U.S. Congress, of the fact that cer - ing with the common chal lenges we States continue to exchange points of tification was a counterpro ductive and face . view about the situation in the region, unilateral policy, rightfully achieving as in the cases of Colombia, Venezue - its temporary suspension. Those efforts VM : Could you draw a balance sheet la and Ar gen tina. These discussions are would not have been successful if we of Mexico’s role as the chair of the UN very constructive, for they help strength - had not been able to show that Mex - Security Council?

13 Voices of Mexico • 60

MJC : The record of the first Mex ican of our chair there was a session to review lines already es tablished by the World chair of the Security Council in Feb - the month’s work, which allowed for ad- Trade Organization. ruary is very positive, just as is, in ditional dialogue a mong council mem- Mexico’s membership in NAFTA and broader terms, that of our participa - bers and other UN member states. in many other commercial treaties tion in the council since January 2002. I think we can feel satisfied with places us in a vantage position. Such We are a member who is listened to Mexico’s role in the council, particu - accords have allowed for an unprece - and respected; we dutifully carried larly while we chaired it. Moreover, I dented expansion of our foreign trade , out all our obligations, managing the would like to emphasize that the cat - they have given us considerable expe - workload on issues such as internatio n - astrophic predictions about the suppos - rience in the process of trade liberal - al peace keeping operations and pro b - ed problems we were going to face in ization, which will continue in com - lem solving in other areas. We had no advancing our positions vis-à-vis the ing years, and they have allowed us to deepen our dialogue and relations with other countries and regions, particu - The strategy of integration in North America larly with the countries of North Amer - will be an anchor for Mexico’s ica and the European Union. One of the aims of creating a free emerging democracy, just like the EEC was for trade area in the hemisphere, as has Spain’s democracy in the 1980s. been proposed, is to contribute to in - creasing the competitiveness of na tio nal economies and, to that extent, in duce difficulty in assuming the chair in Fe b - great powers, particularly the United greater economic growth, job creation ruary (the post, as you know, is ro tated States, were all ill founded. and, thereby, a higher standard of liv - monthly) despite the fact that we had ing for the hemisphere’s po pulation. only recently joined the council. VM : Eight years after NAFTA and with But we should not lose sight of the other When we chaired the council, we the prospect of the Free Trade Agree- factor that I have pointed out: the deep- especially advanced two issues high - ment of the Americas, what policies ening of our dialogue and political links lighted since our 2001 membership and strategies have been considered with other countries, with the ensuing campaign: greater transparency in the with regard to regionalization and trade strengthening of our international po- council’s work and greater democrati - diversification? sition. zation with the active participation of MJC : Just as the World Trade Orga ni- more members of the international zation is the main mechanism for pro - VM : Do you have anything more to community. At our initiative two pub - moting multilateral trade liber alization, add? lic debates were held, one on the sit - bilateral and regional accords allow us MJC : I would just like to express my uation in Burundi, with the participa - to foster our trade relations with other gratitude to Voices of Mexico . For more tion of its president, and another on nations and regions. In turn , these ac - than a decade this publication has the problem of refugees, with the par - cords complement and foster greater done an extraordinary job of dissemi - ticipation of UN High Commissioner multilateral liberalization. That is why nating contemporary Mexican thinking for Refugees Ruud Lubbers. In addi - we will continue implementing them. beyond our borders. I think that these tion, following its program, the counci l For Mexico, signing regional accords efforts become even more im por tant looked at the situation of more than 10 does not limit hemispheric in tegra tion; dur ing the current period of change in countries, mainly in Africa and Asia. It rather, it serves as a first step in reaching our country, a time for leaving behind also held an emergency meeting about broader accords. old habits and trying to consolidate a the crisis in the Middle East, with the In fact, the different a ccords that new civic and democra tic culture in participation of Secretary Ge neral Kofi have been signed are com patible with Mexico, while we seek to take on a more Annan and delegations from Israel and greater hemispher ic integration and, in active and constructive role in the world. Palestine. For the first time, at the end addition, are con sistent with the guide - Thank you very much.

14 Political Parties in Mexico Since the Changing of the Guard

César Cansino*

None of the country’s three main political forces has read correctly the new role they have been called upon to play in the political-economic scenario that opened up because of alternation in the presidency.

fter more than 70 years of do- opened up because of alternation in ing each of their respective national mination of a single political the presidency. They all seem to be assemblies in 2001 and the subse - Aparty, alternation in the presi - holding tight to the script from the quent election of their main leaders. dency since the 2000 elections has past that satisfies their particular short- Of course, the PAN replacing the PRI in made for enormous challenges for Mex- term interests but which in the end office forced the latter and the PRD to ico’s main political parties, including eludes all commitment to the big prob - carefully review the reasons for their the previously “official party.” They lems and challenges inaugurated by electoral defeat, while demanding that have had to struggle to remain or turn the twenty-first century. the PAN evaluate the implications of its themselves into viable options for power new situation as governing party. How - in a context in which, at the end of ever, none of the national assemblies the day, the real competition charac - INTERNAL DEMOCRACY led to a significant redefinition of posi- teristic of a democratic system was im - tions or countered the inertia of the past. posed. Nevertheless, as I will attempt The PRI , PAN and PRD , each in its own The PRD , for example, could not to show here, neither the Institutional way, have shared the challenge of being change or balance the presence of strong Revolutionary Party ( PRI ) nor the Na- up to the new political zeitgeist and of charismatic leaderships or factional tional Action Party ( PAN ), today’s gov - therefore making the internal institu - groups that not only slow the party’s erning party, nor the Party of the Dem - tional and programmatic transformations much-needed institutionalization but ocratic Revolution ( PRD ) have been up that these new conditions demand. All also present it before public opinion as to the challenges. What is more, none this has the aim, in particular, of exorcis - an organization divided and crisscrossed of the country’s three main political ing the dangers of weakness or political by factional, patronage and corporatist forces has read correctly the new role irrelevance or, worse, the threats of inter - interests, all highly contradictory with they have been called upon to play in nal splits that plague them all to a greater the democratic ideal that is apparently the political-economic scenario that or lesser degree. Another vital issue has increasingly maturing among ordinary been their political, stra tegic re position- Mexicans. The PRI has also been unable ing vis-à-vis the executive branch. to concretize its efforts and initiatives for * Professor and researcher at the UNAM and the Autonomous University of The high point of the internal life structural transforma tion. Quite to the Puebla. Editor of Metapolítica magazine. of the three parties was reached dur - contrary, its leadership has not been

15 Voices of Mexico • 60 o o o t t t o o o h h h P P P E E E V V V A A A / / / a a a v v v a a a N N N o o o i i i n n n o o o t t t n n n A A A

From left to right: Felipe Bravo Mena, president of the PAN ; Rosario Robles, president of the PRD ; and Roberto Madrazo, president of the PRI .

and new horizons to the democratic tran - sition, such as the reform of the state. Nevertheless, the inability to live The PRI has not been up to challenges like this one is not self-critical in the exclu sive responsibility of the par - its analysis of its 2000 defeat. ties; it also lies with the federal admin istration whose political operatives have been ineffec tive and ambiguous. self-critical in its analysis of its 2000 future of the PAN are tied —per haps In conclusion, the political parties defeat nor in introducing corrective tragically— to the charismatic figure have been intensely active since the measures. There has been, however, a of Fox. The correlation is irrefutable: 2000 alternation in power. However, stage of extraordinary repositioning by the drop in the president’s popularity in the main, their achievements have Roberto Madrazo, one of the party’s old has been accompanied by a marked de- been poor. What is more, the changes guard. Despite the fact that he repre - cline in the party’s electoral results. in each political force are not enough sents all the vices the party must over- Another important moment in the to create the appropriate conditions for come in a real institu tional transforma - dynamic of the parties after the onset advancing in the transformation and/or tion, in achieving con trol over the party, of the PAN administration was reached consolidation of our young democracy. to a certain extent Madrazo has solved in October 2001 when, after three In effect, a profound change in our in- the irrefutable pro blem of the lack of months of lobbying and negotiations, stitutions and norms that would mark an effective party leadership. Finally, the political parties and the adminis tra - a departure from the authoritarian past the PAN has not managed to define its tion decided to sign the Political Agree- presupposes the existence of strong, ideal relationship with President Vi- ment for National Development, along solid, mature parties that can serve as i n- cente Fox. Mutual attacks are numer - with other actors in the country’s polit - termediaries with an experienced, effi - ous and range from the president’s ical and economic life. cient executive branch (in contrast with unacceptable pragmatism to the clear, In practice, how e ver, this agreement the wavering, imprecise one we have traumatic mar ginalization of PAN cadre gave rise to very poor and only momen - had). In the absence of all of this, it from senior posts in the administration. tary gains since it left out the most pres- would not be possible to carry forward To make matters worse, the present and sing issues that would give sub stance the still unfinished and desirable task

16 Politics

of giving shape to a reform of the state, From that point of view, perhaps It is no exaggeration to say that the the most finished expression of Mexico’s the PRI ’s main risk is the possibility of PAN ’s future depends to a great extent democratic transition. Up until now, the such a problematic confrontation that on the strategy it adopts vis-à-vis the process of political change has not en- would lead to schisms impossible to Fox administration. The PAN has suf - couraged these outcomes, among other heal by institutional means. fered a significant decline in its electo ral reasons because the parties, exhaust ed The PRD ’s situation is different. The results under the current administra - by their own internal crises, have not PRD exemplifies the tortuous road that tion. At the very least, it has lost many been capable of coming to an agreement the Mexican left has taken in its attempt posts that under other circumstances among themselves and with the exec - to become an alternative government it would have been able to maintain or utive branch about the kinds of reforms when faced with an electorate that is win. That is why the party leadership required, how profound they should be increasingly critical and predisposed to has to carry out a serious, objective ba l- and what direction they should take to splitting and reasoning its vote. How- ance sheet of its activity in recent years concretize the indispensable institu tion- ever, it has positioned itself before the and, based on that, renew its political al and normative change that the coun - public as a party with a democratic dis- proposal, but above all, assume the full try’s new political situation demands. course that it does not apply internal - implications of its role as a governing ly, where it is Balkanized and fraught party. A second, equally important, chal- with fraudulent practices assumed to lenge for the PAN in coming years will A R EVIEW OF THE DAMAGES be exclusive to other parties. This series be taking the active role that it his -

How does Mexican society perceive the three main parties’ response to the The present and future important challenges that the consol - of the PAN are tied, perhaps tragically, to idation of democracy requires in our country? the charismatic figure of Vicente Fox. For the PRI , the most significant risk it has run after losing office is a break- up that could precipitate the already of inconsistencies noticeably affects torically has as the architect and pro - advanced process of Balkanization ex- the PRD ’s electoral outcome: in recent moter of the normative and institution- pressed in regional leaderships, local local elections, the best it has been able al change the country requires to give power groups and increasingly discon - to do is to not succumb to some emerg - the democra tic transition that began nected sectors. Insisting on imposing ing parties, and it has shown clear symp - with the alternation in office in 2000 public figures on the rank and file and toms of stagnation, with vote counts direction and a new horizon. Until the organization itself brings with it the lower than those of the PAN and the PRI , now, the PAN ’s commitment to the re - repercussions that the PRI has already maintaining a shaky third place na- form of the state has been mainly rhe- fallen victim to and that political ra- tionwide. torical and ambiguous. tionality would advise against. Never- One of the main obstacles to the In summary, as long as there are no theless, what seems to have the up- consolidation of the PRD as a left (or solid advances in creating a democracy , per hand is the PRI supposition that a “center-left”) electoral alternative is its in a new design of our system of norms “leader” can, Messiah-like, guarantee internal conflicts. It reproduces the and the construction of real rule of law, the political strength needed given the Mexican left’s endemic proclivity to dis - we will be left with the impression that insufficiency of political resources in persion and cannibalism. At times, the alternation of power our country the party’s formal and institutional paradoxically, it would seem that the has experienced with the PAN , the PRI structure and the ab sence of an exter - PRD still needs leaders and charismatic and the PRD as its main protagonists has nal source of power (like the presi - strong-men who can coherently mesh not been translated into lasting changes dency and administration constituted the different internal forces and avert that will make legitimacy and demo- until very recently). greater clashes and dispersion. cratic governability feasible.

S O C I E T Y Growth and Poverty Two Persistent Faces of Mexico

Jesús Francisco Estévez García* o t o h P E V A / a v a N o i n o t n A

acroeconomic data shows vestment in 1994 and 1995, 1 created were distributed in a balanced way up the contradictory trends volatility in labor markets and escalat - among the population. Mthat have affected Latin ed the rate and intensity of poverty in American countries differently over the the mid-1990s. On the other hand, the last decade. Mexico did not escape state not only maintained, but tenden - DEVELOPED MEXICO the impact of a regional slow-down in tially increased social spending as a economic growth. This, together with percentage of gross domestic product The Mexican economy is growing. well-known specific national develop - (GDP ) in the years 1999-2000, stabiliz - Recent evolution of national GDP shows ments, had an impact on foreign in- ing the achievements with regard to how the country has recovered from some indicators linked to the satisfac - the 1995 crisis, achieving its largest in- tion of the population’s basic needs. crease in 1999-2000 (see table 1). * Visiting professor at the Autonomous Metropolitan University ( UAM ), Azca- However, on-going national economic With the exception of the interme - potzalco campus Sociology Department inequality, expressed in the concen - diate period of 1994 to 1996 when it and director of statistical studies of tration of income in few hands, con - subsided, Mexico’s GDP has grown, and Mexico’s National Association of Uni- versities and Institutions of Higher tinues to hinder higher growth rates in 2000 was 28 percent higher than the Learning ( ANUIES ). that could be beneficial if their results 1993 figure. Concretely, per capita GDP

19 Voices of Mexico • 60

growth rate between 1999 and 2000 was TABLE 1 a respectable 5.4 percent, U.S.$5,080 EVOLUTION OF MEXICO ’S GDP AT CONSTANT 1993 P RICES per capita in absolute terms, main - SERIES : 1993-2000 taining Mexico’s status as a country TOTAL NATIONAL VARIATION with an upper-middle income accord - PERIOD GDP *(BASE YEAR , 199 3=1) ing to World Bank classifications. 2 According to the famous “trickle- 1993 1,155,132,188 1.00 down” theories that sustain that ben - 1994 1,206,135,039 1.04 efits will sooner or later be transferred 1995 1,131,752,762 0.98 to the less privileged sectors of the pop - 1996 1,190,075,547 1.03 ulation, we must think that in the me - 1997 1,270,744,066 1.10 dium term, growth, even with the ten - 1998 1,334,586,475 1.16 dency to concentrate wealth in a small part of the population, will bring with it 1999 1,382,935,488 1.20 an improvement in the quality of life 2000 1,474,725,467 1.28 for ordinary citizens. This suggests that Mexico’s evolution implies substantial , * Millions of pesos at constant 1993 prices. sustained improve ment in the lives Source : INEGI , Sistema de cuentas nacionales de México: Producto Interno Bruto por entidad of its people in general. federativa, 1993-2000 .

IMPOVERISHED MEXICO AND SOCIAL SPENDING

The truth of the matter is that even when living conditions improve, they are framed in a clear context of eco - nomic insecurity; this insecurity char - acterizes everyone who, even if not con sidered poor, can only satisfy their immediate basic needs and cannot save or invest in household assets. This means that in periods of growth, cer - tain layers of the population just bare - ly surpass the poverty level, so that in critical economic periods, they fall below the poverty line, catastrophical - ly elevating poverty and marginali zation figures. One of the fun damental causes of this is the characteristic There is a clear tendency volatility of Mexico’s labor mar ket. Low open unemployment only masks to improvement with regard to the satisfaction the high level of employment in the of basic needs: education, informal sector. In addition, low wages housing, electricity, drainage and running water. and their scant participation in the national product are traditional char -

20 Society

acteristics of the functioning of the TABLE 2 Mexican economy (see graph 1). 3 POVERTY RATE IN MEXICO It should be noted that the cost of labor, already cheap compared to Mex- % OF HOUSEHOLDS % OF HOUSEHOLDS ico’s partners in the North American YEAR UNDER POVERTY LINE UNDER INDIGENCE LINE Free Trade Agreement ( NAFTA ), drops despite the increase in worker produc- 1989 39.30 14.00 tivity in the same period (see graph 2). 1994 35.80 11.80 In addition, we should rec ognize the 1996 43.40 15.60 role to which Mexico might be rele gat - ed in the international context of glob- 1998 38.00 13.20 alization. We should consider whether this is not one of the stable charac- Source: Data from CEPAL , Panorama social de América Latina, 2000-2001 (Santiago de Chile: teristics of Mexico’s development that United Nation s, 2001). will cause cyclical retreats in the fight against poverty given that the country has inserted itself in the world econ - omy using cheap labor and, conse- quently, low production costs as its competitive advantage. The words of Ferdinand Piëch, the German presi - dent of Volkswagen, leave no room for doubt:

The workers of Volkswagen’s Czech sub - sidiary, Skoda, discovered that from the advent of the Wolfsburg auto giant, their productivity had risen 30 percent, but their wages had hardly changed at all. “If this continues, we will not reach conditions comparable to Germany’s even in 50 years,” complained Zdenek Kadlec, spokesman for the Skoda com - pany committee. But Ferdinand Piëch, president of Volkswagen, coldly blocked the satisfaction of the Czech workers’ wage demands. The Skoda work force should not interfere with their local advantages, he warned. Otherwise, “undoubtedly we would have to consider After the 1995 economic crisis, poverty if production would not be more advan - increased and, while it did decline tageous elsewhere like, for example, in Mexico.” 4 somewhat later, it has not returned to 1994 levels. Mexico’s low wages and volatile job market are associated with and

21 Voices of Mexico • 60

can explain some of the extreme vari - faction of basic needs that, in addi - that this spending is systematically lowe r ations in poverty measurements (see tion to education, include the infra - than expenditures by other countries table 2) when economic downturns structure associated mainly to pu blic in the region since 1990 if taken in terms occur. The increase in the percentage spending, that is: housing, electricity, of the percentage of national GDP that of households under the poverty and drainage and running water. Clearly, it represents. indigence lines immediately after the after the 1995 crisis, whose impact on In conclusion, we can say that with 1995 economic crisis should be noted: the satisfaction of basic needs ( UBN ) greater degrees of disaggregation of almost eight points in the first case can be seen mainly in 1996, there the measurements, the rates have not and four in the second. 5 The improve- was a rather negligible deterioration improved in certain areas of the coun - ment in living conditions in 1998, how- (from 57.66 percent to 57.92 percent) try nor in some sectors of the popula - ever, was not very rapid given that only with a rapid recovery from 1997 on. tion. Thus, poverty is not the only pro b - 5 percent and 2 percent of the house - Incomes do not follow the same trend , lem that Mexico faces. One of the holds, respectively, crossed upwards. however: the results show that after fundamental questions is, in fact, that In addition, the reader should take into the crisis, poverty increased and, while Mexico continues to be a country of account that the poverty rate is mea - it did decline later, the poor popula - contrasts to the extent that the im- sured here in terms of a percentage of tion has not been able to return to provements derived from economic households and not indi viduals, which 1994 levels. growth are only localized in certain would tend to lower the rates because The slow recovery of the PL rates is geographical areas and strata of the pop - poor households are often the most linked, among other things, to the ulation. Today, according to the United numerous. labor problems we mentioned previ - Nations Development Program ( UNDP ), Poverty rates we have measured ously. The systematic drop in poverty the poorest 10 percent of the popula - quarterly show that counter-tenden - levels using the UBN method, on the tion receives 1.6 percent of total in- cies exist with regard to the achieve - other hand, can be explained by tak - come, while the richest 10 percent ments in the fight against poverty. ing into account the fact that the state receives 41.1 percent. 8 We should re- On the one hand, the rates used by did not reduce its social spending from member here, just as a footnote, that the unsatisfied basic needs method are 1990 on (except momentarily and very Mexico is in fifty-first place in the world lowered and those linked to the pover - ty-line method show an increase (see 6 table 3). The improvements due to economic growth The results shown in table 3 are are localized in certain geographical areas not strictly comparable with the pre - vious figures given that a) the 38 areas and strata of the pop ulation. analyzed are metropolitan, which tend to have a lower poverty rate than the rest of the country; b) they are ap plied relatively). Despite this the achieve - in terms of its per capita GDP , according to the population and not households; ments are overshadowed by the mag - to the UNDP itself. However, Carlos c) goods and services have been added nitude of the problem, in which econom- Slim, with his U.S.$11.7 billion fortune, to the UBN method; d) the poverty ic contingencies make a historically occupied seventeenth place on the last lines are more demanding (they re- precarious situation more serious. If Forbes list, 9 and he is only one of the quire a higher income); and e) the only we examine Mexican government social 12 billionaires the country has pro - income considered is what comes from spending per inhabitant, we will see duced: in 2002, their combined for- work, disregarding the total income that it rose from U.S.$250 in 1990-1991, tunes came to U.S.$31.6 billion. of household members. However, we to U.S.$402 in 1998-1999. 7 This is Thus, poverty and inequality in Mex - should note that there is a clear ten - an important increase which is slight - ico can be seen as two elements of a dency to an improvement in the coun - ly greater than that of Latin America single socioeconomic phenomenon that try situation with regard to the satis - as a whole. We should add, however, makes growth relative as it limits the

22 Society

2 World Bank, Informe sobre el Desarrollo TABLE 3 Mundial 2002 (Madrid: Mundiprensa, 2002). THE POOR AND NON -P OOR IN 38 M ETROPOLITAN AREAS UBN * AND PL** A NALYSES (1994-1999) 3 Julio López G., “El empleo durante las refor - mas económicas,” Fernando Clavijo, comp., Reformas económicas en México 1982-1999 (Mexico City: FCE , 2000). STRATA OF POPULATION UBN ESTIMATE % PL ESTIMATE % 4 Hans-Peter Martin and Harold Schumann, Year 1994 La trampa de la globalización (Madrid: Tau- All Non-Poor 41.88 47.81 rus, 1998). All Poor 58.12 52.19 5 The indigence line expresses the income strictly necessary to obtain enough food for sur - 2nd. Quarter 1995 vival; the poverty line adds other basic goods All Non-Poor 42.34 35.94 and services needed for a decent life. All Poor 57.66 64.06 6 There are two traditional focuses for the 2nd. Quarter 1996 analysis of poverty: the unsatisfied basic needs method ( UBN ) and the income line method All Non-Poor 42.08 31.92 (also known as the “poverty-line” method, or All Poor 57.92 68.08 PL ). The former is applied by identifying and proving whether the members of households 2nd. Quarter 1997 possess a series of goods and services gener - ally associated with a) public spending; b) the All Non-Poor 46.38 28.98 investment that households make in infra - All Poor 53.62 71.02 structure and equipping their homes; c) the investment that households make in develop - 2nd. Quarter 1998 ing their members’ human capital. That is, the traditional application of the UBN method All Non-Poor 46.40 31.85 allows researchers to observe everything from All Poor 53.60 68.15 the existence or lack of a dwelling itself, including its being outfitted with drainage, 2nd. Quarter 1999 electricity and running water, to whether the children go to school or not. Thus, those house - All Non-Poor 47.54 31.65 holds that lack some of these satisfiers to a All Poor 52.46 68.35 varying degree, depending on the number of goods and services not supplied, would be considered poor. The PL method is applied Source: Data from the Encuesta Nacional de Empleo Urbano ( INEGI ) for the years cited. The estimating the monetary cost of a basic bas - results were originally obtained for a project commissioned by the Iberoamerican ket of goods and services generally associated University (Santa Fe Campus) and developed out by the author of this article. with normal household expenditures, an esti - * Unsatisfied Basic Needs. mate that is then contrasted with whether the ** Poverty Line. members have sufficient income for food, clothing, shoes, personal hygiene and trans - portation. Once the figure, which varies over time and according to geographical location, is arrived at, those who do not have the min - imum income needed to acquire this basket access of certain strata of the popu- ever, this is not enough in and of itself: are considered poor, which means that they lation in the formal sector to micro- the state must also maintain its social cannot satisfy their needs, paying for the sat - isfiers at current market prices. enterprise investment and makes it im- spending and create redistribution me ch- possible for them to potentially demand anisms that orient growth toward ap- 7 Both figures are expressed in constant dollar collectively goods and services on a propriate goals. amounts at 1997 rates. ECLAC , Panorama Social de América Latina 2000-2001 Síntesis market whose development requires at http://www.cepal.org. the existence of a middle class with rel- NOTES 8 ative economic security. Currently, United Nations Development Program, Human 1 The author is referring to the December 1994 Development Report 2001 (New York: Oxford poverty indicators have improved but economic crisis that occurred a few days after University Press, 2001). greater GDP growth (of about 4.5 per - Ernesto Zedillo took office as president and which pro duced severe social effects, among them 9 In 2001, he occupied twenty-fifth place with cent) is needed to beat poverty and skyrocketing unemployment and increased U.S.$8 billion, and in 2000, thirty-third place inequality in the medium term. How- poverty. [Editor’s Note.] with U.S.$7.9 billion. http://www.forbes.com

23 Mexican Businesses A World of Inequality

Isabel Rueda Peiro* s r e t u e R / o r e m o R y r n e H

exico suffers from marked way each strata operates and the main 9,257,079 and 11,937,791 respectively. inequality on all economic problems small business es face. Fina- Thus, the number of businesses increas- Mand social levels, an inequal - lly, I will outline some proposals to mi- ed 108 percent over the entire period, ity that has sharpened since the crisis tigate those problems. while the number of employees only that began in the 1980s. Increased eco- rose 82.9 percent. Both increased mor e nomic inequality can be seen, for exam - in the first five years than the second: ple, among regions, sectors and branch - DIFFERENT STRATA OF the number of businesses rose 67.2 per - es of activity, the social classes, families BUSINESSES AND THEIR EVOLUTION cent from 1989 to 1994 and 24.8 percent and businesses. Here, I am going to look from 1994 to 1999, while the number at businesses, pointing to the dis tinc - Since March 1999, the then-Ministry of employees rose 41.8 percent and 29.0 tions among those of different sizes. Firs t of Trade and Industry (today Ministry of percent respectively. The variation was I will examine some data about the evo- the Economy) classifies Mexican com - different for each sector and each stra - lution of their structure with regard to panies as micro, small, medium-sized ta of companies (see table 2). the number of workers and employees and large according to the number of We can see that from 1989 to 1994 in each of the three sectors (manufac - their employees and the sector in which the sector where the number of busi - turing, the wholesale and retail trades they operate (see table 1). 1 nesses increased the most was manu - and services) from 1989 to 1999. Then, In 1989 there were a total of facturing, followed by services, which I will point to some differences in the 1,306,254 economic units; this figure then rose the most from 1994 to 1999. rose to 2,184,558 in 1994 and 2,726,366 In the first five years, micro-enterprises

* Researcher at the UNAM Institute for Eco - in 1999. The number of people they underwent the greatest increase in all nomic Research. employed went from 6,528,643 to three sectors of the economy. This is

24 Society

due to self-employment. In the sec ond five years, however, the increase of mi- TABLE 1 cro-enterprises was surpassed by that COMPANY SIZE BY NUMBER OF EMPLOYEES of large companies in all three sectors. MANUFACTURING WHOLESALE AND SERVICES This shows the effects of the crisis RETAIL TRADE following the December 1994 peso devaluation on micro-businesses and Micro Up to 30 Up to 5 Up to 20 confirms that large companies were Small 31 to 100 6 to 20 21 to 50 the least adversely affected. The num- Medium-sized 101 to 500 21 to 100 51 to 100 ber of small companies shrank over the Large 501 or more 101 or more 101 or more 10 years, indicating their vul nerability and the difficulty for micro -enterpris - Source: Diario Oficial de la Federación , 30 March 1999, pp. 5-6. es to grow. The number of medium-sized manufacturing companies dropped over the 10-year period while the number TABLE 2 VARIATION IN NUMBER OF ESTABLISHMENTS of service-providers and wholesalers AND STRUCTURE BY SECTOR (PERCENT ) and retailers dropped in the first five- year period and remained the same in SECTOR VARIATION PERCENT OF TOTAL NO . the second. The percentage of com - 1994/1989 1999/1994 1989 1994 1999 panies classified as large dropped in the first period due to the proliferation Manufacturing 91.2 29.6 100.0 100.0 100.0 of micro-enterprises, but did not change Micro 97.7 30.5 91.6 94.8 95.4 in the second period despite the fact Small 20.1 8.7 5.0 3.2 2.7 that their absolute numbers increased Medium-sized 20.9 19.6 2.7 1.7 1.6 from 3,497 in 1989 to 4,927 in 1994 Large 11.7 45.1 0.6 0.4 0.4 and 6,775 in 1999 (93.7 percent high - Retail and Wholesale 60.3 19.3 100.0 100.0 100.0 er at the end of the period than at the Micro 61.8 19.4 93.9 94.8 94.9 beginning). Small 40.9 15.6 5.0 3.2 2.7 Table 3 shows the variation in the Medium-sized 24.3 21.5 2.7 1.7 1.6 number of employees by sector of acti- Large 57.5 43.1 0.2 0.2 0.2 vity and company size. We can observe how in the first five years, the firms Services 71.8 32.4 100.0 100.0 100.0 that most increased their number of Micro 72.4 32.3 97.6 98.0 97.9 employees were micro-businesses, fol - Small 41.6 39.4 1.6 1.3 1.4 lowed by small companies. In the se- Medium-sized 56.1 21.6 0.5 0.4 0.4 cond five years, in contrast, it was large Large 57.5 43.1 0.3 0.3 0.3 companies that most expanded their personnel rosters, while the lowest rise Total 67.2 24.8 100.0 100.0 100.0 was among small companies, and mi- Micro 68.9 25.0 94.8 95.8 96.0 cro-businesses increased considerably Small 38.0 18.0 3.8 3.1 2.9 less than in the previous five-year period. Medium-sized 27.7 21.0 1.1 0.9 0.8 The service sector shows the great- Large 40.9 37.5 0.3 0.2 0.2 est expansion in the number of employ - ees in both periods, followed by the Source: Based on data from Nacional Financiera, El mercado de valores , Year LXI , 10 October 2001, p. 46. whole sale and retail trades in the first

25 Voices of Mexico • 60

the first five- year period and raising it TABLE 3 in the second. In micro-enterprises, VARIATION IN NUMBER OF WORKERS AND STRUCTURE BY SECTOR the opposite occurred. Small and medium-sized com panies reduced their SECTOR VARIATION PERCENT OF TOTAL NO . 1994/1989 1999/1994 1989 1994 1999 proportional share of employees over the whole 10 years. Manufacturing 22.9 30.4 100.0 100.0 100.0 Micro 68.6 25.4 19.5 26.7 25.7 Small 21.3 9.2 14.4 14.2 11.9 DIFFERENCES IN Medium-Sized 19.3 22.6 30.5 29.6 27.8 COMPANIES ’ O PERATIONS Large 1.7 53.0 35.6 29.4 34.5 Most micro-enterprises operate on a Wholesale and Retail Trade 48.1 17.8 100.0 100.0 100.0 cash basis, without resorting to cred - Micro 61.6 14.8 54.6 59.6 58.1 it. About 70 percent of their sales are Small 36.1 17.2 16.5 15.1 15.0 made in the local market and to the Medium-Sized 23.2 21.5 16.2 13.4 13.9 final consumer. Therefore, their invol- Large 37.2 29.3 12.8 11.8 13.0 vement in productive chains as sup - pliers to other companies is very low. Services 62.8 40.1 100.0 100.0 100.0 On an average, this strata has a lower Micro 64.2 33.4 60.5 61.1 58.2 technological level and many micro- Small 42.8 36.5 11.6 10.1 9.9 enterprises go under very quickly. In Medium-Sized 57.0 27.1 8.0 7.7 7.0 fact, almost half these companies hav e Large 72.3 65.9 19.9 21.0 25.0 been in business for less than five years; Total 41.8 29.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 31 percent for under three years; and Micro 63.9 24.0 42.0 48.5 46.6 only 31 percent for over 10. 2 These com - Small 31.5 18.6 14.3 13.3 12.2 panies’ vulnerability increased with the Medium-Sized 24.3 22.9 19.8 17.4 16.6 abrupt opening to the external mar k et Large 23.5 52.3 23.9 20.8 24.6 in 1986 when Mexico joined the Ge n- eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Source: Based on data from Nacional Financiera, El mercado de valores, Year LXI , 10 October 2001, p. 46. Most small companies make their sales on credit; less than half sell to the final consumer; and the markets for their products are local, regional and even national. Many have advanced Large firms dominate national sales, technology and manage to consolidate covering 75 percent, and also effect and become medium-sized or large the immense majority of exports, businesses. 3 80 percent of which are from the manufacturing sector. Medium-sized companies sell more than 60 percent of their products to the national market and less than 35 percent to the final consumer. More than five-year period and manufacturing in od by manufacturing. From 1989 to three-quarters of their transactions are the second. The figures also indicate 1994 large manufacturing establish - done on credit. On the average, they that larger companies tended to be ments only insignificantly increased use medium-level technology. 4 strengthened, particularly in services, their number of employees, diminish - The large firms dominate national followed in the second five-year peri - ing their share of total employment in sales, representing 75 percent of them,

26 Society

and also effect the immense majority often redundant, harming smaller com - ment suppliers. It is also important to of exports, 80 percent of which are panies more since they do not have the foster a greater link-up between com - from the manufacturing sector. Only specialized personnel needed to deal panies and universities. a few companies sell abroad: in 1996, with it, leaving the owners themselves 20 percent of foreign sales were made to dedicate an important part of their by only five companies and 80 per - time to it. NOTES cent by 630 businesses. 5 For this reason, the government The enormous inequality among should carry out a real administrative 1 Before March 30, 1999, companies were Mexican companies is also reflected reform to cut down on red tape and cre - classified according to the number of workers and annual sales, regardless of the economic in the degree of training their employ- ate training programs for its employ - sector to which they belonged. ees have: generally it is higher in larg - ees that deal with micro- and small 2 Gerardo Flores, “Viven menos de cinco años er companies, a circumstance linked to companies. Non-subsistence micro- 50% de las microempresas,” El Financiero the wages they can pay and the gov - enterprises also require temporary sup - (Mexico City) 18 September 1996. ernment support they receive, since it port from the government to consoli - 3 Ibid. is medium-sized and large companies date and grow, as well as fixed-rate, that are able to take better advantage low-interest loans, up-to-date, timely 4 Ibid. of that support. This is due, for one information about how to link up with 5 Alejandro Souza Vidal, “El entorno económi - thing, to their better access to infor - other companies as suppliers or sub- co y financiero de México y las PYMES ,” (Mexico City: Confederación Patronal de la mation. Also, government red tape is contractors and preferential treatmen t República Mexicana [Coparmex]-Internation- very complicated, time-consuming and and training so they can be govern - al Labor Organization [ ILO ], 1997), p. 12.

27 PHOI SL TI TOIRCY S Tracing U.S. Predominance In Mexico’s Foreign Trade (1870-1948)

Sandra Kuntz Ficker* s e v i h c r A y h p a r g o t o h P t n i a s s u o T l e u n a M s ’ M A N U

The 1880s. The railways facilitated the aqcuisition of capital goods for setting up modern Mexican industry.

he United States’ being Mexico’s Let me begin by explaining the gen- In the second place, the United main trade partner is so obvi - eral evolution. Graph 1 illustrates U.S. States starts to play a more preponder- Tous and familiar a fact that we participation in Mexican imports and ant role after 1880, although the trade forget that it is a historic phenomenon. exports from 1870 to 1948. To simpli - pattern was subject to strong fluctua - The main aim of this article is to explain fy annual fluctuations and look at the tions that suggest that this was not by the process whereby the United States, basic trends, Graph 2 presents the same any means a linear, irreversible process. despite the striking fluctuations in its data in three-year averages. Several In the 1890s, imports from the U.S. participation in Mexican foreign trade points are worth noting. In the first dropped somewhat and in the first up until the end of World War II, be- place, it is little known that in the decade of the twentieth century, so did came our most important trade part - 1870s, the United States was still only ex ports. Both imports and exports ner. It should be said that, more than a secondary trade partner for Mexico, droppe d consistently from their maxi - a steady increase, it took the form of particularly in terms of imports. Ahead mum at the end of the first decade of waves of differing intensity. of the U.S. was Great Britain and at the twentieth century until the end of the times France, which together repre - 1930s, rising again during World War II. * Professor and researcher at the Autono- mous Metropolitan University, Xochimil- sented 60 percent of Mexico’s pur - Regardless of the causes of these fluc - co campus. ([email protected]) chases abroad. tuations (to which we will return later),

28 History

their very existence seems to contra - first opening to the international econ- The case of exports is different since dict the commonly held opinion that omy and is associated with the cre - the United States was traditionally the ties of dependency with the United ation of certain material conditions that more important for Mexico as a mar - States tightened progressively and that made the two countries’ geographical ket than as a supplier: by the 1870s, these ties were not only increas ingly proximity concretely significant. In this the U.S. was buying 45 percent of Mex- intense but also practically impossible period, Mexico imported railroad track, ican exports for different reasons. On to override. To the contrary, the data machinery, rail equipment and construc - the one hand, an important number of on the graph suggests significant flex - tion tools. By the end of the decade, them were precious metals used for ibility in the geographic distribution three important rail lines that linked making payments abroad. The United of Mexico’s foreign trade. One way or the northern border with Mexico’s inte - States was the main destination for these another, our country was capable of reori- resources since it was Mexico’s finan - enting its exchanges and broadening cial intermediary with the rest of the out its clientele and suppli ers when world. In terms of trade in goods prop - domestic or international conditions s o er, a large part of Mexican exports were demanded. It is little known made up of articles produced in coastal In the third place, the graphs show areas: hemp, coffee, vanilla and tincto - that U.S. participation in Mexican that in the 1870s, the United rial woods, all items that could be eas - imports was much smaller than in ex- States was still only ily shipped by sea so that the lack of ports for quite a prolonged period, at a secondary trade land transportation would not interfere least until the first decade of the last partner for Mexico, with their commercialization in the century. There is a gap, then, between United States. particularly in terms the earlier and —as of the 1880s— During the 1880s, U.S. participa - very high concentration of exports and of imports. tion in Mexican exports rose consid - the later, more moderate concentra - erably: from the 45 percent of the tions of imports from a single country. 1870s to 60 percent in the 1880s and This differential suggests that Mex- around 74 percent as of the 1890s. ico’s making a high percentage of its This jump should be associated with sales in the United States was not a rior had been built. These investments the participation of U.S. capital in consideration in its picking its suppli - soon brought others aimed at mineral railway construction and the wave of ers on the international market. This deposits close to the U.S. border, which investments that this produced. The again contradicts the image of depen - translated into imports of more ma- railroads made it possible to mine Cen - dency and obligatory reciprocity. This chinery and production goods. The tral-Northern Mexico’s ore deposits relative autonomy was neither transi - railways also facilitated the acquisition and opened vast areas of the country tory nor brief: it lasted no less than 45 of capital goods for set t ing up modern to production for export. Exports by years (between 1870 and 1915), and in - industry, even if it was of modest size land to the United States went from cluded a stage in which the concentra - and heavily concentrated by region. U.S.$ 1 million in 1877 to U.S.$12 mil- tion of Mexican exports sent to the The modification in import patterns lion in 1890. U.S. market was almost overwhelming not only implied a drastic change in Naturally, this process also implied (over 70 percent after 1887). their origin, but also in their composi - a progressive change in the composi - tion; the traditional basket of luxury tion of exports: starting with a modest consumer items began to combine with mix of precious metals and a few agri - THE FIRST WAVE : T HE 1880 S more machinery and inputs for pro - cultural goods, it began to broaden out duction. The latter went from 26 per - to include minerals and metals with dif - The first important U.S. presence in cent in 1880 to 40 percent in 1882 and ferent degrees of refinement: first lead- Mexico’s foreign trade began in the 60 percent in 1892, compared to less silver compounds, then copper and later 1880s. This coincided with Mexico’s than 30 percent in the previous 50 years. zinc. Other traditional exports, such as cat -

29 Voices of Mexico • 60

(arms, munitions, horses, explosives and basic consumer items like grain, suet and soap). In addition, the border became more penetrable given the world situation. To obtain these goods, Mex - ico had to orient a large part of its exports to the U.S. market. In addition to th e difficulties of international traffic, the needs created by the Mexican Revolution imposed greater concentra - tion of trade with the United States. As a result, for the first time export pat - terns matched import patterns and the United States acquired absolute dom - ination over Mexico’s trade abroad. In contrast with the first wave, on this occasion, the factors that explained trade dependence on the U.S. were not economic, but derived from polit - ical-military conditions and therefore were transitory: they ceased just as tle and animal skins, increased with the patterns. The war led the European soon as international trade routes reo- availability of rail transport. At a certain powers to concentrate their production pened in 1919. Mexican imports from point, the diversification of exports made and energies on military objectives, in- the United States plummetted from 90 it possible to decrease the importance of terrupted the circuits of inter-oceanic to 72 percent in only three years and the transfer of metals that had tradition- commercial traffic and reoriented a despite certain fluctuations, they con- ally served to cover the trade deficit. large part of maritime transport to war- tinued to drop throughout the decad e In summary, the proximity of Mex- time use. The United States became until they reached 60 percent in 1933. ico and the United States and the rise the great distributor of goods, con - Changes in exports were even more sur- of the railroads were historic pheno- centrating an unusually large portion prising since from being 85 percent of mena that made it possible for the U.S. of world trade. This was felt through - Mexico’s total in 1919, they dropped to to achieve the absolute, insurmountable out Latin America, although in Mexico, 63 percent in 1927 and only 48 percent advantage in trade with Mexico vis-à- where this had already been happen - in 1933. This put the U.S. at its lowes t vis its traditional European partners. ing before the war, the impact led the share of Mexican exports since 1877. concentration of trade to extreme levels: in 1917, 91 percent of Mexican exports THE SECOND WAVE : T HE TEENS went to the United States, while 93 THE DECLINE : 1920-1938 percent of its imports came from there. In the first decade of the twentieth In the case of Mexico an addition - It is easy to suppose that the end of century, U.S. presence in Mexico’s al factor contributing to this concen - World War I would signal a return to foreign trade seemed to stabilize at tration was the Mexican Revolution, pre-war trade patterns. However, the about 76 percent of all its exports and whose most severe stage of civil war first surprising piece of information is 60 percent of imports, despite cycli - took place between 1913 and 1916. It that Mexico’s dependence on imports cal fluctuations. Nevertheless, in the was very difficult for European part- from the U.S. between 1915 and 1919 following decade, World War I caused ners to cover the particular needs of reversed itself to the extent that in the a severe break in international trade the Mexican market in that context mid-1930s they had only the same

30 History

relative importance as in the first decade of the twentieth century. That is, the extreme concentration of Mex- ican trade (91 percent on the average between 1915 and 1919) did not cre - ate lasting dependence on U.S. sup - pli ers since it was a reversible trend in the medium term. It is even more noteworthy that in the 1920s and 1930s there was an important de-concentration of exports with regard to the main trade partner, which is significant for several reasons. First of all, because it was the first time there was a drop of this magni - tude and duration since the appear - ance of U.S. domination of Mexico’s foreign trade. Secondly, because this de-concentration of exports lent a kind of authentic bilateral character to the exchange with the U.S., in which trade in both directions evolved similarly. It descent was so drastic and prolonged. tween Mexico and the United States was not that Mexico sold the United One of the reasons was obviously the became very tense between 1920 and States the same amounts that it bought reactivation of trade with Europe, the 1925 mainly because of the former’s from it, but that the proportion of Mex - reappearance of traditional partners 1917 legislation about property and ican trade that went to the U.S. was now (Great Britain, France and Germany) labor rights and the continual threat of very similar both in exports and imports. and the emergence of new partners, making the Constitution retroactive. In the third place, the duration of among whom Belgium, Italy, Holland On the other hand, the regimen that this phenomenon was very signifi - and Sweden took on certain impor - came out of the Revolution was nation- cant. It was a gradual transition con - tance. In the second place, the rela - alistic in its economic orientation and sistent with greater geographical di- tive importance of the United States channeled some of its energies into re- versification of foreign trade. This diminished as of the 1920s as a result ducing dependence on its dominant trend was reinforced by the effect of of U.S. trade policy. Between 1922 and trade partner. In fact, in some cases the international crises of 1921 and 1930, the U.S. government established there appears to have been the expres s 1929 on the U.S. economy but lasted protectionist trade tariffs and signed purpose of redirecting Mexican export s longer than they did, as can be seen different trade agreements and treaties toward Europe, whether to lessen vul- in the fact that the drop in U.S. pres - with countries with similar exports to nerability of the given sector with re- ence in our foreign trade did not stop Mexico’s. After the 1929 crisis, these gard to the U.S. economy or to strength- after 1933. In fact, the lowest partic - restrictive policies accen tuated, with en Mexico’s negotiating position with ipation of the U.S. in a normal year the establishment of quotas for copper, regard to prices and supply. Thus, for was in 1937 (56 percent) for exports oil and other imports that were basic example, in 1922 Yucatán hemp grow - and 1938 (58 percent) for imports. It components of Mexico’s exports. ers were given the privilege of export- was, then, a trend that lasted almost In addition, Mexico’s revolut ionary ing a certain amount of their product 20 years, something unexpected in view governments’ domestic policies con- without paying export duties on it unde r of the closeness of previous decades. tributed to this result in at least two the condition that it be shipped direct - We should ask ourselves why this ways. On the one hand, relations be- ly to Europe.

31 Voices of Mexico • 60

The trends of the 1920s accentu - brought about the third wave of U.S. tionist policy that would last several ated after the 1929 crisis, so that in the presence were again exogenous; more decades. 1930s, until the outbreak of World War specifically, they were linked to the II, the United States saw its presence interna tional situation created by World decline even further in Mexican foreign War II. CONCLUSIONS trade. Among other factors are the This war broke traditional trade links political variables, like the sharpening even more radically than had the pre - The United States was a secondary of tensions between the Mexican gov - vious world war. It turned the United trade partner for Mexico until the last ernment and foreign companies due States into the only country capable of third of the nineteenth century. After to the expropriations of 1936 to 1938 sustaining trade in the hemisphere. that its importance increased until it and the semi-embargo on trade tha t The U.S. actively took on this role and became Mexico’s main partner in the fol lowed. The oil expropriation sparked promoted the creation of the Develop- international market. Initially, the fac - a strong reaction among cor porations, a ment Commission for Latin America tors that brought this about were the reaction backed up by the U.S. gov - to foster trade both with the United construction of railroads and the di- ernment, which, among othe r things, States and among the Latin American rect investment of U.S. capital that suspended purchases of Mexican oil nations. In the case of Mexico, other reoriented part of Mexico’s exports to as well as the negotiations for a trade factors favored an increasing U.S. pres- the United States. Despite everything, treaty between the two countries. ence. Mexico’s declaration of war on it is significant that the U.S. was for a the Axis in 1942 severely restricted its long time much more important as trade with Europe. Shortly thereafter, a market for Mexican exports than as a THE THIRD WAVE : W ORLD WAR II Mexico and the United States signed supplier of imports. This disparity is a cooperation agreement and the first noticeable to the extent that it suggests By the end of the 1930s, trade rela - trade agreement in the history of their that Mexico maintained a relatively tions between Mexico and the United bilateral relations. As a result, Mex- broad spectrum of suppliers and pre - States were at a considerably low point ican exports to the United States went served its autonomy in selecting them compared to the standards established from 56 percent of total exports in 1937 despite the growing concentration of in the last decades of the nineteenth to as much as 91 percent in 1941 and its exports in the U.S. market. century and the first decades of the 1942. Imports from the U.S. increased On the other hand, although the twentieth. Bilateral trade represented from 58 percent of the total in 1938 U.S. predominates Mexico’s foreign a bare 60 percent of Mexico’s foreign to 90 percent in 1944. trade from the end of the nineteenth trade, a proportion that had been nor - At the end of World War II, a new century, historically it was subject to mal for imports in the first decade of decline in U.S. presence in Mexico’s more or less severe fluc tuations. This the twentieth century, but which had foreign trade began, suggested by the questions the broadly accepted idea been surpassed for exports since 1884. trade figures, which began to decline that the growing U.S. predominance What is even more significant is that in the last years that this article covers in Mexico’s trade was continuous. Far this situation did not seem to be tran - (1948). On the one hand, this was due from it, the evidence shows that in these sitory or extraordinary, but, rather, the to the fact that Mexico’s trade balance years, trade patterns were very mal - result of a deterioration that had lasted had deteriorated by the end of the war; leable and adapted to changing con - 15 years. Given the intensification of on the other hand, the Mexican gov - ditions on the domestic level, in bilateral trade with Europe and a certain open - ernment had embarked on a project relations and in the world’s economy. ing with regard to other countries of of industrialization through import sub - This means that patterns in internation- the world, there was nothing to sug - stitution. In order to move ahead with al trade depend on many different fac - gest that the state of bilateral trade this project, the government began to tors, which makes it wrong to attribute with the United States would change restrict trade, leading to the joint can - their evolution to the sim ple will of one radically in the short run. Everything cellation of the bilateral trade agree - of the participants, even if that partic - seems to indicate that the factors that ment in the mid-1950s and a protec - ipant is the dominant partner.

32 A R T A N D C U L T U R E The Possible World Of Álvarez Bravo

Roberto Tejada*

Mattress , 1927. An interior landscape of desire, haunted by images of statues and mirrors as emblems of the body.

Angels in Truck , 1930.

34 n his photography, Manuel Álva- are more resolvedly symbolic or literary rez Bravo has represented all man - in meaning. There is an uncertainty Iners of complexities and con tra- that intensifies the power of these dictions by exploring a set of related pictures insofar as it remains unclear differences. Urban and rural reali ties, to what degree staging or reenactment or the margins where they become con- was involved between photographer fused or confounded, are linked in his and subject. Death, dreams, solitude work to the rift between natural ar- and the unconscious were among the rangement and photographic design, or themes explored also by the group of between formal sobriety and intellec - Mexican writers known as Los Contem - tual playfulness; or, finally, between poráneos (The Contemporaries). Like what is potentially representable and the poetry of this move ment, Álvarez what is actually recorded and promised Bravo’s photographs often emanate by a photograph. Even as he departed from an interior landscape of desire, from his early abstract experiments to haunted by images of statues and mir - portray the peculiar nature of Mexico rors as emblems of the body ( Ángeles City and its outlying regions —where en camión , 1930 [Angels in Truck]), or extraordinary encounters often emerge from an intellect in which insomnia and from workaday phenomena— Álvarez longing are suspended in time ( Es cala Bravo returned repeatedly to the de escalas , 1931 [Scale of Scales]). study of s patial relationships and puri - If rarely shown producing either in fied form. Resorting often to personal the domestic or public realm, women effects, a negative image of a rolled are often portrayed as symbols of an mattress, Colchón, 1927 (Mattress), idea, feeling or effect. In a visit to the was first exhibited as a set of light court yard of the building where he boxes with a positive companion piece, spent his early childhood, Álvarez Bra- a common practice for the photogra - vo chanced upon an adolescent immers - pher in his abstract compositions. But ed in her reverie, El ensueño, 1931 Álvarez Bravo strove to retain the pro - (Reverie). The sunlight caressing her gressive content of abstracted forms, right shoulder intensifies the pause perhaps in keeping with the concerns captured by the camera. Here, day - of his friend and associate Tina dreaming is sym bolized as that inter - Modotti. Over and over he addresses val between sleep and memory, be the metro polis as a monument of mod- it personal or collective. The picture ern life and industry, in images that captures the pace of the everyday and pass as purely formal studies. the often invisible but no less dra - An implausible architecture and matic interludes that confound it. In social progress are suggested in a pho - a related image, from the penumbra tograph of steel hardware tools, Ins- of a room, a sitter’s face is half- illumi - trumental , 1931 (Tools). Some of Ál- nated as she gazes into a looking glass varez Bravo’s images from the 1930s while combing her long tresses Re- trato de lo eterno , 1935 (Portrait of the

* Research fellow at Dartmouth College. He has Eternal). Dreams and the unconscious published widely on Latin American visual cul - were explored by many artists and ture and the language arts. writers in Mexico. But the picture com - All photographs are reproduced by permission of Colette Urbajtel de Álvarez Bravo. plicates Freud’s model for femininity

35 as the passive desire to be desired. The tions of Eugène Atget’s images of Paris eternal portrait of a figure locked into storefronts made during the first de- her mirror image is arrested by view - cade of the twentieth century. With ers, male or female, and by the in ter- references to the human eye, the “par- pretive process of the viewing. able” tells about the unreliability of Devoid of metaphor, however, there looking, about visual afterthoughts or is another important strain in Álvarez change in viewpoint and, therefore, Bravo’s photography that is almost doc- about the nature of photography umentary in its concern for working itself. As in Optical Parable , where he conditions in Mexico. In one image, links scientific optics to photographic Obrero en huelga asesinado , 1934 (Strik - practice, Álvarez Bravo also relates ing Worker, Murdered), the artist ren - pathology to corporeal soundness, and ders the viewer mute as the camera the observable body to the phantom captures the harrowing reality of a vio - anatomy beneath the skin ( Hospital lent death. Taking film footage (with Juárez , 1935 [Juárez Hospital]). Another Sergei Eisenstein) in the Isthmus of common motif in Álvarez Bravo’s pho - Tehuantepec, and in search of what tographs, tree trunks and other natu- he thought were fireworks from near - ral debris become surrogates of the by festivities, Álvarez Bravo dis covered human body, as in this unsettling form that the noises were gunshots fired at discovered by the photographer in a a sugar-mill strike and that someone clearing beside a cornfield. Chopped had been murdered. Álvarez Bravo took away at the base, side and head, the this image very close to the corpse, solitary stump transforms the land - and low to the ground, rendering the scape into a kind of otherworldly place arm of the murdered worker as if in suffused with the “secret terror of muralist foreshortening. foreboding” Diego Rivera claimed the From the perspective of a passer- photographer’s images inspire. by looking up from a city sidewalk, His work is an extended medita - another image —a central one in his tion on the nature of looking and the work Parábola Óptica, 1931 (Optical medium of photographic reproduction Parable)— shows an optician’s shop itself. Lyric restraint and collective with an oval hanging sign, but the impulses are joined in idiosyncratic do- picture is reversed. It contains inflec - cuments that engage the difference

Tools , 1931

An implausible architecture and social progress are suggested in a photograph of steel hardware tools.

36 between Mexico’s social realities and the viewer is asked to choose between the often nameless transit or long du- at least two possible interpretations. ration of the otherwise uncelebrated. As he stresses the pho tographer’s role His sensibility is surprisingly contem - in the decision between what an image porary in that his pictures allow fatu - portrays and what it can mean as per its ous and poignant qualities to coexist title, Álvarez Bravo invites the observer in an image. His pictures com ment, to ponder the world as it is —but perhaps too, on the disjunction between real more importantly, as it could be. figures and their render ings. Álvarez Bravo has stated, “I believe every thing is portrayable, depending on how you NOTE see it. Everything has social content.” Even in his more recent work, an image - * This article is based on fragments of the book by the same author In Focus: Manuel Álvarez environment of Coyoa cán, En un pe- Bravo , published by the J. Paul Getty Mu- queño espacio , 1997 (In a Small Space), seum, Los Angeles, 2001.

37 Mannekins Laughing , 1930.

Extraordinary encounters often emerge from workaday phenomena.

38 The sunlight caressing her right shoulder intensifies the pause captured by the camera.

Reverie , 1931.

39 40 The artist renders the viewer mute as the camera captures the harrowing reality of a violent death.

Juárez Hospital , 1935.

Striking Worker, Murdered , 1934.

41 Good Name, Sleeping , 1938-1939

Women are often portrayed as symbols of an idea, feeling or effect.

42 43 44 In a Small Space , 1997.

His pictures comment, too, on the disjunction between real figures and their renderings.

45 Portrait of the Eternal , 1935. The eternal portrait of a figure locked into her mirror image is arrested by viewers.

46 The “parable” tells about the unreliability of looking, about visual afterthoughts.

Optical Parable , 1931

47 Álvarez Bravo invites the observer to ponder the world as it is —but perhaps more importantly, as it could be.

And It Moaned at Night , 1945. E C O N O M Y Mexico, Modern Diplomacy And the European Union

Alejandro Chanona*

Over the last decade the strategy to diversify Mexico’s relations with the world has become a priority; this consists of seeking more solid links with different groups of countries through formal institutional mechanisms.

lobalization and the forma - an aggressive strategy of signing in- gone through significant changes in tion of regional blocs have ternational instruments, outstanding its design, leadership and implemen - Gimposed the need for Mex- among which are accords on education, tation. These modifications have oc- ican diplomacy to develop new practic- science and technology and, of course, curred parallel to the profound and es in order to lead the country toward free trade. But the task has merely varied transformations of the structure the center of the world dynamic. This been outlined and therefore remains and dynamic of the international system. goal is embodied in the national dev- unfinished. The end of bipolarism, the processes elopment plans of the last two admin - The diversification and intensifica - of political and economic integration, istrations as well in their respective tion of external links with a greater the growing advance of economic glob - reports. number of countries and regions re- alization and the impor tance of the Mexico’s geopolitical situation has quired the design, implementation and debate about democracy, human rights, been altered by international transfor - follow-up of a series of actions aimed the environment, etc., have changed the mations that demanded a more active, at reaffirming Mexico’s presence in priorities on the agenda. While the doc - specialized strategy to try to fulfill the Europe, Latin America, the Caribbean trine, principles and objectives of foreign main interest of our foreign policy: and the Pacific Basin countries, as well policy have remained firm, it is also strengthening national sovereignty and as in the institutions and groups that true that the speed of world events has promoting the country’s economic and promote economic and social devel - forced it to be increasingly pragmatic. social development through inserting opment both in developed and devel - On the other hand, economic reor- itself better in today’s world. In that oping nations. 1 ientation and political changes inside sense, contacts with all the regions of the country have also had an impact the globe mounted and political and eco - on the new dynamic of Mexico’s for - nomic exchanges intensified through THE CHALLENGE OF DIVERSIFICATION eign policy. In this context, over the last decade the strategy to diversify Mex-

* Professor at the UNAM School of Political On the threshold of the twenty-first ico’s relations with the world has be- and Social Sciences. century, Mexico’s foreign policy has come a priority; 2 this consists of seek -

49 Voices of Mexico • 60

ico and the then-European Economic Community, relations between the two have intensified in the political sphere but diminished in the economic sphere. Today, the E.U. has great weight and political and economic influence in the dynamics of international rela - tions; it is also Mexico’s second trading partner (6.5 percent) and second source of foreign investment (20.3 percent). 3 This means that the potential for our country and the world’s main trading bloc complementing each other takes on special significance. This is the reason for Mexico’s stra - tegy of deepening and broadening out links of all kinds mainly with the E.U., without disregarding its relations with the new states that have emerged in Central Europe and the Balkans, at times wrapped up in overcoming their own internal problems. On May 2, 1995, Mexico and the While the doctrine, principles and objectives European Union announced the deci- of foreign policy have remained firm, it is also sion to broaden and deepen their bilat - eral relations creating a new frame - true that the speed of world events has forced work that would make it possible to it to be increasingly pragmatic. bolster political dialogue, establish a free trade area and intensify coopera - tion with the aim of contributing in ing more solid links with different groups the post-Cold War period. The E.U. the long term to the promotion of the of countries through formal institu- is the world’s foremost trading power fundamental values of respect for hu- tional mechanisms that attempt to cre- and largest market. Its 15 countries are man rights, the rule of law, democra - ate conditions of certainty and legal home to 375 million inhabitants; its cy and security. In this same vein, on security in the relationship with Mex- joint gross domestic product is U.S.$8.3 December 8, 1997, another of the ico for the world’s leading investing trillion, e quivalent to that of the United most significant steps in the strength - powers and, of course, with the most States. In addition, the E.U. concen - ening of bilateral relations between dynamic markets. trates about one fifth of the world’s Mexico and the E.U. was taken: the trade. negotiations for the E.U.-Mexico Eco- nomic Partnership, Political Coordina - THE EUROPEAN UNION tion and Cooperation Agreement, also AND DIVERSIFICATION The Evolution known as the “Global Accord,” began. Of Mexico-E.U. Relations This instrument, which entered into The European Union (E.U.) as a region - force very recently, pulls together in a al regimen has tended to regroup the Since the 1975 signing of the first im- single text political, trade and cooper - most influential nations of Europe in portant trade agreement between Mex - ation issues , making it the most com -

50 Economy

plete and ambitious one Mexico has 2001 (see graph 3). In June 2001, the Firm commitments for almost U.S.$300 ever signed and the only one of this 5,066 companies with European cap - million in investments from Spain were type that the E.U. has negotiated with ital made up 23 percent of the 22,002 achieved and high expectations cen - a non-European nation. 4 Also signed firms in Mexico with FDI , with U.S.$15.1 tered on European firms’ investing in were the “Interim Accord on Trade million in investment. Mexican telecommunications, electri - and Matters Related to Trade” and a The results of the negotiations were city and petro chemicals. However, this joint declaration, which ratifies the approved March 20, 2000 by Mexico’s is still subjec t to the arrival at consen - mandate to negotiate a free trade zone. Senate —together with the “Global suses among the different branches of The process leading up to these sign - Agreement”— and by the European government to create the legislative ings began in 1998 and culminated Council of Ministers of Member States; framework that would allow it. successfully November 24, 1999. and July 1, 2000, the part of the Free Trade Agreement with the European Union corresponding to goods entered THE NORTH AMERICAN Negotiating into effect. FREE TRADE AGREEMENT The Free Trade Agreement Finally, in his last European tour from May 14 to 18, 2002, President As a result of Mexico’s decades-long The signing of the “Global Accord” Zedillo inaugurated a program to ac- strategy abroad, and after signing sev - was the step that preceded the sign - celerate tariff reduction between Mex- eral different trade instruments with ing of the Mexico-European Union ico and the European Union which the United States, relations with our Free Trade Agreement (Mexico-E.U. included trade for U.S.$1.7 billion. neighbor to the north are constantly FTA ) in March 2000 by then-Presi- dent Ernesto Zedillo in Lisbon, giving Mexican products access to a 375- With the Mexico-E.U. FTA the Mexican economy million-person market. With this agreement, the Mexican is expected to benefit from the high potential economy is expected to benefit from for European investment as well as from the high potential for European in- its advanced technology. vestment as well as from its advanced technology. At the same time, the European Union benefits by being able to compete in equal conditions with the countries with which Mexico already has free trade agreements. This will allow the E.U. to recover and extend its presence in the Mexican market, which, despite its continuing to be Mex - ico’s second trade partner, in the last decade had dropped 43 percent, sink - ing from 11.4 percent of all of Mex- ico’s foreign trade in 1990 to 6.6 per - cent in 2001 (see graphs 1 and 2). The European Union is also our second source of foreign direct invest - ment ( FDI ), with 20.2 percent of the total (U.S.$74 billion) that entered the country between 1994 and June

51 Voices of Mexico • 60

improving. The profound changes that a) Promoting better and more secure nating non-tariff barriers; states specific Mexico has been undergoing have given access for Mexican products to the rules of origin for products from the our bilateral economic relations greate r United States; region; opens up a significant portion of affinity than ever before in his tory. b) Reducing the vulnerability of Mex- government purchasing to its mem - Through new trade instruments like ico’s exports vis-à-vis unilateral and bers; has a specific chapter that sets the framework agreements of the discretionary measures; bilateral commitments between Mex- 1980s, as well as others regarding invest - c) Allowing Mexico to deepen the struc - ico and the United States and between ment, tourism, agricultural coopera tion, tural change of its economy, strength - Mexico and Canada about agricultural etc., the first steps were taken toward ening domestic industry through a products that include domestic sup- a new course for relations between ou r solid export sector and with more ports and subsidies to exports; and con - two countries. However, these instru - competitiveness; and tains a special program to lower tariffs ments still excluded some basic trade d) Contributing to the creation of more for auto products with a rule of origin issues like the application of tariffs or productive jobs and increasing the of an average 60 percent. the abuses of legislation about unfair well-being of the population. With regard to energy, Mexico has trade practices, and retained their pro - been released from the application of tectionist approaches. These matters the disciplines agreed on by the other were overcome. MAIN RESULTS signers; for textile products, it has been The North American Free Trade OF THE NEGOTIATIONS stipulated that the treaty will prevail Agreement, negotiated from 1990 on over the Multi-fiber Accord and other with the United States and Canada, NAFTA , in addition to establishing a pro - international conventions on the issue. came into effect in 1994 with the fol - gram to reduce tariffs among its mem - NAFTA also includes norms about safe- lowing explicit aims: bers, includes stipulations about elimi- guards and unfair trade practices and

52 Economy

a chapter about trade in services, which When negotiations began with the ico’s trade flows and attracting in- deals not only in general principles but United States and Canada, 72.4 per - vestment from the world’s largest involves specific areas like financial ser- cent of all of Mexico’s trade was with market. vices, insurance, land transportation the United States. When the process and telecommunications , among others. began with the European Union in 1998, Mexico’s total trade with it was only 6.4 percent (and this percentage NOTES FINAL CONSIDERATIONS is a matter of greater concern if we consider that at the end of 2001, Mex - 1 The differences between NAFTA and ico’s trade worldwide had tripled vis- Andrés Rozental, La política exterior de México en la era de la modernización (Mexico FTA the Mexico-E.U. are not to be à-vis the beginning of the 1990s, and City: FCE , 1993), p. 55. found in the instruments negotiated had reached U.S.$326 billion). since both are mechanisms dealing with For these reasons, we can conclude 2 Poder Ejecutivo Federal, Plan Nacional de similar issues and with norms that fall that while NAFTA was negotiated in Desarrollo, 1995-2000 (Mexico City: Poder within the framework of the World the light of the need to create a nor - Ejecutivo Federal, 1995), p. 12. Trade Organization. What marks the mative, formal framework for already 3 “La diversificación de las relaciones, prioridad differences between these two treaties existing trade flows with the United de la política exterior,” Enlace mexicano , are the circumstances and premises States, Mexico-E.U. FTA was signed March-April 2000, (Mexico City), p. 1. that gave rise to their negotiation and based on the premise of diversifying the expectations about the results. the prevailing concentration of Mex- 4 Ibid, p. 2.

53 Voices of Mexico • 60

Main Accords in the Mexico-E.U. Free Trade Agreement

I. M ARKET ACCESS • A special committee will be created to foster coop - eration in information exchange about systems of • Gradual, reciprocal elimination of import tariffs. normalization and the solution of problems of ac- • The asymmetry between Mexico and the European cess related to technical norms. Union is recognized through differentiated time limits for tariff elimination. • Europe will eliminate tariffs in 2003, Mexico in IV. S ANITARY AND PHYTOSANITARY NORMS 2007. • Preferential access for Mexican exports in the gen - • A specialized sub-committee will be formed and will eral system of preferences. meet yearly to exchange information, identify and • Establishment of a 10-year, linear elimination of facilitate the solutions of problems of access, promote tariffs for agricultural and agro-industrial products, equivalent norms in Mexico and the European Union import quotas and a waiting list for products pro - and foster the recognition of areas free of disease. tected by the European Union. • 95 percent of Mexico’s agricultural exports to the V. S AFEGUARDS European Union will have preferential access. • Quantitative restrictions and prohibitions (import • Safeguards can be adopted for a maximum of or export permits) will be eliminated, but the right three years to provide temporary relief to a sec - to adopt measures needed to protect human, ani - tor that might face serious damage or the threat of mal or vegetable life and health and public mo- damage due to substantial increases in imports. rality will be preserved. • In all cases, the application of a safeguard will require compensation. If an agreement cannot be reached about the amount of the compensation, a II. R ULES OF RIGIN O measure with equivalent effects can be adopted to compensate for the damage to trade. • Rules of origin were negotiated guaranteeing that the benefits from the agreement remain in the region. VI. I NVESTMENT AND RELATED PAYMENTS • Among the most important rules of origin are those for textiles, transportation, auto parts, elec - • The current opening will be consolidated in trical appliances, footwear and plastics. national legislation. • For Mexico, this will not imply additional opening to FDI in any sector. III. T ECHNICAL NORMS • International commitments with regard to invest - ment will be reiterated. • It was agreed that the right to adopt and apply • The right to adopt safeguards because of problems norms will be preserved as long as they do not related to exchange rate, monetary or balance of become unnecessary obstacles to trade. payment policies will be preserved.

54 Economy

• A mechanism will be instituted to promote recip - IX. C OMPETITION rocal investment through information exchange for identifying business and corresponding legisla - • To guarantee an environment conducive to entre - tive opportunities. preneurial activity, competition will be promoted • The commitment to reciprocally promote invest - and monopolistic practices combatted. ment and design ways to carry out joint invest - • A working group will be established to promote ments will be established. technical cooperation and information exchange; to coordinate general studies on the matter as well as specific consultations; and to consider issues VII. T RADE IN ERVICES S linked to the relationship between policies and the laws of competition and trade, to avoid the appli - • Mexican service providers will have access to the cation of restrictive trade measures. E.U. service market without restrictions on the number of operations or providers and will enjoy national treatment and most-favored-nation status. X. I NTELLECTUAL PROPERTY • The current degree of economic opening stipulat - ed in national laws will be consolidated to guaran - • According to respective legislations, obligations tee that none of the countries pass more restrictive will be established about the acquisition, conser - legislation. vation and exercise of intellectual property rights. • A special consulting committee will be established

VIII. P UBLIC PROCUREMENT to deal with issues and disagreements in matters of intellectual property, while the right to resort to • Mexican exporters of goods and services to the the dispute settlement mechanism established in E.U.’s 10,000 public sector institutions and compa - the agreement will be preserved. nies that make more than U.S.$400 million in pur - • The rights and obligations established in signed chases a year will be given better access than other international treaties and conventions are con - E.U. trade partners; in addition, they will enjoy na- firmed. tional treatment. • The aforementioned measure will include purchas - ing by Mexican federal government institutions XI. D ISPUTE SETTLEMENT and companies as well as the entities of the central governments and para-state companies of the • A consultation and dispute settlement mechanism is member states and the executive body of the E.U. established with clear, expedite procedures. • This measure will be applied on acquisitions of • Priority will be given to conciliation for settling dis - goods and services including those for construc - putes. tion, whose value exceeds certain amounts. • The right to appeal to the World Trade Organi- • Mexico will have a transitional reserve for seven zation’s dispute settlement mechanism is pre - years for purchases by PEMEX , the Federal Electricity served. Commission, non-energy sector construction and • Arbitral procedures will be agile and transparent. the acquisition of non-patent medicines. • In case of non-compliance, equivalent agreed- • These measures will not enter into force until the upon benefits may be temporarily suspended until E.U. presents detailed, disaggregated statistics for such time as the decision of the arbitral panel is the purchases of at least 150 public companies. carried out.

55 Ten Years of NAFTA A Mexican Perspective

Antonio Ortiz Mena*

t was 10 years ago, in August 1992, billion, an increase of 209 percent. Mex- that the North American Free ico is now the U.S.’s second trading ITrade Agreement ( NAFTA ) negotia - Large increases partner, surpassed only by Canada. If tions concluded after a final push dur - in trade and investment flows the latest available projec tions are cor - ing a marathon session at the Water gate rect, Mexico should become the U.S.’s have translated Hotel. main trade partner during the current At the time, some commentators in into a greater reliance on decade. Mexico feared that the trade agree - the U.S. economy. Thanks in large measure to the im- ment would be a “sellout” of Mexico pressive growth in Mexico’s trade with (much as Canadian critics did, when the U.S. since the onset of NAFTA , it is their country negotiated its free trade ingly, it has turned out to be neither a now, by far, Latin America’s main ex- agreement with the U.S.), especially disaster nor a panacea. By some yard - porter. In fact, for the last several years regarding the sacrosanct oil sector, and sticks, it has performed very well, and Mexico’s exports have exceeded those that it would wipe out vast segments by others it has fallen short of expec - of all other Latin American coun tries of Mexican industry. U.S. critics, most tations; what actually happened could combined. As graph 1 shows, in 2000, notably Ross Perot, expected to hear a be likened to Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s Mexico’s exports easily surpassed those “giant sucking sound” as thousands of famous dog that did not bark. And, of the other three main exporters in Latin U.S. jobs moved south of the border. some of its greatest challenges are still America: Argentina, Chile and Brazil. NAFTA supporters in both the U.S. to come. The situation regarding foreign di- and Mexico expected a significant num - rect investment ( FDI ) is akin to that of ber of jobs to be created in both coun - trade. The total FDI received by Mex- tries and more generally envisaged NAFTA SOME SUCCESSES ico from 1994 to 2000 was U.S.$466 as the driving force of North American billion, which translates into an annu - economic dynamism, which would allow Two recent Mexican books provide an al inflow of U.S.$7.8 billion, whereas the three countries to become more assessment of NAFTA . ¿Socios naturales? annual inflows from 1989 to 1993 were competitive in world trade. (Natural Partners?), edited by ITAM only U.S.$2.9 billion. The U.S. has Ten years after NAFTA ’s signing, and scholars, and Para evaluar al TLCAN , accounted for 64 percent of total FDI almost eight years after its coming into edited by CIDE -ITESM scholars, both con - flows since the NAFTA entered into effect. force, it is fair to say that, not surpris - clude that, overall, NAFTA has been a Turning from trade and investment success. 1 flows to institutional questions, NAFTA Looking at “the big picture” presents has also chalked up some noteworthy * Researcher and lecturer in international NAFTA in the best light. Take trade flows, successes. It represents an institution- political economy at the International for instance. From 1993 to 2000, bilat - alization of economic relations among Studies Division of the Center for Economic Research and Teaching ( CIDE ) eral trade between Mexico and the U.S. countries whose economies had become (www.cide.edu). went from U.S.$85 billion to U.S.$263 increasingly intertwined and where

56 Economy

the large partner always had the upper been greatly curtailed. After the De- try has greatly benefited from privi - hand over the smaller ones when solving cember 1994 peso devaluation strong leged access to the world’s largest mar - disputes unilaterally. NAFTA has bred pressure was brought to turn back from ket. It has also helped to attain some certainty and facilitated the impres- trade liberalization, but the costs of continuity in economic policy, which is sive growth in trade and investment doing so under NAFTA would have been a prerequisite for sustained economic mentioned above. very high. Instead, the devaluation, growth and poverty reduction. A key element in providing cert ain- coupled with privileged access to a ty has been the dispute settlement mech- booming U.S. market, allowed Mexico anisms. For instance, between 1994 to turn back from the brink in a rela - SHORTCOMINGS and 2001, 79 disputes arose regarding tively short time. the politically volatile issues of dump - Most critics now take NAFTA for The obverse sides of some NAFTA suc - ing and subsidies, and arbitral panels granted, and talk about improving it cesses are also its shortcomings. The set up under NAFTA rules have solved or modifying it, instead of ditching it large increases in trade and investmen t the great majority of these cases effec - altogether. Jorge G. Castañeda, Mex- flows have also translated into a greater tively and fairly. All other Latin Amer- ico’s current foreign minister, and Adol- reliance on the U.S. economy. Some ican countries would be more than fo Aguilar Zínser, Mexico’s represen - commentators see nothing new in this. pleased to have access to this dispute tative in the United Nations Security The usual retort is that Mexican trade settlement mechanism, but so far Mex - Council, were two of NAFTA ’s most vo- has been closely linked to the U.S. ico is the only Latin American country ciferous opponents and during its market for decades; in the early 1980s to have this privilege. negotiations testified before the U.S. approximately 70 percent of Mexico’s NAFTA has also meant that wide- Congress, advising against its approval. total trade was with its northern neigh - ranging economic policy swings, which Now they no longer question its fun - bor, and NAFTA merely increased it to had been prevalent in Mexico and damental principles. 80 percent. This view misses a major proved devastating (one need only recall NAFTA is thus a central element in transformation: even during the oil the 1982 bank nationalization), have Mexico’s economic policy. The coun - boom in the late 1970s and early 1980s,

57 Voices of Mexico • 60

only slightly over 20 percent of the NAFTA . In fact, those regions may be There are also some institutional Mex ican economy depended on trade, hard hit as the liberalization of corn shortcomings. Just as dispute settle - whereas the figure is now close to 70 imports from the U.S. proceeds apace ment for subsidies and dumping issues percent (see graph 2). until full liberalization of trade in corn has worked quite well, disputes in other Mexican and Canadian trade in- takes place 15 years after NAFTA ’s enter - areas have not been addressed effec - creased by 199 percent from 1993 to ing into force. tively. Mexico-U.S. disputes over sugar 2000 (just shy of the 209 percent in- Severe regional disparities are cou - and trucking have festered for years, crease in Mexico-U.S. trade), but given pled with scant possibilities of partic - and the de facto situation is coming the extremely low levels of trade be- ipation for small and medium enter - perilously close to the bad old days of tween Mexico and Canada when NAFTA prises ( SME s). SME s account for less unilateral solutions. entered into effect, this figure is some - than 7 percent of Mexico’s exports, NAFTA is of course not a develop - what misleading. In fact, 95 percent ment strategy: it is merely a very im- of Mexico’s North American trade in portant economic policy instrument 2000 was with the U.S. The fact that that, coupled with a myriad of other only 5 percent of its North American Ten years after NAFTA ’s measures, may contribute to the reduc - trade was with Canada cannot be fully signing, it is fair to say that tion of poverty in Mexico via sustained accounted for by the fact that Cana- it has turned out high rates of economic growth. Mex- da’s economy is smaller than that of to be neither a disaster ico’s developmental problems are not the U.S., nor by geographical consid - the result of NAFTA , but neither can nor a panacea. erations. What this also shows is that NAFTA alleviate them. The danger now NAFTA is really comprised of two strong is that, given that poverty has not de- bilateral relations (Canada a nd Mex- creased notably and income concen - ico with the U.S.) rather than a truly while large companies contribute about tration seems to be growing, some North American one. Mexico now has 50 percent. The rest of exports are groups become desperate and press one of the world’s most open econo- accounted for by maquiladoras (in- bond for radical economic policy changes, mies, and the vast majority of its trade processing plants), and of the late it doing away with some very positive is with the U.S. As the U.S. goes so does seems that they are more footloose than aspects derived from trade liberaliza - Mexico, as became all too painfully previously thought. Many of the plants tion in general, and NAFTA in particu - evident since the latter entered into a that were in Mexico have moved to lar. Significant challenges still lie ahead recession in 2001. Central America and other places and if Mexico is to make the most of the NAFTA did not wipe out many Mex- may not return even after a resumption opportunities NAFTA offers. ican industries, as had been feared. of growth in the U.S. economy and a The fact of the matter is that the more competitive Mexican exchange brunt of trade liberalization was felt rate, which has appreciated consider - THE CHALLENGES AHEAD during the 1980s, before NAFTA was ably since 2000. negotiated. During that decade Mexi- We thus see some islands of pros - NAFTA is facing challenges from within co undertook a series of far-reaching perity amidst vast regions that have not and from without. 2 External develop - economic policy reforms as part of ma - prospered and are not connected to ments, such as the establishment of croeconomic stabilization and structur- the north. How much these regions the World Trade Organization ( WTO ) al reform efforts, and trade liberaliza - (and SME s) can prosper through in- and the launching of a new round of tion played a major part. creased economic interaction with the multilateral trade negotiations in No- What is the case is that the benefits U.S. (and hopefully also Canada) is vember 2001, mean that NAFTA has to of NAFTA have not been shared equal - open to question. Given that Mexico keep abreast of multilateral develop - ly. The Mexican Southeast is one of may soon become the U.S.’s main trade ments if it is to remain relevant. What the country’s poorest regions, and it has partner, it is not clear how much trade is more, the Free Trade Area of the seen few —-if any— benefits from can continue to grow. Americas ( FTAA ) negotiations, slated for

58 Economy

completion by 2004, will also pose a have to implement a series of policies free trade without the many potential challenge for NAFTA members, and es- aimed at “making openness work.” 3 benefits it can yield. pecially for Mexico. The country can - The Mexican economy must be made not continue to rely on its privileged less vulnerable to external shocks, for and exclusive access to the U.S. mar - instance, by seriously striving to di- ket as the main source of economic versify trade relations and avoid such NOTES growth. Once those privileges start to a high degree of reliance upon the erode, it will face stiff competition in U.S. economy and by providing for 1 Beatriz Leycegui and Rafael Fernández de that market. a safety net for workers that are dis - Castro, eds., ¿Socios Naturales? Cinco años Another challenge for all three coun - placed by foreign competition, so they del Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (Mexico City: ITAM -Miguel Ángel Po- tries, especially salient after the terror - can adapt to new circumstances instead rrúa, 2000) and Arturo Borja, comp., Para ist attacks of September 11, is how to of merely trying to survive and push - evaluar al TLCAN (México City: ITESM -Miguel Ángel Porrúa, 2001). The ITAM and CIDE are keep fully open borders for legal flows ing for the erection of new trade bar - two of the most prestigious in economics the - of goods and capital, while clos ing them riers, which will hurt everyone in the ory and analysis in Mexico. [Editor’s Note.] off for all illegal flows. Minor adjust - long term. ments in this regard will not suffice, Achieving all this will not be easy. 2 Academics from the three North American countries address these issues in Edward J. and the interaction between econom - These measures include, among many Chambers and Peter H. Smith, eds., NAFTA in ic and security needs will have to be others, a resumption of financing for the New Millennium (Edmonton and La Jolla: University of Alberta Press and Center addressed head-on, lest focusing on one SME s, radical deregulation and simpli - for U.S.-Mexican Studies, 2002). translates into detrimental effects upon fications aimed at fostering new busi - the other. nesses and bolstering the social securi - 3 This expression is borrowed from Dani Internally, Mexico needs to ensure ty and educational systems. If these Rodrik, The New Global Economy and Dev- that the benefits from free trade are measures are not carried out, in the long eloping Countries: Making Openness Work (Washington, D.C.: Overseas Development shared more fairly. This means it will term Mexico will bear only the costs of Council, 1999).

U N I T E D S T A T E S A F F A I R S The Hispanic Market in The Western United States

Erika González* Esther González** e n i z a g a m o i b m a C f o y s e t r u o C

exico Town is the first shop - origin, the vast majority born in Mex- of whom are of Mexican descent. This ping center dedicated to pro- ico. Arturo Reyes and Luis Valenzuela, community constitutes a powerful con - Mmoting Mexican culture ever both of Mexican origin, and Do nald sumer market with about U.S.452.4 built in the United States. It is in Lyn- Shea, of Korean descent, decided to billion in purchasing power annually, 3 wood, near Los Angeles, which has the take advantage of this niche in a bur - an amount almost comparable to the largest number of Mexican residents of geoning market, Latino consumers, to size of the entire Mexican economy. any city in the country. Nine out of 10 set up the most important ethnic de- Hispanics, particularly Mexican- Lynwood inhabitants are of Mexican velopment project in the Los Angeles Amer icans and Mexicans, have main - metropolitan area. 1 tained their cultural patterns, customs, * Research coordinator for the Funda- Mexico Town is just one example traditions and language. These are all ción de Solidaridad Mexicano- Ameri- of the dynamism of the Hispanic mar - kept alive by continual migration to cana, A.C. (Mexican-American Solidarity ket. In the United States today, His- the United States and give this popu - Foundation). ** Technical assistant director of the Mex- panics are the largest ethnic minority, lation specific characteristics, needs and ican-American Solidarity Foundation. numbering 35.3 million, 2 23.6 million consumption habits of its own that

61 Voices of Mexico • 60

TABLE 1 HISPANIC AND MEXICAN POPULATION IN THE WEST (2000)

TOTAL HISPANIC POPULATION MEXICAN POPULATION % OF MEXICANS STATE POPULATION NUMBER % NUMBER % IN HISPANIC POPULATION

California 33,871,648 10,966,556 32.4 8,455,926 25.0 77.1 Arizona 5,130,632 1,295,617 25.3 1,065,578 20.8 82.2 New Mexico 1,819,046 765,386 42.1 330,049 18.1 43.1 Colorado 4,301,261 735,601 17.1 450,760 10.5 61.3 Washington 5,894,121 441,509 7.5 329,934 5.6 74.7 Nevada 1,998,257 393,970 19.7 285,764 14.3 72.5 Oregon 3,421,399 275,314 8.0 214,662 6.3 78.0 Utah 2,233,169 201,559 9.0 136,416 6.1 67.7 Idaho 1,293,953 101,690 7.9 79,324 6.1 78.0 Hawaii 1,211,537 87,699 7.2 19,820 1.6 22.6 Wyoming 493,782 31,669 6.4 19,963 4.0 63.0 Alaska 626,932 25,852 4.1 13,334 2.1 51.6 Montana 902,195 18,081 2.0 11,735 1.3 64.9

Western Region 63,197,932 15,340,503 24.3 11,413,265 18.1 74.4

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000, “Table DP-1. Profile of General Demographics Characteristics: 2000”. (The author consulted the same table for each state.)

spur phenomena like Mexico Town. DEMOGRAPHICS majority live in California (10.9 million), At this shopping center, Latino buy - Arizona (1.3 million), New Mexico ers, especially Mexicans, will not only The region is comprised of 13 states: (765,000), Colorado (735,000) and now have a place to acquire products Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Washington (441,000). The other eight made in their country of origin, but also Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, New states combined only have a 1.1 mil - the chance to be in direct contact with Mexico, Oregon, Utah, Washington and lion Latino population. 5 colors, textures and sounds that will Wyoming. It has the largest number It is not necessarily the case that in make them feel at home. of Hispanics of all the regions of the those states where there is the greatest To deepen our understanding of this United States. According to the 2000 number of Hispanics, they represent natural market niche for our country, census, of the 35.3 million Hispanics proportionally the largest percentage the Mexican-American Solidarity Foun - in the U.S., 43.5 percent, or 15.3 mil - compared to the total population. For dation has decided to develop the Stu- lion, live in this region. 4 example, almost half the inhabitants dies on the Hispanic Market in the Hispanics make up 24.3 percent of of New Mexico (42.1 percent) are of United States Series in the nation’s four the total population of the region, the Latino origin, while in Ca lifornia, they regions: West, Northeast, Midwest and only one of the four where Hispanics represent only 32.4 percent of the pop - South. This article presents some of the are more numerous than the national ulation. 6 demographic and economic characteris - ratio of 12.5 percent. Although there To have a clear idea of Hispanics’ tics found in the study on the West. are Hispanics in all 13 states, the vast dynamic development and growing im-

62 United States Affairs

portance in the region, it is worth look - ly in California, where three out of every power and number of businesses, which ing back 10 years. According to census four, or 74.1 percent, live. This is why increased significantly in number in data, 50 percent of the total popula - there are cities like Lynwood, where the last 10 years. Most analysts think tion growth in the region is attributable 90 percent of the inhabitants are of that one of the factors that led to this to Latinos. In the last decade (1990- Mexican origin (see table 1 and graph tr end was the expansion of the U.S. econ- 2000), in 12 of the 13 western states, 1). 9 Compared to the entire Hispanic omy after the 1990-1991 recession. the Hispanic population grew at a sig - population, Mexicans make up 82.2 The positive trend of these indica - nificantly higher rate that the overall percent in Arizona, 78 percent in Idaho tors clearly illustrated that Latinos make population. The highest growth rates and Montana and 77.1 percent in Cal - up a consumer market with growing were found in the states where the La- ifornia. influence in the U.S. economy, des- tino community is not very large, such These indicators allow us to locate pite constituting only 12.5 percent of as Oregon, Utah and Washington, which the states where the diversity of the the U.S. population and that, as a group, doubled their number of Hispanic Hispanic population is a significant together with Afro-Americans, they oc - residents. In Nevada, they tripled in factor for marketing, particularly when cupy the country’s lowest socio-econom - number. In Idaho, Arizona and Colo- dealing with the Mexican population, ic levels. rado, the Latino population grew more one of the most loyal to products from Generally speaking, in the 1990s than 50 percent, while six states had its country of origin. earnings among the Hispanic popula - growth rates of under 50 percent. It is tion increased consistently. U.S. Cen- interesting to note that two of the lat - sus Bureau estimates put the mean ter, California and New Mexico, are SOME ECONOMIC INDICATORS OF annual income for Hispanic households states that have traditionally concen - THE HISPANIC COMMUNITY at U.S.$33,447, a historic high for that trated Hispanics. This short overview office’s records. 10 Hispanics’ income of the states shows us how Latinos are The demographics of the Hispanic is higher than that of Afro- Americans, relocating and emigrating to areas where population in the West are not enough although considerably lowe r than that they did not previously live in signifi - to determine the importance of the of Anglos or the population of Asian cant numbers. market. We also have to discuss some origin. The mean income of Hispan- Hispanics are a diverse group made economic indicators: income, buying ic households in the West was 1.11 up of people from different nations. However, Mexicans are by far the lar gest group on a regional and national level. 7 This means that there is a potential market niche for Mexican or Mexican-origin businesspersons. Of the 20.6 million people that the census classifies as Mexicans, 55.3 percent, or 11.4 million, live in the West. The total Hispanic population in the region is distributed as follows:

• 74.4 percent of Mexican origin • 1.6 percent Puerto Rican • 23.3 percent “other Hispanics” 8 • 0.7 percent Cuban.

Clearly, Mexicans make up the vast majority. They are concentrated main -

63 Voices of Mexico • 60

Overall, California concentrates 73.3 percent of total purchasing power for this community, followed in descend - ing order by Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, Washington, Nevada and Ore - gon (see graph 2). One of the reasons for the rise in the Hispanic community’s purchasing power has been the considerable increase in the number of Hispanic busi - nessmen who create jobs and produce goods and services. According to the last economic census done in 1997, 13 the United States had 1.2 million His- panic-owned businesses, 5.8 percent of all businesses in the U.S. economy. 14 The West has four of the 10 states nationwide with the largest number of Hispanic firms. California is once again the leader with 28.8 percent and Ari- zona, New Mexico and Colorado are percent higher than the mean nation - Regionally, Latinos’ purchasing power in seventh, eighth and ninth place wide. increased by 111 percent in the last respectively. If we compare the per - Increased earnings and consequent- decade, soaring from U.S.$89 billion centage of Hispanic businesses to the ly greater purchasing power has turned to U.S.$188 billion, only 8 percent total number of businesses in these the Hispanic community into a focal below the national estimate. In the 10 states, we find that New Mexico is the point for Anglo-American companies states nationwide in which the Hispan - state with the most Latino companies such as Macy’s, AT &T and AOL Time ic community has the greatest buying proportionally speaking (21.5 percent), Warner, just to mention a few of those power: although California concentrates 74.4 that are already forcefully penetrating percent of all the region’s Hispanic the U.S. Latino market with their • California is in first place, with businesses. goods and services through publicity U.S.$137.6 billion; If we look at the distribution of His - and products designed especially for • Arizona, Colorado and New Mex- panic businesses in the West by coun - the sector. 11 ico are in seventh, eighth and ninth try of origin, the largest group is that There are different estimates of La - place. of those owned by Mexicans, Mex- tino buying power. Nevertheless, in ican-Americans and Chicanos, 15 which thi article we are using the University And, in the ten states nationwide together represent 54.9 percent of the of Georgia Selig Center for Economic in which their purchasing power grew Latino firms in the region (see graph 3). Growth study, which put the His- the most: In California, this group represents 57 panic community’s 2001 pur chasing percent of the Hispanic companies power at U.S.$452.4 billion. 12 This • Nevada is in second place (with and their sales come to 57.6 percent figure is 118 percent higher than the 272.5 percent growth); of the Latino sales volume statewide. one for 1990, compared to a 67.9 per - • Utah is in eighth place (198.7 Despite California’s regional lead - cent growth in the non-Hispanic pop - percent) ership, other states have registered an ulation’s buying power for the some • Oregon is in ninth place (193.7 increase in the number of companies period. percent). owned by Mexicans and their sales:

64 United States Affairs

• in Arizona, they represent 67.5 Outstanding among all these is the FINAL CONSIDERATIONS percent of firms and 80.4 per - Los Angeles-Riverside-Orange Counties cent of sales of all Hispanic com - area which contains not only the larg- The figures presented in this article panies; est Hispanic market in the West, but show some demograph ic and econom- • in Wyoming, Washington, Neva - in the entire United States, with 6.5 ic characteristics that illustrate the da, Oregon, Idaho and Alaska, million Latinos, 5 million of whom are dynamism of the Hispanic market in they represent over 40 percent; of Mexican origin. Other metropoli - the western United States. However, • in Montana, they represent 74 tan areas where Latinos represent 40 in recent years, it is Anglo firms that percent of sales of Hispanic firms. percent or more of the population are have begun to penetrate it, not pri mar - Fresno, California; Albuquerque, New ily Latin American and particularly Clearly, California is a consolidat - Mexico; Salinas, California; and Vi- Mexican businessmen. In that sense, ed market in terms of the number of salia-Tulare-Porterville, California. Mexico Town is a tangible example, Hispanic and Mexican companies and It should be mentioned that a larg - among many others, that shows the their sales. Nevertheless, other mar - er number of Hispanics does not nec - busines s opportunities that the Hispan- kets are growing rapidly and are attrac- essarily correlate with a larger num - ic community offers in this region. tive to Mexican investors interested ber of Latino-owned businesses. This In terms of market importance by in linking up with these firms to do is only the case for the Los Angeles- state, California is at the head of the business. Riverside-Orange, San Francisco and list of indicators in terms of the num - Modesto, California metropolitan ber of consumers, buying power and areas. This trend is not repeated in Latino-owned businesses. Neverthe- METROPOLITAN AREAS WITH THE the remaining areas. The most illus - less, in other states the indicators LARGEST HISPANIC POPULATION trative case is Phoenix, Arizona, which have grown enough to make them has the lowest number of Hispanic- potential market niches; this is the To get a better idea of more specific owned businesses in the West’s 18 case of Arizona, Colorado, New Mex- consumer markets, it is useful to look metropolitan areas despite having the ico, Nevada, Oregon, Washington and briefly at the metropolitan areas with third largest Latino population. Utah. the largest Hispanic population in the West, those with 100,000 or more according to the Census Bureau. 16 It is important to point out that we con - sider metropolitan areas specific mar - kets given that the economic census itself defines a metropolitan statisti - cal area ( MSA ) as an economic and social unit composed of at least 50,000 inhabitants. The West includes 18 of the 38 met - ropolitan areas with the largest His- panic populations in the United States. Of the West’s 15.3 million Hispanic consumers, 13 million, or 85 percent, live in these metropolitan areas. These 18 areas are distributed as fol lows: 11 in California; 2 in Arizona; 2 in New Mexico; 1 in Nevada; 1 in Washing- ton; 1 in Oregon and 1 in Colorado.

65 Voices of Mexico • 60

In coming issues of Voices of Mex- 4 Guzmán, op. cit. 11 See Pedro Pulgar, “Dólares latinos,” La Opi- ico , we will examine the Hispanic mar - nión , 11 December 2001. 5 U.S. Census Bureau, “Table DP -1. Profile of ke t in the other three regions of the 12 General Characteristics for Alaska: 2000,” at Humphreys, op. cit. United States: the South, Northeast http://www.census.gov/prod/cen2000/dp1/2 13 The next economic census will be taken in and Midwest. 17 kh06.pdf, consulted August 2001. Note: The 2003. same source was consulted for Arizona, Cal- ifornia, Colorado, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, 14 The census figures are derived from the Survey Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Utah, Washing - of Minority-Owned Business Enterprises, ton and Wyoming. which does not include agricultural businesses. NOTES 15 6 Ibid. The Census uses the category: “Mexican, Mexican-American and Chicano business - 1 Dante Parma, “Bienvenidos a Mexico Town,” 7 By “Mexicans” we mean the population of Me x- es” when referring to Mexican-origin related Cambio (March 31-April 6, 2002) Mexico ican origin living in the United States, includ - companies. City, pp. 9-18. ing both Mexican-Americans and Mexicans. 16 U.S. Census Bureau, “45 Metropolitan 2 Betsy Guzmán, The Hispanic Population. Ce n- 8 In this category, the 2000 census includes Areas with Large Numbers of Selected Ra- sus 2000 Brief (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Census persons of Central and South American and cial Groups and of Hispanic Origin Popu- Bureau and U.S. Department of Commerce, Spanish origin. lation: 1997,” Section 1: Population, Statisti- Economics and Statistics Administration, at cal Abstract of the United States, 1999 at http://www.census.gov, May 2001). 9 Parma, op. cit. http://www.census.gov/prod/99pubs/99statab/ sec01.pdf, consulted in October 2001. 3 Jeffrey M. Humphreys, “Buying Power at the 10 Carmen De Navas-Walt, Robert W. Cleveland Beginning of a New Century: Projections for and Marc O. Roemer, “Money Income in the 17 If any reader wants more information about 2000 and 2001,” Georgia Business and Eco- United States: 2000,” Current Population the four geographic regions, he or she can con - nomic Conditions , published by Terry College Report. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govern- sult the Studies on the Hispanic Market in the of Business at ment Printing Office, 2001), pp. 60-213, at United States Series on sale at the Funda- http://www.selig.uga.edu/forecast/ GBEC /GBEC , http://www. census.gov, consulted in Octo- ción Solidaridad Mexicano-Americana, A.C. consulted October 2001. ber 2001. (Mexican-American Solidarity Foundation).

66 C A N A D I A N I S S U E S

Oil, the State and NAFTA Is Canadian Oil Up for Grabs?

Aaron Roth* s r e t u e R / g n i n n i W w e r d n A

il is the lifeblood of any mod - have arisen over controlling it. In the Section 92 gave the provincial govern - ern state, and Canada is no Canadian case, Westerners, particular - ments another set. While these pow - Oexception. It is limited in quan - ly Albertans, still brood over the Na- ers were designated solely for the ju- tity and, once taken, can never be put tional Energy Program ( NEP ) 15 years risdiction they are included under, of back. The same, of course, is true of after it ended, and they continue to course some practical overlaps occur other fossil fuels such as natural gas guard crude like a mother protecting (for example, the creation of criminal and coal. However, the fuels that drive her child. Oil has made the province law is a federal jurisdiction, but its en- most industrial economies today are of Alberta, in particular, rich, and as a forcement is provincial). gasoline or diesel. Coal usage is mini - result has made other Canadian pro- However, four areas of concurrent or mal at best; and, while natural gas can vinces envious. shared jurisdiction are explicitly spelled be used as fuel for heating and cooking, out in the Constitution. 2 The one we as well as the making of certain products are concerned with in this article is in its dry form, modern society is depen- BACKGROUND Section 92A: Non-Renewable Natural dent on and, in some cases, built around, Resources, Forestry Resources and Elec - the extraction and production of oil. 1 In the Canadian federation the division trical Energy. Essentially, what this says As oil is such an important resource of powers is clearly set out in Sections is that the provinces own and can make and source of wealth, great conflicts 91 and 92 of the original Constitution decisions as to the exploration and ex- Act of 1867. Section 91 gave the fed - traction of natural resources, including * Ph.D student at the University of Alberta. eral government certain powers, and oil. Additionally, according to Section

67 Voices of Mexico • 60

92A(4), the provinces can collect monies ing, particularly the possibility of di- responsibility shared by both levels of from resource developers and extrac - rect provincial “unofficial” trading government. On a provincial level, the tors by any mode or system they deem arrangements with the United States Alberta Energy and Utilities Board fit. This is the only jurisdiction of the about oil, thereby skirting the federal (EUB ) is responsible for issuing permits Constitution in which provinces can government’s constitutional role in es- to companies who wish to extract oil. raise monies by any mode or system of tablishing formal trading arrangements. It is important to know that much of taxation. This raises some additional questions Alberta’s reserves are located on gov - Federal jurisdictional concurrency we will be looking at, for instance: ernment land. 6 According to an offi - comes into this section with regard to How would these types of relations cial I spoke to at the Department of exports. Essentially Canada’s parliament strain federal-provincial relations? And International and Intergovernmental can make laws about the inter-provin - to what degree can or will NAFTA have Relations ( IIR ), in such cases, in order cial trade of natural resources. In ad- an effect on either prohibiting or ex- to drill on government land for re- dition, under Section 91(2) the feder - panding these types of informal agree- sources, a company must sign an agree- al government is responsible for “The ments? The hypothesis that we will ment with the province for land lease. Regulation of Trade and Commerce.” 3 To obtain the lease however, the ex- This includes, as we will see, the export tractor must participate in an auction of resources, including oil. In short, the Oil has made the province of the land rights. This process creates provinces own and extract the resource a free market option for lease and in of Alberta rich and, and, if it is to be exported, the federal some cases the sale of the land. 7 government is responsible. as a result, At this point the operator (compa - Despite this jurisdictional division, has made other Canadian ny) must make an application to the there have been agreements between provinces envious. EUB for drilling or the establishment provinces and extra-Canadian territo - of an energy project. 8 Once the appli - ries about the trade of products. These cation has all the “i’s dotted and the t’s trade agreements are worked out either crossed,” the board approves or denies through special relationships or multi - explore in this article is that in the com - the company permission to extract the sectoral partnerships, trans-boundary ing years, “unofficial” agreements of resource. 9 If conflicts arise with area partnerships, or economic memoranda the type suggested above on oil trad - residents or other land owners, the of understanding. 4 In these rela tion - ing and exports may become a reality. EUB holds a hearing and makes a de- ships, agreements on trade, joint reg - This would result in the increasing ex - cision. 10 ulation or joint concerns over specific clusion of the federal government from Essentially, once a permit is grant - fields are dealt with. Provinces like Al- its role in the export of oil. Further, in ed or denied, the process ends. Ac- berta have now established trade agree - this case, NAFTA may hinder the fed - cording to the EUB official, from their ments through economic mem oranda eral government, not help it. As a re- point of view as soon as the oil leaves of understanding on items such as agri- sult, relations between the provinces the ground they have no restrictions. 11 cultural and food products with Kang- and Ottawa may be strained. Transportation within the province won, South Korea for example, although Only one province —Alberta— will can go one of two ways: “pipelines it is admitted that “trade between Al- be looked at in this article because within the provinces are regulated by berta and Kangwon is still limited and Alberta is by far Canada’s largest oil provincial authorities…Transport of indirect.” 5 Due to the “unofficial” na- producer. crude oil by truck where no gathering ture of these agreements, they are not pipelines exist is subject to provincial enforceable by law but are mutual un- [transportation] legislation.” 12 In es- derstandings, the political equivalent THE EXISTING PROCESS sence once it is out of the ground, with of a handshake. the exception of pipeline and road safe - It is the economic memoranda of The existing process for extraction of ty of transport trucks, the province’s understanding that we will be discuss - and exporting oil is, as mentioned, a involve ment is at an end. If the oil is

68 Canadian Issues

destined outside the province, inter- CHALLENGES TO FEDERAL that this sentiment has not died out. provincial trade agreements apply. GOVERNMENT INTERVENTION The suggestion was made the day after However, if the oil is destined outside a federal caucus meeting in Edmon- the country, the National Energy Board Several reasons exist —some more ton that Alberta’s neighbors were jeal - (NEB ) steps in. likely than others— for the provinces ous of the province’s wealth, and that Before we address NEB involve - or perhaps even extra-Canadian sources perhaps Alberta should “ share.” ment in exports, there is one vital area to wish to leave the federal govern - Alber tans’ response was spec tacular: a of provincial jurisdiction left to dis - ment out of the oil export equation. hue and cry rang throughout the cuss: that is, of course, how the pro- One simplistic, and perhaps insignifi - province that a second NEP was on vince collects the oil royalties from cant , reason was mentioned above. the way. At the time I was an assis - the company. Royalties from oil com - The provinces, especially oil-rich Al- tant in the Leader of the Official panies are given “in kind” to the pro- berta, see the resources as theirs. In- Opposition of Alberta’s office in vince. Officials from both the IIR and deed, it can be truthfully said that Lethbridge, and it will not be easy to the Department of Energy proper stat - they are theirs. The experience of the forget that the phone rang off the hook ed that the province receives a per - with concerns from Albertans railing centage of the profits from oil sold. 13 against the prime minister for even dar - Marketers determine the amounts of The export of oil ing to speculate where our oil revenues oil sold, by pipelines for example, and should be going. The point is that —or any other resource for then the province receives a portion Albertans generally guard their oil of the profits thereof. 14 that matter— comes under and the revenues from it very jealous - As mentioned, the export of oil —or the jurisdiction of the federal ly and want no intrusion by the feder - any other resource for that matter— government. al government in the area. comes under the jurisdiction of the The second reason the provinces federal government. The Federal might wish to sell directly to the United Department of Natural Resources has States without intervention by the fed- the mandate in this case, exercised National Energy Program ( NEP ) in eral government has two parts. The through the National Energy Board. the early 1980’s left a bitter taste in Al- first deals with the United States’ in- In discussions with a member of bertans’ mouths with regard to the creasing need for oil to fuel its gargan - the National Energy board, the pro- fede ral government’s role in energy pol - tuan industrial and societal needs. cess was described quite clearly. In icy. According to Archer et al., “[t]he Any businessperson will tell you that essence, an operator would apply for NEP was designed to control the in- if there is a market demand to be filled, not just an export license or permit but crease in oil prices; to provide greater you can make money by filling it. If also an import license or permit from oil tax revenues for the federal govern - the United States has a thirst for the NEB .15 The application would then ment; to Canadianize ownership of “black gold,” those who can fulfill the be analyzed by the NEB and sent to the oil industry; and to shift explora- desire can also get rich. Since Alber- the full board or a 2-member panel for tion from provincial lands to ‘Canada ta’s oil revenues are a percentage of the consideration. 16 In evaluating the ap- Lands’ in the North and offshore.” 17 profits of the oil sold, it seems logical plication, one of the main tests for de - The analogy of the parent-child re- to this writer that the more oil sold termining if oil can be exported is that lationship between the province, its means more profits for the provincial of “sufficient surplus.” Essentially this people and the oil resources of Alber- coffers, and thus the province itself test involves the condition that there ta may have been exaggerated, but no t has a vested interest in satisfying the be sufficient surplus oil to meet Ca- by much. It may perhaps be better demand. This may be a rather crude nadian needs. If the NEB conditions analogized by a person’s relations hip model (no pun intended), perhaps sim- are met then a permit or license can with his or her bank account. The reac - plistic in the sense that it is also logi - be issued (although licenses require tion to the prime minister’s summer cal to conserve and save oil reserves a hearing before they are granted). 2001 comments was evidence enough over the long term; however to some

69 Voices of Mexico • 60

politicians and companies, this may be tutions.’ ” 21 Further he states that, “The tically non-existent. a potential avenue to explore. Indeed, nation state, when confronted with One of the questions asked direct - Duquette argues that “the provinces the global adjustment processes and the ly to an official at the Department of invariably favor maximum resource ex - demands of sub-national groups, is not International and Intergovernmental traction in the shortest possible time unlike Gulliver: unable to deal effec - Relations dealt with the possibility of and on the largest pos sible scale, with- tively either with the dwarfs of Lilliput using economic memoranda of under- out particular concern for the nation - or the giants of Brobdingnag.” 22 standing ( MOU s) in a manner suggest - ality of the interests to whom these The long and the short of it is that ed in the hypothesis. The answer was resources are conceded.” 18 In that “globalization” and “glocalization” are sim ply that it is theoretically possible event, federal control over oil exports affecting institutions’ ability to work tha t such an agreement could be may become a nuisance. in the arenas they were intended to. signed, however the possibility is ex- Thirdly, some scholars have specu - Decentralization is the order of the tremely remote. 23 In her opinion, the lated that NAFTA could assist the pro- day, as is the clearing of traditional bar - province was primarily concerned vinces and companies in the export of riers to the outside world. Now, of with the extraction of the resources. 24 oil to the United States. Robert McRae Further , the only real role for MOU s in argues that the federal gov ernment the field being discussed would be in could be constrained in terms of its the form of research efforts with indi - NAFTA makes it difficult role. “The North American Free Trade vidual provinces or states, and how, for Agreement…makes it difficult for the for the federal government exam ple, the resources could be ex- federal government to regulate the Ca- to regulate the Canadian tracted more easily and efficiently. 25 nadian energy indus try under nation - energy industry under The response when the same ques - alistic principles, such as forcing Ca- nationalistic principles. tion was asked of the member of the nadian energy prices to be lower than National Energy Board was abundant - those in the United States, and/or to ly clear: the provinces have no author - withhold supplies from the US mar - ity to work out agreements with other ket.” 19 Further, the IEA ’s document course, Paquet is speaking here with countries without the federal govern - states that NAFTA “ensure[s] that that regard to the evolution of the infor - ment. 26 Leaving constitutionality aside, energy trade will be based on market mation age, but his statements could the National Energy Board Act further principles and subject to fewer trade have the ring of applicability to other clarifies the answer. It states that restrictions.” 20 It could be inferred that areas, including federal government in- “except as otherwise authorized by or NAFTA is possibly a tool to be used stitutions involved in trade. under the regulations, no person shall against federal government interven - export or import any oil or gas except tion in oil exports. under and in accordance with a li- Finally, Gilles Paquet discusses the FINDINGS cense issued.” 27 By act of parliament, increasing powerlessness of states, the NEB is the authority that grants their institutions and their increasing Despite all the challenges Canada’s permits for the export and import of oil inability to deal with the demands of federal government faces when it comes and gas. Indeed, a company which acted “sub-national” groups. He argues that to regulating international oil trade, it under a hypothetical MOU agreement what he calls the “Gulliver Effect” is must be concluded that the hypothe - between the Province of Alberta and a weakening these institutions. “The sis of this article is essentially disproved. foreign territory would face several bar - joint impact of information dominance, As we shall see, the likelihood of the riers to its success. accelerated change, and of a more dis - provinces going it alone in the inter - The first is of course a deterrent tributed governance has made the so- national community in terms of oil which comes with any law. According cio-economy both more volatile and exports and skirting federal authority to the National Energy Board Act, any - more malleable. But it has also put to issue licenses or permits for these one found guilty of contravening the immense strain on the ‘national insti - exports is very minimal, indeed, prac - export and import division of the act

70 Canadian Issues

can be fined, imprisoned, or both. 28 the Alberta provincial government’s power to pursue nationalistic endeav - Secondly, and more surprisingly, in the role as owner and regulator of oil ex- ors or withhold oil exports. The NEB case of pipelines especially, my discus - traction, what is good for the goose is must now demonstrate that an export sions with the member of the National good for the gander. In other words, license should not be granted because Energy Board showed that two other the provinces’ constitutional role is it will leave Canada in a shortfall posi - deterrents can arise for failure to pos - also intact. Officials from the Alberta tion in terms of its oil needs. sess NEB approval for oil exports to the Energy and Utilities Board stated that What does this all say about Ca- U.S. The first is that marketers in the NAFTA has had no real effect on the nadian federalism? Federalism, as United States can halt construction or rules and regulations of oil extraction. 32 Ronald Watts states, involves “com - the flow of oil in pipelines from Cana- As officials from the Department of bining strong constituent units and a da into the United States without NEB International and Intergovernmental strong general government, each pos - permits or licenses. Secondly, a compa - Affairs stated, NAFTA focuses on ex- sessing powers delegated to it by the ny exporting oil without NEB approval ports, not on extraction. There are, of people through a constitution.” 35 In can be sued by its competitors for unfai r course, obligations about treatment essence it involves autonomous control trading practices. 29 As we can see, en- over certain aspects of society. Natural forcement and deterrent measures are resource ownership and export abroad in place. However one of the main Because it focuses provide an example of the two levels questions and points in the hypothesis sharing autonomy over a jurisdiction on exports, NAFTA has had was that NAFTA could change the scope in a clear cut fashion that allows each and ability of the federal powers, and no real effect on the rules to exercise its rights without friction perhaps even prevent provincial pow - and regulations of (by and large). Indeed, agreements such ers from operating effectively. oil extraction. as NAFTA may actually enhance the While it is the case, as mentioned by federal principle in some respects, at McRae, that governments cannot im- least where oil is concerned. The pro- pose non-market price levels for oil or vinces cannot willfully step on feder - withhold exports just because they feel of companies involved in the oil busi - al toes by facilitating the export of oil like it, NAFTA still allows the federal gov - ness in Alberta; however that is the without federal approval. Neither can ernment to perform its role. According extent of NAFTA ’s influence over the the federal government impose price to the member of the National Energy province’s control of resources. 33 restrictions on oil which would affect Board interviewed, NAFTA does not im- companies and the province as a sec - pose restraints on the NEB . NAFTA ’s only ondary beneficiary of oil development. It effect is that the board can never refuse CONCLUSIONS might be fair to say that while the fed - an export license, unless there is an order eral government remains a part of NAFTA , by the governor general in council show - According to the member of the Na- National Energy Program 2 will never ing that the “surplus for Canadian’s tional Energy Board interviewed, since occur. A balance has been achieved; both needs” test has not been met, or that its founding in 1952, the NEB has never levels seem content or at least accept - the granting of such a license would had to deal with a province trying to ing of the powers they have, some thing not be in the public interest. 30 In suppor t skirt the federal jurisdiction over oil rarely seen or achieved in the larger of this answer, the text of NAFTA itself exports abroad. 34 Indeed, after speak - scope of Canadian federalism . states that “The Parties confirm their full ing with officials at the Departments of respect for their Constitutions.” 31 In Energy, International and Governmen- NOTES 1 Canada’s case, this means that the fed - tal Affairs and the EUB , I have con - “Fossil Fuels,” Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia (Microsoft Corporation, 1993-1999). eral government’s constitutional and le- clud ed that there is currently no desire 2 Douglas Brown, David Cameron, Peter NAFTA gal role in issuing permits and licenses to try. has maintained the feder - Meekison and Ronald Watts, “Federalism in for oil exports is not annulled. al government’s role in authorizing oil Canada: Structures and Practices,” (paper presented to the colloquium “The Road to With respect to NAFTA curtailing exports, however it has also reduced its

71 Voices of Mexico • 60

Federalism in Mexico,” San Juan del Río, Mex - 15 Author’s discussion with a member of the ico, June 1996), p. 9. National Energy Board (November 19, 2001). 25 Ibid. 3 Ibid., p. 404. 16 Ibid. 26 Discussion with a Member at the National 4 Energy Board (November 19, 2001) http://www.iir.gov.ab.ca/iir/inter_rel/pages/ 17 Keith Archer, Roger Gibbins, Rainer Knopff, twinning.htm Alberta Department of Inter- Leslie A. Pal, Parameters of Power: Canada’s 27 The National Energy Board Act, Part VI . Ex- national and Intergovernmental Relations. Political Institutions (Scarborough: Nelson ports and Imports, Division I, Oil and Gas, 116, 5 Ibid. Canada, 1995), p. 120. http://www.neb-one.gc.ca/pubs/ nebactp6.htm 6 Author’s discussion with officials at the 18 Michel Duquette, “Domestic and Interna- 28 The National Energy Board Act, Part VI . Ex- Department of International and Intergovern - tional Factors Affecting Energy Trade,” ports and Imports, Division iv Offenses, Pun - mental Relations, Government of Alberta (No - Stephen J. Randall and Herman Konrad, ishment and Enforcement, 121, http://www. vember 16, 2001). NAFTA in Transition (Calgary: University of neb-one.gc.ca/pubs/ nebactp6.htm Calgary Press, 1995), p. 297. 7 Ibid. 29 Author’s discussion with a member of the 8 Author’s discussion with officials at the 19 Robert McRae, “The Emergence of North National Energy Board (November 19, 2001). American Energy Trade Without Barriers,” Alberta Energy and Utilities Board (Novem- 30 Ibid. ber 16, 2001). Stephen J. Randall and Herman Konrad, op. cit., p. 91. 31 North American Free Trade Agreement, 9 Ibid. Chapter 6, Energy and Basic Petrochemicals, 20 International Energy Agency, The Role of IEA 10 Ibid. Article 601.01, http://www.dfait-maeci.gc. Governments in Energy: 1996 Update (Paris: 11 ca/nafta-alena/chap6-e.asp Ibid. OECD /IEA , 1996), p. 98. 12 International Energy Agency, The Role of IEA 32 Author’s discussion with officials at the Alber ta 21 Gilles Paquet, “Institutional Evolution in an Governments in Energy: 1996 Update (Paris: Energy and Utilities Board (November 16, 2001). Information Age,” Thomas Courchene, Tech- OECD /IEA , 1996), p. 100. nology, Information, and Public Policy (Kingston: 33 Author’s discussion with officials at the 13 Author’s discussion with officials at the John Deutsch Institute for the Study of Department of International and Intergovern - Department of International and Intergov- Economic Policy, 1995), p. 207. mental Relations (November 16, 2001). ernmental Relations and Department of Energy (November 16, 2001). 22 Ibid. 34 Author’s discussion with a member of the Na - tional Energy Board (November 19, 2001). 14 Author’s discussion with officials at the 23 Ibid. Department of Energy (November 16, 2001). 35 Ronald Watts, Comparing Federal Systems 24 Ibid.

72 T H E S P L E N D O R O F M E X I C O La Huaxteca in Time and Space

Lorenzo Ochoa*

LANGUAGE AND TERRITORY

The Huaxtecs are related to the Maya without doubt. However, this group branched off from of the main macro- Mayan linguistic group about 3,500 years ago, at that time located at Cu- chumatanes on the border of what are now Guatemala and Mexico. That is where the Mayan languages diverge. Therefore, the material and ideolo- gi cal culture of the people we now know as Huaxtecs have nothing in common with those of the Mayan culture that flowered in the first cen - turies of our era. a s o j o

n Rather, all the data tends to indi - i H r e i

v cate that by the last centuries of the a J second millennium before Christ, the Huaxtecs had already reached the northern part of what is today the state of Veracruz and the south of Tamauli- pas. For several centuries before the Spaniards arrived, they shared a vast territory with Nahua, Tepehua and Oto- mí speakers, a territory that extended through the north of what is today Puebla, eastern Hidalgo, the southeast of San Luis Potosí, the south of Tamau - lipas and the north of Veracruz. The environmental mix of coast, coastal plains and mountains varies the climate from rainy tropical to

* Researcher at the UNAM Institute for An- God of Death on the back of a sculpure from Ozuluama, Veracruz. Xalapa Anthopology Museum. thropological Studies.

73 Voices of Mexico • 60

The importance semi-dry with temperatures ranging peoples of pre-Hispanic Mexico. In the of the Huaxteca for the from 18 to 40 degrees Celsius. Agri- eighth and ninth centuries, it began culture was just as important eco - to feel the influence of Mesoameri- Mexicas can be seen both in nomically —the main crops were cot - can ideology and contribute to enrich ideology and the economy. ton, several types of chili peppers and that of many peoples of that broader corn— as hunting and gathering. The area. A century later, its integration exploitation of other natural resources into the Mesoamerican cultural sphere led to the creation of a network of was clear. It is in this period that roads that linked the coast and the important changes took place which coastal plain to the mountains and can be seen in archaeological data highlands; salt was particularly impor - and later in historical sources. The

a tant. Rivers, streams, lagoons and even presence of aspects of the culture from o h c O

o the sea were very important for trade central Veracruz and the Huaxteca z n e r o

L of raw materials and luxury items that area in the tenth to the twelfth cen - spread throughout the extensive water turies in El Tajín is clear. Very little network, for communication and cul - has been researched about the rela - tural exchange and because of the flora tions between the Huaxteca and cen - and fauna they offered the inhabitants. tral Veracruz in the eighth to the ninth centuries, or the discovery of, for exam - ple, yokes and traces of central Vera- THE HUAXTEC CULTURE cruz iconography in the Huaxteca. By IN THE POST -C LASSICAL PERIOD the tenth to twelfth centuries, the Toltec presence, and later the Mexica Before the eighth century, Huaxtec presence in the Huaxteca, as well as culture was different from that of other the Huaxtec presence in central Mex- a o h c O o z n e r o L

View of the gateway to the Hidalgo Mountains. Quetzalcóatl priest on a stela from Castillo de Teayo, Veracruz.

74 The Splendor of Mexico

ico, are clear, both in written tradi - “Lady of the Huaxtecs,” the founders The Huaxtecs, considered 2 tions or codices and in archaeological of the great Texcocan line, passed by. themselves “the peo ple evidence. By the fifteenth century, the Mexi - of the deer”, descendents The story of the nude tohueyo , a cas had conquered different parts of seller of chili peppers in the Tula mar - the Huaxteca: Teayo, Tuxpan, Tzicóac, of Mixcóatl. ket , with whom the daughter of Hué- Temapache, Huejutla, Tamuín, Tempa - mac, the Lord of Tula, fell in love, is tal and Oxitipa, among others. The im - only a metaphor included in Friar portance of the Huaxteca for the Me- Bernardino de Sahagún’s book La xicas can be seen both in ideology and Historia general de las cosas de Nue va economy. Several Huaxtec deities, España (General History of the Things among them Tlazoltéotl and Mixcóatl, of New Spain) to emphasize the eco - adopted by the Toltecs would in turn nomic importance that the Huaxteca be embraced by the Mexica and later area had for the Toltecs and the rival - returned to the Huax teca with differ - ry that existed because of the rela - ent characteristics. For the Mexicas, tionship. The sixteenth-century Anales Tlazoltéotl was a goddess of carnal plea - de Cuauhtitlán (Annals of Cuauhti- sures and the devourer of filth, while tlán) explains how the Ixcuinanme, 1 for the Huaxtecs, under the generic the goddesses of the Huaxteca, intro - name “Teem,” she was the god dess duced sacrifice by arrow shot in the of women in childbirth who whisk ed Central Highland through Tula. Ac- away evil vapors. Mixcóatl, god of z e d n cording to Don Fernando de Alva the hunt, was the name sake of the á n r e F r a

Ixtlilxóchitl, when the Toltec capital Huax tecs, who considered themselves s é was in ruins, Xólotl, “Lord of the “the peo ple of the deer” or “the people C Chichimecs,” and his wife Tomiyauh, descendent of Mixcóatl.” Tenek , the a o h c O o z n e r o L

The Otontepec Mountains in Citlaltépetl, Veracruz. Zacamixtle stela depicting the God of Death. Tancoco, Veracruz (drawing).

75 Voices of Mexico • 60

first part of the term tenek bichim , structures often had curved lines or cir -

a meaning deer, is the name the Huax- cles or forms that included them, as well o h c O

o tecs call themselves today. as rectangular floors with rounded cor - z n e r o

L But these were not the only deities. ners as the foundations for temples lik e The god of death ruled the Tamzem- Tamtok in San Luis Potosí or Tabuco in lab, or the underworld; for the Huax- Veracruz. The buildings had thin beams tecs, this god is associated with evil to delimit stairways, and they used stuc - and putrefaction. Mam, an impor tant co as finishing that was then some - god of this culture, was depicted as a times decorated with murals, such as stooped old man leaning on a cane in Tamuín, in San Luis Potosí. They used for planting; he is linked to the constructed houses of considerable di- cult of fertility. Ehécatl, whose original mensions on low platforms for the most name in the Huaxtec language is un- important lords. On occasion, they built known, was the god of the wind who ball courts, like in El Águila Zacamiztle was originally represented as a cross- and Tepetzintla, Veracruz. Artesian wells section of a conch shell, and later as have been found at some sites and for a human body with a large beak. In security, they erected fortifications or Quetzalcóatl on a tablet from Castillo de Teayo, central Mexico, written and pictorial walled their cities, like in Yahualica, Veracruz. Xalapa Anthropology Museum. sources depict him as a representa - Hidalgo, or Metlaltoyuca, Puebla. tion of Quetzalcóatl, god of the wind, The lay-out and distribution of the who is described or depicted in Huax - political-religious centers do not seem tecan clothing: a cone-shaped cap with to follow the norms of Mesoamerican a semicircular fan at the base of the urban organization, which generally neck, hook-shaped ear jewelry and a reproduced their understanding of the necklace in the shape of a cross-section structure of the cosmos, or Tehuayca- of a conch shell or eheilacacózcatl . lal for the Huaxtecs. They understood Like all the Mesoamerican cultures, it to be organized in four parts: the a s their material goods were closely linked east or Elelquí , the west or Ozalquí , o j o n i H

r to religion. The representation of the the north or Tzaylelquí and the south e i v a J planes of the universe have been found or Quahtalquí . This conception led in some pectoral made of shell, one of them to an understanding of the chang- the most refined forms of aesthetic ex - ing seasons and to register the pas - pression of this culture. Some of their sage of time by a 365-day calendar customs, known through chronicles, (the tamub ) and another, 260-day cal - were depicted in murals and their main endar (the tzobnalquí ). They imagined deities have been sculpted with great the universe to be divided into three majesty. According to Friar Bernardino horizontal planes: the celestial plane, de Sahagún, they were recognized as the earthly plane and the underworld. great artisans for their cotton weaving; These concepts are reproduced in some this can be seen in the codex of the Reg- of their ceremonies to pray for rain. ister of Tributes. They also achieved great technical capacity in the manufac - ture of funeral ceramics, figurine mo d- SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION eling, bone carving and goldsmithing. Scene of the cosmos on a shell pectoral. Their architecture, sometimes mon- When the Spaniards came, the Huax- Tamaulipas. National Museum of Anthropology and History. umental, was very specific: public teca was organized in dominions des-

76 The Splendor of Mexico

cribed as small independent provinces headed up by a governor or lord called tzalleinic in Huaxtec. Heir by pater- nal line to all the land, he would rent or distribute it to those who needed it, free peasants. The lord resided in the main center, called bichou , divided into neighborhoods called quachmal . The lord could be accompanied in the bichou by certain nobles —although this was not always the case— like the doctor or zitom ; the wise man or huy - tom ; and the zobnax , in charge of div ina - tion and reading the calendar. Traders and prominent artisans also resided there, while the rest of the population was distributed over a relatively wide area. It is certain that there were two clearly differentiated social classes: nobles and commoners. But it is also possible that there was a third class: slaves in the service of the lord to plow his fields or serve in his home. Both lords and commoners practiced polyg - yny, although it was limited by the expense of supporting one or more wives. The tzalleinic supported the nobility, his relatives, some of whom lived in small - er hamlets called quamchalab , where one of his close relatives ruled and three and even four harvests a year, might be given the title ahjatic , mean- although cultivation did not benefit ing “master” or “lord of the area. ” Evi- from any but the aid of the elements or dence of this form of organization can instruments other than rough stakes.” 3 be gleaned from archaeological remains. Until now there has been no e vidence of intensive agricultural techniques, but they were outstanding pro ducers of P L HE CONOMY S

T E corn, cotton, beans, squash and a broad a r u t l u

variety of chili peppers. They caught C a l e d

The area’s political organization is a many species —dry fish, shrimp and a s a reflection of its economic development, skate eggs— in the lagoons and rivers C based mainly in agriculture, fishing, that they salted and sun dried . They cotton weaving, goldsmithing, ceram - used salt not only as a con diment, but ics and trade in different raw materi - also for medicinal purposes. In the six - als. Agriculture was extensive. In the teenth century, Richard Hakluyt empha - eighteenth century, Don Carlos de Ta- sized the importance the Huaxtecs Cut shell pectoral showing Eheilacacoxcatl, the symbol pia Zenteno wrote, “The men [had] gave it, writing, of Ehécatl, the God of the Wind.

77 Voices of Mexico • 60

In those countreys they take neither changed and the ideological struc - golde nor silver for exchange of any thing, tures permeated by Western thought but onely Salt, which they greatly es- are still preserved in customs, fiestas teeme, and use it for a principall med - and ceremonies. icine for certaine wormes which breed in their lips and in their gummes. 4 NOTES

1 From the Huaxteca came honey, ”Ixcuinanme” is the plural of Ixcuina, one of a s o j o

the names of the goddess Tlazoltéotl, mother n hens, fine feathers, ceramics, copper i H r

goddess par excellence, who originated with e i v a bells, carved shells, raw cotton, small the Huaxtecs. J blankets called quachtli , used by the 2 Mexicas as coin, and beautifully em- Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxóchitl, Obras históri- cas (Mexico City: UNAM , 1975). broidered textiles that they distributed in local and regional markets. They 3 Don Carlos de Tapia Zenteno, Paradigma Apo - logético y noticia de la lengua huasteca (Mex- used the rivers and lagoons as water - ico City: Instituto de Investigaciones Filoló- gicas, 1985), p. 22. ways for this trade. On land they blazed Mam, God of Fertility with a planting stick. real trails and improvised paths. Sev- 4 Richard Hakluyt, The principal navigations, eral of those roads were kept up until voyages, traffiques and discoveries of the English the colonial period and, with some Nation , vol. 6 (London: n.p., 1927), p. 273. modifications, were later even used to Photographs on page 87 and the one on top of page 90, are reproduced by permission of the Xa- build new highways. The impact of lapa Anthropology Museum. Photograph on page colonization transformed the old order. 90 and the one on top of this page, reproduced by permission of the National Institute of Anthopology The rhythm of commercial traffic and History, Conaculta/ INAH Mex. a o h c O o z n e r o L

The Huaxtec Mountains, San Luis Potosí.

78 El Tajín First Approximations Of a Civilization

Arturo Pascual Soto* M A N U / E I I

Base for a cylindrical trivet cup.

he Proto-Classical period ( A.D. However, those same potters would 0-350) began in the first cen - soon recreate the very early forms of Ttury of our era on the coasts of Teotihuacan ceramics. Although no more what is now Veracruz. At that time, a than crude imitations of the vessels culture inherited from the Late For- from Central Mexico, they could not mative period was still prevalent. The hide a different, unprecedented origin known world had not changed a great from the northern coast of the Gulf of deal; ceramic traditions were still prac - Mexico. The Teotihuacan cultural style tically the same and the thick, black would permeate the arts of the first sets of dishes were still used in cele - elites of El Tajín, Cerro Grande and bration of local religious rites. Morgadal Grande, located in the flood plains of the Cazones and Tecolutla Rivers. In the mid-Proto-Classical * Researcher at the UNAM Institute for Aesthetic Research. period, the transformations that took

All photos are printed courtesy of the UNAM Institu- place in the Early Classical period, te for Aesthetic Research ( IIE ) and by permission of the Cacahuatal phase ( A.D. 350-600) the National Institute of Anthropology and History, Conaculta- INAH -MEX . were about to manifest themselves,

79 Voices of Mexico • 60

transformations that would serve as plotted in the nearby Nautla River the basis for a vigorous regional cul - basin. The Teotihuacan ture that preceded the El Tajín civi - El Pital, skirted by the waters of cultural style would lization’s greatest flowering by a cou - the Nautla River, was the great me- permeate the arts of the first ple of centuries. tropolis of the Proto-Classical and had Everything took time. Almost the certainly not gone unnoticed by its elites of El Tajín. entire Proto-Classical period, the Te- neighbors. During the second half of colutla phase, had to go by before there the Tecolutla phase a series of cultur - was a real integration of the ceramic al elements were added to the new forms that point to the participation kind of settlements that show traces of the Teotihuacan cultural sphere and of their antecedents in the Nautla Riv - whose cultural model could have been er basin. All evidence seems to point

E disseminated by the neighboring city to an accentuated process of rearrange - I I / z e u

q of El Pital. Perhaps the clearest and ment of the populations as well as z á V o

d earliest of these changes was the aban - the introduction of a new kind of pot - r a r e G donment of several Formative period tery of Teotihuacan inspiration, made settlements. The kind of links that certainly for the local elites. These existed among them does not seem to were manifestations of a complex pro - be known, giving first place to a dif - cess of assimilation and cultural defi - ferent group of small hamlets that nition. Even though many details are developed on the tops of the hills at still not clear, it is not unlikely that El the expense of the abandonment of the Pital had promoted the entire trans - oldest settlements. The failure —if formation. The Tlahuanapa Stream, it can be called that— of the Pre- one of the main tributaries of the Te- Relief from the Pyramid of the Niches. Classical world could only have been colutla River, had become a trade route

80 The Splendor of Mexico a s o j o n i H r e i v a J

near the Cazones River, where El Ta- repertory would be linked to the trans - jín is located. On the stream traveled formation of the elite’s ritual behav ior. floreros , cylindrical trivets with rectan - At that time (about A.D. 280), many The elites of the gular bases, and individual candle- things were changing. 1 The emphasis El Tajín region turned holders, all of which were part of the placed on the reproduction of those ves - the ball game into the very Teotihuacan cultural sphere and in sels, very different from the oldest pot - the trading of which El Pital surely tery traditions of the coastal plain, points center of their rituals. participated. The stream ended up to an elite that had opted for recreating carrying most of the region’s trade. a cultural model of Teotihuacan extrac - The elites of the early El Tajín, Cerro tion that placed it on the threshold of Grande and Morgadal Grande settle - the Teotihuacan “mo dernity.” ments not only must have based them - It is not unlikely that the demo - selves on the new economic status of graphic readjustments of the Proto- the Proto-Classical, but also promot - Classical period were stimulated by ed the development of craftsmen in- the incorporation of an as yet unprece- spired in Teotihuacan and based on dented economic model that empha - their own technological experience of sized long-distance trade and proba -

the local pottery of the Late Forma- bly emanated from the neighboring E I I / z e tive period. Nautla basin. These new kinds of trade u q z á V o

The taste for all things from Teoti- links that also included the distribu - d r a r e huacan, for the cultural manifesta - tion of the obsidian from the far- away G tions of Central Mexico, would not Pachuca, Altotonga and Zaragoza de- indiscriminately change the form of posits, 2 may well have influenced the the objects required by these very early change in the location of settlements elites. The creation of a new ceramic and the emergence of an elite based Tlaloc (detail) from Arroyo del Arco.

81 Voices of Mexico • 60

on control of trade. The increase in the of the institution they represented. The commercial dominance population that seems to characterize In fact, this association would last of El Pital stimulated Morgadal Grande in the Proto-Clas- —although with changes in symbols— the development of a sical and the Early Classical may well until the year A.D. 1100, when the be explained by a new hierarchy among last reliefs were carved in El Tajín. vigorous regional culture that the settlements. On the Tlahuanapa These elites had chosen a cultural mod- was the direct predecessor stream travelled the material goods of el that separated them irremediably of El Tajín. other cultural models. On the eve of from their origins and favored the un- the Late Classical, the pottery includ - precedented concentration of power ed in trading activities may have been probably based on the control of trade. mainly Teotihuacan in origin. The formalization of new trade routes The commercial dominance that fostered an entire strategy to control El Pital seems to have exercised over roads, particularly at major river cross - the flood plains of the Tecolutla and ings, which could only with great dif - Cazones Rivers stimulated the devel - ficulty be forded anywhere else. The opment of a vigorous regional culture settlements grew rich and before the that we now understand as the direct middle of the Cacahuatal phase had predecessor of the classical culture of an administrative area in the highest El Tajín. The Morgadal Grande elites’ part of the ancient cities where —if I rites and their material expression am not mistaken— there were build - ended up by irreconcilably distancing ings dedicated to the cult and the themselves from a cultural sub-strata stone images of the elites themselves. inherited from the Late Formative. The Everything points to the idea that the “refined” culture of the elite must have proliferation of elites that dominated used different vehicles for expression, only a part of the trade routes led to a so different that only among them - certain instability in the political def - selves, the early El Tajín and Cerro inition of the territory. Borders had to Grande elites, could the image of the be set and reset periodically. However, Teotihuacan Tláloc have found a place. they all recognized the same cultural The iconographic signs that served to model and a single artistic style, none express it can be found on the surface other than that of the classical El Ta- of a group of cups destined for the jín culture. elite’s exclusive consumption and on the stone of the oldest ball game courts, E

OTES I

N I

the most eloquent of the buildings des - / o r e m tined for the exaltation of the political 1 o The radiocarbon dating has been done in the R z u r power of these ancient rulers. BETA ANALYTIC , INC . laboratory in Miami, C s i u

Florida, with the participation of Dr. Darden L

Everything seems to indicate that é s o

Hood and Dr. David Miller. J the elites of the El Tajín region, who participated in the Teotihuacan cultu r- 2 The neutron activation studies of the obsidi - an deposits from which the archeological al model during the Cacahuatal phase, pieces from Morgadal Grande originally came turned the ball game into the very were done by Dr. Dolores Tenorio and Mela- nia Jiménez with the participation of archae - center of their rituals. By definition, ologist Ricardo Leonel Cruz Jiménez in the rulers were considered players. Their laboratories of the National Institute for Nuclear stone images emphasize their players’ Research. They currently continue in the University of Tokyo under the supervision of clothing that constituted the symbol Dr. Motoyuki Matsuo and Dr. Akihito Kuno. Individual candleholder from the Cacahuatal Phase.

82 History and Ecology of Vanilla

Mariana Hernández Apolinar* z e d n á n r e H a n a i r a M

long with cacao, amaranth, chili peppers with chocolate, which was the way Hernán Cor - and tomatoes, vanilla is considered one tés first tasted it, during an audience with Moc - Aof Mexico’s main contributions to the tezuma. world. Its delicious flavor and delicate aroma Throughout history, vanilla gathering and pro- are obtained from the mature fruit of an orchid duction have been associated with a few towns known as vanilla, caxixinath (“hidden flower” in in Mexico’s southeast and more generally with Totonac) or tlilxochitl (“black flower” in Nahuatl). the Totonac culture, located in the Papantla, Ve- Its scientific name is Vanilla planifolia Andrews racruz area. Totonac documents testify to the ex Jackson. fact that they gathered vanilla fruit in their Just like today, in pre-Columbian Mexico, tropical forests and offered it as tribute to the vanilla’s flavor and aroma were appreciated and Aztecs. In these forests, vanilla grew on vines valued. However, in contrast with our time, it that climbed the trees seeking sunlight. Once was reserved for a select few, restricted to the the orchid vine reached the tops of their hosts nobility. They drank a beverage of vanilla mixed they began to produce flowers and green fruit in spring. The young fruit, which looked like a * Biologist and research assistant at the Specialized bean pod or green bean, hung from the top of Ecology Laboratory at the UNAM School of Science. the trees, watery and without scent or flavor. But,

83 Voices of Mexico • 60

when they ripened in winter, they took on their than two centuries, Mexico was the world’s only characteristic flavor and smell: they turned a supplier of vanilla, bringing the country con - very dark brown, almost black, and some opened siderable profit. In the mid-nineteenth centu - to form a kind of fan that looked like a flower. ry it was discovered that vanilla flowers could The ripe fruit was offered as tribute. be fertilized manually. This made it possible to We know that the vanilla harvest was not very produce the fruit on plantations outside its nat- large; all the more reason why it was consid - ural area (southeastern Mexico and Central ered rare and precious. One of the reasons for America) and led to intensive vanilla cultivation the paucity of the crop was that the flowers de- in different tropical regions, making its produc - pended for their fertilization on the abundance tion intensely commercial. of metallic green bees, known scientifically as Manual pollination is a common practice on Euglosa viridissima . Another reason that has all the world’s vanilla plantations now, though been cited as a cause of low vanilla production it is the activity that consumes the most time, has been the fruit’s lack of nectar and fragrance, money and effort. This is because the flowers the function of which is to attract pollinating o t o S insects. l e g n Á l

Some controversy exists about the moment e u g i when vanilla began to be cultivated in our coun - M try. Some authors think it began among the Totonacs before the arrival of the Spaniards, while others say that it started in the mid- eighteenth or even the early nineteenth centu - ry. Regardless of the date, we know that today’s traditional cultivation method is almost identi - cal to that used in the past in the tropical for - est: the orchid spreads through stakes or pieces of stem planted at the base of a tree or host. Once the plant takes root, it begins to grow and creep up the host; when it is over three meters long, the vanilla begins to produce flowers and Young, unripe vanilla plants. fruit. In communities where traditional forms o t o S of planting continue to be used (for example, l e g n Á l

Papantla, Veracruz; Sierra Norte de Puebla and e u g i Chinantla Baja, Oaxaca), trees under five meters M high are chosen as hosts, while the taller ones are used for the shade the crop needs. After the conquest, because of the enthusi - asm for the spice in Europe, several attempts were made to extend production to other parts of the world. Based on the Totonac experience, it was introduced into Java, Réunion, Mauritius and Madagascar, where the plants developed well, but when the orchids flowered, fruit pro - duction was nil or almost nil. This was due to the absence of pollinating insects, a serious limita - tion for expansion of cultivation. Thus, for more Manual pollination is a common practice all around the world.

84 The Splendor of Mexico

do not all open at the same time. For each raceme ticularly in plants with a large number of racemes with two to 25 buds, usually only one flower (over 20). A plant can be weakened if it is heav - opens a day and lives only six hours. This is il y laden with fruit and can lose much of the why pollination is carried out during morning fruit formed. In addition, the following year a hours; in a productive vanillery more than 500 weak plant will yield a low number of flowers flowers may be pollinated in one day. In the Pa- and fruit, or none at all; and some of the orchids pantla region, manual pollination is known as can even die or develop diseases. To avoid these “the marriage of the vanilla” and is carried out negative results, indigenous Totonac planters mainly by women and children. recommend pollinating five flowers per raceme Today, vanilla is one of the most profitable and maintaining the same num ber of fruits. products of the humid tropics; this is why pro - However, growers increase or decrease the num - ducers pollinate the largest possible number of ber they recommend according to their experi - flowers per plant, to get large harvests. However, ence and the plant’s vitality. this practice has negative consequences, par - With the permanent aim of achieving high productivity, vanilla cultivation techniques hav e o t o S

l changed over time to adapt to the area where e g n Á l

e the vanilleries have been planted. Unfortunate - u g i M ly, the most successful experiences have been in areas outside the species’ place of origin. This means that current vanilla production is con - centrated in countries where it was artificially introduced, like Indonesia, Réunion, the Co- moros Islands and, above all, the Malagasy Re- public, which has been the world’s leading producer of vanilla for the last five decades, with an output of 1,000 tons a year. Mexico has been left behind with its 12 to 30 tons a year because a large part of cultivation is done with tradi tion - al systems, with, unfortunately, low productivity.

Manual pollination is carried out during morning hours. However, if we take into account the rapid de- forestation of the Mexican tropics, this agro- y a b i r

a forestry system has the advantage of preserving G o d r

a the fauna and a large number of species of the c i R original vegetation. A recent development has shown another advantage of Mexico’s vanilleries: their genetic variation. This means that although the plants look similar, they are actually different, like the difference between a father and his children. When this difference is very small, the plants are genetically very similar or identical: this is the case of the twins or clones that share the s ame genetic information, making them less re sistent to disease. Mexico’s vanilleries have greater genetic variety than those of other countries, which When the fruit is ripe and almost black in color, it yields its characteristic flavor and smell. means that the latter suffer fro m low resistance

85 Voices of Mexico • 60 z e d

n and disease, among other things, which would á n r e

H bolster vanilla production in Mexico. a n a i r a Finally, Mexico’s vanilla production does not M seem very encouraging, but there are several options for improving it, among them: 1) con - tinuing with traditional cultivation, and, with a few modifications, supporting it so the crop ca n be introduced into the alternative market of organic products; 2) supporting the transforma - tion and establishment of modern cultivation techniques; and 3) creating genetic improve - ment programs. Vanilla production is a good option for Mex- ico, particularly if we take into account that the world’s yearly production covers only 50 per - cent of demand for natural vanilla. We should take advantage of this opportunity.

FURTHER READING

Correll, Donovan, “Vanilla, Its History, Cultivation and Importance,” Lloydia no. 7 (1944), pp. 236-264.

Davis, Elmo, “ Vanilla planifolia Andr. Family Orchidaceae” (internal document) Gilroy Foods, Inc., a subsidiary of McCormick & Company, 1988. Today, vanilla production is concentrated in countries where it was artificially introduced. Gordillo, Marcos, “El cultivo de la vainilla en la república mexicana: su estimación actual y su futuro. Una reco- pilación didáctica basada en metodologías novedosas aplicadas al diagnóstico analítico-sistémico de la viabi- to disease and that all the plants in the vanillery lidad del agro para Vanilla planifolia Andrews” (master’s are in the same precarious situation. Therefore, thesis in biology, Facultad de Ciencias, UNAM , 1988). if a plant is infected with a certain disease, such Hernández Apolinar, Mariana, and Francisco Múgica, as the fungus that causes the root to rot ( Fusa- “Estudio de la vegetación secundaria utilizada para el rium batatatis , vanillae variety), it is very likely cultivo de la vainilla en el municipio de Usila, Oaxaca” (technical report, Programa de Aprovechamiento de that all the orchids will be infected, thus turn - Recursos Naturales, UNAM , 1995). ing it into blight that will destroy the crop (this Hernández Apolinar, Mariana, “Crecimiento y reproduc - has happened, for example, in Madagascar), ción de la Vanilla planifolia (orchidaceae ) en Usila, while the outcome would not necessarily be the Oaxaca” (master’s thesis in ecology and environmental sciences, Facultad de Ciencias, UNAM , 1997). same in our country. One advantage of genetic variety is that it Mallory, L.D. and W.P. Cochran, Jr., “Mexican vanilla pro - duction and trade,” Forestry Agriculture no. 5 (1942), makes it possible to select strong vanilla plants, pp. 469-488. both on plantations and in their natural envi - Soto, Miguel Ángel, “Filogeografía y recursos genéticos de ronment, that could be laden with a high num - las vainillas en México” (technical report to Conabio, ber of fruits or with fruit resistent to drought J-101, 1999).

86 M U S E U M S Science and Art at the Xalapa Anthropology Museum

Rubén B. Morante López* a g a i r r A a i c i t e L

ll museums have something ed outside of Mexico City; and it is that makes them unique. The managed by a university, the Veracruz AXalapa Anthropology Museum University. It is a university archaeo - is no exception: it is the only large logical museum in the provinces with archaeology museum in Mexico not collections of inestimable value placed managed by the National Institute of in an outstanding setting. Anthropology and History ( INAH ), the institution that possesses most of Mex - ico’s archaeological riches; it is locat - BRIEF HISTORY

Anthropological and archaeological * Director of the Xalapa Anthropology studies on the Gulf of Mexico coast Museum. have gone through three stages. During Photos reproduced by permission of the Xalapa Anthopology Museum. the first, from the early eighteenth cen -

87 Voices of Mexico • 60 a g a i r

r tury to the beginning of the twenti - A a i c i t

e eth, similarly to the study of archae - L ology nationwide, they concentrated on scientific inquiry mixed with a romantic vision of the past. In the sec - ond stage, from 1936 to 1970, once the profession of anthropologist had been consolidated in Mexico, regional work developed, like that in Oaxaca and Mi - choacan, followed by Xalapa, Guada- lajara and San Luis Potosí. The third stage began when the federal gov ernment began decentralizing nationally in the early 1970s, including the decentralization of the National Institute of Anthropology and History ( INAH ). This policy came to Veracruz in 1979, but had contradictory effects because our cultural and archaeolog - ical patrimony had already been de- centralized and administered by the Veracruz University for three decades. The establishment of the INAH ’s Re- gional Center actually centralized the patrimony again. The story begins in the 1930s under the influence of the ideas current under President Lázaro Cárdenas, after the Mexican Revolution. These ideas included changing the vision of indigenous people from that of objects to be exhibited and seeking through archaeology a sincere —though ephemer - al— valuing of the dignity of indige - nous people as a first step toward the much-longed-for social justice which would lead to emphasizing the glories of the past. The founders of anthropo l -

Cihuateo. Figures like this represent women who died in childbirth. ogy in Veracruz, Gonzalo Aguirre Bel- trán and José Luis Melgarejo Vivanco, worked under the influence of these The museum’s collections ideas. were gathered over decades of archaeological research In 1942, the Veracruz government Office of Indigenous Affairs began to between 1951 and 1973. transfer its collection of archaeologi - cal pieces to the city of Xalapa, exhi-

88 Museums a s o j biting them in the General Offices of o n i H r e Education headquarters starting in i v a 1943. The following year the Veracruz J University was founded. The domi - nant archaeological ideas of the time were concretized in a museum, inau- gu rated in the early 1940s, which the Veracruz government said had the aim of “strengthening the nationality,” and being “luminous like Veracruz and joyful like its people.” In 1957, Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, dean of Veracruz University, came to an agreement with the INAH to make it possible to “carry out archaeological exploration and create the museum’s archaeology section.” In 1986, after operating almost three decades, the Veracruz Univer- sity inaugurated its new site for the Anthropology Museum, built on six hectares of land with 16,000 square meters of construction for the exhibi - tion of about 2,500 pieces of differ - ent sizes, some of which weigh more than 20 tons. The rest of the almost 30,000 objects in the collection are properly stored in three air-condition ed warehouses.

A S PACE WORTHY OF OUR CULTURAL PATRIMONY

The museum’s collections were gath - ered over decades of archaeological research between 1951 and 1973. They have been augmented by donations from individuals, among them several Ritual palm, part of a symbolic group of objects linked to the ball game. entire collections received in the first half of the 1980s. Iker Larrauri and Fernando Gamboa stand out among Fernando Gamboa stands out among the many gifted museographers who the many gifted museographers who participated in participated in creating the museum. creating the museum. The works of pre-Hispanic art were distributed in a vestibule, six rooms,

89 Voices of Mexico • 60

18 galleries and three patios or pergo - For all this work, the museum has ware- las that lead to four hectares of gardens, houses and a computer center, as well where visitors can admire everything as rooms used for liaison with other Perhaps one of from tropical plants to those that grow museums and institutions. All these the museum’s most in milder climes. areas operate with volunteers from dif - significant features In addition to warehouses, the area ferent institutions, mainly archaeolo - of restricted access includes 15 cubi - gists, visual artists, restorers, historians is its collection cles for researchers from Veracruz Uni- and architects. of Olmec works. versity and other Mexican and foreign Perhaps one of the museum’s most institutions who are working on pro - significant features is the collection of jects related to the museum’s collec - Olmec works that are the most repre - tion. Other activities are the preser - sentative examples of the artistic splen - vation of the museum’s patrimony and dor of the southern part of Veracruz research to update and attractively pre - state during the Early Pre-Classi- sent information for the public through cal Period (1200-900 B.C.). From this the temporary and permanent exhibits. same culture, the museum also exhibits a g a i r r A a i c i t e L

The museum exhibits about 2,500 pieces of different size and weight.

90 Museums a g a i r r A a i c i t e L

The pieces are displayed in an outstanding setting. masks and figurines encrusted with the best collection of the so-called semi-precious stones. This is perhaps “smiling figures.” Also of note are the the world’s most important collection life-sized terra-cotta sculptures from The museum’s nearly of Olmec monumental art. Suffice it to El Zapotal representing women who 30,000-piece collection mention the famous died in childbirth, or . Lastly, Lord of the Lime cihuateos is stored in three Trees , or the seven oldest and most in this part of the museum, we can see aesthetically perfect colossal heads. beautiful stone sculptures, both reliefs air-conditioned warehouses. Recently, the collection has been sup - from El Tajín and full-bodied pieces plemented with the sculpture The that are part of a symbolic group of Twins of Azuzul . objects linked to the ritual ball game: The cultures of central Veracruz yokes, palms, votive axes, protective flourished during the early and mid - mitts and padlocks. dle Classical Period ( A.D. 300-650); the From the Post-Classical ( A.D. 950- museum has a rich stock of murals 1521), the museum has an abundant from the Las Higueras area, excellent - collection of sculptures from the Huax- ly fashioned clay figures, as well as teca region in the far northern part

91 92 o V rep c i som sout s e es o e f e heas o c i x e M nt T o at he f t i t ve h re muse T e • he ion g 06 works most Ol me cs’ of mon beauti from Mexi exhi ume nt bits al the ful, co. atr is w e ll r th ti o e b m u e s u m rable f o Stone of wor Ozu pe r hib e r s t e g to p m e C and codies e n o t pr cho l e n u a es t a Ot t io d e h t ld. h s t Hu t l e m s e d e o ua t e n o , pot h obj f i ted l a o eta f fr , . t o g er dea T ax m , l u a t s . h t om t And, . he e j te ects he o e L a a

teca Javier Hinojosa ls section eft: x e r h t , w , , e t r p e r d Tl t s mu s s u Q like the e h e Hua t i b i h it es o a cr az h g u o r l n fro la nd a e s e r this e h a i y, o ol m l l a b eu m stly, o r coper s in m xtecs f eprs s te e s sing g n o i the u t s n xpert t a t n of ot reg ce ntr al e m o s e h t na l t x i the , e m a g we s o l even the n e m u r rg ion t a entaio in e v i we m e h nd ly t an i Post-C an mu to e h o mus wor re f o an of Ver ld s k r o w d ze th a m e n o b th es st d gold. e h t in Mex t s t d e t ac ke e h e eum colos Q n c i t to com , lasic L ru z of d ot un u e t i or s o C s ts o m ico. f she au sal s ho w mo r The der n a d on fo e l pa sm ex- i ke nr - h h - c o r d ll e e - - - f ads; right F Ope Xa Av . INFOR w X loca h a an oth th lection Mo w Fr nd rom as alp or il : e an la d t In Th he Ja er nter th pa n l tho cu tempr r th ce, la egr s Lord 9:0 e th T ex y , e pa r pres ue M Ve s gar m of ated r and e h et Spain e P ey, of ATION s ibto y r. ake last eopl’s f da a a den ro A it. t entd .m he ate M vist th y c an m ue Li me to four of , aco s, e n to d fa P climate ducto s Sunday h th or both th r Republic 5:0 or in ar Tre and awa , yea tu e e ga mon e the F bu s. gal, mu s/n nized Javier Hinojosa inla p.m by r y . par s ildng, , Un of iou N seum lo Mex the nd, ticpaed one cal the o ited s almos f w mus Can ico Ch the of tou a h city Staes ole place them in City, eum t r ad, col is a. 20 of in in ts - SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Strategies for Developing A Cervical Cancer Vaccine

Ricardo Rosales*

INTRODUCTION Cervical cancer is a serious Human papillomavirus ( HPV ) infection problem in developing countries is associated with cervical cancer. Papil- because the disease is usually lomaviruses can cause diseases, from warts and condylomas, to lesions which not detected early. can progress to malignant neo plasias. h c r

Cervical cancer is a serious pro blem in a e s e R l

developing countries because the dis - a c i d e ease is usually not detected early. In Mex - m o i B f o

ico, several campaigns have been imple - e t u t i t s n mented since 1975 to detect the early I e h t f stages of HPV infections in women. How- o y s e t r ever, these campaigns have not been u o c d e c

very successful, as indicated by the in- u d o r p e creasing number of patients with cervi - r e r a s cal cancer. In 1992 alone, 4,348 women h p a r g o died from cervical cancer, and this num - t o h p l l ber has increased to a 5,000 average in A recent years. Many factors are associated with the development of cervical cancer: socioeconomic status, being over 45 years of age, multiple sexual partners, early sex - ual activity, first pregnancy at an early age, multiple pregnancies and smoking. Usually human papillomavirus in- fects and replicates in epithilium cells , like the ones covering the vagina. These viruses produce proteins, including the E2 protein, that functions as a regula - tor for the production of two papillo - mavirus proteins, E6 and E7. After in-

* Researcher at the Institute for Biome- dical Research ( IIB ), UNAM . Ricardo Rosales working with mice.

93 Voices of Mexico • 60

papillomaviruses would help in pre - and decreasing the number of new venting cervical tumors. papilloma foci formed in animals im- Based on this idea, different strate - munized with the recombinant E2 gies aimed at controlling papillomavi- protein (a protein that has been ge- rus have been tried. netically modified to fulfill other pur - Viral vectors (viruses used to man - poses). Thus, the delivery of the E2 ufacture vaccines), like, for example, protein directly into HPV tumor cells the vaccinia virus, have been used for should help arrest tumor growth. One the design and manufacture of both of the most efficient ways to deliver a therapeutic and preventive vaccines protein into cells is to place the E2 gene against cervical cancer. Using genetic into vaccinia virus vectors (Poxvirus engineering techniques, it has been family). possible to introduce genes into the Inserting an antigen in a vaccinia vaccinia virus capable of producing pro - virus (poxvirus) increases the amount teins that have specific effects against of these molecules in the infected cell, other viruses or cancerous cells. Na- thus stimulating the immune system turally, these proteins are recognized more efficiently. The purpose of using A) Tumor before treatment; B) Quadriceps’ muscle area after treatment with MVA E2. by the patient’s immune system, which different antigens expressed in vac - generates antibodies and specific cells cinia virus is to try to enhance the im- capable of destroying viruses or tumor mune response against these specific fection with the virus —for example, cells that contain the virus. The main antigens. For these reasons it is thought a year or two later— the E2 protein strategy is making the vaccinia virus that recombinant vaccinia viruses are is destroyed, thus allowing E6 and E7 to reproduce in great quantities. Pro- teins E6 and E7 are responsible for changing a normal cell to a cancerous In Mexico, several campaigns one. Thus, the E6 and E7 pro teins are have been implemented since 1975 to detect responsible for creating a cancerous the early stages of HPV infections in women. tumor in a patient who has been infected with papillomavirus. However, they have not been very successful. Because cervical cancer is a seri - ous health problem, many approaches have been tried in an effort to devel - capable of producing proteins recog - excellent candidates for new types of op a successful therapy. Surgery, radi - nizable by the immune system and vaccines as therapeutic agents. In ation therapy and chemotherapy have, that generate a protective immunolo- addition, the vaccinia virus has been of course been used to reduce papillo- gical response against viruses or can - used to vaccinate millions of people mas and cancerous tumors. Un fort una te - cer cells. worldwide in the campaign to eradi - ly, these methods only work efficien tly Another novel approach to control - cate smallpox. during the first stages of tumor devel - ling HPV infection and cervical cancer An attenuated vaccinia virus known opment. In later stages, it becomes very is based on the properties of the E2 as Modified Vaccinia Ankara ( MVA ), difficult to treat cervical tumors be- protein of papillomavirus. This protein has been developed and tested as a cause of their size and the side effects is capable of arresting cell growth and safe smallpox vaccine. This virus was that anti-cancer drugs may have. stopping cell proliferation by induc - found to be virulent for normal or im- Because cervical cancer has a close ing apoptosis (or cell death) of human muno-suppressed animals and with - correlation to HPV infection, it is though t cancer cells. The E2 protein is also out side effects in 120,000 humans that inducing a protective stage against capable of inducing tumor regression inoculated for the first time. One thing

94 Science and Technology

that makes the MVA very safe is that viral expression and recombinant mechanisms are impaired in this virus. This MVA vaccinia virus has other advantages. It is an excellent vector for expressing foreign genes, such as the Escherichia coli Lac Z or the page T7 polymerase in infected cells, and, moreover, MVA is capable of infecting most, if not all, the human cell lines tested up to now. Based on these cha r- acteristics, the use of vaccinia virus vectors is the most successful strate - gy for vaccine development today. Also, several other vaccines using the MVA virus against HIV , melanomas, measles, influenza, para-influenza, den - gue virus, herpes virus and malaria Ricardo Rosales at his microscope. have been successfully tested in ani - mal models. tumor-free for more than a year. They peutic potential of MVA E2 in cervical In our laboratory, we have tested also presented specific antibodies that cancer patients. the recombinant virus MVA E2 against were capable of stimulating macro- A phase I clinical trial designed to test the safety of the MVA E2 recom - binant virus was performed in 200 female patients having only papillo - In our laboratory, we have tested mavirus infection but no lesions. The the recombinant virus MVA E2 against HPV tumors. MVA E2 recombinant virus did not caus e When it was injected directly into human HPV side effects in the patients, except in a few who experienced only a small tumors in nude mice, tumor growth was arrested. increase in body temperature after application of the second dose. No HPV DNA was detected in 50 per- HPV tumors. This recombinant MVA phages for efficiently killing tumor cent of the patients treated with MVA E2 virus contains the E2 gene of pap - cells in vitro. In addition, passive E2 (using the hybrid capture method) illomavirus. When MVA E2 was in- transfer of these antibodies to new after treatment. In contrast, in a par - jected directly into human HPV tu- tumor-bearing rabbits resulted in tu- allel group only 20 percent of patients mors in nude mice (mice without mor-growth arrest. This data strongly treated with cryosurgery did not have immune systems), tumor growth was suggests that the MVA E2 recombi - HPV DNA . A follow-up of MVA E2-treat- arrested. In addition, when rabbits nant virus is a promising anti-papil- ed - patients over a period of four years carrying the VX 2 transplantable cot - loma therapeutic agent. The findings showed no recurrence of HPV infection tontail rabbit papillomavirus carci- described above work, and together in 35 percent of all patients as deter - noma were treated with the MVA E2 with others, underscore the safety mined by colposcopy and Papanicolau recombinant virus, their tumors stop - and effectiveness of using the MVA E2 tests. This showed that treatment with ped growing, and in 80 percent of the recombinant vaccinia virus against MVA E2 can eliminate the papilloma- animals complete tumor regression cervical cancer, thus warranting fur - virus present in infected patients and was observed. These rabbits remained ther studies to investigate the thera - also prevent new HPV infection.

L IPTOE LRIATTI CU SR E Writers of Tierra Adentro Publishers Two Mexican Women Novelists of the 1990s 1

Graciela Martínez Zalce*

urviving several administrations, tic products and activities in different ten books to make new voices known budget cuts, innumerable crises regions of Mexico. The program’s other and stimulate literary creation. The Sof the publishing industry, a dearth projects are a bi-monthly magazine of books have also been vehicles for dis - of readers, disastrous distribution and the same name, 2 a weekly radio show seminating the work of young visual the other evils that plague the books and the co-organization of the Edmun- artists, which appears on their covers, published by cultural institutions, the do Valadés Contest to Support Inde- giving them a defined, distinctive image. Fondo Editorial Tierra Adentro (Inland pendent Magazines and the Elías Nan- In addition to having beautiful cover Publishing Fund) had its tenth anni- dino National Young People’s Poetry designs, they are carefully edited. versary in 2000. The fund is part of an Prize. The publishing house’s catalogue editorial program of the same name The publishing house was created boasts more than 200 titles in different whose aim is to disseminate the work in 1990 as an addition to the dissemina - genres: poetry, short stories, novels, plays of young writers and artists as well as tion that the magazine had been doing and essays. the most important cultural and artis - up until then, when it began its second Poetry is the collection’s most favor ed period. It publishes anthologies by genre genre for a very simple reason: almost *Researcher at CISAN . and individually and collectively writ - no publishing house that survives based

98 Literature

only on its sales will risk publishing Nandino Poetry Prize, in addition to its two of short stories and two of books of poetry today, so competition consisting of a sum of money, it guar - essays); among poets, both men and women, antees publication of the book, which • in 1992, of 26 books, only three is very stiff. 3 Tierra Adentro could ded- is printed in less than a month so it can be were by women (two books of poet - icate itself exclusively to poetry given awarded together with the prize money . ry, one of essays); the number of manuscripts received. This has created greater expec tations • in 1993, of 33 books, seven were Second comes narrative: more short - and every time the prize is to b e given, by women (six of poetry, one of story writers than novelists are printed about 200 collections of poetry com - short stories); because it is easier to get a manuscript pete for it. 4 • in 1994, of 16 books, only two of a novel accepted at a commercial Former Tierra Adentro editor Juan were by women writers (both of house. In addition, younger authors Domingo Argüelles says that in recent short stories), although an antho- produce more collections of short sto - years the number of manuscripts re- logy of children’s literature was ries than novels. ceived from women has increased. He also published, compiled by Sil- Tierra Adentro tries not to publish thinks that this is linked to the fad of via Molina; miscellaneous collections of essays be - women’s literature which he says, re- • in 1995, the number of books cause that could lead to its books being gardless of theme and quality, has been dropped to seven, only one by a groups of articles published previous - a springboard for young women writ - woman poet; ly elsewhere. Its view is that mono - ers to make their work known. I do not • in 1996, production increased to graphic essays are more interesting for completely agree with him. I think that 22 books, five by women in dif - the reader and have a more lasting ascribing greater participation of women ferent genres (two of poetry, one effect. The origin of the author stud - to a fad and not to a broadening out o f of essays, one of short stories and ied is not important: there are essays possibilities is, even if involuntarily, to one of plays); about Ermilo Abreu Gómez, Malcolm a certain point pejorative. • in 1997, of the 24 books published, Lowry, Efraín Huerta, Bruno Traven, Let’s look at the figures. In all, Tie- again five were by women writers Inés Arredondo and others. Several of rra Adentro has published 205 volumes: (two books of poetry, three of short these are prize-winning essays. • in 1990, it published six books, stories) and Thelma Nava edited The playwrights are the smallest none by a woman; a poetry anthology; group for a logical reason: their work • in 1991, there were 20 books, six • in 1998, the number of volumes is produced to be performed and rarely by women (two books of poetry, published went up to 30, of which to be published as a book. Basically, the collection is made up of young men and women authors. The editors have made an effort to estab - lish a balance between those from Mex - ico City and from the rest of the count ry. Many are fellowship recipients from national and state funds to promote young artists; the winners of regional prizes like the Juan Rulfo prize for a first novel, the San Luis Potosí short story prize or Tabasco’s Enriqueta Ochoa de Torreón and Josefina Vicens prizes; or national prizes like the one for narrative given by the National Fine Arts Institute. In the last five years, since Tierra Adentro has been a sponsor of the Elías

99 Voices of Mexico • 60

nine were by women (one of plays, (The Most Mine) (no. 173, 1998) by desirable object that absorbs us in its one of short stories and six of Cristina Rivera Garza, an intense na rra- rectangular black and white space that poetry); tive poem about the relations between is a window to other spaces open and full • in 1999, although the number of mothers and daughters, illness and the of shades of color. This seems to have books published dropped to 19, impossibility of express ing love. happened to Susana Pagano with Juan eight were by women (three of And in the whole series, two rarities: Rulfo’s Pedro Páramo . Of course, even short sto ries, two of poetry, two of the only two novels by women writers. the least knowledgeable reader of Mex - plays and one novel). In this issue of Voices of Mexico , we ican literature could now ask, “And offer a fragment of each of them. who did it not happen to?” But Paga- Some of the books by women, says no’s case is special. In her, the reader’s en- Argüelles, are among the best and most *** thusiasm became an inter textual game interesting that Tierra Adentro has so that, in turn, her reader s could un- ever published. Una manera de morir (A Way of Dying) wind it. It is not a question of a fad, then, by Vizania Amezcua is like a sympho - Y si yo fuera Susana San Juan... but of the authors’ maturity, as can be ny. Written in first person like an auto- (And If I Were Susana San Juan...) is seen when reviewing the titles. Of the biography, like in any self-respecting a feminine genealogy. In contrast with many books of short stories, some are postmodern game the protagonist has Susana San Juan, who lives with her noticeably the product of a workshop; written a novel called Una manera de father and grieves for her husband, most of them are fresh, but the desire morir and on the cover is a reference physically —not spiritually— at the to surprise the reader subtracts from to the mystery that the narrator tries to side of Pedro Páramo, Susana, the nar- their effectiveness. Nevertheless, sev - reveal: the statue of a young girl with rator, lives with her mother, who was eral are of high quality, like Prefiero los a wrinkled neck and her head thrown abandoned by her father, and her mad funerales (I Prefer Funerals) (no. 120, back in pleasure, called The Tongue . grandmother. 1996) by Yucatan-born Carolina Luna. Covering 1951 to the end of the cen- Humor is an outstanding characteris - tury, with a tone of nostalgia that in- tic of this book and in the long story, vades the novel like the rain in the city we encounter an homage to her fellow where it is set, the text is a recount ing Yucatecan, Juan García Ponce. Other of the memory of the protagonist that NOTES books include the collection by Eliza- in every chapter moves back and forth beth Vivero, Con los ojos perdidos (With through her past and present. 1 A version of this article appeared for the first a Lost Look) (no. 197, 1999), and Ale- Antonia, the narrator, near death, time in Ana Rosa Domenella, comp., Terri- torio de leonas. Cartografía de narradoras me- jandra Camposeco, El bilé y otras enso- remembers the details of her life in a xicanas de los noventa (Mexico City: UAM -Juan ñaciones (Lipstick and Other Fancies) grey city of the provinces, her vocation Pablos, 2000). (no. 198, 1999), undoubtedly two of as a writer almost lost in the catalogue 2 The magazine includes literature, graphics, the most interesting examples of the cards of a library, the details of her painting, photography and articles about work of the youngest women writers in relationship with Vicente, the only man music, dance, theater, architecture, regional history, culture and folk art. It was created in Mexico. Among the collections of poet - in her life, the only spiritual and phys - 1974 and its main objective is the projection ry, one excep tional book is La más mía ical love, the game in which they bor - of young creators throughout the country. It is now in its second period. rowed the names of the sculptor and

sculptress J.W. Fiske and Eva Roy, the 3 Interview with Juan Domingo Argüelles, chief long and apparently fruitless wait. editor of the magazine and the publishing house until 2001, 20 January 2000.

*** 4 Tierra Adentro receives between 60 and 70 manuscripts a year, of which 30 are pub - lished, budget allowing. The manuscripts are When you are a reader by vocation, first reviewed inside the program and then you spend your life in search of that sent to panels of judges organized by genre.

100 And If I Were Susana San Juan... (Fragment*)

Susana Pagano

t’s no accident that Susana San Juan and I read her reflection in me, Susana, the character have the same name; I myself was the ins- whose power over the man who idolizes her goes Ipiration for the character. Nor is it a coin - far beyond limits, frontiers and material goods. cidence that his name is Juan. He came to my A power she does not know she possesses. house one day dragging those melancholic eyes I wept more than my eyes would allow and I behind him like a soul in Purgatory dragging its possessed it. I made each word, each character sins. “I brought you a present,” he said. He left and each situation mine. Juan only looked at me a hardback book on the dining room table, a book with a smile every time I reread his book. He did - that was unopened, a new one. He knows I like n’t say a word; he just observed me and stroked new books; old books are full of odors from a my hair. Susana San Juan, melancholic and ob- past that has nothing to do with me. Juan’s gift sessed with memories, could only be me: the re - was like a penetration into my own reality, an flection of myself in the mirror of a printed book. infiltration into the raw ingredients of my flesh and my soul. He left without a word, leaving * * * me alone with his creation and my memories, memories that I was not yet aware of. I read the Ask the living, because the dead no longer res- novel for the first time in a state of something pond, they become deaf fools; ask the living like hypnosis, where the person holding the Susana, even if they don’t answer you either, but book in her hands was not me but her, Susana never ask the dead; they’re idiots, with their pale San Juan. A Susana San Juan in ecstasy as she blue stares that only those who love the cold

101 Voices of Mexico • 60

bad. After all, he bought you sweets and watched the cartoons with you. Ask them how your mother and father met, when their first kiss was and if they ever loved each other. But, above all, ask why you were born and who said you’d be happy in your life and with them.

* * *

You’re burning me up Juan; you’re draping me with your flames, and there’s nothing I can do to stop it. Do you really think I’m so insensitive? It’s hurting me and killing me, can’t you see? You were here watching me; you didn’t say any - thing but the silent words that came out of your eyes. Then you left and I felt angry; I felt angry because you’d left like you always do, without saying a word. But you’re still here; I can still feel your eyes watching me, and I can still touch your smell as it floats through the air. You can’t get away from me, even if you leave me every day. have, with their mouths stretched by iron rods I kept your essence but you stole mine, and that’s to simulate a smile, a smile they never wore when why I’m just half of myself. I’ve got you but I they were alive. haven’t got myself. You were born in a town in the Bajio region; That’s why I spent a whole week in bed. The then you came here, to the capital, where every - seven nights with fever seemed never-ending, one rushes around, and nobody has time to with cold sweats all over my body and my throat stop and look at your wood-coloured eyes. But so dry I could hardly breathe. I thought of Su- no one ever told you why you ended up in a world sana San Juan a lot. It’s a shame you couldn’t half in ruins, empty of souls and plagued with come to pay me a visit, I’d have felt better if I’d noisy people. only seen you… Ask them to tell you who your grandmother My mother is a strange woman too, she never is, that octogenarian relic whose eyes observe stops telling me I’m in the way and I’m nothing you afraid to ask who you are and what you’re but a nuisance in her life. I think she says those doing in her house eating her chocolates. Sitting things because I’m not married. But when I’m in the same armchair smoking a long, reeking ill she never leaves my side. Maybe that’s pipe, that’s how you remember her ever since why I fall ill so often. Sometimes you were a child. She doesn’t appear in your I tell her to go away , to leave me parents’ wedding photos; somebody said she alone, but she never does. spent a quarter of a century in a lunatic asylum, She spent the entire week where your grandfather sent her to be locked in a rocking chair that creaks up. But you’ve no idea why; you never ask too and reminds me of horror many questions; maybe you’re not really inter - films. She told me things or ested in finding out too much and you don’t read me the newspaper every day. believe your grandfather could have been so Then I asked her to read me your

102 Literature

novel out loud, very loud so I could hear it cause it reminds me of my grandfather. My grand - properly and not miss a thing. She didn’t mind father smoked a pipe too, and my grandfather’s doing it, but she didn’t understand a word. She dead. thought it was funny that Susana San Juan was “Are you sick again, Susana?” called Susana like me, but she didn’t like the “Yes.” character. She said she was crazy, but I don’t “Temperature?” agree…. “Yes, can’t you see?” All my mother remembers about my grand - “You need a man, Susana.” mother was when she got told off for eating “I’ve already got one, grandmother. His name’s chocolates behind other people’s backs. She was Juan.” seven when a strange man and a strange woman “He’ll leave you for another. They all leave dressed in white arrived. That’s why my moth - for another, or others.” I was enveloped in the er has never dressed in white, not even the day smell of her pipe and then a vacuum. I felt calmer she got married. and thought that I should have smashed the They were the ones who took my grand - clay sun over her head. mother away. I was a little girl when she came The next day my temperature was back to back home, a small pile of rags and a gaze more normal. in the past than in the present. “She wasn’t really crazy, but your grandfather Translation: Michael Charles Smith hated her and that was the only way he could get rid of her and have all the lovers he wanted.” “My grandfather was a good man, he bought NOTE me sweets and took me to the park.” “He loved you. I don’t know why.” * Fragments taken from Susana Pagano’s novel Si yo fuera “I loved him too. He was a good man.” Susana San Juan ... (Mexico City: Conaculta/Fondo Edi- “You’ve always been stupid, Susana.” torial Tierra Adentro, 1998). “Uncle Jaime says my grandmother banged her head against the wall and wet her pants. I think she really must have been crazy.” “Don’t be crude, Susana.” “And she got drunk just about every day. What does delirium tremens mean?” “Jaime just talks rubbish. He’s stupid.” “Yes, everyone’s stupid. Am I stupid, too, Mother?” My temperature went down instead of up. I wanted to stay ill so that I could sleep forever like Susana San Juan and so that my mother would be there telling me stories and reading your book and your stories to me. But I felt better each day. All I wanted was to keep on dreaming of you and my grandfather and the character you created, the character that’s really me. The last night I was ill my grandmother enter ed the room. I felt the smell of her pipe wedged into my nose. I hate the smell of her pipe be-

103 A Way of Dying (Fragment*)

Vizania Amezcua

won’t die. Not yet. I’m still missing some So many details to talk about a small statue pieces, indications of what happened. I won’t is, of course, not happenstance. This sculpted, Idie. Nobody can die when she has slices dark-skinned figure has a history that sums up missing out of her past, or rather, out of a part the totality of my own. Or the inverse: my entire of her past that’s spotty and that she’s trying to history is concretized in the appearance of that piece back together. I won’t die. If I’m writing image, its meaning and in the day that Vicente these notes it’s to figure out what happened. One gave it to me, making it, unfortunately, the gift day... but I’m getting ahead of myself. Now I’m I would have preferred never to have received at here, watching the rain fall. I’m looking at the all, despite the value it has now —and not only woman I was. Right now I’m getting ready to tell for me. the story, and I say any story usually begins with I say I won’t die. Not yet. And the rain is a situation or actions that unleash a series of falling here. other events, repercussions that become the body of the story itself. Now I’m not in the middle of NOTE anything that’s particularly surprising, moving or noteworthy; I’m not carrying out any kind of * Fragment taken from Vizania Amezcua’s novel, Una mane - heroic, desperate or extravagant activity. I’m limit- ra de morir , published by Conaculta/ Fondo Editorial Tierra Adentro, Mexico City, 1999, pp. 13-14. ing myself to observing, from an armchair from which lately I’ve been watching the days go by, a small statue that’s before me. It’s set on a tall cube made specially to be topped with the statue to show it off like for an exhibit. The figure that I’m observ - ing is of a woman’s nude body, lying on its side and arched as though an invisi - ble lover was making love to her at the very moment in which the artist decid - ed to sculpt her. There are two unusual details about the statue, though: first, despite the woman’s smooth young skin, her neck is noticeably wrinkled, and the other is that in contrast to the name that you migh t expect it to have —the name of a woman or something like that— the statue is enti - tled The Tongue .

104 I N M E M O R I A M Mariana Yampolsky’s Profound Mexico o t o h P E V A / a v a N o i n o t n A

hotographer Mariana Yampolsky was born Leopoldo Méndez, among others. Yampolsky in the United States, but lived in Mexico, worked as an engraver and organized collective Pa country she liked so much that she made exhibitions of the workshop’s production in dif - it her own. She took out Mexican citizenship ferent countries until 1958. regardless of the fact that she was leaving behind But sketching and engraving, in which she “a First World country”, as someone told her when worked for the first few years of her profession - she made her application. Her traveling lens al career, would give way to photography. The journeyed throughout Mexico tirelessly to portray camera that she initially carried with her as a it with the depth of an eye that knew how to see. back-up in her sketching outings soon became Yampolsky was born in 1925 in Chicago and the basic tool with which she would capture lived there until 1945 when she graduated in arts images of locales, towns, indigenous groups, folk and humanities from the University of Chica- art, dances, ceremonies, architecture and any - go. That same year she traveled to Mexico, thing else she came across that stirred her emo - which would capture her heart. She first decid - tions. Because Yampolsky accepted herself as ed to reside here and then to take out Mexican an emotional photographer, something which citizenship, which she was awarded in 1954. never turned her into a banal artist. She said, “I She studied at the La Esmeralda School of Paint - don’t arrange anything or expect anything. I use ing, Sculpture and Engraving and became part my camera as an extension of my heart and not of the movement that founded the Popular of logic.” 1 In an interview months before her Graphics Workshop, where she worked with death, she said, “When a photograph is taken artists like Alfredo Zalce, Pablo O’Higgins and with knowledge of the facts, it clarifies things;

105 Voices of Mexico • 60

it makes a gift to us of emotions....The eye that One of Yampolsky’s concerns was that her knows how to see is more than all the profound work remain in Mexico after her death. “They feelings evoked by seeing certain things. A pho - want all my work in the United States, but I’m tographer can be in love with trees or can pho - very clear on this point: I’m Mexican and my tograph things made by hand or by children, and work stays here.” 4 To that end, she gave her more he is not necessarily a romantic. All these things than 60,000-negative archive to one of her are important, but you have to differentiate be- best friends, photographer Alicia Ahumada, to tween a banal photograph and one that searches, keep until a Mexican institution could be found inquires or even reinvents.” 2 Emotion and rigor- to preserve them and give them the dissemina - ousness were always the two maxims of her tion they deserve. One possibility is the Pachu- camera. ca Photo Archives, in the city where Ahumada In 1948 she made her first inroads into pho - lives, as the most appropriate place for the col - tography with the images in the book Lo efíme- lection, but the members of the Mariana Yam- ro y lo eterno del arte popular mexicano (The polsky Cultural Foundation, formed precisely to Ephemeral and the Eternal in Mexican Folk Art), protect her legacy, say that it is too soon to make to be followed by many others. From then on, a decision. First, they say, the archives should be she would roam through the country on what - classified since there are many unknown works ever means of transportation was available, bus, in it and the copyright should be protected. car, bicycle and even on foot, to photograph During her lifetime, Yampolsky received many mainly indigenous and rural Mexico. Her pic - different prizes and distinctions; she was an tures of fields of magueys, indigenous faces and editor, professor and contributor to several na- folk ways often led her to be classified as a tional dailies. When she died last May, she was photographer of indigenous peoples, something working on an inventory of her own work and she accepted as part of her love for this coun - left an unfinished book she was preparing for try and its people. the National Ecology Institute. In 1950, she collaborated in editing the film Photographers speak through images. More Memories of a Mexican , and a year later, with other than 14 publications —like Tlacotalpan , La raíz artists, she founded the Salon of Mexican Vi- y el camino (The Root and the Road), Lo efímero sual Arts. In 1960, she had her first one-woman y lo eterno (The Ephemeral and the Eternal), show, the first of many exhibitions of photo- Mazahua , Haciendas Poblanas (The Haciendas of graphs and engravings that traveled the world Puebla) and two English-language books pub - over. Works of hers are part of the collections lished in the 1990s, The Edge of Time: Photo- at the Modern Art Museums of New York, San graphs of Mexico by Mariana Yampolsky and The Francisco and Mexico City, The Portrait Gallery Traditional Architecture of Mexico — testify to in Washington, D.C., the San Diego Pho tography what was in Mariana Yampolsky’s heart. Mexico Museum and the Saint Petersburg Art Museum, was fortunate in having had a woman who kne w to mention just a few. how to portray it with love and elegance and who To her colleagues, students and friends, Ma - left a legacy of thousands of images to illustrate riana Yampolsky was generous and warm and its memory. had a great sense of humor; she chaffed at in- Elsie Montiel justice and liked to fight for justice. A concern Editor for fame and public recognition did not keep NOTES her awake at night, since they are ephemeral, 1 though she did admit that “in the heart of hearts Reforma (Mexico City), 4 May 2002. 2 La Jornada (Mexico City), 8 May 2002. of any artist is a disproportionate desire to be 3 Reforma (Mexico City), 4 May 2002. recognized.” 3 4 Ibid.

106 Reviews

La pintura mural prehispánica en México Área maya, vol. II , tomos III y IV , (Pre-Hispanic Mural Painting in Mexico Maya Area, vol. 2, Books 3 and 4) UNAM , Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas Mexico City, 2001, Book 3, 336 pp.; Book 4, 262 pp.

hese books are the continuation of the review and Tstudy of Mayan paintings through the pre-Hispanic Mural Painting in Mexico Project, headed by Beatriz de la Fuente since 1990. Among the different arts of the pre-Hispanic peoples, mural painting was an important means of communication. Their buildings were covered with stucco and usually paint - ed hematite red. Scenes covered different parts of the buildings but most of the time were found in the interiors. The Mayan culture, just like the other Mesoamerican cul - tures, used this form of expression to transmit its concepts of the universe and the power of the dynasties and gods. The historic content and the manufacture of the murals themselves is so important that the project aims to register this universe of color through photography and computers given that, because of its fragility, it is in permanent danger of being lost. Another aim of the project is to study them with multi-disciplinary focuses. These two books contain 26 articles by researchers who have analyzed the meanings of the scenes depicted from the different perspectives and methodologies of each of the disciplines; the common object is a commitment to recover from the images everything that can render more knowledge about the Mayas. The studies were done during different periods of field work in archaeological sites in Campeche, Yucatán, Quin- tana Roo and Chiapas. Each of the researchers gathered the data he or she needed to carry out his/her work, took pho - tographs, observed each image, scrutinized the surroundings, measured the paintings and the buildings, took astronomi - cal measurements and acquired samples of pigments for chemical analysis.

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The articles describe in detail the results of these stud - positivo en la pintura mural maya” (Reflections on the Space ies, both by members of the project and by specialists from Used for Composition in Mayan Mural Painting), looking other institutions invited to participate. at paintings at the Tulum site. María de Lourdes Navarijo In Book 3, then, Jorge Angulo, in his article “Conceptos Ornelas develops a unique study about the birds depicted generales y aspectos controversiales sobre la cultura maya” in the murals by doing research into Yucatán Peninsula (General Concepts and Controversial Matters Regarding ecosystems in her article “Las aves en el mundo maya pre - Mayan Culture), gives an overview of the cultural, economic hispánico” (Birds in the pre-Hispanic Mayan World). María and natural milieu of the Maya, their cultivation techniques, Elena Ruiz Gallut, Jesús Galindo and Daniel Flores authored settlements and architecture, using examples from the murals. archaeo-astronomical studies, jointly and individually dev- Ricardo Bueno, in his “Arqueología de la región Río Bec, eloping different work that looks at the Mayan cosmic view Xpuhil, Campeche” (Archaeology of the Rio Bec, Xpuhil, of architecture and painting. In seven articles that deal Campeche Region), presents a complete study of the emer- with the murals of Chichén Itzá, Mayapán, Tulum, Tancah , gence of the cities in the Bec River region, with emphasis on Xelhá, Rancho Ina, Xuelén and Palenque, they explore the the architecture. Lorraine A. Williams-Beck, in “La arqui- heavens. tectura cromática del horizonte clásico en la región de los In Book 4, the articles deal with other themes. Alfonso Chenes, Campeche” (Chromatic Architecture of the Classical Arellano Hernández, in “Textos y contextos: epigrafía y pin - Horizon in the Chenes, Campeche Region), refers to sculp - tura mural” (Texts and Contexts: Epigraphy and Mural Paint - ture and painting at Chenes-style sites in the northern part ing), translates dates and important events related to the governing authorities and gods from the painted inscriptions. The historic content and the manufacture Leticia Staines Cicero analyzes the images painted on vault of the murals themselves is so important covers found in different sites of the Yucatán Peninsula. The book contains several monographs dealing with archaeo - that the project aims to register logical data, the architecture and studies of important this universe of color through photography murals: “La pintura mural en Yaxchilán, Chiapas” (Mural and computers given that it is Painting in Yaxchilán, Chiapas) by Roberto García Moll; in permanent danger of being lost. “La cromatía de Toniná, Chiapas” (The Chromatics of To- niná, Chiapas) by Maricela Ayala; “Los murales de la tumba del Templo XX Sub de Palenque” (The Murals of Palenque’s of the state of Campeche. Rubén Maldonado, in “Los ma- Sub 20 Temple) by Merle Green Robertson; “La pintura yas del norte de la península de Yucatán” (The Mayas of the mural prehispánica en Ek’Balam, Yucatán” (Pre-Hispanic Northern Yucatán Peninsula), uses an archaeological focus Mural Painting in Ek’Balam, Yucatán) by Leticia Vargas to analyze different aspects of the development of the and Víctor Castillo; “La pintura mural de Mayapán” (The northern area and its pictorial remains. Sonia Lombardo Mural Painting of Mayapán) by Alfredo Barrera Rubio and identifies “Los estilos en la pintura mural maya” (Styles in Carlos Peraza; “Cuentas y avatares: un calendario de Venus Mayan Mural Painting) that structure this amorphous uni - en Chacchoben, Quintana Roo” (Accounts and the Unfore - verse of color. Diana Magaloni, in “Materiales y técnicas de seen: A Venus Calendar at Chacchoben, Quintana Roo) by la pintura mural maya” (Materials and Technique s of Mayan María Eugenia Romero, Jesús Mora-Echeverría and Daniel Mural Painting), makes a thorough, interesting study of the Flores; “La pintura mural en Rancho Ina, Quintana Roo” pigments and the use of lime by the Mayas in their murals. (Mural Painting in Rancho Ina, Quintana Roo) by Luis Al- In “El patrimonio arqueológico de Campeche: estudio de berto Martos; and “La pintura mural de Xcaret, Quintana las pinturas murales de Ichmac, Xuelén y Chelemi” (Cam- Roo” (Mural Painting at Xcaret, Quintana Roo) by María peche’s Archaeological Patrimony: A Study of the Murals of José Con. At the back of this book there is a bibliography Ichmac, Xuelén and Chelemi), using chemistry and physics, of all existing publications about Mayan mural painting. Tatiana Falcón suggests solutions to a very urgent problem: Each article is illustrated with color photographs, most the dramatic deterioration of three murals. José Francisco taken by Ernesto Peñaloza and Javier Hinojosa, sketches, Villaseñor presents “Reflexiones en torno al espacio com - some by Arturo Reséndiz, and artist’s renderings by José

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Francisco Villaseñor, as well as some digital work by Ricardo ological sites in the Maya area. Volume 1 is dedicated to Alvarado. A large part of the photographic material is part Teotihuacán. Books 3 and 4 were published with the sup - of the project’s archives, which consist of more than 16,000 port of the UNAM ’s General Office of Academic Personnel photographs in different formats, the registry to date of pre- Affairs, the National Council of Science and Technology His panic mural painting. and the state governments of Campeche, Chiapas and These two books, 3 and 4, come after Books 1 and 2, Quintana Roo. dealing with Bonampak. This volume will conclude with Book 5, Catalogue , currently at press, which includes the Leticia Staines Cicero registry of the murals still preserved at more than 130 archae - Institute for Aesthetic Research

he Diana Morán-Coyoacán Literary Theory and Criti- T cism Workshop, which has dedicated several collec - tive books to the literary production of Mexican and Latin American women writers, now publishes a new collection of literary criticism under the title Territorio de leonas. Cartogr a- fía de narradoras mexicanas en los noventa (Land of Lionesses. Cartography of Mexican Women Writers in the 1990s). The epigraph that opens the book makes it clear that, “There are lions here,” was a warning of fifteenth-century cartographers about unexplored territories. The title of the book implies, then, “Beware!” The subtitle is more reassur - ing, informing us that the essays are a map of what the writ - ers published in the final decade of the last century. The book’s name inevitably brings to mind a fragment of the poem “A Gloria” (To Gloria) that Salvador Díaz Mirón published in El Diario del Hogar (The Home Daily) in 1884:

Reconcile yourself, woman! We have come To this overwhelming vale of tears, You, as the dove for the nest, And I, as the lion for the wars! 1

The poet’s perspective is undoubtedly male, but women’s point of view was not very different, as can be seen in the classic Antología de Poetisas Mexicanas (Anthology of Mex- ican Poetesses) compiled by José María Vigil in 1893, pub - Territorio de leonas. Cartografía de narradoras lished by the National Autonomous University of Mexico mexicanas en los noventa in a facsimile edition in 1977. Here, for example, in a poem (Land of Lionesses. Cartography of Mexican Women called “A mi hija” (To My Daughter), Mrs. Mateana Mur- Writers in the 1990s) guía de Aveleyra resorts to images like the following: Ana Rosa Domenella, comp. Casa Juan Pablos Centro Cultural/ UAM -Iztapalapa Bright butterfly of a thousand colors Mexico City, 2001, 382 pp. That lives in the cavern of my loves...

109 Reviews

Reconcile yourself, woman! We have come To this overwhelming vale of tears, You, as the dove for the nest, And I, as the lion for the wars! 1

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Your sweet accent always reaches my ear Thirteen authors wrote the book’s 26 essays: in alpha - Like the tender sigh of the gentle wind betical order, they are Enid Álvarez, Blanca L. Ansoleaga, Like the cooing of a warbling turtle-dove. 2 María de la Luz Becerra Zamora, Maricruz Castro Ricalde, Laura Cázares H., Ana Rosa Domenella, Luzelena Gutié- A better known author, Josefa Murilla, begins her poem rrez de Velasco, Graciela Martínez-Zalce, Nora Pasternac, “A Emma Hernández” (To Emma Hernández) with the lines, Gloria Prado G., Berenice Romano Hurtado, Ute Seydel and “You are the swallow that takes flight/through the flowered Luz Elena Zamudio Rodríguez. field when the sky is/clear and blue.” 3 This is not a compilation of articles written willy-nilly, Birds and butterflies are the recurring images nineteenth - but a book conceived as collective from its inception: the re- century women poets use in the anthology. So, when the searchers shared the whole process of producing the book; authors of the Diana Morán-Coyoacán Workshop think they met regularly, d iscussed the topics, came to agreements about the writers they have analyzed, implicitly looking at on theoretical pers pectives, refined thinking and reviewed themselves as lionesses, they make the change in sensibil - final drafts. This means that within the context of different ity from the end of the nineteenth century to the end of the studies, common threads of thought can be discerned in the twentieth very clear. The advance of women’s awareness articles: an interest in exploring women’s writing, a free assi- toward independence is tangible. milation of the tenets of feminist literary criticism, trans - Our guide through these unknown territories is Ana lated into the search for the marks of gender on each work, Rosa Domenella, the collection’s editor. She quotes the as well as those of so-called cultural studies. After the introduction, the book is divided into five parts organized by the dates of birth of the authors analyzed, each coordinated by one of the scholars. Common threads of thought The first part includes essays on two writers born in the can be discerned in the articles: Roaring Twenties, Elena Garro and Carmen Rosenweig, an interest in exploring women’s writing who wrote, respectively, the short novel Inés and Volanteo and a free assimilation of the tenets (Leafletting). of feminist literary criticism. The second part deals with authors born in the arid 1930s. The book of short stories Alta costura (Haute Couture), by Beatriz Espejo; the novel Apariciones (Apparitions), by Margo Glantz; Fuimos es mucha gente (“We Were” Is Too Many collective’s declaration of principles, in the words of Hélène People), by María Luisa Mendoza; the novel La noche de Cixous: “Women must write themselves, write about women las hormigas (The Night of the Ants), by Aline Petterson, and make women write.” Domenella introduces the book’s are all analyzed. Three essays deal with important works by contents, pointing to the changes in Latin American litera - Angelina Muñiz-Huberman: Castillos en la tierra (Castles ture in the 1980s. While literary production was headed up in the Earth), El mercader de Tudela (The Merchant of by white male writers from what Ángel Rama called “the Tudela) and Las confidentes (The Confidants). The section lettered city,” the 1980s saw extensive production of polit - closes with a comparison of autobiographical works by Petter - ical novels, and women writers were emerging as protago - son and Espejo. nists. Other groups, like homosexuals and ethnic minori - Writers who came into the world in the 1940s —Brian- ties, marginalized from the dominant culture and the halls da Domecq, Ángeles Mastretta, María Luisa Puga and of power also began to make their work known. Silvia Molina— occupy the following section. It offers a study The editor explains women’s writing in the light of the on La insólita historia de la Santa de Cábora (The Unusual end-of-century atmosphere defined by postmodernism, the Story of the Saint of Cábora) by Domecq, and another on unfolding of technology and “lite” literature. She comments Mal de amores (Lovers’ Malaise) by Mastretta. The section on the work of some of the authors not included in the vol - closes with an essay comparing Puga’s Inventar ciudades ume and summarizes the history of the group of scholars (Inventing Cities) with Molina’s El amor que me juraste (The who wrote the essays. Love You Swore to Me).

110 Reviews

Longer, with seven essays, suggesting more literary pro - al parameters. Almost all the essays —and to a lesser extent duction by women, the fourth group includes five writers the introduction— display a kind of renunciation of placing and a cinematographer born in the 1950s. Three of Sabina a qualitative value on the texts analyzed or situating them Berman’s novels are analyzed ( La bobe [Granny], Un grano de in a hierarchy of comparison. Perhaps this renunciation is arroz [A Grain of Rice] and Amante de lo ajeno [The Crook], due to the fact that established literary criticism has almost and two of Carmen Boullosa’s ( Duerme [Go to Sleep] and always been highly ideological. This desire to identify with Cielos de la tierra [Heavens of the Earth]). Other articles the texts, to understand them more than to judge them, allows look at Mónica Lavín’s Cambio de vías (Change of Track) us to speak in terms of anti-authoritarian criticism. I think, and Beatriz Novaro’s Cecilia todavía (Still Cecilia), as well however, that later on, it will be necessary to develop crite - as Beatriz and María Novaro’s script of the film Lola . The ria for evaluating and refining certain value judgments that section closes with a study of Paloma Villegas’s La luz obli- have barely been sketched here, and judging the place of the cua (The Slanting Light). different writers in the overall scheme of Mexican literature, The last section deals with authors born in the 1960s perhaps trying to resituate them. and 1970s. It includes articles about the novels La corte de Lands of Lionesses is a contribution to the study of con - los ilusos (The Court of the Deluded), by Rosa Beltrán; Una temporary Mexican literature. Today, we can learn some - manera de morir (A Way of Dying), by Vizania Amezcua; Y thing about what women and men writers published in the si yo fuera Susana San Juan... (And If I Were Susana San 1990s, and even in the 1980s, through newspaper articles, Juan...) by Susana Pagano; and Púrpura (Purple) by Ana particularly reviews, essays in specialized journals and uni - versity theses, but there are still no systematic, panoramic studies. The usefulness, then, of a book like this is clear, since it offers a mosaic of articles about over 20 writers, ranging This is not a compilation from the well-established to others who are more or less of articles written willy-nilly, marginal, providing an overview. but a book conceived as collective The essayists’ empathy with the texts they analyze and from its inception: the researchers the studies’ anti-authoritarianism imply the intent to com - shared the whole process. municate with the novelists and short story writers them - selves. I think that the whole makes it possible to appreciate the recurring themes —as well as those left out— in the writing of women in the 1990s and will be of great interest García Bergua. Others deal with the books of stories El ima - to the writers producing today. It also opens up a dialogue, ginador (The Imaginer), also by Ana García Bergua; Cuentos of course, with readers, both specialists and everyone inter - para ciclistas y jinetes (Stories for Cyclists and Horsemen) ested in literature written by women, as well as in the devel - by Adriana González Mateos; Técnicamente humanos, In- op ment of end-of-century Mexican narrative in general. venciones enfermas (Technically Human, Sick Inventions) by Cecilia Eudave; and Antología de miradas (Anthology of Edith Negrín Glances) by Berenice Romano. UNAM Institute of Philological Research Seen as a whole, the number and variety of topics dealt with by the authors is enormously rich: they range from the material reality of bodies and detectable geographical areas to worlds of fantasy; from history to magic; from the bound - NOTES less font of autobiography to the labyrinths of writing. They 1 Salvador Díaz Mirón, “A Gloria,” Poesía Completa , Manuel Sol, ed. touch on birth, identity, memory and death in a kaleido - (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica), p. 314. scope that reinvents itself again and again. 2 José Ma. Vigil, ed., Poetisas mexicanas, siglos XVI , XVII , XVIII y XIX facsimi - The essayists are interested in presenting, describing and le edition (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, understanding each text, looking into the intertextualities, 1977), pp. 137-138. describing legacies and establishing thematic or generation- 3 José Ma. Vigil, op. cit., p. 191.

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100 Hundred Years of Light The Photography Of Manuel Álvarez Bravo

An Interview with Mexico’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Jorge G. Castañeda

Mexico’s Commercial Treaties Articles by Antonio Ortiz Mena And Alejandro Chanona

The Hispanic Market In the Western U.S. Esther González and Erika González Manuel Álvarez Bravo V o i c e s

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