Appendix: Political Murders of PRD Members, 1994

This appendix1 contains additional data on the political killings of PRD members organized by Mexican state and then chronologically by date of the killing. The cases included in this appendix are those not already discussed within the previous chapters of this book. The majority of cases after 1994 from Guerrero are excluded from this appendix as these cases are discussed in detail in Chaps. 3, 5. At the end of the appendix, there follows a special section on Chiapas entitled “A Few Revenge PRD Killings of PRI members after 2000.” This section details four priísta deaths by PRD members; a reversal of the previous historical pattern discussed in this book where the PRD was usually in the opposition and the victim of, rather than the perpetrator of, political killings. The information sources for the appendix are from the following: CHR 1994; Rojas-Alba 1996; Implausible 1997; Skeels 2002; Proceso, Informe Anual 1997; IACHR 1998; Crónica Guerrero 1998; US Department of State Human Rights Reports, and several Mexican newspapers, La Jornada, Reforma, La Opinión Digital; Tierra Noticias; El Norte, El Universal, El Sol, El Sol de Puebla, El País and Uniceflac.

Chiapas

January 24, 1994. Two PRD members died in the community of Las Margaritas, in the wake of the EZLN uprising. After being detained by the local police and put in the local jail on January 16, the military removed the two PRD members and took them toward the community of El Progreso. Their bodies were found shot up with numerous bullet holes fired at close range on the 24th (CHR 1994:37). July 25, 1994. Two perredistas – Agustín Rubio Montoya, and Jorge Fonseca García – were killed in Tapachula (Rojas-Alba 1996:453). In August 1994, there were state and federal elections in Chiapas. The PRD ran Amado Avendaño as its gubernatorial candidate against Eduardo Robledo of the PRI. The official results gave the PRD the fifth federal district with its seat in Tapachula but claimed that Robledo won the governorship with only 30% of the

S. Schatz, Murder and Politics in Mexico, Studies of Organized Crime 10, 209 DOI 10.1007/978-1-4419-8068-7, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011 210 Appendix: Political Murders of PRD Members vote going to Avendaño (Rojas-Alba 1996:188). The PRD’s electoral strength had grown considerably from 1991. For example, in some municipalities of Chiapas (Chocomuselo, Chilón and Ocosingo), the PRD won more than 50% of the vote and in Tila, Sabanilla, Venustiano Carranza, the PRD gained between 30 and 40% of the vote (Implausible 1997:34). September 6, 1994. Roberto Hernández Paniagua was killed in Albino Corzo (Rojas-Alba 1996:453). September 27, 1994. Ángel Morales Gallegos was killed in Chilón (Rojas-Alba 1996:453). March 4, 1995. Jesus Artemio Decelis Guillén, the PRD municipal president was assassinated along with another peasant PRD member, Pascual Sánchez Solís, by an assailant with a R-15 high-powered gun (Proceso 9/11/95:29; Proceso 4/23/00:34) in Tila. [Tila is located in Northern Chiapas; a site where “Peace and Justice” had been active since the early 1990s (Implausible 1997:43)]. Although the PRD demanded the crime be clarified, the party alleges that the authorities did nothing and let the assassin escape. Shortly thereafter, over 4,000 indigenous persons from over 100 communities organized themselves and took over the municipal palace in Tila and demanded recognition as a political entity. The govern- ment proposed that a plebiscite be held between priístas and perredistas to see “who had more people on their side” (Proceso 9/11/95:29). PRD indigenous candidate for the mayorship of Tila, Francisco Jiménez, noted that news of the mili- tarization of priístas began to spread with some arguing that a paramilitary training camp in El Crucero was set up by ex-military men. One estimate was that over 800 persons had joined a paramilitary group called Socama (Solidaridad Campesina Magisterial). The group made its appearance in the village of Shucjá on July 14, 1995 where, according to the state Attorney General, five priístas had been killed. September 1995. Paramilitaries assassinated PRD member and teacher Héctor Pérez Torres as he tried to flee after a busload of PRD members were forced to leave the bus, listen to a threatening speech telling them the government had given paramili- taries consent to kill them in Masojá Grande (Proceso 9/11/95:29). Pérez Torres’ wife and child along with seven others were eyewitnesses to the murder. PRD leader Jiménez Jiménez reports that the Attorney General’s Office was informed of the murder and asked to demilitarize the zone and disarm the paramilitary group but the only result was that the latter moved its operations to the town of Shecjá. Local elections took place in Chiapas on October 15, 1995. The Zapatistas, some of whom had previously been willing to support the PRD as their electoral agents (August 1994), decided in 1995 to boycott the elections altogether (Eisenstadt 1999:290). President Zedillo praised the elections as a “lesson in democracy, participation and legality (Proceso 1/1/96:18).” Yet, electoral justice in Chiapas in 1995 was, according to Eisenstadt “an oxymoron (1999:301).” Post- electoral turmoil followed in its wake. Government officials argued they were “surprised” at the take-over of the Soluschiapa municipal palace by indigenous groups and peasants on December 25th, naming it a “well planned strategy (Proceso 1/1/96:18).” The police dislodged the protestors and detained 45 persons but this Chiapas 211 action only led to more municipal take-overs the next day in San Andrés Larráinzar, Chenalhó, El Bosque, Soyaló, Simojovel and La Libertad, the latter was occupied by panistas. January 1996. The first PRD candidate of the town of Soyaló and the PRI winner Ausel Sánchez in the municipality of Angel Albino Corzo were assassinated (Proceso 1/1/96:19). March 18, 1996. There was an ambush death of two peasant perredistas in Simojovel. Non-governmental organizations disapproved of the violence and said it was “the result of negligence by the authorities” and attributed it to “probable acts of [political] revenge between groups in the region.” The Church also suggested that the assassinations, house-burnings and destruction of property were signs of a potential “fratricidal war with lamentable consequences...if the government did not stop the White Guards and paramilitary groups (Proceso 6/24/96:32).” June 1996. Two members of the PRD – José Jesús Gómez Guzmán and Arturo Cruz Pérez – were killed in a gun battle with PRI supporters during a PRD protest march in the community of Los Moyos. A PRI member, wounded in the armed encounter, died shortly thereafter and three other people were wounded. According to the Fray Bartolomé Human Rights Center, only PRI supporters received medical attention from the public security officers at the scene (Implausible 1997:57). Subsequently, 12 PRD-affiliated families and over 360 persons were internally displaced from Los Moyos. March 1997. Four PRD members died after a confrontation with PRI supporters in the remote hamlet of Lote Ocho. The PRD had promoted an earlier land occupation on a cattle ranch there (Implausible 1997:60–61). March 14, 1997. Four PRD members died in an ambush with public security forces in the community of San Pedro Nixtalucum. This incident involved a complex fight with PRI rural militants that evolved into an armed standoff involving the federal Security Police (Informe Anual 1997:32–35). March 18, 1997. A PRD militant was shot to death 14 times in the chest in Sabanilla: the PRD blamed the paramilitary group “Peace and Justice” (Informe Anual 1997:35). March 20, 1997. PRD militant and President of the Autonomous Indigenous Council Bernardo Alfredo Pérez (a Mixtec, age 40) was assassinated near his auto- mobile by hired guns of the local PRI cacique in Santiago Tetepec. The victim was driving in his automobile with his wife and children, returned to his community at 11:00 p.m. when he saw armed men waiting for him a few meters ahead of his car. He got his family out of the car just before they began shooting. A few days before, he had received death threats from the PRI Municipal President. PRD sources blame hired guns of regional cacique Chano Lorenzo. Legal action was proceeding at that time (Informe Anual 1997:36). March 26, 1997. PRD peasant militant and member of the Tatamandones was assassinated. The victim began to have problems with other Tatamandones who 212 Appendix: Political Murders of PRD Members were also PRI members and was killed by them around 5 a.m. after bathing near Santa María Huaxolotitlán. His body was found with six wounds from a beating where the perpetrators used a post as a weapon (Informe Anual 1997:37). May 1, 1997. PRD militant and ex-Municipal Treasurer was assassinated when he walked out into his patio to collect firewood to cook in Santiago Yaitepec Juquila. His assassin, PRI member Francisco Cruz Ramírez, shot him four times. A legal case was opened (Informe Anual 1997:45). May 28, 1997. PRD leader, electoral activist and local Agrarian commission mem- ber was assassinated after he bought, along with a fellow worker, a soft-drink at a store outside his work by PRI hired guns in Santiago Jamiltepec. Judicial action was in process on the case (Informe Anual 1997:58). June 22, 1997. Paramilitary leader of the “Peace and Justice” organization, Juan López Jiménez – was assassinated on June 15, 1997 in the community of Pasijá, presumably by perredistas. On June 22, 1997, a young boy 12 years old was shot to death, and seven perredistas were wounded in the community of Emiliano Zapata Municipio of Sabanilla in what PRD activists claim was a revenge killing for the murder of priísta Juan López Jiménez (Informe Anual 1997:64–65). June 22, 1997. PRD militant Mariano Pérez López was assassinated in an ambush on a highway near Shushupá in Sabanilla municipality (Informe Anual 1997:65). This case, with legal number SDH/0057, remained under review by the National Human Rights Commission, the President of the Republic, the Interior Ministry, the State Government and the Federal Attorney General’s Office; all instances where the PRD filed petitions of wrongdoing. June 24, 1997. PRD militant – Antonio Martínez Vázquez, age 38 and minor Rafeal Pérez Torres, aged 15 were assassinated and three others were wounded in the com- munity of Pasijá de Morelos in Sabanilla municipality. Both were identified as PRD-EZLN members. Local PRD members claim their deaths were part of the string of killings by Peace and Justice Members in revenge for the death of one of their leaders. These assassinations were presented to the authorities under the same legal rubric as the above one of June 22 [Sabanilla] (Informe Anual 1997:65). August 2, 1997. A Chol Indian PRD member plus two minors were killed in Cruz Palenque, Tila municipality while fleeing to the mountains from armed men. PRD accounts allege that at 5 a.m., heavily armed men from Peace and Justice (some wearing the uniforms of Public Security officers) began to yell that they planned to gain justice against some zapatistas and catequitas. In the rush to flee to the mountains, two minors, 12 year old Miguel Gutiérrez Peñate and minor Nicolás Mayo Gutiérrez were assassi- nated along with 60 year old perredista Mateo Arcos Guzmán. Two women were also allegedly raped in the incident. All were Chol Indians (Informe Anual 1997:79). August 2, 1997. A PRD militant was shot to death by unknown assassins and his body left on the outskirts of Agua Fría, Tila municipality (Informe Anual 1997:80). October 13, 1997. PRD member and militant in the Peasant Organization “Night Ant” Rafael Guzmán Alvaro was axed to death in the head, back, lungs and arms Guerrero 213 in Chilón. Three assassins were identified – Juan Jiménez Sánchez, Manuel Méndez Sánchez and Sebastián Méndez Sánchez. The three men were detained by members of the Night Ant peasant organization and turned over to the Public Ministry. These peasants claimed the assassins had been paid 500 pesos by well- known cattle rancher Adán Narváez of Chilón. The origin of the murder was a land dispute in which Narváez sought to remove the Night Ant organization from his property (Informe Anual 1997:94). July 30, 1998. A group of nearly 100 public Security and State Judicial Police, accompanied an even greater number of armed Paz y Justicia militants, attacked PRD and Zapatista supporters in the community of Shushupa (Sabanilla municipality). Four PRD/EZLN supporters died in the melee (IACHR 1998:3). July 2000. Four perredistas died in the town of Pintopea after the July 6, 2000 election day.

Guerrero

October 29, 1993. In late autumn 1993, three young assassins were blamed for the shooting death of Tecpan de Galeana PRD neighborhood leader Juan Estrada Mora, according to eyewitnesses to the crime. Estrada Mora was shot four times in the chest as he left a meeting. Eight days later, state judicial police were named as the killers in the death of well-known PRD militant Adulfo Piedra Rivera also in Tecpan de Galeana. As he was walking toward the houses of the PRD president and union leader of the municipality, Piedra Rivera encountered a white pick-up with- out license plates. Within the vehicle were three judicial policemen who slowed down upon crossing Piedra Rivera’s path and shined a light into his face. Adulfo immediately turned around at which time the judicial policeman riding in the back of the pick-up shot him twice, causing an impact in the chest, the right hand and the left foot. Then the judicial policeman got down from the truck and shot the victim one more time (Crónica Guerrero 1998:50–51). November 10, 1997. The Army stopped the bus that perredista Higinio Castro Zeferino (age 49) was riding on in Atoyac de Álvarez. The soldiers made Higinio Castro Zeferino get off the bus and then questioned him about an armed person that they were pursuing (Informe Anual 1997:100). On November 10 in Atoyac de Álvarez, five army men also arrived in town asking about five perredista peasants who were qualified as “bad ele- ments that were harming the town” (Informe Anual 1997:101). The men proceeded to the town hall to ask the ejidal commissary about their whereabouts. The next day, the same peasant perredista Higinio Castro Zeferino, who had been questioned on the bus the day before by the Army, was assassinated at his home about 3 p.m. while resting in the company of his family. Three assassins were captured and the Judicial Police took them to the Public Ministry of the local municipality. November 12, 1997. The General Secretary of the local PRD Municipal Committee was gunned down at 8 p.m. at the local sports hall in Atoyac de Álvarez. The two 214 Appendix: Political Murders of PRD Members assassins presented themselves, and one killed him, firing at him multiple times. Then they fled in two vehicles (Informe Anual 1997:103). November 14, 1997. Perredista Silverio García was leaving a store near the PRD party offices with his daughter when a man with a military-type haircut shot him four times in the thorax in Atoyac. His daughter was wounded by a rickshaw bullet and ran to hide at the PRD office. From the windows, eyewitnesses were able to identify the man who remained in front of García’s body to make sure he was dead (La Violencia Política 1998:65). Silverio had been threatened by the local armed priísta group; one reason why he had left his town of El Cucuyachi to live in Atoyac, sleeping in the PRD offices. He also stated that he had been watched and followed. Silverio García, like Roberto López Baltazar (assassinated on October 29), had been involved in the complaint against the army for the illegal detention and torture of PRD member Martín Barrientos (see Chap. 5). July 5, 2009. A PRD town councilman and his family were shot to death on their way to vote in the election along with 11 other victims. The unidentified killers wore federal police uniforms and slashed the throats of five of the victims. PRD governor Zeferino Torreblanco claimed the assassinations were the work of drug cartels (Huffington Post 7/6/09). August 2009. PRD politician Armando Chavarría, a local deputy from Chilpancingo, Guerrero was assassinated outside his home. Astorga and Shirk (2009:21) link this assassination to the rise of organized crime and the general problem of lack of public security in Mexico.

Jalisco

December 14, 1997. PRD President of the Municipal Party Executive Committee and Director of the newspaper El Nuevo Zitlán; which has a critical orientation toward regional caciques was assassinated. The victim (José Luis Facundo Guerrero) was murdered by unknowns while walking down the street. A child was an eyewit- ness to the crime and testified that a Suburban vehicle with polarized windows approached the perredista and one of the assassins got out of the vehicle, shot him ten times and then returned to the vehicle and fled. The victim had also been a witness on December 11, 1997 in a legal case against the ex-PRI municipal president of Cocula José Luis Facundo Guerrero. The municipality had embargoed the home of José Luis Facundo Guerrero because he had allegedly misused municipal funds in 1993 (Informe Anual 1997:103).

Michoacán

August 6, 2004. PRD mayoral candidate Bernabé García Palma (age 40) was assassinated with four shots in an automobile by an unknown assailant who fled (Proceso 9/7/04). Oaxaca 215

Morelos

May 14, 1997. PRD municipal treasurer Gustavo Aguilar Caporal was assassinated by hired guns of the PRI municipal president in Huazulco. The victim had been previously threatened with damage by the PRI municipal president and took his family away from the municipality after the threat. At the time of his death, Gustavo Aguilar Caporal had been requesting an audit of potential corrupt usage of municipal funds. PRD sources claim that the homicide was celebrated on May 15 and that it was affirmed, without specific names given, that it had been done by “contract” and that two more were coming. A legal case was opened (Informe Anual 1997:49).

Nuevo Leon

March 12, 1997. PRD General Secretary of the Municipality José Refugio Gallegos Moreno and Jovito Gallegos Moreno, Organizing Secretary of the PRD Municipal Committee (brothers) were assassinated in Zaragoza during the day, a few blocks from the municipal palace by the bodyguard of the PRI mayor Cristobal Torres. The victims were killed as they went to speak with the PRI mayor. The State Judicial Police detained the perpetrator, extracting him from a mob about to lynch him. Later, however, he was released (Informe Anual 1997:32).

Oaxaca

April 28, 1995. A Oaxacan leader of the peasant group COCEI-PRD of Santo María Xadani, was assassinated by Mariano Guerra López, PRI municipal president in Guerra (Proceso 5/27/96:31). November 12, 1995. One PRD member (Asunción Ixaltepec) and one PRI member (Mazatlán Villa de Flores) died in post-electoral violence after the November elec- tions (Proceso 5/27/96:32). March 28, 1996. One perredista died and six were wounded in a shoot out in the village of Ojo de Agua. May 1996. A shoot out between priístas and perredistas left one PRD dead and two wounded in the municipality of Yaitepec (Proceso 5/27/96:32). February 17, 1997. Aarón Torres Silva, a bricklayer and perredista was shot in cold blood at his work site in San Andrés Huaxpaltepec. Legal action was in initiated on the case with no reported results (Informe Anual 1997:30). March 26, 1997. Oaxacan PRD peasant Crisóforo Gómez de Luna aged 59 and leader of the local loggers union was assassinated at 5 a.m. when he returned from bathing in a lake in Santa Maria Huaxolotitlán. He was hit six times by large wooden posts. Gómez de Luna had begun to have problems with his membership 216 Appendix: Political Murders of PRD Members in the social organization “Los Tatamandones” because of his militancy in the PRD (Informe Anual 1997:37). May 1997. The ex-councilman of Barrio Chico, Santiago Yaitepec, Juquila was assassinated in the patio of his own home (Informe Anual 1997). May 10, 1997. PRD ecology secretary Felipe Hernández Mejía was assassinated in the community of Santigo Jamiltepec. The death occurred in the context of local elections when the PRI refused to recognize the triumph of the PRD. Hernández Mejía’s body was found among some rocks with a cord tied around his neck. PRD sources blame local PRI cacique Chano Lorenzo for paying hired guns to commit the assassination and the Public Ministry for delays in processing the case (Informe Anual 1997:47). May 1997. Antonio López Hernández worked in the local agrarian ministry and had been an active PRD militant in Santiago Jamiltepec. He was assassinated by unknown men while drinking a soda and walking down the street with a friend. June 4, 1997. Two PRD members (a husband – Silvano Martinez Salinas [age 42], his wife Oliva Vargas Carro [age 32], their minor son [age 14] and the paternal grandmother [age 62]) were assassinated at point-blank range in their home in Emiliano Zapata de Rio Grande when two armed men with M-1 automatic rifles burst into their house and began shooting. Three other family members – children aged 4, 6, and 8 – witnessed the killings. The two perredistas adults had been threatened on previous occasions, allegedly by members of the State Judicial Police, for their political activism (Informe Anual 1997:60). The brother of the wife claimed that the family had been under siege from local caciques for some time (Legal case 119/997) (Informe Anual 1997:60). October 3, 1998. A group of men armed with AK-47 assault weapons opened fire on the PRD councilor-elect and his family who were on-route to a PRD election victory celebration. The councilor’s son was killed and the councilor was seriously wounded. State authorities charged a PRD activist with the crime and alleged that he was a member of the ERPI insurgent group. Nevertheless, the suspect later repu- diated a confession which he alleged was coerced under torture (US Human Rights Report 1999:4). PRD leaders rejected the state investigation results as false and called for federal intervention. Human rights group advocates charge that both state and federal authorities used the investigation to control and repress the opposition and peasant groups by linking them to insurgent groups. As of 2000, the case remained unresolved and still open (US State Department Human Rights Report 2001:3). June 15, 2000. PRD supporter Artemio Antonio Pérez died in his cell at the Mixistlan de La Reforma, Oaxaca jail after being arrested at a PRI political rally for causing a public disturbance. Government authorities and the Oaxaca State Human Rights Commission claimed the death was a suicide (US State Department Human Rights Report 2002:4). Pérez’s family claims that PRI party members forced per- sons to attend the rally and that Artemio Antonio was arresting for voicing his Oaxaca 217 disapproval. They also claim that he died as a result of torture in prison and began a hunger strike on June 21 to demand action against prison employees Alfredo Reyes, Wilfrido Hernandez Solano, and Luis Faustino Gonzalez for abuse of authority, illegal detention and torture (US State Department Human Rights Report 2001:2). Deadly political violence was again erupted in Juquila, Oaxaca after the July 2000 Fox victory. August 2000. PRD member Miguel Ramírez Mendosa along with several catholic priests was murdered in August and September of 2000 in Juquila “as a means to show that the power interests mean business (Barca 2001).” In the autumn of 2000, PAN Committee President Pablo Mijango Cortés was also murdered on August 24, 2000 in Juquila (PBI 2001:2). May 3, 2001. Fidel Bautista Mejía, a local PRD activist in Putla, was assassinated shortly after registering as a candidate for the state legislature. The PRD Human Rights Office reported that state authorities arrested Vicente Peña Zuniga and Nicasio Bernadino López for the crime. An additional suspect included the brother of a local PRI deputy candidate who was alleged to have hired Zuniga and López to murder Bautista Mejía (US State Department Human Rights Report 2002:2). January 12, 2002. PRD mayor Jaime Valencia was shot dead in a bloody ambush while walking to his house from the municipal palace in the town of San Agustín Loxicha. The town had previously been the home of one of the EPR guerrillas who died in the August 1996 attack in Huatulco that had killed several police officers (Skeels 2002:1). Jaime Valencia, the perredista killed there, was elected mayor in August 2001, and, according to his family, began to receive death threats in December and these threats continued in early January. State prosecutors blamed to murder on the ex-PRI Lucio Vásquez to prevent him from uncovering massive theft of public funds from CONASUPO; a government subsidized store that provides foodstuffs in poor rural areas. Two of the men arrested reportedly admitted involve- ment in the killing and in a scheme that skimmed money from the store’s proceedings (Skeels 2002:2). The state legislature suspended the municipal authority of San Agustín and installed its own interim administration in January. February 28, 2003. A confrontation between priístas and perredistas in the small town of San Pedro Amuzgos (5,500 residents) turned bloody. Two PRD militants were killed and three wounded when they tried to recuperate a public vehicle that sym- pathizers of the PRI mayor had decommissioned. Perredistas had been disputing PRI control of the municipal government claiming that local authorities were corrupt and had requested that the Oaxacan Congress decree a change of powers. In the week, angry PRD militants had actually jailed the PRI mayor, the councilman and three policemen in the local jail. The situation had gotten so tense that state authori- ties were not initially even able to enter the locality (Tierra Noticias 2/28/03). *August 17, 2003. Carlos Sánchez López, local PRD congressional deputy, legal advisor to the Peasant, Indigenous CCU (Citizen’s Council Unihidalguense) and COCEI and brother of the ex-PRD gubernatorial candidate of Oaxaca was 218 Appendix: Political Murders of PRD Members assassinated with a cement block by two individuals in Juchitán. The victim had been drinking at a bar and was carried out by two individuals who beat him to death and then left his body on the street with his pants pockets removed and with no personal identification (Proceso 8/13/03). State PRD leaders demanded justice and Indigenous Peasant Commission representatives presumed the crime to be political since the victim was in conflict with municipal authorities, as a legal advisor, seek- ing the destitution of the PRI municipal president in Unión Hidalgo. June 2004. A PRD member died at hospital from beat wounds by five men during a confrontation between PRD and PRI members in Huautla. The incident occurred right before the gubernatorial elections in the state (La Opinión Digital 6/29/04). September 29, 2004. Guadalupe Ávila, PRD mayoral candidate for the local elec- tions from the town of San José Estancia Grande, was killed at a doctor’s office by the town’s current PRI mayor Candido Palacios Noyola on September 29 (El Universal 9/29/04). Eyewitnesses to the murder recounted that Palacios Noyola entered the office and told Ávila, “I’m tired of you and I’m going to kill you,” before shooting her in the back. After the perredista fell to the floor, the assassin shot her again and wounded the physician attending Guadalupe at the time. The PRD, on the day of the assassination, vowed to find a replacement mayoral candi- date in time for the upcoming Sunday elections. This involved the return of Ávila’s husband from Las Vegas where he was working as a bricklayer 5 days before the election. On the day of the assassination of Guadalupe Ávila, PRD mayoral candi- date in San José Estancia Grande, state prosecutor Marcos Martínez launched an investigation into the case, ordered the arrest of Palacios Noyola and 30 police were sent to the town of Cuajinicuilapa, on the border with Oaxaca to ensure that the assassin could not escape (La Jornada 9/29/04). In Mexico City at the National Chamber of Deputies, all three political parties represented on the Chamber Political coordinating Committee unanimously passed an unexpected resolution exhorting Oaxacan judicial authorities to investigate and apply justice in this case. Panista legislator Juan José Rodríguez Prats brought up the assassination in the Chamber, saying it was a “tremendously worrisome act, and that there exists a grave process of decomposition [in Oaxaca].” Prats added that PAN deputy-elect Guillermo José Zavaleta “sent me a complaint because he is being threatened and had been whipped with a pistol, assaulted by the police, bribed and beaten” by ele- ments of the Ministerial Police, who told him they were doing such acts on orders from the State Attorney General’s Office (La Jornada 9/29/04). Perredista senator Oscar Cruz López argued that the murder represented one more of a variety of diverse attempted murders and political crimes in the “agonizing sexenio [of PRI governor] José Murat Casab.” Cruz López also exhorted that the Senate require Oaxaca to eradicate its policies of impunity and alliance with cacique groups that “today enjoy a license to kill (La Jornada 9/29/04).” The October 2004 municipal elections in Oaxaca produced a spate of deadly post-electoral violence and conflicts persisted for months in five municipalities (San Blas Atempa, San Juan Lalana, Santiago Xanica, Santa Catarina Juquila and San Martín Itunyoso) (Proceso 2/07/05). Veracruz 219

January 2005. Two perredistas died in Mazatlán Villa de Flores (Proceso 2/7/05). [Also counted among the dead, according to official sources were one PRI member in Coicoyán and one in San Juan Lalana; one Preventative Policeman, and 15 others were also wounded in January]. January 30, 2005. Two perredistas were killed in post-electoral violence in San Martin Itunyoso – (Fausto Guzmán Rodríguez [age 24], and Pedro Guzmán Díaz [aged 42]). (Also counted among the dead, according to official sources were two PRI members in San Martin Itunyoso; and two from the Popular Unity Party) (Proceso 2/7/05). July 8, 2010. One perredista – Fructuoso Méndez Lucero was shot to death and another – Cruz Rangel Núñez was wounded by the PRI mayor of San Pedro Totlapan, Gerardo Jarquín Díaz. The perredistas were ridiculing the mayor for the electoral failure of the PRI in the July elections (La Jornada 7/8/10).

Sinaloa

September 24, 2000. PRD member and journalist Miguel Ramírez Mendoza was killed (PBI 2001:2). *May 12, 2003. The brother of the PRD Federal Deputy candidate from Sinaloa was assassinated in the city after being kidnapped from El Potrero de Sataya by armed men. The victim was found with his hands tied behind his back and his mouth tapped shut. State authorities said he had a criminal history of “crimes against health” (drug-related crimes) (Reforma 5/12/03). *July 5, 2003. Everardo Obregon Sosa, a municipal PRD leader was killed in the city of Culiacán by three unknown assailants armed with AK-47s and pistols who tried to force him into a vehicle. The state Attorney General’s office was investigating by the end of the year. The media reporting linked the incident to narcotrafficking (US State Department Human Rights Report 2001:3). April 2009. PRD leader Beatriz Lopez Leyva, the victim of previous attacks, was killed. Lopez Leyva had requested protection and in June, the CNDH issued a ­recommendation to the governor of Oaxaca, the PGR, and the Oaxacan State Congress for further investigation into the killing (US Department of State Human Rights Report 2009:2).

Veracruz

May 7, 1997. PRD militant and electoral activist Bernardo Calderon Jiménez (age 26) was assassinated with four bullets (two to the heart, one in the spine and one in the liver) by an unknown in Martínez de la Torre. The victim’s body was buried in 220 Appendix: Political Murders of PRD Members the municipal graveyard without the Public Prosecutor’s Office conducting the proper investigation. The PRD requested an exhumation so that the proper investi- gation could proceed (Informe Anual 1997:47). July 24, 1997. The body of PRD militant Doroteo Cárdenas Salas (age 23) appeared on a highway by unknowns near Comalcaclo-Tlacotalpan with signs of torture (mutilated genitals and destroyed intestines); suggesting it was not a simple vehicu- lar hit-and-run (Informe Anual 1997:78).

Zacatecas

*March 28, 2003. PRD Subsecretary of Pacting and Citizen Attention, Manuel Ortega was assassinated when he arrived at home with his wife by two men who were waiting for him outside his house. Manuel Ortega was in charge of resolving a land dispute between indigenous peasants and ejidatarios in Bernalejo. Nevertheless, PRD officials stated that the motive for his assassination may not have been related to his political work with the agrarian conflict but related to family conflicts (El Norte 3/29/03).

A Few Revenge PRD Killings of PRI Members After 2000 (Chiapas)2

The coming of Vicente Fox to power with the July 2000 presidential elections was followed 1 month later by the August 2000 election of the first opposition governor in Chiapas government in Mexican history. Independent Senator Pablo Salazár united eight opposition parties, most importantly the PAN and PRD behind him to break the PRI hold on the governorship in the state. Opposition leaders claimed that the unity candidate represented a convergence for “peace and democracy with the aim of consolidating democracy in the country by the Chiapas process (The News 7/25/00).” Salazár’s Alliance for Chiapas won with 51.5% of the vote. Even this victory should not be overemphasized, however, since the PRI still carried the EZLN-controlled areas and continued to dominate the state legislature (Grayson 2001:47). As noted above, four perredistas died in the town of Pintopea after the July 6, 2000 election day. After this single bloody event, however, no more PRD members were reported killed in the state of Chiapas. Yet, four priístas and one EZLN member would lose their lives in post-electoral conflicts with the PRD in Chiapas after 2000. This suggests that in situations where there is a reversal in the balance of power but continued elements of impunity, previous victims can become aggres- sors and vice-versa; a variation on the pattern of “tit-for-tat” revenge killings as found in civil strife in Northern Ireland (Sullivan 1998). A Few Revenge PRD Killings of PRI Members 221

The municipality of Zincantán was site of the political killings. One Tzotil PRI indigenous man was killed and three more wounded in a confrontation between priístas and perredistas at the municipal palace in the village of Apaz, in the municipality of Zincantán (March 2002). The conflict arose over the distribution of local political power. PRD members did not accept the incorporation of three PRI councilmen on the local council (La Jornada 3/24/02:1). Priístas also burned down the rented house of the PRD mayor. The official version of events (now more sympathetic to the PRD) claimed that PRD members who were celebrating a festival were violently dislocated. One local version of events explained that the problem began when the musical group that was central to the festival stopped playing; an act which irritated the priístas. Subsequently, according to the local account, the aggrieved PRI members drew their guns and began to fire on PRD militants which then provoked a generalization of the problem. Priísta sympathizers after the confrontation went to the municipal palace where they alleg- edly burned down the mayor’s house and took his son and eight other persons hos- tage. The latter were released unharmed after a 17 h dialogue headed by state officials and backed up by dozens of state police. Meanwhile, in the community of Pasté, the state government established a pacification commission head up by the Secretary for Indian Affairs and the local mayor in order to negotiate the release of PRI members. PRD members in Pasté held about 20 priístas against their will as part of their protest against the integration of the PRI councilmen. The local PRI version of events blamed the violence on the state government and the local assemblies for failing to take into account the political existence of PRI mem- bers (La Jornada 3/24/02:1). As for the events in Apaz, the PRI spokesperson argued that it was the perredistas “who provoked us.” Chiapas government officials claimed for their part, that their mission was to ensure neutrality in the administration of justice. The state government, in an official press communiqué, claimed it would not “permit impunity in any cases...criminal acts will be combated with exemplary actions against those who threaten the rights of third parties and break the state of law, peace and harmonious co-existence of communities in Chiapas (La Jornada 3/24/02:1).” Almost 1 year after the violence in Apaz, political violence erupted again in the municipality of Zincantán. The PRD won the municipal presidency in the village of La Cruz Roja de San Cristobál (Zincantán municipality) for the first time in the October 2001 elections. Nevertheless, local priístas did not accept the election results. A pacted solution between party leaders placed three PRI members on the local city council. However, local perredistas rejected this pact in January 2002 and since that time, both groups sustained resentment and mutual accusations of aggres- sion (El Sol 3/5/03; La Jornada 3/6/03). The conflict became deadly in March 2003. This time the post-electoral violence left three priístas dead, 12 wounded and 43 persons detained from both parties. In addition, five vehicles were burned and furniture and supplies were destroyed inside the municipal palace (El País 06/03/03). Among the homicide victims were PRI members Mariano Hernández Pérez, aged 60 and Rigoberto Pérez Montejo, aged 26. The deaths occurred in a gun battle when priístas showed up for a protest rally against PRD mayor Domingo de la Cruz. 222 Appendix: Political Murders of PRD Members

However, in a reversal of the previous historical pattern when the PRD was usually in the opposition, this time eyewitness claim that it was perredista supporters who showed up in a bus with rifles, AK-47s, pistols, machetes, shovels and stones and then some opened fire on the PRI supporters (El País 6/03/03). Local authori- ties claim that about 200 indigenous priístas had planned to take-over the municipal palace by force. One source reports that perredistas blocked the highway with stones and shovels with the result that ambulances could not remove the wounded PRI supporters from the town (El País 06/03/03). As distinctive from both the Salinas and Zedillo administrations, the violence in La Cruz Roja de San Cristobál was immediately responded to by the authorities. Pablo Salazar Mendiguchía, the first non-PRI governor, showed up with officials from the National Attorney General’s Office later that same day of the killings to try and resolve the conflict (El Sol 3/5/03). A negotiation was set up between both parties at 2:30 p.m. that day and by 4 p.m., prisoners from both sides were released (La Jornada 3/6/03). The governor ordered additional police into the zone to prevent further inci- dents, arguing that the situation was “intolerable” and that the negotiation process had been set up to resolve the problem “once and for all.” Despite these pacification efforts, however, the spokesperson for indigenous militants of the PRD said that over 80 families (over 322 persons) had fled their homes to the town of Nachig, a principal PRD bastion, 3 days later. This was the day that priístas had given the state govern- ment to jail those presumably responsible for the confrontation (Uniceflac 3/8/03). The spokesman noted that the “non-aggression” pact signed by the leaders of both parties a few days earlier “does not guarantee peace in the zone.” The PRI spokesman for indigenous members recognized that the situation was “tense” and stated that his fellow party-members were demanding the mayor and the municipal judge step down as they viewed them as responsible for the confrontation (Uniceflac 3/8/03). The following year in Zincantán (2004), now governed by the PRD, another political conflict in erupted again in the municipality. This time, local governing perredista leaders found themselves in direct conflict with the EZLN. Indeed, EZLN members of tzotzil families in four communities in resistance denounced perredista campesinos with the tacit support of local PRD authorities for depriving them of water, and of threatening them with death for their refusal to recognize and work with local and state authorities (La Jornada 2/1/04). One of the zapatistas claimed ironically: “those from the PRI don’t bother with us, they are peaceful because they are not in power. The ones that attack us are from the PRD, they are now the government.” Thus, in Chiapas after 2000, the few deadly conflicts between the party and other political forces all resulted in PRI deaths, with ­perredistas often blamed as the instigators of such violence.

End Notes

1 *Indicates Indigenous-Related Cases or Possible Civil Homicides of PRD members after 2000. 2 There was also an apparent political revenge killing by the PRD in Oaxaca. In one event, a priísta militant was killed in Santa María Xandani in early January 1993 by three PRD–COCEI sympathizers. Bibliography

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A prior investigation, 121 Ayutla municipality public ministry, 121 cacique group, 168 standard criminal trial procedure, Fox administration, 166 119–120 massacre, 166 state responsibility for human rights murder, 167 violations, 122 paramilitary group, 166 failure to adequately investigate crimes political killing, 165–168 Camilio García Cruz case, 131 political violence, 168 criminal courts, 122 selective assassination, 167 Felipe Santiago Matias case, 133 White Guard, 166 Felix Octavio Ventura Ramos case, 132–133 homicide cases, 123 C legal processing, 124 Coda Lorenzo Justiniano Santiago Torres ideological and psychological mechanism, case, 134 194 Reveriano Cruz Rojas case, 131–132 political repression, 194 Timoteo Mardonio Estudillo Peña case, quadruple assassination, 196 130–131 sociocultural and historical context, 195 high-impact crime, impunity true martyr and democratic promoter, 195 civil rights violations, 137 Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos electoral institutions, 138 (CNDH), 49 hired guns, 138 government accountability, 118–119 priísta officials, 138–139 human rights violations, 119 public prosecutor’s office, 135–136 no responsibility, 121–122 rule of law, 137–138 PRD homicides, 119–120 state judicial police, 136–137 prior investigation, 121 unknown assailants, 138 public ministry, 121 hired guns, 123–125 standard criminal trial procedure, local and regional legal systems, 116 119–120 political killings state responsibility for human rights crime without punishment, 117–118 violations, 122 judicial state police, 115–116 Criminal elements, 202 political assassination, problem of, Criminal justice system, 4, 202 116–117 CNDH state public ministry, 115–116 government accountability, 118–119 war on terrorism, 115 human rights violations, 119 state judicial police, 123–125 no responsibility, 121–122 suspected and convicted criminals, PRD homicides, 119–120 125–129

239 240 Subject Index

D indigenous municipality, 164 Destructive behavior political assassination, 163, 165 criminal investigation, 76 political murder, 162 death threats, 76, 79 Popular Liberation Army, 161 democratization, 49 regional location of PRD deaths, 162 destructive violence, 48 White Guards, 164 dirty-work theory, 76 illegal/deviant behavior, 75 individual-level processes, 76 F leadership authorization Frente Democrático Nacional (FDN), 13–14 deadly violence, 51 destructive behavior, 49 political/military authority, 50 G moral indifference, 77 Grupo de Investigaciones Políticas (GIP), 63 passive legal system, 74 political assassination electoral violence, 53 H FDN, 52 Human rights abuses, 1–2 hierarchical oversight system, 51 PRD leaders, 53 presidential elections, 52 I vs. political dissenters, 79 Impunity political-electoral homicide, 48 Coda political killings ideological and psychological analysis of, 80–95 mechanism, 194 justice-failure of federal/state officials, political repression, 194 96–109 quadruple assassination, 196 PRD militants, 77 sociocultural and historical context, 195 PRI-PRD relations, 48 true martyr and democratic promoter, 195 rationalization electoral competition, 177 dominant liberal constitutional high-impact crime schemata, 55 civil rights violations, 137 eyewitnesses, 56 electoral institutions, 138 justification, 55, 56 hired guns, 138 revolutionary ideologies, 55 priísta officials, 138–139 stray gunfire, 56 public prosecutor’s office, 135–136 violent dislodging, 57 rule of law, 137–138 social activities state judicial police, 136–137 eyewitnesses, 55, 56 unknown assailants, 138 high-powered rifles, 55 law enforcement, 204 PRD victims, 54 liberalization–democratization process theoretical implications, 78 cultural factor, 191 vigilantism, 79 extrajudicial killing, 191 Drug-related assassinations judicial and criminal justice systems, binational law enforcement, 19 16–17 institutional limitations, 19–20 legal system, 190, 192 judicial reforms, 19 Malian security force, 190 organized crime, 18 political mobilization, 192 regional zones of impunity, 18–19 PRI-PRD electoral conflicts, 17 political and civil rights electoral fraud, 193 E political killing, 192 Ejército Popular Revolucionario (EPR) political violence, 193 automatic weapons, 165 political competition and electoral threat high-powered guns, 163 killings, 179 Subject Index 241

municipal data and statistical model, Michoacán, 156–157 179–181 municipal election and political killing, political assassination, 180–182 148–151 rural and urban cacique rule, 178 Petatlán, 153–156 political murder, 203–205 political violence and repression, political party strategy, 205 151–153 political violence and repression, 203 regional variation prosecution armed peasant, 144–145 ballot stuffing, 185 electoral competition, 144 blocked transition, 186 guerrilla movement, 144–145 clientelism, 184 perredistas, 144 crime-preventing agency, 186 social conflict, 146–147 drug trafficking, 187 sociological theory, 143 electoral-related violence, 182 state-level law enforcement, 174 godfather system, 187 Individual political killings, 3 intermediary dimension, 188–189 Inter-American Commission on Human Rights law-enforcement authority, 183 (IACHR), 56 patronage network, 182 Interpersonal violence, 28, 173, 174 police harassment and illegal detention, 185 policing method, 182–183 J political violence, 184 Judicial system, 201 White Guards, 183 rule bound legal system, 177, 204 structured system, 34–35 L Impunity and electoral challenges, Guerrero Leadership authorization Ayutla municipality deadly violence, 51 cacique group, 168 destructive behavior, 49 Fox administration, 166 political/military authority, 50 massacre, 166 Liberalization–democratization process murder, 167 accountability, 8 paramilitary group, 166 criminal justice system, 7–8 political killing, 165–168 cultural factor, 191 political violence, 168 emergence of PRD selective assassination, 167 crime rates, 17–18 white guard, 166 drug-related assassinations, 17–20 brutality, 173 electoral decline, 14–15 civil homicide reduction, 174 electoral reforms, 12–13 interpersonal violence, 173, 174 FDN, 13–14 political-electoral conflict impunity, 16–17 EPR (see Ejército Popular municipal government, 15–16 Revolucionario) 2006 president election, 16 politically related death, 159–160 extrajudicial killing, 191 PRD and Aguas Blancas Massacre, homicides, 7 157–159 legal system, 190, 192 state violence and mobilized Malian security force, 190 indigenous people, 160–161 Mexican political and legal system political murder authoritarianism, 11–12 criminal justice system, 171–173 constitution, 10 failure of prosecution, 170–171 Partido Acción Nacional, 11 human rights violation, 169–170 presidentialism, 11–12 juridical security and legal certainty, 170 1910 revolution, 10–11 violent conflict, 169 Spanish law, 10 postelectoral violence and political political-electoral killings, 7–8 assassination political mobilization, 192 242 Subject Index

M Petatlán, 153–156 More murder in the middle (MMM), 31 political violence and repression bloody conflict, 153 conflictive political context, 152 N democratic multiparty system, 151 Nonviolent political change and legal system, murder, 151 205–206 risk of anachronism, 152 Public ministry, 121 Puebla P political activism and PRD victims, 42–43 Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), 11 political assassination, 43–45 Political and civil rights PRD victims, social origins of electoral fraud, 193 highway, 41 political killing, 192 occupational data, 42 political violence, 193 population size, 38, 41 Political assassination social classes, 42 authorization, direct evidence of, 61 urbanized metropolitan areas, 41 clear judicial processing, 61, 95 contested cases, 61 cover-up/authorization S CNDH, 63 Social milieu hired guns, 64, 65 accidents/revenge homicides, 72–73 total impunity, 64 fundamental human rights, 47 impunity, 61 hired guns, 66–67 250 PRD victims, 60 independent social mechanisms problem of, 116–117 destructive behavior, 57 structured system of impunity eyewitness testimony, 57, 58 political party strategies, 35–37 homicides and assaults, 59 Puebla, 43–45 illegal acts, 58 social origins and political activism, 37 mobilization, 57 targeting, 61–62 paramilitaries, 58 Political competition and electoral threat professional anonymity, 59 killings, 179 stray bullet, 60 municipal data and statistical model, members, 65–66 179–181 police inefficiency, 73–74 political assassination, 180–182 police killings rural and urban cacique rule, 178 electoral fraud protests, 69 Political-electoral conflict illegal authorization, 70 politically related death, 159–160 political instability, 71 PRD and Aguas Blancas Massacre, stray gunfire, 69 157–159 political leaders, 47 state violence and mobilized indigenous postelectoral conflicts, 48 people, 160–161 PRD members, 47 Political murder rationalization criminal justice system, 171–173 electoral fraud, 55 failure of prosecution, 170–171 eyewitnesses, 56 human rights violation, 169–170 justification, 55, 56 juridical security and legal certainty, 170 revolutionary ideologies, 55 violent conflict, 169 stray gunfire, 56 Political repression, 2 violent dislodging, 57 Postelectoral violence and political state crimes, 47 assassination suspected perpetrators, 65 Michoacán, 156–157 unknown assailants, 68–69 municipal election and political killing, Sociological theory, 143 148–151 State-level law enforcement, 174 Subject Index 243

Structured system of impunity political assassination accountable legal institutions political party strategies, 35–37 cause/effect, 32–33 social origins and political activism, 37 rule of law, 33–34 political killings electoral-related violence, 35 authorization, 28 global democratization and political causes of, 27 repression civil homicides, 29 accountability, 24–25 corruption, 30 authoritarian regime, political violence, interpersonal violence, 28 23–24 legal ambiguity and uncertainty, 28 civil rights, loss of, 26 legal system, failure of, 27 Mexico, transformation of, 25–26 Puebla MMM, 31 political activism and PRD victims, opposition leaders, murder of, 23–24 42–43 political protest, 31–32 political assassination, 43–45 rule of law, 25 social origins, PRD victims, 38–42 second wave, 26 third-wave transitions, 23 Tianamem Square massacre, 24 W violent upheavals, 25–26 War on terrorism, 115