University of Nevada, Reno Class Struggle and Social Change In
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Carol Inskeep's Book List on Labor History
Women and Labor Issues j305.42 / KEN Failure is Impossible! The History of American Women’s Rights by Martha E. Kendall. 2001. 96p. (MJS) From School Library Journal “A well-organized, well-documented resource. Kendall frames her discussion of women's suffrage with an account of the struggles of women throughout the centuries beginning with early colonists such as Anne Hutchinson. In addition to the battles and achievements of the women's movement, the author addresses property and child-custody rights and the fight for fair wages. She includes information on what life was like for mill girls, women in slavery, and on women in the media. Many black-and-white photos and other illustrations add dimension to the text. Four pages of brief biographies of remarkable women complete this thorough, multifaceted history.” j331.38 / GOU Good Girl Work: Factories, Sweatshops, and How Women Changed Their Role in the American Workforce by Catherine Gourley. 1999. 96p. (EMJ) From School Library Journal: “A carefully researched look at female labor in the early 19th and 20th centuries in this country when the workforce of the textile mills, shoe factories, and sweatshops was comprised of unskilled "girls" of all ages. Grossly overworked and underpaid, they slowly realized the truth of their exploitation, organized, and eventually changed the workplace. Gourley uses letters, diaries, and other primary sources to give personal glimpses into the feelings and thoughts of these heroines.” 331.4 / COL Rosie the Riveter: Women Working on the Home Front in World War II by Penny Colman. 1995. 120p. (MJS) From School Library Journal: “Colman chronicles the drive to get women to enter wartime industries, providing insight into the federal government's propaganda campaign and incentives. -
Victorgories Packet Packet by Victor Pavao
Victorgories Packet Packet by Victor Pavao 1. In this symphony’s final movement, the horns introduce a disjunct secondary theme beginning “dotted half C, quarter note low G, dotted half high E.” Violins and cellos play thirty-second notes in the A-flat minor, third variation in this symphony’s second movement. Leonard Bernstein’s debut lecture on the CBS program (*) Omnibus was an analysis of this symphony. This symphony’s first movement features an oboe cadenza near the recapitulation. This symphony’s third movement continues into the fourth without pause, and ends with a note-for-note copy of the overture from Cherubini’s Eliza, which includes repeated C major chords. For 10 points, name this symphony whose first movement opens with the “G G G long Eb” fate motif. ANSWER: Ludwig van Beethoven, Symphony No. 5 in C Minor (prompt on “fate”) 2. A character who stays at this location repeatedly mentions her “cup of stars” after hearing a young girl demand one in a country restaurant. Two sisters who lived at this location fought bitterly over some family heirlooms, an argument that resulted in a companion’s suicide. While staying in this location, a character wakes up in the middle of the night to climb a deteriorated iron stairway. Arthur uses a device called a planchette in this place, which was once owned by Hugh (*) Crain. Theodora finds her room and clothes splashed in blood in this building, which is also visited by guests like Luke Sanderson and Eleanor Vance, who were invited to stay by Dr. -
On the Streets of San Francisco for Justice PAGE 8
THE VOICE OF THE UNION April b May 2016 California Volume 69, Number 4 CALIFORNIA TeacherFEDERATION OF TEACHERS, AFT, AFL-CIO STRIKE! On the streets of San Francisco for justice PAGE 8 Extend benefits Vote June 7! A century of of Prop. 30 Primary Election workers’ rights Fall ballot measure opportunity Kamala Harris for U.S. Senate Snapshot: 100 years of the AFT PAGE 3 PAGE 5 PAGE 7 California In this issue All-Union News 03 Community College 14 Teacher Pre-K/K-12 12 University 15 Classified 13 Local Wire 16 UpFront Joshua Pechthalt, CFT President Election 2016: Americans have shown they that are ready for populist change here is a lot at stake in this com- But we must not confuse our elec- message calling out the irresponsibil- Ting November election. Not only toral work with our community build- ity of corporate America. If we build will we elect a president and therefore ing work. The social movements that a real progressive movement in this shape the Supreme Court for years to emerged in the 1930s and 1960s weren’t country, we could attract many of the Ultimately, our job come, but we also have a key U.S. sen- tied to mainstream electoral efforts. Trump supporters. ate race, a vital state ballot measure to Rather, they shaped them and gave In California, we have changed is to build the social extend Proposition 30, and important rise to new initiatives that changed the the political narrative by recharging state and local legislative races. political landscape. Ultimately, our job the labor movement, building ties movements that keep While I have been and continue is to build the social movements that to community organizations, and elected leaders to be a Bernie supporter, I believe keep elected leaders moving in a more expanding the electorate. -
Joe Hill Film Buff
BO WIDERBERG’s LOST MASTERPIECE JOE HILL VICTORIAN TRADES HALL 54 VICTORIA ST CARLTON (CNR OF LYGON ST) CENTENARY THURSDAY 19 NOVEMBER AT 5.15 PM JOE HILL 1915-2015 CENTENARY CELEBRATION The critically acclaimed 1971 film Joe Hill, by renowned Swedish director Bo Widerberg (Elvira Madigan), won the Cannes Jury Prize in 1971. Lost and unavailable for many decades, it has now been restored and digitally remastered by the National Library of Sweden. We are offering you a unique opportunity to see this long-lost masterpiece. Joe Hill was a Swedish-American immigrant and itinerant labourer who fought for the rights and unity of workers. He was executed by firing squad in Utah on 19 November 1915, after being convicted of murder on circumstantial evidence. A poet, songwriter and IWW activist, he was commemorated by Joan Baez in the song ’I Dreamed I Saw Joe Hill JOE HILL Last Night’. Bo Widerberg’s film dramatises Joe Hill’s life and impoverished, unorganised immigrant labour in the US during the early 20th century. His story is still relevant to workers today. The Victorian Trades Hall Choir will perform ‘I Dreamed I Saw Joe Hill Last Night’, and Phil CENTENARY Cleary will speak about Joe Hill and his significance to workers today. THE EVENT WHERE WHEN 5:15pm Victorian Trades Hall Thursday 19 Drinks and snacks 54 Victoria st Carlton November at Bella Union Bar (corner Lygon Street) 6:00pm Film screening in New Council Chamber Enquiries: Teresa Pitt at [email protected], ph 0419 438 221 Graham Hardy at [email protected], ph 0447 126 471 We are grateful for generous sponsorship from Victorian Trades Hall Council and The Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, Victorian Branch Design by Atticus Silverson Joe Hill photograph (between c. -
One Big Union—One Big Strike: the Story of the Wobblies
One Big Union—One Big Strike: The Story of the Wobblies Early in the 20th century, the Industrial Workers of the World, called the "Wobblies," organized thousands of immigrant and unskilled workers in the United States. The union eventually failed, but it helped shape the modern American labor movement. In 1900, only about 5 percent of American industrial workers belonged to labor unions. Most unions were organized for skilled craft workers like carpenters and machinists. Membership in these craft unions was almost always restricted to American-born white men. The American Federation of Labor (AFL), led by Samuel Gompers, dominated the labor movement. Gompers wanted to assemble the independent craft unions into one organization, which would work to improve the pay and working conditions of the union members. Gompers and the AFL believed that unskilled factory and other industrial workers could not be organized into unions. Therefore, the vast majority of American workers, including immigrants, racial minorities, and women, remained outside the labor union movement. In 1905, a new radical union, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), began to organize workers excluded from the AFL. Known as the "Wobblies," these unionists wanted to form "One Big Union." Their ultimate goal was to call "One Big Strike," which would overthrow the capitalist system. Big Bill Haywood and One Big Union One of the main organizers for the IWW was "Big Bill" Haywood. William Dudley Haywood grew up on the rough and violent Western frontier. At age 9, he began working in copper mines. Haywood eventually married and took up homesteading in Nevada. -
America's Biggest Mass Trial, the Rise of the Justice Department, and the Fall of the IWW
H-HOAC Review: Shapiro on Strang, Keep the Wretches in Order: America's Biggest Mass Trial, the Rise of the Justice Department, and the Fall of the IWW Discussion published by John Haynes on Monday, August 9, 2021 Dean A. Strang. Keep the Wretches in Order: America's Biggest Mass Trial, the Rise of the Justice Department, and the Fall of the IWW. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2019. 344 pp. $36.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-299-32330-1. Reviewed by Shelby Shapiro (Independent Scholar)Published on H-Socialisms (August, 2021) Commissioned by Gary Roth (Rutgers University - Newark) Printable Version: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=56024 Destroying the IWW Interest in the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), or Wobblies, seems to come in waves: the 1950s saw Fred Thompson’s The I.W.W.: Its First Fifty Years (1955) while the 1960s brought Joyce Kornbluh’s Rebel Voices: An IWW Anthology (1964), Robert Tyler’s Rebels of the Woods: The I.W.W. in the Pacific Northwest (1967), Patrick Renshaw’s The Wobblies: The Story of the IWW and Syndicalism in the United States (1967), Ian Turner’s Sydneys’s Burning (1967), and Melvyn Dubofsky’s We Shall Be All (1969), to cite but a few. Entries for the twenty-first century include Lucien van der Walt’s PhD dissertation, “Anarchism and Syndicalism in South Africa, 1904-1921: Rethinking the History of Labour and the Left” (2007); Wobblies of the World: A Global History of the IWW, edited by Peter Cole, David Struthers, and Kenyon Zimmer (2017), and Peter Cole’sBen Fletcher: The Life and Times of a Black Wobbly(2021). -
Organizing in the 'New Normal'
Worker Centers • Electronic Solidarity • Open-Shop States the magazine of the Democratic Socialists of America Vol. XLIII, No. 2, Labor Day/Fall 2015 www.dsausa.org Organizing in the ‘New Normal’ From the National Director Walking with Vision By Maria Svart union is a group of indi- Governor Scott Walker’s successful rampage in viduals who get togeth- pro-union Wisconsin demonstrates that when big A er with their co-workers money backs the most extreme version of capital- and approach their boss about ist ideology, we are unprepared. We have to fi nd conditions at work—together. new ways to fi ght back. These individuals are practic- How do we organize in the age of the “new nor- ing freedom of association. Yet mal”? In this issue of Democratic Left, you’ll read in the capitalist mind, they’re about glimmers of hope in very dark times. engaged in economic extortion. In the last issue, I talked about the need for That’s not a completely wrong analogy, because solidarity, about acknowledging and building on workers who form a strong union are capable of our differences in order to create a powerful and forcing the boss to share the results of their col- democratic movement. Even as we come together lective labor more equitably than are non-union- in solidarity, we need to walk with vision. Capi- ized workers. That’s one thing I learned in my talists have a vision of endless accumulation for years as a union organizer before joining the staff themselves. They either do not know or do not of DSA: it’s all about power. -
Modern Nonfiction Reading Selection by Barbara Ehrenreich Family
Untitled Document Mr. Claro -- Modern Nonfiction Reading Selection by Barbara Ehrenreich Family Values The writer, feminist, and Socialist Party leader Barbara Ehrenreich (b. 1941) wrote some of her first articles and books on the inefficiency and inhumanity of the American health care system. In Complaints and Disorders: The Sexual Politics of Sickness (coauthored with Deirdre English, 1973) she critiques the unjust and unequal treatment women receive in the medical system. She has written over a dozen books, among them The Hearts of Men: American Dreams and the Flight from Commitment (1983), The Worst Years of Our Lives: Irreverent Notes from a Decade of Greed (1990), from which "Family Values" is taken, and Kipper's Game (1993). Ehrenreich is a contributing editor at the Progressive and the Nation, and her essays also appear regularly in magazines as varied as Radical America, Time, Vogue, and the New York Times Magazine. Her most recent books are The Snarling Citizen: Essays (1995), Blood Rites: Origins and History of the Passions of War (1997), and Nickel and Dimed: On (Not) Getting By in America (2001). Asked whether she writes in a different voice for the alternative and the mainstream press, Ehrenreich replied, "I don't think it's really a different voice.... Obviously I assume more political sympathy for my views if I'm writing for Z or the Guardian in England or the Nation than Time, but it might be the exact basic argument." She added, "An essay is like a little story, a short story, and I will obsess about what is the real point, what are the real connections, a long time before I ever put finger to keyboard." Sometime in the eighties, Americans had a new set of "traditional values" installed. -
No Paper Than That Without a Walkout
n W. 0 a q I .1 - The Contra Costa County living wage ordinance requiring payment of prevailing wages on large indus- trial projects has been upheld in Superior Court'. Judge James Marchiano rejected the challenge led by the California Manufacturers Association. T'he ordinance, passed Aug. 14 by the Contra Costa County Board November 16, 1990 of Supervisors with strong support Vol. 33-No. 45 from organized labor, is.not pre- empted by state law as claimed by the challengers, the juldge said. ."The Board of Sulpervisors has' properly exercised its police powers," Marchia.no declared. "The or'dinance is appropriate and constitutional. The opponents say they willI Negotiators from ten unions rep- appeal the ruling to a higher court. resenting 4,500 newspaper workers This was not unexpected. Greg hung on grimly at the bargaining Feere, secretary of the Contra Costa table tod'ay with the clock ticking Building and Construction Trades toward a.5 p.m. deadline to strike Council, s'aid before the case went the Mercury and News at San Jose to trial that the ordinance had been and the Chronicle, Examiner and made "4airtight." Newspaper Agency at San The ordinance had its origins in -Francisco. the problems created'during the Hiopes for a settlement before.-the reconstruction of the USX Corpora- &deadine got a setback yesterday tionss Pittsburg mill for the USS- when union negotiators who assem- POSCO joint venture. bled in the morning for their first A notoriously anti-union contrac- look at employer economic -pro- tor brought in from out of state posals were kept waiting until 9. -
Fanning the Flames of Discontent by Caleb Wexler
Fanning the Flames of Discontent by Caleb Wexler "File:Songs of the workers 9th Edition.pdf." Wikimedia Commons, the free media repository. 25 Oct 2018, 13:43 UTC. 27 Apr 2020, 17:45 HYPERLINK "https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Songs_of_the_workers_9 th_Edition.pdf&oldid=325372558"commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File :Songs_of_the_workers_9th_Edition.pdf&oldid=325372558. 2 Editor’s Note: In this essay, Bobby Seale quotes a poem by Ronald Stone that incorporates offensive language. The journal editors have starred out the language, without changing the source or the author’s meaning, based on our sensitivity to the Honors Journal readership. In 1966 Bobby Seale and Huey P Newton, before they founded the Black Panther Party, were arrested in Berkeley, California. The charges: obstructing the sidewalk and assaulting officers. The cause: poetry. Seale was reciting Ronald Stone’s anti-draft poem “Uncle Sammy Call Me Fulla Lucifer” (outside a restaurant appropriately named the “Forum”) when: Some uniformed pig cop walked up. He stood around ten or twelve feet away. I said, “You school my naive heart to sing red-white-and-blue-stars-and-stripes songs and to pledge eternal allegiance to all things blue, true, blue-eyed blond, blond-haired, white chalk white skin with U.S.A. tattooed all over.” Man, when I said that, this cop walks up and says, “You're under arrest.” I got down off the chair, said, “What are you talking about, ‘You're under arrest?’ Under arrest for what? What reason do you have for saying I'm under arrest?” (Seale 19) It’s Seale’s question for the cop, “What reason do you have for saying I’m under arrest?” that I want to focus on here, not in the sense of what pretense did the cop invent for arresting Seale, but what makes poetry so powerful, so threatening to authority, that it made this cop feel the need to arrest a man? Poetry is powerful, in part, because it opens a space for telling our stories and our history, and it helps us to imbue those stories with significance. -
Closing Argument of W.E. Borah
University of California Berkeley HAYWOOD TRIAL CLOSING ARGUMENT OF W. E. BORAH HAYWOOD TRIAL CLOSING ARGUMENT OF W. E. BORAH May It Please the Court Gentlemen of the Jury : You have been patient throughout this long and tedious trial, and you have listened with marked attention to the evidence which has been given, and with especial attention to the arguments which have been made by counsel both for the opening and for the defense. I regret that I am compelled to commence this argument at a time of day when you must be somewhat weary and at a time in the trial when you must be impatient to get to your final duty and to the final discharge of the great task which has been imposed upon you. But I will not take up more of your time than seems necessary for the presentation of the State's cause more than is essential to in some degree and to some extent review the arguments made by the very able and very eloquent counsel upon the part of the defense. Special Prosecutor. I am conscious at this time and by this time that I am a special prosecutor. It has been impressed upon my mind several times during the trial and several times during the arguments of counsel for the defense. I am not aware, how- ever, that the fact that I am a special prosecutor should add anything in the way of disparagement or discredit to my ap- pearance before you to say the last word that is to be said upon behalf of the State. -
The Trial of the Century Courtesy of the Idaho State Historical Society
Trial of the Century Photo of the First Ada County Courthouse , early 1900s (70-84.1), and location of the Trial of the Century courtesy of the Idaho State Historical Society. Sponsored By: Boise City, Offi ce of the Mayor Byron Johnson, Fourth Judicial District Bar Association Idaho Supreme Court Justice (retired) Ernest A. Hoidal, Attorney at Law Spontaneous Productions Inc. Paul and Susie Headlee 2007 Marks the 100th Anniversary of the “Trial of the Century” In 1907 the nationʼs attention turned to Idahoʼs capital city where newsmen anxiously followed the eraʼs most sensational trial. The leaders of the powerful Western Federation of Miners labor union, William “Big Bill” Haywood, George Pettibone, and Charles Moyer stood accused of hiring Harry Orchard to assassinate former Idaho Governor Frank Steunenberg outside his Caldwell home by detonating a bomb attached to his gate. Many colorful players and events set the stage for the trial. When Orchard implicated the union leaders, the State of Idaho acted swiftly having the union leaders taken into custody by the Pinkerton Detective Agency and “extraditing” them from Denver to Boise by way of a late-night train ride in what had the appearance of a kidnapping. Why was Governor Steunenberg assassinated? At the end of the 19th century America was divided by conflicts between capital and labor that many feared would lead to outright war between the classes. Wealthy business owners, bosses and their agents clashed, at times violently, with workers and the unions that represented them. Abuses abounded on both sides. The rich and powerful, and the poor and frustrated were on a collision course, with anarchy and Socialism among the possible outcomes.