STEREOTYPICAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDER IN KIPSIGIS SECULAR SONGS IN CHEPALUNGU SUB COUNTY, BOMET COUNTY, KENYA
KOSKEI C. JUDY
B.ED ARTS (MOI UNIVERSITY)
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL
FULFILMENT FOR THE REQUIREMENT OF THE DEGREE IN MASTERS
OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS, FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES,
KISII UNIVERSITY
NOVEMBER, 2018
i
DECLARATION AND RECOMMENDATION
DECLARATION BY THE CANDIDATE This thesis is my original work and has not been presented for examination in any other university or institution of higher learning
______Koskei C Judy Date REG NO: MAS 13/60081/15
RECOMMENDATION BY THE SUPERVISORS This thesis has been submitted for examination with our approval as university supervisors.
______Sign Date Dr. Margaret Barasa Department of Languages and Linguistics Kisii University
______Sign Date Dr. Beatrice Manyasi Department of Language Education Maasai Mara University
ii PLAGIARISM DECLARATION
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Name of Candidate……………………………KOSKEI C. JUDY ADM NO…………………….……………..MAS13/60081/15
Faculty…………………………………...FACULTY OF ARTS & SOCIAL SCIENCES Department……………….………..LANGUAGES & LINGUISTICS
Thesis title………………………………………………………………………..…………...... STEREOTYPICAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDER IN KIPSIGIS SECULAR SONGS IN CHEPALUNGU SUB COUNTY, BOMET COUNTY, ……………………………………………………………………………..……………
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All rights are reserved. No part of this thesis or information herein may be reproduced stored in retrieval or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the author or Kisii University.
@ 2018, KOSKEI C. JUDY
v DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to my parents Mrs Ednah Koskei and Mr. Cheruiyot and my husband Mr. Benard Langat for their continuous moral and financial support.
vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to appreciate the Almighty God who has constantly served as my source of inspiration and hope. I also acknowledge Kisii University for giving me an opportunity to undertake postgraduate studies there. I thank my supervisors Dr.
Margaret Barasa and Dr. Beatrice Manyasi for their intellectual input and expertise accorded to me during the time of writing this thesis. In addition, credit goes to Kisii
University library for providing me with adequate resources for literature review. I am also grateful to NACOSTI for granting me research permit and authorisation to conduct research in Chepalungu. I sincerely thank my husband Mr. Langat and children Angela Chepchirchir, Adrian Kipkoech and Ashley Chemutai for the support they gave me while undertaking my studies.
vii ABSTRACT
Feminism and masculinity in the society could be influenced by the way secular songs have been written. Despite efforts that have been made to address gender equality in the society, gender bias continues to persist in Chepalungu Sub County. The purpose of the study was to investigate stereotypical constructions of gender in Kipsigis secular songs in Chepalungu Sub County. The study objectives were: to examine whether the words in Kipsigis secular songs communicate information relating to gender, to establish stereotypical portrayals of females and males in Kipsigis secular songs, to confirm whether perception of gendering of Kipsigis secular songs is related to the sex of the listener and to determine how the stereotypical portrayals in Kipsigis secular songs towards gender construe gender identity. The study adopted both qualitative and quantitative research paradigms. The research was guided by feminist critical discourse analysis method within Norman Fairclough framework and social cultural theory of Discourse Analysis. The target population for the research involved men and women who participated in listening sequence and interviews. The target population for the research involved 56,236 residents and 154 secular songs communicating information on gender. Fifteen songs (9 by males and 6 by females) secular songs from Kipsigis language were purposively sampled for the study. A snowball sampling method was used to select twelve (12) male and twelve (12) female respondents to participate in the research. Listening sequence, documentary method and interviews were used to collect data in this study. Qualitative data from the field was analysed qualitatively using thematic content analysis for objective one, two and four. Quantitative data was analysed using one sample t-test for objective three. Data from women and men was presented together with extracts from songs as per the objectives of the study. The research established that secular songs have a significant influence on the way gender was constructed in Kipsigis culture. Research findings showed that songs by female composers mainly advocated for gender subversion and women empowerment while songs by male composers advocated for female insubordination. The study findings showed that secular Kipsigis songs portray women as inferior and male gender as superior. This influenced social construction of gender in the Kipsigis society. The study established that when a particular song is played repeatedly, everyone in the society tends to agree with the information being relayed by that particular song which in most cases contributed to gender identity. The study recommends that there is need for male and female artists to collaborate and compose songs that promote gender equality in the society, song writers need not only to sing for fame but for addressing issues in the society and there is need for song writers to write what they believe in. The findings of the study are beneficial to various stakeholders; women, songwriters linguists and future researchers. Songwriters would have a better understanding of the existing status of gender both in the contents of the lyrics and in the music industry. To linguists, the research provide the need for them to give attention to the influence of music lyrics towards gender construction in the society.
viii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Contents
DECLARATION AND RECOMMENDATION ...... ii PLAGIARISM DECLARATION...... iii DECLARATION OF NUMBER OF WORDS...... iv COPY RIGHT ...... v DEDICATION...... vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... vii ABSTRACT ...... viii TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... ix LIST OF TABLES ...... xi LIST OF FIGURES ...... xii LIST OF APPENDICES ...... xiii LIST OF ACRONYMS ...... xiv
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION...... 1 1.1 Background of the Study ...... 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem ...... 4 1.3 Purpose of the Study ...... 5 1.4 Research Objectives ...... 5 1.5 Research Questions ...... 5 1.5.1 Research Hypothesis ...... 6 1.6 Significance of the Study ...... 6 1.7 Scope of the Study ...... 7 1.8 Limitations of the Study...... 7 1.9 Assumptions of the Study ...... 7 1.10 Operational Definition of Terms ...... 8
CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 9 2.1 Introduction ...... 9 2.2 Secular Songs as Speech ...... 9 2.3 Gender Stereotypes ...... 11 2.4 Language and Gender Stereotypes ...... 15 2.5 Community Perception of Gender Portrayed in Music...... 29 2.6 Theoretical Framework ...... 41 2.7 Chapter Summary ...... 45
CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 46 3.1 Introduction ...... 46 3.2 Research Design...... 46 3.3 Study Area ...... 47 3.4 Study Population ...... 48 3.5 Sampling Procedure ...... 48 3.6 Data Collection Methods ...... 49
ix 3.6.1 Listening Sequence ...... 49 3.6.2 Interviews ...... 50 3.6.3 Documentary Evidence ...... 51 3.7 Data Collection Procedures ...... 51 3.8 Data Analysis ...... 52 3.9 Ethical Consideration ...... 53
CHAPTER FOUR DATA ANALYSIS, INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSIONS ...... 54 4.1 Introduction ...... 54 4.2 Extent to which words in Kipsigis Secular Songs Communicate Information relating to Gender ...... 56 4.3 Kipsigis Secular Songs Portrayal Females and Males in Chepalungu Sub County ...... 67 4.3.1 Portrayal of Women in Kipsigis Secular Songs ...... 68 4.3.2 Portrayal of Male in Kipsigis Secular Songs ...... 82 4.4 Whether Extent of Gendering is influenced by the Sex of the Listener ...... 90 4.5 Stereotypical Portrayals in Kipsigis Secular Songs and Construction of Gender Identity ...... 93 4.6 Summary of the Chapter ...... 96
CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 97 5.1 Introduction ...... 97 5.2 Summary of Findings of the Study ...... 97 5.2.1 Kipsigis Secular Songs Words Communication of Information Relating to Gender ...... 98 5.2.2 Stereotypical Portrayals of Female and Male in Kipsigis Secular Songs ..... 99 5.2.3 Perception of Gendering of Kipsigis Secular Songs and Sex of the Listener ...... 99 5.2.4 Stereotypical Portrayals of Kipsigis Secular Songs on Gender Identity ..... 100 5.3 Conclusion ...... 101 5.4 Recommendations ...... 102 5.6 Suggestions for Further Studies ...... 103
REFERENCES ...... 104 APPENDICES ...... 113
x LIST OF TABLES
Table 4.1 Respondents Age ...... 55 Table 4.2 Feminine and Masculine Terms Appearing in Selected Kipsigis ...... Secular Songs by Female Song writers ...... 64 Table 4.3 Feminine and Masculine Terms Appearing in Selected Kipsigis ...... Secular Songs by Male Song writers ...... 66 Table 4.4 Group Statistics ...... 91 Table 4.5 Independent Samples Test ...... 92
xi LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 4.1 Sex of Listeners who participated in the study ...... 55 Figure 4.2 Distribution of Singers/Composers by Sex ...... 56
xii LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix i: Interview Guide ...... 113 Appendix ii: Listening Sequence Scale ...... 114 Appendix iii: Songs Extracts ...... 115 Appendix iv: Chepalungu Sub County Map ...... 129 Appendix v: Research Authorization Letter ...... 130 Appendix vi: Research Permits ...... 133 Appendix vii: Publication ...... 134 Appendix viii:Plagiarism Report ...... 136
xiii LIST OF ACRONYMS
APA American Psychological Association
CDA Critical Discourse Analysis
EC Ethiopian Calendar
FCDA Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis
FGM Female Genital Mutilation
GAM General Aggression Model
HS Hostile Sexism
MASCFEM Masculinity – Femininity Scale
NACOSTI National Commission for Science, Technology and Innovation
xiv CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
This chapter presents the background of the study, statement of the problem, general objective of the study, specific objectives of the study, research questions, significance of the study, assumptions of the study, scope of the study, the limitations of the study and operational definitions of terms.
1.1 Background of the Study
Language is a social phenomenon that is used to convey information from one person to another (Van Herk, 2012; Gallee, 2016). When speaking, person(s) can communicate various aspects of life to others. Using language, Gallee (2016) indicated that one could articulate internal narratives that no one else understands.
Tannen (1998) indicates that ideas, private thoughts, relationships and social standings are conveyed through the words that one chooses. Despite growth in research studies on discourse analysis, subjection to linguistic analysis on secular songs has not been adequately done (Sunderland, 2006; Birjandi & Sabah, 2012).
Studies in language and gender have demonstrated that language is a critical vehicle in issues of gender and in power struggles (Sunderland 2004; Cameron 2005).
Further, gender and language research is now predominantly interested in identifying, demystifying and resisting the ways language is used to reflect, create and sustain gender inequalities in specific contexts (Talbot, 2010; Wambura, 2016). Since gender roles, behaviours and expectations are expressed through linguistic sites such as proverbs, idioms, and songs, such texts acts as sites where the relationship between
1 language, gender and culture can be explored and socio-cultural roles and gender expectations.
Gender may be constructed from society, family, culture, media among others
(Talbot, 2014). Songs play a part in how we perceive and construct gender
(Fairclough, 2015). To understand how different types of songs affect gender is very important because secular songs have become a major source of information in the contemporary society (Monk-Turner & Sylvertooth, 2008). Songs can measure a particular community‟s values, language and norms (Richards, 2012). While there is a considerable body of knowledge concerning the representation of women and men in secular songs, the Kipsigis secular songs, so far, have not been investigated as a source of data. This study therefore explores the discourses of femininity and masculinity as represented in Kipsigis secular songs.
This research looked at gender stereotypes portrayed in secular song lyrics.
Stereotypes are psychological features that people believe to be associated with the personal attributes of women and men in the society (Onomudo, 2005). The stereotypes on gender are plentiful in songs where one particular gender (mostly women) are depicted as lesser compared to males or they are marginalised and trivialised (Zhang, Miller & Harrison, 2008). Females in songs are not presented, as great characters and lyrical portrayal seem to have evolved over a period. Kistler and
Lee (2009) argued that the general trend is one of larger miscellany, dramatically varied information, more complexity concerning individual woman‟s personality and females‟ roles in the society. Wanjiru et al. (2015) observed that the matters of male dominance in Africa have been conversed over a long period through verbal mediums such as proverbs, songs and narratives.
2 Despite all efforts that have been done to promote gender equality across the world,
Cameron (2005) found out that gender bias is still a critical issue across the world.
Further, Stromquist (2007) observed that inadequate progress has been achieved in supporting and developing agenda beneficial to formation of positive identity of females in songs, particularly in developing countries across the world. Consequently, the way in which gender is portrayed through songs influenced perceptions and attitude relating to gender appropriate behaviours in the community (Zhang et al.,
2008).
There is a lack of African socio-linguistic work in relation to gender (Atanga, 2012).
Some of the gender and language researchers in the African continent have focused on proverbs (Muwati, & Mutasa, 2011; Atanga, 2012, Barasa & Opande, 2017) arguing that this is the main medium for the expression of gendered norms and practices. Findings from their research show that African proverbs are more positive when referring to men while women are represented negatively or in subordinate positions (Wambura, 2012). Barasa and Opande (2017) established that Abagusii and
Abaluyia proverbs required women to promote good morals, respect, good conduct, productivity and beauty contrary to gossiping and arguments that may affect societal ties. Other examples of research that have focused on gender and discourse in the
African context include Ellece (2011) on gendered marriage practices in Botswana and found out that the song advised women to act as fool in their marriages.
In some communities, some secular song lyrics may express female solidarity as it expresses female resentment of cultural norms and patriarchy that defines them
(Ntarangwi, 2001). Songs present and reveal gender relations, roles, norms and sanctions in the society (Lima, 2014). They may also affect gender power in the
3 society. According to Wanjiru and Kabiru (2015), power is not located in any fixed manner; it is circulated and contested by different groups. Feminists advocate that gender power in the society should be balanced (Glantz, 2013). According to Glantz, feminists feel that there is a way gender power is hyper-sexualised through musical lyrics suggesting that they believe that the influence of secular music on representation of women on their places of action appeared to be limiting than liberating. This implies that the context of gender in secular songs needed to be studied. Based on the observations made from the background information, this research investigated stereotypical construction of gender in Kipsigis is secular songs in Chepalungu Sub County, Bomet County, Kenya.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Every song that is produced contains a certain message that is advanced through its lyrics. This has made gender and language research to be of great interest in linguistic research with scholars focusing on inequality, power, ideology, discrimination and subordination in different contexts. Analysis of research studies reviewed shows that research studies have been conducted in different contexts on how secular songs influence gender identity in developed and developing countries. Further, most of the studies have focused on Western societies and cultures, particularly America. These studies not withstanding, the African sociolinguistic context of secular songs is still underexplored; there are even fewer studies in Kenya and little in relation to Kipsigis secular songs. There was uncertainty as to whether depiction of message delivered through secular songs could have contributed to gender identity in this area. Based on the foregoing, this study investigated stereotypical construction of gender in Kipsigis secular songs in Chepalungu Sub County, Bomet County, Kenya.
4 1.3 Purpose of the Study
The main aim of this study was to determine stereotypical construction of gender in
Kipsigis secular songs in Chepalungu Sub County, Bomet County, Kenya.
1.4 Research Objectives
The study was guided by the following objectives:-
i. To examine whether words in Kipsigis secular songs communicate
information relating to gender.
ii. To establish stereotypical portrayals of female and male in Kipsigis secular
songs in Chepalungu Sub County. iii. To evaluate whether perception of gendering of Kipsigis secular songs is
related to the sex of the listener. iv. To determine how the stereotypical portrayals in Kipsigis secular songs
towards gender construe gender identity.
1.5 Research Questions
The study sought to answer the following research questions;
i. To what extent do words in Kipsigis secular songs communicate information
relating to gender?
ii. How do Kipsigis secular songs portray females and males in Chepalungu Sub
County? iii. How significant is the relationship between gendering and the sex of the
listener?
5 iv. How do the stereotypical portrayals in Kipsigis secular songs towards gender
construe gender identity?
1.5.1 Research Hypothesis
The study tested the following hypothesis
H03: There is no significant difference between gendering and the sex of the listener
in Chepalungu Sub County, Bomet County, Kenya.
1.6 Significance of the Study
The study on discourse analysis of Kipsigis secular songs in relation to gender and power provide useful information to the following beneficiaries; women, songwriters linguists and future researchers. Since the study brings out the relationship between language, gender and power, the findings would contribute to the betterment of women‟s position in society by showing the need to change the practice of songwriters and indicating the necessity of critically assessing their songs and their implications on the society. To linguists, the research provides the need for them to give attention to the influence of music lyrics towards gender construction in the society.
Songwriters may benefit through a better understanding of the existing status of women both in the contents of the lyrics and in the music industry. The study highlights the need for reshaping the gender image in oral literature on the part of songwriters. The study findings form the groundwork for next generation researchers interested to probe more in relation to portrayals in songs and on their influence on behaviour and roles. The study could also be used as a springboard for further studies that will target popular culture and its effect on women.
6 1.7 Scope of the Study
This study sought to analyse stereotypical construction of gender in the society. The study was conducted through examining secular songs that are in Kipsigis dialect of the larger Kalenjin Community. The study analysed how secular songs portray male and female members in the society. The study further looked at whether perception of gendering in secular songs is related to the sex of the one listening. The researcher determined whether there existed any differences in portrayal of male and female genders through secular songs as perceived by selected listeners. The data was obtained from primary and secondary sources. The study was conducted in
Chepalungu Sub County of the larger Bomet County Kenya.
1.8 Limitations of the Study
Several limitations were experienced during the study period. At first, because of cultural and social disparities between English and Kipsigis, a significant issue was lost related to cultural concepts in an effort to bring out meaning. To address this challenge, the research instruments were given using English and Kipsigis languages and translation was made to give the true meaning of song lyrics as they appeared in
Kipsigis text.
1.9 Assumptions of the Study
The study was based on assumption that secular songs selected were adequate to provide information that led to answering of the research questions. This study also assumed that respondents cooperated in answering interview questions and provided reliable information for this study.
7 1.10 Operational Definition of Terms
Discourse is a unit in language that is above the sentence level (Sheleme, 2010).
This approach looks for constituents which have particular
relationships with each other and that can occur in a restricted number
of arrangements. The task of discourse analysis using this approach is
to analyse the functions of language, the way that language is used
(meaning as use), what we do with language when we use it. In other
words, discourse analysis views discourse as a social phenomenon
rather than a purely linguistic one.
Gender Stereotypes: refer to socially constructed beliefs about men and women
(Campbell, 2011). They are constructed in the songs and play
important roles in determining the perception of the society towards
men and women and the way women and men perceive themselves.
Gender: refers to a male or female person.
Interplay: is the way in which songs and gender power affects each other.
Power: refers to a situation where a person has the ability to control another in
the society.
Secular Songs: Are non-religious songs sung in the community.
8 CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
This chapter acquaints the reader with existing studies carried out in the area of inter- play between language, gender and power and the theoretical background underpinning the study.
2.2 Secular Songs as Speech
Secular songs are those that are written and sang by not being grounded on religious beliefs and inclinations (Yohannes, 2007). They can be geographical songs, patriotic songs, cultural ceremony songs, romantic and unromantic songs and songs focusing on certain themes (Greitmeyer, 2009). Secular songs appear in various ways in the life of human beings. In some instance, it is a component of funerals (burials) or weddings. It is an individual job like a songwriter, producer or even musician. In most instances, it is part of the daily life pattern of some individuals.
Onomudo (2005) observed that in Africa, music plays an encompassing function. In each event of life, (birth to death) music is abundantly composed in all ethnic groups in African continent. In several groups that assemble music utilised during such times, male form more than half of those who play the instruments, instructors and musicians (Onomudo, 2005). Sniper (1996) who remarks that further exemplifies this:
...Music, song, dance, and masks tell a story that relates to the daily lives and socio political realities of the community, substantiating the concept that art is not superfluous in Africa (25).
9 Moisala and Diamond (2001) argues that songs are a particular section of an expressive culture. Songs denote time, space and place in a different way compared to other cultural spheres. Hence, songs provide a special place for negotiation and performances of gender. This is because music allows and sometimes may require different gender functions than other features of customs. Songs are also a platform where there is opportunity of the issue of gender to be observed in new methods.
Doyle (1989) found out that men were portrayed as dominant, aggressive and engaged in thrilling performances from which they received awards.
Thangavelu and Rozin (1988) findings revealed that; most of men are aggressive and independent. Yohannes (2007) observed that secular songs combine both musical and language aspects. On his part, Sparling (2003) indicated that language (speech) is music and music is language by indicating that language is necessary for music to survive since they are directly proportional to each other. Speech is fundamental element of song and song is used for communication purposes in the society. The speech in music is reflected through lyrics.
Although individuals other than the singers themselves often compose them, lyrics are generally seen as the words of the artists who sing them. On a small scale, lyrics can provide insight into the singer‟s inner narrative in the same manner that conversational speech patterns convey the inner life of a speaker (Newman et al.,
2008). Whether a singer is “talking” to us (the audience), or a person we can only imagine, neither of whom is present, the singer‟s words are based on societal conventions and attributes of the person being addressed. Therefore, the observations that we have made about conversational speech patterns are likely to apply to the patterns of lyrics (Gallee, 2016).
10 Lyrics can also be compared to speech in that they are tailored to specific audiences in particular contexts. In a sense, genres of music provide messages for particular groups of people. Content analyses of song lyrics reveal the different ways in which songs put themes such as violence, class conflict, love, and sex into words (Pettijohn &
Sacco, 2009). Different styles of music talk about themes, such as love, relationships, and heartbreak in completely different ways. Thus, songs from different musical genres appeal to different kinds of people. Like speech, lyrics also reflect the time that they were written in (Keener, 2015). This study elaborated the connection between secular music and speech and its influence on gender power in the society.
2.3 Gender Stereotypes
Gender and sex are interchangeably used; however, there is a distinction between them. Sex is usually defined through physiological or biological characteristics of either being a male or female (Onomudo, 2005). Sheleme (2010) informed that gender stereotypes are social constructed philosophies, values concerning men and women.
Keener (2015) defined gender as a social category that facilitates analysis of different responsibilities, rights, opportunities and limitations of men and women in a family or community. The gender roles consist of feminine and masculine behaviour that members of a community are encouraged to act (father, mother, husband, and wife).
These beliefs are promoted through the media, customs, songs, proverbs and education.
The theory that can be pegged on this study is Eagly‟s social role theory. Social role theory is a social psychological theory that pertains to sex differences and similarities in social behaviour (Eagly & Wood, 2016). Its key principle is that differences and similarities arise primarily from the distribution of men and women into social roles
11 within their society. Through socialization and the formation of gender roles, the behaviour of men and women generally support and sustain the division of labour. In industrialised economies, for example, social roles are organized so that women are more likely than men to be homemakers and primary caretakers of children and to hold caretaking jobs in the paid economy. In contrast, men are more likely than women to be primary family providers and to assume full-time roles in the paid economy, often ones that involve physical strength, assertiveness, or leadership skills
(Keener, 2015).
Tannen, Hamilton and Schiffrin (2015) inform that early language and gender research focused on empirical differences between men and women speech through cross sex interaction by describing women speech in particular and identifying the role of language in maintaining and creating social equality between male and female.
Heilman and Wallen (2004) observed that gender stereotypes have been regarded to be delimiting, in conflict and negative with human rights. Eagly and Wood (2016) argued that stereotypes, or gender role beliefs, form as people observe male and female behaviour and infer that the sexes possess corresponding dispositions. For example, in industrialized societies, women are more likely to fill caretaking roles in employment and at home. People make the correspondent inference that women are communal, caring individuals.
Fishman (1983) was responsible for the dominance model a year after Cheshire‟s study. Fishman focused on tag questions, listening to 52 hours of pre-recorded conversations between young American couples. Fishman agreed with Lakoff (1975) finding about how women use tag questions more often (4 times more). However, the conclusion drawn was very different to Lakoff. Fishman (1997) argued that questions
12 are used by females to start conversation and to continue dialogue, which she calls
„conversational shit-work‟. Fishman accepted this was down to male dominance
(much like Tannen and her difference model the „Status Vs Support‟ difference in particular). Males are reluctant to do this „shit-work‟ due to their dominant role. This links to the „difference model‟ by Deborah Tannen.
Gender stereotypes have been seen as coming from cognitive systems of categorisation into female or male groupings based on availability or unavailability of specific personal traits and characteristics. These stereotypes are not illustrative of who men and women are, they are likely to be dogmatic showing socially accepted features on how men and women would need to be (Perez – Quitana & Hormiga,
2015). Gupta and Bhawe (2007) described the categories as being organised on a chance of occurrence of prominent characteristics and traits. For instance, in language production, females have been depicted to use high and wide frequency ranges and more regular tone deviation compared to men.
Those who are listening utilise these auditory features of voice when making gendered ascription to those speaking. Voiced intonation and techniques are perceived to be illustrative of femininity or masculinity and sexual orientation (Wambura,
2016). Gendered constructions in socio-cultural contexts support masculine superiority and feminine subordination. For instance, whereas men are depicted as active outside the home environment and owning properties of great value, women are portrayed as active indoors, concentrating on beauty and adornment and owning properties of less value (Wambura, 2016).
Males whose discourse consistently uses the above mentioned modulator patterns and modal frequencies are considered to inhibit towards female polarity of gendered
13 deeds. Paul and Huron (2010) argues that male voices that are higher are considered less persuasive, less truthful and more submissive but lesser tones signify aggression, dominance, confidence and authority. Stereotyped phrases related with feminists consist of nurturing, expressive, sensitive feelings of others, emotional and submissive. Those associated with masculinity are always agentic, competitive, dominant and aggressive. Schmader and Block (2015) indicate that respective adjectives have been summarised briefly as feminine expressiveness while male agency or instrumentality against unity.
The basis for gendering of phenomena has been through gender stereotypes which takes an adjective function. Gender stereotypes and gender are forced by communal forces starting before a child is born and consequently by means of distinguished forms of communication, clothes, toys and physical contact (Unger & Crawford,
1996). Parents‟ attitudes and perceptions turn up to enter individual child preference, perceptions and attitudes related to gendering power. According to the results, choices for girls were clarinet, flute and violin but for boys they were trumpet, trombone and drums. The choices reflected stereotypical of female as submissive and expressive while boys as being dominant and robust.
Talbot (2010) states that gender and language research is now predominantly interested in identifying, demystifying and resisting the ways language is used to reflect, create and sustain gender inequalities in specific contexts (Wambura, 2016).
Studies in language and gender have demonstrated that language is a critical vehicle in issues of gender and in power struggles (Sunderland 2004; Cameron 2005). Gender roles, behaviours and expectations are expressed through linguistic forms like proverbs, idioms, and songs. This is where relationship between language, gender and
14 culture can be explored and socio-cultural roles and gender expectations a focus of this study.
2.4 Language and Gender Stereotypes
Language is the place where actual and possible forms of social relations and organization and their likely effects can be defined and challenged. Language is also the place where our sense of identity or ourselves is constructed (Norton, 2016).
Language is contextual and not fixed, thus showing the fluidity of social reality. The interrelationship of language and gender can be approached from several perspectives.
Sociolinguistic analyses inform us about women‟s and men‟s styles of speaking, including differences in pronunciation, use of prosodic cues (intonation, velocity, and volume), grammatical forms, and choices of vocabulary.
Speech performance can also be examined in order to discover gender differences in conversational interaction such as modes of topic introduction, topic control, and supportive or non-supportive mechanisms used by speakers and listeners (Bonvillain,
2015). Linguistic and semantic analyses inform us about categories in a language itself and the ways that cultural attitudes toward people are both expressed and reinforced in grammar and vocabulary. It is probably a universal fact that in all cultures there are differences on how men and women communicate because in all cultures the genders are socially distinguished.
In English, and in many other languages, speech styles of women and men vary in the frequencies with which they employ particular sounds, grammatical features, or words. No patterns are exclusive to either gender; rather, different styles are culturally associated with each. These associations have become stereotypes in many cases so
15 that members of the culture believe that certain communicative behaviour is typical of women and other behaviour typical of men. Stereotypes are sometimes based on people‟s actual behaviour, but stereotypes also serve to reinforce conformity with prescribed norms. In addition, reactions to people‟s behaviour based on stereotyped assumptions can be complex because overt approval or criticism may actually carry conflicting messages (Bonvillain, 2015).
Whorf (1956) indicates that the beginning point of all studies relating to language and social representation is Saussure‟s idea that the language system segments the reality into conceptual chunks, thereby imposing categories by which people perceive and understand the world. In this view, two different languages are regarded to structure reality in different ways. These segments have been taken a step forward by Whorf through his studies of Amerindian languages, which demonstrate how worldviews emerge as the aggregation of conceptualizations tied to specific linguistic forms.
Whorf can summarize the basic principles of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis in the following quotation (1956, p. 214):
… No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. The person most nearly free in such respects would be a linguist familiar with very many widely different linguistic systems. Yet no linguist is in any such position. We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar, or can in some way be calibrated.
Although Whorf provides many lexical and grammatical examples of how language may influence cognition, he does not present convincing evidence for his hypothesis.
These are profound ideas that are not easily amendable to the experimental test. The status of the Whorfian hypothesis depends on how everyone takes it to mean.
16 Language and gender had been linked in scholarly work well before the second wave of the women‟s movement that began in the late 1960s and early 1970s (Sunderland,
2006). This was inspired by feminism during those years. This section looks at the role of language portrayed in secular songs and its influence on gender.
According to Glick and Fiske (2001), it is indicated that the topic of sexism can be divided into three: hostile, benevolent and ambivalent sexism. At first, hostile sexism, consist of dominative paternalism (superiority) which position that males should have more power compared to females. Hostile sexism consists of antagonistic views towards and about women. With hostile sexism, one can see males‟ wilding their power over females within the context of sexual relations. That utilisation of control and authority could lead to male considering females as objects and would at times use cruelty against females who displeases them.
Secondly, Glick and Fiske (2001) say that benevolent sexism includes defensive paternalism in which it is contemplated that males rely on females to a certain degree for child bearing and affection thereby having the responsibility of shielding and providing for females. Despite the act of defending and providing for females, it is sexist since it depicts females as requiring protection suggesting that women cannot take care of themselves. Hostile and benevolent sexism could lead to females accepting male dominance but not challenging it. Females who contest male power could be punished with hostile sexism while females who conform to conservative functions are compensated with benevolent sexism.
Glick and Fiske (2011) also observed that opposition to hostile, benevolent sexisms generate positive and negative section to sexism, and the two can exist together. Cross gender affairs are noted, the opposition of hostility and benevolence creates a positive
17 and negative side to sexism, and the two can co-exist. Cross-gender relations are featured by power diversity, intimate and inter-dependence making hostile and benevolent philosophies concerning each gender. Countrywide indicators of gender equality were negatively associated with moderate proportion of hostile and benevolent sexism principles that people hold of a certain country. When there is greater prescience of hostile and benevolent sexism, the magnitude of gender inequality is high.
The philosophies that are ambivalent, benevolent and hostile strengthen conservative gender functions at universal degree and humans take up these viewpoints to various levels at individual level, which shapes their attitude of both genders. Socialisation is influenced by diverse gender philosophies producing societal demands that direct males to take on various behaviours and functions compared to females. With all these societal demands, hostile and benevolent sexisms occur concurrently with community beliefs and practices as twin reasons of gender chain of command and work to legitimise and strengthen female inferiority (Ellece, 2011).
Several research studies have been done in relation to use of sexist language in songs and how the language used affects those listening. Rogers (2013) suggested that song lyrics content is similar to the response that the song gets since lyrics may directly or indirectly impact on the response. Cobb and Boettcher (2007) indicate that lyrics influence potential becomes somewhat a concern when stereotype activation and priming are considered. Stereotype priming is when a stimulus triggers information concerning a category of group to be activated in one‟s memory.
Distribution commencement add up the impression that small pieces of information in memory are interrelated and depending on how directly associated, a small piece of
18 information is to another, the activation of one memory could cause linked memories to activate also (Rogers, 2013). Cobb and Boettcher (2007) suggested that song lyrics are required not to be sexist so that exposure to songs to activate sexism if the type of music is highly associated to sexism in the memory. Males are more vulnerable when it comes to priming influence of sexist music compared to female. Females are more motivated than males to cautiously reason about the content of the lyrics and how it portrays them (women). Nevertheless, it has been found out that both men and women can be affected by sexist lyrics (Greitemeyer, 2009).
Wood (2005) said that media shows gender in traditional and non-traditional ways.
Lyrics could work as communal symbols providing the person listening with a portrayal of the world they are living in and assist in the formation of their social identity. Aparicio (1994) pointed out that; music is a significant aspect of human life since it has several usages. He says that music affects person‟s seminal years and has influence on their sexual advancement. Hays, Bright and Minichiello (2002) observed that music could be educational, emotional, spiritual, social, therapeutic or recreational. As ones listening, clients cannot assist to choose life teachings on gender stereotypes, gender relationships and gender representations.
Research studies as looked at the influence of music on its listeners. Atanga (2012) established that songs provided a way of self-expression and that language used
(vocabulary) and images used resulted to gender stereotypes. Martino et al. (2006) and Primack et al. (2009) looked at the influence of sexual information in songs by analysing various genres and established positive relationship between degradation of sexual information and early sexual experiences by its listeners.
19 Chamorro-Premuzi and Furnham (2007) and Saarikallio and Erkkila (2007) found out that people were using music psychologically in emotional and rational means in regulating their moods and enhancement of learning. Elsewhere, Grewe, Nagel,
Kopiez and Altenmuller (2007) found out that song-affected people physically.
Moreover, Campbell (2011) found out that young people use music to acquire skills, interact with others and create their identity. Wood (2005) established that listeners tend to approve that music did not influence them, music affected their identity, relationships and upbringing.
In Sweden, Valsinger (2008) compared the women were portrayed in American hip- hop and Swedish music depicted women image in their cultures. Valsinger collected data through interviews and questionnaires that were given to male and female
Swedish hip-hop singers during that time. Results showed that lyrics used in hip-hop
(similar to rap music) focused on female bodies portraying female as sexual objects.
Nevertheless, the portrayal was not representative of all hip-hop music that differed between artists. In addition, findings showed that US hip-hop music was more sexual discriminating compared to Swedish music. The male singers were found to create the picture of them being powerful and tough by super-ordinating themselves compared to women.
Majority of literature studies concerning sexism in songs looks at secular, and rap songs. Wester et al. (1997) said that singers who are people of a certain colour dominate these music types. Therefore, examining the music genres more than others happens to giving more concentration on the sexism of the black African singers while avoiding other genres that are subjugated by singers who are white. A research study by Richards (2012) investigated how US current female artists used their songs
20 lyrics in drawing attention to dominant and hegemonic functions in culture. Stuart
Hall encoding and decoding theory together with feminist communication theory guided the research. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is used to analyse two hit songs from Miranda Lambert “Gunpowder and Lead” and Carrie Underwood “Before
He Cheats‟”. Richards found out that despite the two musicians using lyrical discourse in challenging dominant feminine gender roles, they were concurrently strengthening dominant and negative masculine gender roles.
Music can influence an individual General Aggression Model (GAM), Greitemeyer
(2009) established. GAM is an individual inside state influenced by media thereby generating relation to acts of violence, arousal and violent thoughts. In Greitmeyer research, men were exposed to chauvinist rap songs against songs that consisted less reference to sexuality. The study established that male who were exposed to sexist songs were likely to behave in sexually aggressive manner to women compared to those who were exposed to music that had few sexual references.
Campbell (2011) examined how violent behaviour was appearing in rap music genre.
The study also sought to investigate if the violence in rap music was specific to gender. Campbell utilised the Billboard top 10 singles from the year 1997 – 2007 by analysing 100 songs through content analysis. Results showed that male hostility against other males was the most common premise in the songs sampled. Moreover, the study found out that misogynistic phrases were present through the majority of samples.
In Cape Verde, Lima (2014) analysed two Cape Verdean traditional music genres
(Morna and Koladera. According to Lima, the representation of gender roles differed greatly for while men were represented with very positive ways, as “lords” of the
21 house, as those who work to provide food for the family, and in the public setting discussing political and social concerns, and somehow in a homogeneous way, women were represented in a variety of ways. Depending on the genre women can be portrayed as lovely mothers and beloved lovers “Kretxeu” (as long as she is obedient to her father and/or husband), as gossipers, poisonous, prostitutes, gold diggers, always looking to “trouble” and tempting men with their body, and always with reference to their sexuality and sensuality to please men. Some secular songs also promote feminine ideologies they are trying to address. For instance, the lyrics of the song “Before He cheats” by Carrie Underwood (Richards, 2012). As it can be observed how Carrie Underwood personality confronted the belief of what it meant to be „southern lady‟, depiction of „other females‟ in the song is stereotypical. The singer describes this kind of woman as “bleach – blonde tramp” that invokes a vibrant mental image of what the woman may appear like and a few negative stereotypes that are feminine.
The singer (Underwood) is suggesting that a female whose male friend may be cheating with is a fake blonde-haired person, cheap and immoral. This can be problematic because her lyrical discourse projected that all blonde-haired females were tramps. Secondly, the singer was assuming that this other female was actually aware that she was having a relationship with another person‟s man. Kear and
Tompkins (2005) indicated that artists strengthen the gendered philosophy that females are reasonable, more elegant sex by singing that the other female is possibly consuming “some fruity little drink” and needs a male to show her how to play pool table game. The above-mentioned examples can adulterate the usefulness of the music capacity to dispute hegemonic thinking. Despite most of previous discourse analysis
22 text showing female singing country music confronting hegemonic thinking, they are concurrently buttressing masculine hegemony through the same discourse.
In the media, women are portrayed as significantly passive, dependent on men.
Dibben (2000) observed that community creation of feminists that thrives in popular songs generate a picture of female seen as being innocent, naive yet sexually available and obedient. This is similar to the kind of music that is played in radios where females are depicted as being unable to function on their own without the help of a male person and as sexual objects.
Leonardi and Elizabeth (2007) spoke (through music) at how patriarchy is commonly established in majority of popular music. They also argued on how gender is presented in the song where they say that women are made and described through negative methods to shallow, disempowered, passive and unengaged. Majority of western countries seem women as more caring compared to men (Amy, 2003). Hence, societal perceptions of female gender roles stipulate that female should look after their family by working full time in the home (homemakers) than being employed away from home. Males on the other hand are traditionally seen through gender functions to hold leadership. The communal perceptions of male roles indicate that men should be heads of their homes through provision of family financial needs and decision-making roles. Feminist view sees that gender functions are not only initiatives relating to acceptable behaviours for men and women but are also related to different level of positions that men and women hold in the community like maintenance of economic control over themselves and their families is one method that men experiences greater power in the society compared to women.
23 In United States, Neff (2014) analysed 10 secular songs from six genres (country, rock, hip-hop, dance and alternative) by focusing on five themes relating to sexism in the year 2013. It was found out that five themes used in those songs showed females in traditional gender roles as being inferior to male, objects, stereotypes and violence towards females. Neff also categorised each type of sexism as being: hostile, benevolent and ambivalent. This shows that above categories of songs portray women as inferior. This research determined whether Kipsigis secular songs portrayed women in that angle.
Watts (2015) study analyses the performance of classic blues songs by the American singer, songwriter, and actress Ruth Brown; she sang about topics that were often neglected in the discourse of that period - sexual freedom, domestic abuse, and the right to travel and move independently. Changes in Ruth Brown performances were also analysed with appearance of subsequent performances by various artistes like
Charlie Daniels, Bonnie Raitt, and Susan Tedeschi. Analyzing the varied embodiment and content of feminist blues songs leads to a better understanding of the blues‟ contribution to the feminist experience of women in the Unites States.
Glantz (2013) investigated the legitimacy of two foremost extremist feminism hypothetical viewpoints concerning suitability of trendy hyper-sexualised demonstration of female. The research utilised a questionnaire to collect data and analysed the data using content analysis. Results showed different perspectives among female concerning the type of admired music in the media despite majority of them showing perceptions that were uniform with extreme culturist perspective emphasising the unfair type of popular media towards women.
24 Abrahamsson (2011) analysed images of female in pop lyrics. The finding was an intense knowledge concerning the pictures that Lady Gaga conveyed of female in her lyrics. The singer expressed her search for power and freedom (personally and sexually). The singer‟s girls were equipped with femininity; they broke with gender roles. The girls sought to use power by being active and not passive. They were repeatedly sexual focus than objects. Regardless of all this, the girls also exhibited emotions of self-esteem and admitted to a certain degree depending on male while repossessing of power above their personal lives was the goal. They found power in women friendship and they were unfamiliar with autoeroticism.
Rogers (2013) aimed at displaying that sexism existed in all aspects of community through exposure of its reality in country music (unexpected area). Rogers utilised a model that was stemmed from socio-logical aspects of gender, music lyrics and culture. The study examined major country songs in Billboard 100 chart. It was found out that most sexist themes were available in such lyrics that depicted women in traditional gender roles. The themes also described relationship with female as being unrealistic and attributed female worth based on their physical appearance.
In Nigeria, Ifeoma and Obinna (2015) sought to determine what the increasingly hyper-sexualised portrayals of women in popular music portend to the young Nigerian women through a critical analysis of Flavour‟s musical lyrics. The research used survey and focus group discussion as methodological procedures. The result of the study showed the disparity and ambivalence in women‟s perceptions of gender representations in popular culture. Their perceptions were diametrically polarized along the divides of healthy sexualized self-expression resulting in empowerment and co-optation to perform resulting in exploitation and debasement.
25 Ogochukwu (2016) investigated how university undergraduates perceived the portrayal of women in music videos. A structured questionnaire was designed for collecting data from 400 respondents selected as the study sample. It was discovered that the portrayal of women in skimpy clothes and erotic dance moves in some
Nigerian musical videos evokes in the minds of university undergraduates highly sexualised images of women.
Kudzai and Bhatasara (2015) conducted an analysis of popular music in Zimbabwe, showing how hegemonic masculinities and misogyny were celebrated and venerated.
The study used discourse and content analysis on popular songs released in the last five years (2009-2014) to highlight how music was a medium for normalising and transmitting masculinities and femininities from one generation to another. The study highlighted how popular music recreated and reinforced the perceived inferiority of women and how messages portrayed in songs mirrored the dominant and hegemonic ideas about social life and sexuality. The study concluded that young males and females listening to such music grew up believing that these sexual stereotypes were true. They concluded that, popular culture mirrored real life and as such, the masculine nature of music is one way in which sexual domination of women is celebrated and reinforced.
In Ethiopia, Yohannes (2007) examined 653 Amharic songs content that were produced in 1977 (using Ethiopian calendar) so that to explore female depiction and present gender factors in song‟s lyrics. The music was analysed through a coding sheet that had 19 personality behaviours, 16 physical characteristics and 3 features on division of labour (associated with women). The result showed that majority of personality traits presented women as dependent from 84 songs (12.9%). Moreover,
26 women were portrayed through positive and negative undertones as they were considered to be: dependent, incompetent, untrustworthy, irrational, haughty, careless, cruel, quitters, fulfilling, assertive and independent. With regard to division of labour, female were shown to be engaged in family affairs than working in productive labour.
In Kenya, Ndungo (2006) investigated the picture of female as illustrated through
Gikuyu community oral literature. The study was conducted in Central region of
Kenya, the native place of Gikuyu community. Gikuyu proverbs portrayed women as inferior to men through intellectual capacity and physical appearance. The positive picture of women appeared to be that of a mother. Women were portrayed positively as mothers but in contrast, they were depicted as stubborn, unreliable and dangerous.
Ndugo (2006) analysis showed that proverbs showed women as people who cannot keep secrets.
Further, Wanjiru et al. (2015) observed that Queen Jane (late) song Arume ni Nyamu
(males are like animals) showed gender subversion indicating men as irresponsible, immoral and liars different to what males are depicted in most Gikuyu narratives and proverbs (Wanjiru et al, 2015). Nevertheless, a song Arume ni nyamu (males are like animals) by Queen Jane objected the proverbs when she called males “animals” and that males could not be trusted in relationship hence a female in the music has nothing to need from men. Queen Jane further sings that a male would cheat a female today and cheat another one the next day; that implies that males are not ashamed of their cheating behaviours. The singer indicates that one man can inform one woman that he has travelled to Coast while he goes to visit another woman to arrange on how they can settle together. Queen Jane concluded that males cannot be trusted that is against the man‟s ideals in the society.
27 In another research, Wambura (2016) focused on Kuria Female Genital Mutilation
(FGM) songs to investigate how gendered discourses are articulated and social actors represented. The songs were collected during the 2014/2015 female circumcision ceremonies in Kuria, Kenya. Findings revealed that male dominance and female subordination is the norm; the linguistic choices made disseminate stereotypical gender ideologies while maintaining the status quo. Kitheka (2016) study was to clarify how selected Kamba singers used hyperboles in their songs to address certain issues in the society. 20 hyperboles from eight secular songs sung by Ken wa Maria were analysed. Results showed that there was varied interpretation of hyperboles used in Kamba secular song depending on listeners‟ age and literacy level. The hyperboles were used for bringing out emphasis, humour and sometimes persuasion.
Namubuya (2016) sought to find out how these lexical items portray men and women.
The selected songs mainly used figurative language in communicating their message.
The study found that singers in selected Bukusu circumcision songs use euphemistic and appealing lexical items when referring to men and denigrating and sharp edged descriptions when referring to women. The findings show that the lexical items used in selected songs are a transfer of meaning which acquire activation through encyclopaedic entries, contextual implications and pragmatic expectations or principles. Some of the aspects analyzed include metaphors, symbolism and irony. It was established that the figurative language used in selected Bukusu circumcision songs reveal the intention of singers. Animals held in high esteem are used to portray men‟s attributes while those despised are used to portray women‟s attributes.
Barasa and Opande (2017) investigated attributions attached to women through Gusii and Bukusu proverbs. The study used a social cultural approach to discourse analysis.
28 Research data was collected from thirty-three Gusii and Bukusu proverbs related to the portrayal of women. Ethnography method was utilised to select the proverbs. The study findings established that both cultural proverbs promoted societal values of fidelity, productivity, respect, nurturance, good conduct and beauty in the society by women. Women depicted in the proverbs promoted social growth in the society. The study did not look at how Gusii and Bukusu proverbs promoted gender stereotypes among the male hence this study determined how Kipsigis cultural songs promote gender power between male and female
2.5 Community Perception of Gender Portrayed in Music
Sergeant and Himonides (2016) argued that music communicated gendered meaning.
The study found out that gendered information is not represented in structures, gestures and narratives in musical compositions. No codes were embedded in music by composers that could operate as hidden signifiers of gender. They argued that gendering is not innate in musical structures but is contributed to the perpetual event by the listener.
Power interfaces with both gender and discourse. On the micro-level, power was of concern to „(male) dominance‟ analysts of mixed-sex talk such as Pamela Fishman
(1983); on the macro-level, it is key to critical understandings of discourse. The developmental notion of empowerment is important at both institutional and small- scale interactional levels. Specific conceptualisation of gender power may vary with theoretical approach. For critical discourse analysis (CDA), with its obvious applications to feminist linguistics (Wodak & Meyer, 2009) power is crucially institutional (though other forms may be acknowledged), and material structures are important as well as discourse ones.
29 People in power generally assert their authority and status in society by using powerful language terms when they speak. Historically, men‟s speech has been the norm that women‟s speech is compared to, whereby female specific speech patterns are generally categorized as relatively deficient (Coates, 2004). This can be seen in a variety of gender linked speech patterns. Women‟s speech is categorized as weak or hesitant when compared to male speech based on the kinds of politeness terms women typically use in conversation (Tannen, 1991). In addition, in order to engage their interlocutors, women often make statements of uncertainty that await confirmation.
Women feel pressure to engage in “troubles talk,” also known as “reciprocal self- disclosure” (Tannen, 1993; Coates, 2004). This is another tactic of accommodating to the other‟s speaker‟s needs. When a friend shares a problem, women feel pressured to share similar experiences to foster a sense of rapport (Tannen, 1993; Myklebust,
2014). Societal values pressure men to assert their dominance and independence to the point where speaking about problems can be seen as a violation of the male speech code (Tannen, 1993). In contrast, any male conversation can turn into a “war of words”: name-calling, teasing, commands and gaining an advantage over are common features of all-male speech (Tannen, 1998).
Furthermore, while women speak about their problems to elicit or demonstrate empathy, and thereby forge connections, they do not use this speech tactic to necessarily garner advice (Tannen, 1993). Men, on the other hand, expect that if a problem is important enough to be brought up, that the person with the problem wants some form of advice from them. This falls in line with the performative nature of male “report talk”. For example, in a conversation between couples, when a woman brings up minimal daily woes to spark conversation, her partner might respond with a
30 long monologue of possible solutions (Tannen, 1993). This example demonstrates a gender-specific difference in conversational ritual (Tannen, 1993).
Men use particular linguistic variants and speech tactics to drive conversation either to establish hierarchy or to make connections similar to women‟s trouble talk
(Myklebust, 2014). For example, a stereotypical way a man can assert his power in a male group is by provoking the people he is talking to or calling them names. One type of provocation that many men employ is one-upping, where interlocutors find ways to outdo what a previous one said. Beyond fostering competition, one – upping can also serve to foster rapport and discourse among peers.
On the other hand, women stereotypically package their successes and achievements into conventionalized codes to be perceived simultaneously as successful and humble by their peers (Tannen, 1993). Both of these strategies are effective and powerful, however, the differences in how men and women negotiate social hierarchy and relationships through speech lead people to believe that male speech is more powerful than that of women. This is because male speech patterns are more overt about their purpose. For instance, it is more acceptable for men to outwardly bash or interrupt their interlocutors, whereas women cover up such intentions with rhetorical questions and other similar conventionalized codes.
Fishman (1983) examined naturally occurring conversations tape-recorded by three heterosexual couples in their homes, and found that the women performed more of the conversational “support work” required to sustain conversational interaction: they produced more listening cues; asked more questions; used you know and attention- getting beginnings (“This is interesting”) more frequently to encourage a response; and actively pursued topics raised by the men. In contrast, men were more likely not
31 respond to turns and topics initiated by the women, and to make more declarative statements (Fishman, 1997).
Songs play a significant role in the society (Rodgers, 2013). It has the ability of influencing individual views as it creates different information and messages. Most popular music is composed based on specific beliefs, philosophies and dogma that the songwriters share with a large audience. Music lyrics can also propagate war when they are written in conservative social and political beliefs. Furthermore, songs could be convincing since they can broaden opinions that may not operate in any other design (Stewart, Smith & Denton, 2007). A nation may take music to communicate its values to influence its people. During political unrest, music may also be involved in communicating social and state issues, as it is the tradition of it.
In the United States of America, September 11th 2001 attack on World Trade Centre increased the level of patriotism that resulted to US invading Iraq. Country songs gave significant messages that directly and indirectly gave review on the issue that the country was facing. Country music took an active role in developing information to protect certain points of views since it based itself with the ruling party (republican) that presented political discussions. Consequently, pro-war discussions lasted because they came from country songs and it is has been seen that songs can influence otherwise intolerable information. This could prolong country song principles.
In the United States, Ditapoetri and Winiharti (2014) research was about sexist language in Eminem and Beyonce‟s songs. They sought to reveal the use of sexist language in the chosen songs, to describe the deliberate use of sexist language as gender bias, and to show the relation of feminism to sexist language. They used library research to collect the information and theories related to sexist language. The
32 lyrics were collected by using internet. The result of the analysis is that the sexist language does exist in the lyrics and it is used as gender bias and is proved to be related to feminism. The studies concluded that both Eminem and Beyonce are using sexist language in their songs. This study looked at whether Kipsigis secular songs communicated sexist language.
Conrad, Dixon and Zhang (2009) analysed rap songs video that were aired on various television networks. The researchers explored the frequency to which divisive subjects were available, skin torn distortion and gender differences. They established that rap songs had put more prominence the ideas of misogyny and materialism. In addition, male and female in the video were different in presentation of various themes. Particularly, women dancers/singers appeared more as sexual objects. Males and females were different in their physical appears with most afro American women emerging to have euro-centric characteristics. The focus of this study was in video while this study interest was in song lyrics by the Kipsigis secular musicians.
In Sweden, Gronevik (2013) investigated song lyrics within rap and pop music from a cultural and a gender perspective, focusing on the depiction of women. Twenty songs from each genre are conveyed in this study. Findings showed that that rap lyrics contained multiple nouns referring to the concept of woman that depict women in a negative way. Pop lyrics did not contain these words and thus had a more positive way of depicting women. Nouns that occur in both genres tended to be of positive value whereas nouns that were only represented in the rap genre tended to be of negative value, something that indicated these nouns to be bearers of cultural values.
The study determine how Kipsigis secular songs depicted women.
33 Khan, Sultana, Naz (2015) analysed how language reflects, preserves, propagates and perpetuates gendered culture in Pakistani Pakhtu proverbs. The research was based on qualitative analysis of three thousand collated folk proverbs from archived (and/or) published collections and their authors‟ interpretations. The study found out that the proverbs adhered to the tenets of Pakhtunwali and reinforced patriarchal social structure. The gendered linguistic expressions also serve as a means to preserve the age-old gender inequalities, which in turn are manipulated and exploited to erect social structure marked by gender imbalance. The language of proverbs advocated masculinity and male domination in decision-making process, division of labour, domestic and public sphere. Whereas this research was conducted in Pakistan, the gap created in this research is that information communication through proverbs might be different from secular songs lyrics.
Mwanza (2013) examined sexism themes in the Literature Text in “Song of Lawino and Song of Ocol”as perceived by the secondary school pupils towards the use of gender roles. The research adopted the descriptive survey design. The target population for the research consisted of six high schools in Kalomo District that had a population of 2260 pupils. The study established that the literature text in Song of
Lawino and Song of Ocol have sexism themes. The researcher also revealed that the themes in the texts were in agreement with sexism and gender bias existing in society.
The researcher came to an agreement with the responses from participants that the themes and texts in the song , Song of Lawino and Song of Ocol was sexist and had gender role bias which exists in society. The study revealed that the sexism themes in the songs do not influence pupils‟ perception of gender roles because society has already outlined the expected behaviour of boys and girls. The study by Mwanza foused on pupils while this focused on older members of the Kipsigis community.
34 Okot - Benge (2007) offers a more detailed and balanced analysis when he observes that the investigation of oral literature forms is “bound to reveal their dominant gender perceptions. In his view, oral literary forms (in his case songs) not only portray the dominant gender ideologies and relations in society but also are also equally involved in their reproduction and/or contestation. In the last thirty years, research studies (Coates, 2004; Click & Kramer, 2007) have been undertaking to examine gender representation and roles in secular music. For instance, Click and Kramer
(2005) found common gender difference between men and women in secular music included; male dominance versus under-representation of female, women being painted for their beauty and physical looks while males being pictured based on their masculine capacity and females being depicted as never growing over years while male mature and gained responsibility over some time. this study focused on whether there was underrepresentation of members of a particular gender in secular music.
Aubrey and Frisby (2011) found out that woman bodies (physical appearance) were being presented in sexual manner in majority of secular music. While analysing hip- hop, country and rock songs, Moncrieft (2004) observed that all genres of songs portrayed women as decorative, sexual objects and more attractive compared to male.
In those songs, women exposed themselves on; midriff, upper thigh and cleavages compared to men. Monk-Turner and Sylvertooth (2008) recommended a relationship between teenage views about female as sexual objects and their experience to mass media portrayal of sexually explicit content and women as sexual objects. This makes it easy to connect media viewing with the development of gender philosophies and stereotypes that after some time become hegemonic perspectives of how men and female need to be represented.
35 Moncrief (2004) in a study on hip hop music videos established that different genres of music used different strategies to covey stereotypical gender roles messages.
McClane-Bunn (2010) and Witte (2008) indicated that depiction of customary gender roles was common in country music. Wilson (2001) also argued that country type of music was a place where women singers could openly criticise customs that made gender roles not to be equal but males being dominant. Witte (2008) said that one of the reasons for popularity of gender roles (feminine) ones by secular artists is due to them leaning towards conservative values than other singers in other genres.
According to Witte (2008), family values, gentility, traditional gender roles and patriotism were the traditional norms that dominated country music genus. The conventional rules hold female in situations of subordination in country music community and restrain available themes issues that women country songs artists could discuss.
Mc-Clane Bunn (2010) argues that females in modern secular music films are depicted as sexual objects with the main role of giving pleasure to male viewers. This is achieved through various methods like focusing on their body parts, women being scantily dressed and female serving a gratuitous presence. Mc-Clane Bunn observed that despite efforts for inclusion of women singers to country music industry, secular music has descended to the target of sexual desire in which advertisement dropped a while back: creating female commercial sex objects in order to sell more products and make huge profits.
Concerning promotion of ideal feminine traits (Bordo, 1993) states that femininity rules are culturally transmitted through standardised visual pictures. In relation to this, it can also be included that ideal female strereotypes which are not transmitted only
36 through visual images. Music and songs also play important roles in the way they serve in transmitting messages, expectations and stereotypes to the larger population.
Femininity and masculinity are social constructions. The process in which females are gendered and turn out to be individual type of women is femininity (Jackson & Scott,
2002).
Men and women identities are expressed in language, thus constructing images as well as re-enforcing the existing ideals. They are not innate characteristics of individuals, but arise from social action and interaction. The statement that women are made rather than born applies to this assertion. Women, therefore, internalise and display the expected characteristics. Similarly, masculinity is also a social construction, which establishes certain characters to be exhibited as ideal male behaviour, conduct, and way of reaction. However, it is not possible to provide a clear-cut universal definition of what feminine and masculine characters are as the values and ideals vary from culture to culture and language to language.
Scholars (Norton, 2016; Bristor & Fischer, 1993) argue that the meanings of femininity and masculinity vary even between discourses within a single language and between different feminist discourses within that language. The issue of femininity and masculinity is also connected to another front, like the issue of body image. According to Jackson and Scott (2002), the ideal feminine body is constructed through disciplinary practices in the need to conform to the ideal image. The fact that extreme measures ranging from undergoing plastic and reconstructive surgery and strict dieting, that frequently end up in severe health problems have been observed in the quest to conform to the standard expectations.
37 In this regard, Jackson and Scott (2002) argue that personality traits like masculinity, femininity and gender roles can also influence one‟s bodily image. These characteristics contribute to differences in body image perception among females and males. Using the existing categories and stereotypes and the frustrations these categories bring about, the beauty industry is turning this to its advantage and exploiting people (Jackson & Scott, 2002).
Nowotny (2016) examined the relationship between music lyrics sexual context from different genres and their explicit sexual discernment. The sample consisted of 902 male and female respondents who were aged 18 years and above. Nowotny established that respondents who listened to sexual music that contained sexual lyrics affected their sexual understanding viewpoints. There existed relationship between occurrence of sexual specific lyrics and perceptions on sexual understanding. When a breakdown of genre was made, they found a deeper relationship between lyrics and sexual education. Nowotney concluded that frequent exposure to sexual specific lyrics in songs increased sexual cognition.
Sheleme (2010) investigated the way proverbs construct and perpetuate inequality between men and women in social community and the basic structures that convey non-neutrality in oral literature. The issues were analysed with relevant examples from local proverbs that were collected through research tools: questionnaires, focus group discussion, and in-depth interview with elders, students and workers whom the problem directly or indirectly affects. The research problem came out with the finding that proverbs exaggerated the weak side of women under the coverage of cultural ideology, and are used as cultural tools to convey the biased system for domination and oppression of women.
38 Masuku (2005) investigated whether the perceived oppression of Zulu women is reflected in such Zulu folklore. The research was to establish whether folklore was used as a corrective measure or avenue of correcting gender imbalances. Traditional
Zulu society or culture attached to women certain stereo-typical images which projected them as witches, unfaithful people, and unfit marriage partners on the other hand or brave care givers, loving mothers and upright members on the other hand.
The research concluded that the traditional Zulu woman felt depressed by this patriarchal discrimination especially in the marriage situation. In Nigeria, Ogochukwu
(2016) research findings showed existence of significant difference between men and female students‟ perceptions on nature and possible impact of women‟s portrayal in the Nigerian music videos, the manner of women‟s representation in these music videos were unlikely to influence the self-image of the female respondents. They saw these images of women as undignifying, debasing and not representative of the character and role of women in the Nigerian society.
In Ethiopia, Yohannes (2007) research established that females played inadequate roles in song writing. This implies that whatever is regarded as female‟s understanding was expressed more by men compared to them. Yohannes‟ result also indicated that there were more female singers than male who transmitted negative description of women as incompetent and dependent. Furthermore, women singers depicted females as trustworthy and assertive. This showed defence of women rights through female singers.
In Kenya, Njogu and Maupau (2007) said that songs are a critical medium of communication for category of persons who had been deprived off media space and that was what Gikuyu female were doing. Through their music, the women are saying
39 that they are not prepared to continue being under male dominance. Wanjiru and
Kaburi (2015) research sought to uncover gender power relations in the Gikuyu community through the analysis of narratives, proverbs and songs. The study revealed that narratives were leading in constructing gender socially in traditional Gikuyu community and in doing so; they evaluated women‟s political and social capacities negatively. In addition, the traditional knowledge from proverbs contributed to inequalities and discrimination in social construction of gender.
Proverbs reveal a hierarchy between men and women, which enhances male rule over women; visible through the many positive qualities ascribed to them as opposed to the negative qualities attributed to women. Like with narratives and proverbs, this study has revealed that songs have the capacity to communicate the superiority of men and demean women in a patriarchal society. The study concluded that Gikuyu oral literature played a major role in social construction of gender, most often skewed towards favouring the male figure.
Wanjiru, Kaburi and Njogu (2015) focused on Gikuyu oral literature gender relations.
Wanjiru et al looked at opposition and rebellion to men dominance in songs, proverbs and narratives. They found out that proverbs portrayed female inferiority in Kikuyu ethnic group. In spite of narratives presenting of female as inferior, there were instances in which they showed defiance and subversion to the patriarchal order that was there. Music showed that a new method of addressing gender issues was expected since most musicians currently utilise their lyrics by showing how to address gender relations by suggesting new methods of behaviour that could help females resist subjection. The authors concluded that oral literature (in Gikuyu) gave a stage for
40 opposition against community oppressive norms and rules that spearheaded inequality in social development and construction of gender.
Following the review of empirical studies from various countries and in different contexts, several gaps have been observed relating to; geographical, conceptual, contextual and empirical gaps. For instance, Rogers (2013) conducted a research on sexism depiction through country music lyrics in United States while this research focused on Kipsigis secular songs in Kenya. Sheleme (2010) research looked at gender and Music from Ethiopian perspective. In Kenya, Barasa and Opande (2017) research was on social cultural discourse of women in Bukusu proverbs while this research looked at social cultural discourse of gender among Kipsigis secular songs.
On the empirical front, studies reviewed used a common approach (qualitative approaches) while the study used mixed method research to present the stereotypical construction of gender through Kipsigis secular songs.
2.6 Theoretical Framework
This study used social cultural approach to discourse analysis theory (Niewolny,
2009). Social cultural approach to discourse analysis is an approach of communication that explores culturally distinctive communication practices in the world. The tenet of this theory is based upon the premise that communication consists of culturally situated means and meanings active in various local contexts (Lie, 2017).
According to Wu (2010), discourse analysis can be divided into five categories: (1) cognitive analysis, (2) structural analysis, (3) critical analysis, (4) synthetic analysis and (5) social cultural analysis. Social cultural analysis regards discourse as interactional activities and emphasises the social function of language of which this study is based on.
41 The social cultural analysis technique not only analyses sentence and word expression form and meaning, but also analyses all kinds of social cultural factors related to discourse (Gee, 2000). Social cultural approach requires that the speaker as an individual and one entity of a society not only want to transmit information or expresses thoughts, but also attempts to engage in certain social activities in different social situations and social institutions. Most discourse analysis concentrates on form, meaning, interaction and cognition, while social cultural analysis emphasizes the function of context (Fairclough, 2015).
Communicative events are shaped by cultural and historical factors and thinking, learning and development cannot be understood without taking account of the intrinsically social and communicative nature of human life (Carbaugh, 2007). From a socio-cultural perspective, then, humans are seen as creatures that have a unique capacity for communication and whose lives are normally led within groups, communities and societies based on shared ways with words, ways of thinking, social practices and tools for getting things done (Scollo, 2013).
Considering that language interaction involves all sorts of social cultural contexts, scholars cannot fix the meaning of language element in terms of its place in the whole sentence (Carbaugh, 2001). There is need for taking of context in which the discourse is produced into consideration. On the different levels of the discourse, it can be seen that social features of the participants plays an important role in the context, such as gender, classes, ethnic, age, social status and so on. The relationship between discourse and social context is a dialectical one. Discourse is not only in and under the effect of context, but also influences, establishes or transforms context (Wu, 2010).
42 This study looks at how the discourse relating to lyrics in songs influences gender power in the society on a social cultural perspective.
Other researchers have also applied this theory to conduct discourse analysis on oral narrative and gender stereotypes. For instance, Wu (2010) used social cultural approach to discourse analysis usage in linguistic based analysis like conversations.
Wu found out that the relationship between context and discourse was a dialectical one since it establishes context. Further, Heidari and Heidari (2013) used this theory to study how it influenced communication by Iranians with regard to gender issues.
The study found out that female had lower pitch in their cross – sex communication compared to their sex talks when with same sex situations. In Kenya, Barasa and
Opande (2017) used this theory to determine the representation of women in Gusii and Bukusu proverbs. The research found out that women were supposed to promote good behaviour in the society like; fidelity, good conduct, morality among others.
Despite its significance, social cultural approach to discourse analysis has some limitation. At first, a survey of linguistic studies shows that many types of analysis are inappropriate since they cannot say the source text and a target text or should belong to the same discourse (Heidari & Heidari, 2013). This implies that most theories cannot describe the limits of any particular discourse within different languages (Wu,
2010).
In relation to this study, social cultural discourse analysis theory focuses on relation between language and culture. Language in this study refers to the words expressed in secular songs used to convey message to members of a particular community. The lyrics used may promote aspects of culture relating to gender power (masculinity or femininity). The gender power may undermine or downgrade members of a certain
43 gender and therefore deny them their right to participate, be involved and live in the society in the modern age (Sunderland, 2004).
Furthermore, the study was also grounded in Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis
(FCDA) that was developed by Norman Fairclough and Van Dijk (Lazar, 2005). This approach is concerned with assessing discourses that sustain a patriarchal social order.
This approach analyses the relationship between language, power and ideology. In this research, the focus was to check on how langrage used in secular Kipsigis music communicates information concerning gender power. This is because operations of institutionalised power asymmetry and gender ideology between groups of male and female are complexly intertwined with other social identities and are variable across cultures.
FCDA is thus openly political, an emancipatory critical approach which is committed to consciousness-raising and social change through a critique of discourse (Talbot
1995; Lazar 2005). The aim of textual analysis in feminist CDA is to make connections between gender representations or gendered discourses in the text and social and cultural context. Feminist CDA design involves evaluation of how discourses (artefacts & written texts) influence dominance and power battles are evident in different categories of people, items and things. The battle for dominance and power is at the centre of hegemony; an area that is an important part in this study on the interplay between secular songs and promotion of gender power through the
Kipsigis.
44 2.7 Chapter Summary
This chapter has reviewed related studies on the interplay of secular songs and gender power relations. It has been established that various research studies (Sheleme, 2010;
Rogers, 2013; Lima, 2014; Neff, 2014) have been conducted. For instance, Neff
(2014) looked at sexism across various musical genres in United States, Lima (2014) focused on how Cape Verdean music represented women while Sheleme (2010) looked at how Ethiopian proverbs promoted gender inequality. The gap that has emerged is that no single study had focused on the Kipsigis dialect, secular songs influence of gender power. The next chapter presents the research design and methodological procedures.
45 CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction
This chapter discussed the research design, study area, study population, sampling procedure, data collection methods, data collection procedures, data analysis procedures and ethical considerations that were folowed.
3.2 Research Design
This study was guided by both qualitative and quantitative research methodology paradigms. Creswell (2013) argues that the strength of qualitative methodology lies in its use in exploratory, ethnography and case study research. In addition, qualitative research is important in the quest for a deeper understanding about respondents‟ life experiences of the phenomenon under study. This study was guided by social cultural approach to discourse analysis theory and feminist critical discourse analysis (FCDA).
The quantitative analysis of data in objectives three was a t-test which was used to establish the existence of difference between demographic characteristics of respondents and aspects of gender.
The purpose of feminist CDA is to show up common sensical assumptions of gender by indicating these assumptions are obscure and ideological to the power differential and inequality (Lazar, 2005). The aim of textual analysis in feminist CDA is to make connections between gender representations or gendered discourses in the text and social and cultural contexts. Feminist CDA design involves evaluation of how discourses (artefacts & written texts) influence dominance and power battles in different categories of people, items and things. In relation to this study, the use of
46 feminist CDA was to determine the extent to which Kipsigis secular songs communicated information to gender and to establish stereotypical portrayals of female and male in Kipsigis secular songs in Chepalungu Sub County.
The second approach that was used was the social cultural approach to discourse analysis approach. According to Wu (2010), critical discourse approach is premised in two families; culturally or socially based discursive practices or linguistic based analysis like conversations. Social cultural analysis as indicated by Fairclough (1995) sees discourse as interaction activities that emphasises on the social function of language. Wu (2010) informs that this method may not only analyse all kinds of social cultural factors related to discourse and can analyse word and sentence expression forms and meanings. This helped the study analyse the stereotypical portrayals of female and male through secular songs in Kipsigis. It also helped to confirm whether perceptions of gendering of Kipsigis songs were related to the sex of the listener.
3.3 Study Area
The study was conducted in Chepalungu Sub-county, Bomet County, Kenya.
Chepalungu sub-county is located about ten kilometers to the South Western part of the headquarters of Bomet County. The community strongly upholds its cultural beliefs and practices such as initiations are highly valued. It has a close- knit family system where a man is considered the head of the family and issues such as divorce are strongly discouraged. The sub county has a rural setting with a number of renowned secular musicians and songs that have been sung by departed musicians but still being sung even today. Appendix IV shows the map for the study location.
47 3.4 Study Population
Considering this study was a qualitative one and uses the social cultural approach to discourse analysis, the study population comprised secular songs, women and men from Chepalungu Sub County. The secular songs comprised the ones that were sung for different events in the community and of different genres. There are 154 secular songs in Kipsigis community which consists of ones that have never been recorded or published while others have been recorded. This music was targeted as men and women from the community had composed them. For human participants, the study targeted Chepalungu residents who according to data from Kenya National Bureau of
Statistics showed that the area had approximately 56,236 residents. However, the focus of this research was men and women who are aged between 35-60 years of age.
They acted as listeners in this study since they were mature, they communicated and understood the language and were residents of Chepalungu study.
3.5 Sampling Procedure
Majority of scholars agree that use of social cultural analysis does not clearly suggest sampling techniques to be used but to rely on existing discourse (communication, documents or mass media) (Neumann, 2006; Wodak & Meyer, 2009). In this study, the discourse used was music lyrics in Kipsigis secular songs. The researcher carefully reviewed the songwriters‟ albums and list to look for music with lyrical discourse that appeared to focus and challenge gender stereotypes in the society.
Mugenda and Mugenda (2003) advised that between 10-30% of the targeted population may be utilised in social science research. To select the sample, 10% (15) of the targeted secular songs (154) songs were chosen to be used as sample for this research.
48 A total of 12 men and 12 women aged between 35 to 60 years were chosen through non-probability sampling methods to participate in listening sequence and interviews; purposive sampling is a non-probability method in which researcher uses respondents who provided information required by the study (Neumann, 2006). The researcher extended sampling to the men and women who participated in interviews and listening sequence through snowball sampling method. Ogula (2009) informs that this is a non – random sample through which respondents are asked to refer the researcher to other participants who did serve as subjects in the research. In this step, women and men leaders from the community were considered as key persons to be involved in the research and they were not able to identify one another until when the required sample was realised.
3.6 Data Collection Methods
Data was collected using the following methods: listening sequence, interviews and documentary method.
3.6.1 Listening Sequence
This study used a listening sequence to collect data. It consisted of 15 extracts taken from recorded secular Kipsigis music (nine (9) for male and six (6) for female artists).
The extracts of secular songs music were from male and female artists/composers.
The music types were secular music that were widely sang and known across the sub
County. Use of male and female composers was relied on to ensure balance. The selected songs acted as a representative of other secular music being sang in Kipsigis.
A total of six men and six women listened to 15 Kipsigis secular songs.
49 The listening sequence was made available to listeners (6 males and 6 females) through face-to-face interaction at the Sub County Deputy Commissioner‟s Office in
Chepalungu. The songs that were listened to by the respondents were 15. After listening to each extracts, the listeners were asked to indicate whether the writer of the song was male or female. They were requested to rate their female/male response by level of agreement using a 7 point Likert scale with 1 showing being not confident while 7 showing they were confident of the decision they said regarding gender of the music composer. This process was self – pacing: after responding to one song, listeners were able to move to the next song when they were ready. The researcher allowed for suspension of listening session if the respondents wanted to resume later.
The resumption was made at the point at which the listening was suspended. They were also asked to indicate the extent to which a particular song extract communicated gender information as either feminine or masculine information on a
MASCFEM scale.
3.6.2 Interviews
This study also used interview to collect data. Interview is an instrument through which opinions, perception and attitudes relating to a particular issue are openly responded through one on one interaction (Kumar, 2014). Information pertaining to this study topic was drawn from the (6 men and 6 women) who did not participate in the listening sequence. According to Bukenya (1994), this is true for oral literature, particularly secular songs. Questions on the interview mainly focused on objective four that sought to determine respondents‟ stereotypical portrayal of Kipsigis secular songs towards development of gender identity. The researcher transcribed the responses from interview in a sheet of paper.
50 3.6.3 Documentary Evidence
The research used secular song lyrics as documentary evidence for this study. The 15 secular song lyrics were sourced from cultural books and songwriters who reside in
Chepalungu from the target of 154 songs.
3.7 Data Collection Procedures
After the proposal had been approved, an introductory letter was sought from Kisii
University School Postgraduate Studies. This letter of introduction was used to acquire research permit from National Commission for Science, Technology and
Innovation (NACOSTI). After getting the research permit, the researcher sought authority to conduct research from the County Commissioner (Bomet County). Before conducting interviews, consent was first sought from the respondents to get their consent to participate in the research. The respondents were encouraged to participate in the study voluntarily.
The researcher identified the 15 secular songs used in this study. This process was facilitated by writing the song lyrics down. This is because it was important that the songs to be written down so that the researcher had to analyse the texts and phrases that have gender aspects in those songs. The second stage of collecting data involved contacting the persons to participate in listening to the songs. The respondents were presented with introductory consent form to explain to them the purpose and motive of the research. After their acceptance to participate, they were directed to the listening stage where instructions were read to them. The listening period of audio recordings of the songs was not more than 10 minutes. They undertook two separate tasks: 12 listeners (6 males and 6 females) undertook composer – gender attrition
51 tasks. These two databases were independent and there was no chance of cross contamination. Lastly, the proceedings of interview during listening were recorded using note taking. The place of conducting interviews was at Sub County Deputy
County Commissioner headquarters.
3.8 Data Analysis
Qualitative data from the study was analysed using various methods for the three data collected through listening sequence, interviews and through secular songs lyrical texts. The first stage analysing the data collected involved transcribing information from audio tapes into texts obtained from interviews. For data collected from songs, translation of secular songs in Kipsigis language was done to English. The music lyrics were divided into clusters based on themes and sub-themes through thematic content analysis method. After this, coding procedure followed. After identifying recurring ideas, codes were developed by the researcher.
Open coding method and grounded theory aided in analysing qualitative data. The patterns of themes that came from song lyrics were accomplished through grounded theory. Charmaz (2006) says that grounded theory is used when working qualitatively with a subject that has multiple theoretical bases or lacks theory. It mainly begins with open-ended questions that allow for examination of a specific issue of interest. The data then was used to establish if there exist patterns, themes or concepts that would provide account for study research questions. The themes were therefore compared to see whether one is related or prevalent to another. A list of behaviour portrayal of men and women were used in the coding sheet in order to assess the image of gender and stereotypical portrayals in the lyrics. To test hypothesis, one sample t – test was used.
One sample t – test was used to determine whether there exist significant difference
52 between perceptions of gendering songs is related to the gender of the listener. The testing of the hypotheses was done at 95% confidence levels.
3.9 Ethical Consideration
The research was conducted in line with the Kisii University graduate school ethical guidelines. The researcher upheld high level of confidentiality and acknowledged all the cited work to avoid plagiarism. The researcher obtained permission through the acquisition of the authority from Chepalungu Deputy County Commissioner. The researcher also explained to the respondent about the research being undertaken to avoid suspicion. Data from interviews and other related data was collected and kept in a safe place.
53 CHAPTER FOUR
DATA ANALYSIS, INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSIONS
4.1 Introduction
This chapter presents the analysis of data on the stereotypical construction of gender in Kipsigis secular songs in Chepalungu Sub County, Kenya. The chapter presents the results of qualitative and quantitative analysis of data collected through Kipsigis secular song lyrics and listening sequence. The presentation, interpretation and discussion of findings follow the study research objectives.
The analysis of data was done through thematic content analysis, descriptive statistics and inferential statistics. A total of 15 Kipsigis secular songs of different types were analysed. Nine of the songs were sung by males while six were sung by females. The same songs were the ones that the researcher played during the learning sequence.
The 15 songs were used to get participants‟ opinion on their contribution towards gender identity. Table 4.1 shows the gender of respondents who participated in the study listening sequence.
54 Male Female, 6, 50.0% Male, 6, 50.0% Female
Figure 4.1 Sex of Listeners who participated in the study
Twelve males and twelve females participated in the study through listening sequence and interview. The decision to pick equal number was to ensure that the responses received were not skewed. The respondents were also asked to indicate their age brackets. Their responses are given in Table 4.1.
Table 4.1 Respondents Age
N Min Max Mean Std. Deviation Age of the listener 12 34.00 58.00 46.9167 6.86835 Valid N (Listwise) 12
Data shows that age characteristics of study participants ranged from 34 years to 58 years. The average age for the participants was 47 years as per the study results.
During listening and interview sessions with respondents, communication was mainly in Kipsigis language through which the researcher was able to translate the information to English when writing the outcomes.
55 4.2 Extent to which words in Kipsigis Secular Songs Communicate
Information relating to Gender
Language is the place where our sense of identity or ourselves is constructed (Norton,
2016). Further, Sunderland (2004) and Cameron (2005) indicated that gender roles, behaviours and expectations are expressed through linguistic sites such as proverbs, idioms, and songs. Thus in regards to this study, songs are speech acts that act as sites where the relationship between language, gender and culture can be explored and socio-cultural roles and gender expectations. The first objective of this study was to determine the degree to which words in Kipsigis secular songs communicate information relating to gender. Figure 4.2 shows distribution of singers / composers by sex.
Female singers, 6, 40.0%
Male Singers, 9, 60.0%
Figure 4.2 Distribution of Singers/Composers by Sex
The result shows that most songs that are used for this study were from male songwriters (60.0%) with the rest (40.0%) coming from female songwriters. The ratio of men singers to women from content analysis shows that there is uneven
56 distribution with female singers‟ number being lower than that of male. The implication is that secular songs are dominated by male gender and this could influence the way gender identity is constructed in the community. The songs that the research used were secular Kipsigis songs. According to Snipe, (2008), music, song, dance, and masks tell a story that relates to the daily lives and socio political realities of the community, substantiating the concept that art is not superfluous in Africa.
Based on this assumption, Moisala and Diamond (2001) noted that songs provide a special place for negotiation and performances of gender.
The following songs lyric was used to illustrate how Kipsigis secular songs communicate information regarding female gender as seen in extracts of songs written by male songwriters:
1. Ko kaker koot kwondo (When your wife is asleep and has locked the house) Sang by Junior Kotestes (a male) titled „Selele‟ 2. Kiseret kipsoiywet x 2 manyalili ne tinye (A cock has suffered greatly, the suffering of a cock is great) Kipsoiywet by Juniour Kotestes (a male) 3. Yach busurek oooh chepyosochu matobunwwech lagok x2 (Witchcraft is bad hey women do not bewitch our children) in Yach Busurek by El Parentes (a male) 4. Ogas ng‟alechun bomorisekyuk, yon ko ogoshine (Listen to these words old men, when you have done marriage negotiation and have agreed with your in-laws) Bomorisiek by Joseph Kosium (a male). 5. Murenik tugul ongigilge murencho ongigilge (Let us all work hard as men) Ongigilge by Micah Maritim (a male)
In sample 1, the use of the term „kwondo‟ means wife. According to the singer, the woman is expected to open the door when husband gets home late in the evening.
However, the singer is encouraging women to restrain from opening the house until the man shakes the „paper bag‟ indicating gender sub-version. The use of the term kwondo also shows that women role in the family is to guard the home during the day until the husband‟s returns late into the night. Here, women are considered as
57 homemakers and therefore it is their duty to maintain their house since the man is not available. Wanjiru and Kaburi (2015) who found out those narrative songs had the ability to communicate gender roles, traditional view of female and traditional view on gender power relations.
The use of the word „kwondo‟ refering to wife in illustration 1 shows that a woman must be married to a husband in the Kipsigis culture and she is in charge of taking care of the home as illustrated in the aspect of locking the house. Thus, a Kipsigis man will feel safer even away from home in the middle of the night because he has left a housekeeper. The import of this word „kwondo‟ is that women are home makers.
Further, the man/ husband is free to loiter around until late hours and expect the wife to open the door for him without any complaints. This further portrays men as the owners of the home while women are just keepers. This finding is in agreement with
Eagly and Wood (2016) Social Role theory whose key principle is that differences and similarities arise primarily from the distribution of men and women into social roles within their society.
Secondly, the use of the word „Kipsoiywet‟ referring to cock which means men who go round and round the village impregnating girls and women. The attributes of cock could be related to their aggressiveness to get any partner they need, another attribute related cock is that it can scare away other cocks so that it can reign supreme over a number of hens. Here a promiscuous man is likened to a cock that refers to careless and immoral men in the society.
The import of the cock is that men are promiscuous. This usage of term „cock‟ may also be a warning to other young men to stop preying on girls and other women in the society and instead look for their partners to marry because they might suffer greatly.
58 Further, the import of the cock is in agreement with Doyle (1989) who found out that men were portrayed as dominant and aggressive, such aggressiveness may endanger them as the songwriter warns.
The word „children‟ in extract three implies that women have to take care of their children and are cautioned to protect them from being bewitched. In the society, it is claimed that mothers have to protect their children from preying eyes of other women who they believe might or have intentions practicing evil. Those who are considered witches are mostly those who are barren and who have lost their own children. In this case, the import is that women who have no children are characterised as witches and those who have children have been given the responsibility of taking care of them.
This finding is consistent with Masuku (2005) research among the Zulu that found out that Zulu society or culture attached to women certain stereotypical images that projected them as witches in South Africa.
In the fourth extract, the gender information looks at „old men‟ whose main tasks appear here to show that they are involved in marriage negotiation. This implies that young men or women are not allowed to attend dowry negotiation events and therefore it is the duty of old men to do so. The gender implication is that the society considers women as inferior and therefore their participation in negotiation is not helpful as per the cultures. This practice promotes gender inequality in the societal division roles.
Traditionally and in most African societies, men are the ones who negotiate dowry and not women. This is also true of the Kipsigis culture. This is because men are the ones selling out the girl and so they are the ones to determine the price of the commodity. In this case, women are merely considered commodities for sale as
59 sanctioned by the dowry negotiation and payment. These findings confirm studies by
Masuku (2005) who established that the traditional Zulu woman felt depressed by patriarchal discrimination especially in the marriage situation where they had no say with regard to marrying off their daughters.
In number five, the term „men‟ is mentioned and this reflect gentlemen, guys or bloke persons whose responsibility is to ensure that they are engaged in productive activity.
The singer therefore calls men to come and work hard so that they are not overtaken by women who appear to be always united. The singer here cautions men against the women empowerment and seeks to ensure that „male power‟ is maintained. The initiatives of women empowerment appear to be unsettling men in the society and therefore male song writers are using music to urge men to take up their roles in the society. Extracts 1- 5 confirm the appearance of gender information in Kipsigis secular songs. These findings confirm Wambura (2016) study findings that revealed that gendered constructions in socio-cultural contexts support masculine superiority and feminine subordination.
Further, the research analysed several extracts from female artists on how their choice of words reflected gender related information as indicated below:
6. Mous kwonyik murenik mous kwonyik (men do not frustrate your wives) Meus kwondo by Chelele - female artist) 7. Kolaach ingoryet ne go it mama toto (Make sure she wears the latest fashion) Meus kwondo by Chelele – Female composer 8. Kongoi wee tibikyok chebo Kalenjin (Thanks to our beautiful Kalenjin girl child) Ongerib Tipikyok by Nerissa Chepkemoi - Female composer 9. Arirtoen baba, ne kikuiton amingin (I blame my father who married me off when I was young) Kipsoigwet song by Florence Chengetich – female composer 10. Ingokunin mungu boiyot kuu ni korkeni kung‟ (There are some husbands whom when you are given, it is like you are being punished) Keswani song by Juliet Chepkoech – female composer.
60 Extract 6 also denote a gender term „kwonyik‟ meaning wives who the composer encourages men not to frustrate their wives at home. Men are therefore seen as persons who are annoying, provoking or wearisome to their spouses at home. The composer sees men behaviour of frustrating their wives at home could lead to instability among them. In line with the study findings, Wambura (2016) found out through Kuria songs, female are constructed as dependent on men for provision and protection and therefore their husbands frustrate them at will.
In extract 7, Chelele in the song Meus Kwondo uses gender phrases „mama‟ to depict women by encouraging their husbands to ensure that they buy for them new clothing on regular occasions. This statements also denotes that women are identified based on their physical appearance and it is the duty of the man of the household to ensure that his wife is always beautiful.
Konyalu irib kotililit simesubote chebo biik chekikerib (You are required to take care of her, to make her neat and presentable so that you do not go after other people‟s wives who have been taken care of).
The import is that majority of Kipsigis men are promiscuous. They will fail to take care of their wives but admire other women out there. The artist is thus reminding men to be responsible. Considering the song was sung by a female artist, men are encouraged not to let their wives wear old and tattered clothes but new.
Amatiloitumen mama toto yamande isib iitu sikobaibait (Do not be away from your wife for long, when you go out, come back in good time (early) to make her happy) Ak imwochini makosa, matibirabir Inform her about her mistakes; do not beat her up anyhow Kerke kwonyik tugul kobaten irib nengunget All women are the same; it is only that you should take care of yours.
61 Men are asked to be close to their wives and to make them happy. The import of these words is that men have the freedom to stay out even late at night. Further, the artist reminds men to be mindful of their wives and learn to solve domestic issues amicably instead of beating them. The import of this is that the Kipsigis men batter their wives hence domestic violence. The finding is in agreement with Lima (2010) who established that males were portrayed as „lords‟ of the household and they exerted power and influence over their wives.
In extract 8 by Nerrissa Chepkemoi in the song „Ongerib Tibikyok‟ the term “tibikyok chebo Kalenjin‟ is used to describe the beautiful nature of Kalenjin girl child.
Amwae ane Nerissa ale ilitit ketit koming‟in korutu keton kotendon ,maite besho ko kurutik kounoto tibikyok ongersin komengechen ( Just like a tree trim it while young, it will grow tall and does not warp, and so our girl, let us guide them from tender age ). Logocho miten taonshiek kokima chamenywan (The twilight girls never intended their lives that way) Manyor ribset ne kiyam kongeten kiingomengech (They were not taken care of when they were young) Ye inde sugul lakwengung keer ile keluban fees (When you take your child to school, pay for her school fees). Ikochin tuguk tugul che yomotin meutyen pocket money (Give her everything she requires, do not forget pocket money) Ko ret agenge noton ye iriben tibikyok (That is one way of taking care of the girl child).
The composer describes the Kalenjin girls as beautiful and therefore the society should regard them with high esteem. Further, the composer acknowledges that
Kalenjin girls are good looking, attractive, stunning, charming and wonderful as a way of promoting positive messages to them and to encourage their parents and other society members to support them. The artist calls upon fathers to take girls to schools as a way of empowering them. This call is timely since traditionally, the Kipsigis took boys to school and not the girls. The import is that an educated woman who earns her living will not end up being a prostitute. It all depends on how they are brought up.
62 This is evidence in the line Logocho miten taonshiek kokima chamenywan (The twilight girls never intended their lives that way).
Further, the artist indicates that circumcision of girls which was a tradition in the
Kipsigis society is no more viz: Mau geny oliginye kicham kebendi tumdo sikele kitun
(It is not like the olden days when girls underwent circumcision). A girl who was uncircumcised in Kipsigis could not get married and her father would not receive any bride price either viz: Kosich konywan tuga chengeee gee ra chekisoman (So that they could be married off for a good bride price). Based on the change in tradition, the artist calls on girls to work hard and go to school because they would no longer be useful in future without education.
In extract 10 in Florence Cheng‟etich‟s song is the term „Baba‟ meaning father and
„nekikoito kotaming‟n‟ referring to a female person who was married off at an early age. Arirtoen baba, ne kikuiton amingin (I blame my father who married me off when
I was young) Kipsoiywet song by Florence Chengetich. According to the songwriter, there has been a habit by some Kipsigis fathers to marry off their daughters at an early age against their wishes. Here the songwriter is blaming her father for the challenges and problems that she is facing right now which were occasioned by their father‟s decision to marry her off at an early age. This term also shows that women (wives) are not involved in marrying off their daughters at an early age that happens to be the habit of their fathers. This is because in the Kipsigis society, women have no say and thus cannot make decisions concerning their daughters‟ lives.
In extract 11, the song Keswani by Juliet Chepkoech uses the term „boiyot‟ to describe husbands viz: Ingokunin mungu boiyot kuu ni korkeni kung‟ (There are some
63 husbands whom when you are given, it is like you are being punished). The songwriter is referring to the conducts of some husbands who end up frustrating their wives at home. The female songwriter here appears to be advising young women to be careful with whom they marry because some may end up frustrating the relationship in future. The songwriter also shows that Kipsigis culture allows young women to be chosen for their husbands who end up selling households items and destroy what their wives have made.
When analysing the 15 songs that were used, Table 4.2 below shows the frequency to which gender information has been captured in the songs written by female writers.
Table 4.2 Feminine and Masculine Terms Appearing in Selected Kipsigis
Secular Songs by Female Song writers
Feminine E Masculine English terms f % terms equivalent f % Tibikyok Our girls 6 66.7 Werikyok Our sons 1 9.1 Kwonyinyun My wife 1 11.1 Murenchu Young men 1 9.1 Chemulainik Prostitutes 1 11.1 Toloita Pillar (rock- 1 9.1 Tyondo men) Animal (metaphor husband)
Chepyoset Woman 1 11.1 Baba father 1 9.1 Kipsombilwa Animal 3 27.3 (husband)
Keswani Burden 1 9.1 (metaphor husband)
Boiyot Husband 1 9.1 2 18.2 Total 9 100.0 Total 11 100.0
64 According to Table 4.2, 4 masculine terms appeared in secular songs sung by female songwriters with masculine appearing 7 times. The most common feminine term used by female songwriters is „Tibikyok‟ referring to girls. The use of this noun may be speaking to girls with regard to social issues that they encounter in the society. The female songwriters also appear to regularly mention the term „Tyondo‟ referring to husbands as animals. In line with the study findings, Rogers (2013) established that
US country songs used female pronouns when referring to ideas or objects (for instance, “my car is awesome; she is one sweet ride”).
A metaphor was used to compare men with „animals‟ by female song writers. Other female songwriters also use the metaphor „burden‟ to indicate that husbands in the households are always problematic. The female song writers refer to other women as
„prostitutes‟ indicating the behaviour of some women as immoral which is a forbidden practices among the Kipsigis.
The researcher also analysed the existence of gender terms in songs sung by male songwriters as reflected in Table 4.3.
65 Table 4.3 Feminine and Masculine Terms Appearing in Selected Kipsigis
Secular Songs by Male Song writers
Feminine English Masculine English terms equivalent f % terms equivalent f % Kwondo Wife 6 14.3 Boiyondengung Your 2 7.4 husband Mama Mother 1 2.4 Chitang‟ung‟ Your man 1 3.7 Komet Your 2 4.8 Kipsoiywet Metaphor 3 11.1 mother (man) Chepitinaiyat Female 1 2.4 Boiyot Husband 4 14.8 gossipers Subendo Hen / 2 4.8 Boiyondenyin Her 1 3.7 (metaphor) woman husband Chepyosocho Women 2 4.8 Bomorisiek Old men 3 11.1 Chebusurenik Female 2 4.8 Murenik Men 7 25.9 witches Chebusuryot Female 1 2.4 Sandanin Son-in-law 2 7.4 witch Cheplemindet A luo 5 11.9 Kipmegeinik Jealous 2 7.4 woman men Chepyosok Old 1 2.4 Werikyok Our sons 1 3.7 women Kwonyik Women 5 11.9 Murenchu Young men 1 3.7 Kwondo Woman 5 11.9 Chepkelelik Young 2 4.8 ladies Lagok Mother + 1 2.4 children Tibikyok Your girls 6 14.3 Total 42 100.0 Total 27 100.0
Research findings show that out of the 9 songs that were composed by males, 27
(39.1%) depicted masculine terms while 42 (60.9%) indicated feminine terms. This shows that songs that are composed by male singers communicate more information with regard to feminine gender as opposed to masculine gender. In agreement with the study findings, Monk-Turner and Sylvertooth (2008) research data showed that the use of general profanity was most common in rap lyrics followed by profane words aimed at men. Male artists are significantly more likely than female artists to use profanity in their lyrics.
66 The common gender terms referring to feminine gender are ‟kwondo‟ meaning wife.
This implies that the messages sent through those songs focus on issues surrounding the role of wives in the Kipsigis households. Metaphors are also used like the word
„Cheplemindet‟ to refer to Luo women who are hardworking compared to Kipsigis women. This song is used to encourage Kipsigis women to be submissive, committed and care for their husbands as Luo women do. Neff (2014) confirms the findings by indicating that rock, hip-hop and country music portrayed women in traditional gender roles of caring for their families.
Women are also referred to by male songwriters using the word „kwonyik‟ referring to them as women. Comparisons between male and female song writers‟s usage of gender terms shows that; that male song writers used feminine terms more (42) compared to female songwriters where they used masculine terms on 11 occasions.
These findings therefore show that Kipsigis secular songs regularly communicate information regarding gender issues in the society. The study findings therefore reveal that words in Kipsigis secular songs are gendered. These findings also reveal that female artists used their song lyrics in drawing attention to dominant hegemonic functions in the Kipsigis culture. These findings are in agreement with those of
Richards (2013) who investigated how US current female artists used their songs lyrics in drawing attention to dominant and hegemonic functions in culture.
4.3 Kipsigis Secular Songs Portrayal Females and Males in Chepalungu Sub
County
The second objective of the research sought to determine the degree to which Kipsigis secular songs portrayed female and males in Chepalungu Sub County. This also refers to looking at gender stereotypical information that is communicated through Kipsigis
67 secular songs. This categorisation is based on relative presence or absence of specific features and personality traits. Literature reviewed (Gallee, 2016) showed that the following categories can describe male and female stereotypes that are portrayed in secular music. Women can be categorised as; emotional, sensitive to feelings of others, expressive, submissive, nurturing among others while males can be described as; aggressive, dominant, competitive or agentic. However, the review of secular songs lyric has resulted to analysis of stereotypical portrayal of male and females in different contexts. The following subsections describe how women have been portrayed in the songs under study.
4.3.1 Portrayal of Women in Kipsigis Secular Songs
Various texts and phrases have been used to portray women through the secular songs in different ways. i) Female as Gossipers
Females have been portrayed as gossipers
In the song Bitinet by Kipkirui Ng‟eny (a male song composer), the term
“chepitinaiyat” refers to a female gossiper the prefix „che‟ denotes female.
Alenen aeb it agas kogi bitinet che kimwa akobo ane ak inye utien kabisa Chepitinaiyat (When I listened carefully, I heard it was a gossip about me and you (wife) never gossip about me [female gossiper]).
This implies that women are seen as persons who pass rumours, make decisions based on hearsay, they are nosy parkers and appear not to remain silent (big mouth). When this song is sung and repeated, members of the community will not believe that a woman can keep secrets. This is said considering that the writer of the song is a male and this explains why they refer to them as „chepitinaiyat‟. This implies that the
68 society believes that women are gossipers and may spread wrong information easily compared to other gender members in the society.
Further analysis of lyrics shows that female members have been likened to a „crow‟ that can get to its destination at the shortest time possible. Compared to crow, a woman can spread gossip; the shortest time possible; it is only that it does not have wings to fly. Here is one of the excerpt:
ii sireret kabisa kiwechin kurorek chemetinye Ndo imii Zaire imwaitoton (You are just like a crow, it is only that you do not have wings to fly otherwise you would be in Zaire spreading gossip about me).
Crows are extremely intelligent and adaptable to different conditions. The personality of crows is that they are; intelligent, aggressive, playful (sometimes) and quarrelsome.
The personality of quarrelsome is what the singer wanted to pass the message concerning women. For instance, a song sung by Kipchamba „Obot mini‟ (a male songwriter) portrayed women as quarrelsome:
Okobo inye obut mini ak boiyondengung (Because of your quarrels between you and your husband)
This song portrayed women as individuals who often had squabbles with their husbands and therefore making the home not to be peaceful. Considering that it was sung by a male composer to portray the way male gender perceives women to be in the society.
In some scenarios, the crows may even try to imitate one‟s speech. This depicts women as people who will walk from one village to the other (flying) spreading gossip about other people (not specifically men). These findings are in agreement
69 with Cape Verde, Lima (2014) who analysed two Cape Verdean traditional music genres (Morna and Koladera. According to Lima, women can be portrayed as lovely mothers and beloved lovers “Kretxeu” (as long as she is obedient to her father and/or husband), as gossipers, poisonous among others. In addition, Masuku (2005) in a research conducted in Zimbabwe found out that female are acknowledged as individuals who have courage and who can manage to outwit their adversaries. They were also portrayed as the great givers of life and it is acknowledged that the whole community‟s existence is depends on them.
2. Women Practicing Witchcraft
Through analysis of music lyrics women have been openly told to stop bewitching other people‟s children. The following is an illustration:
Yaach busurek oo chepyosocho matobanwech lagok (Woman witchcraft is bad, do not bewitch our children)
In Kipsigis language, the term “chepusuriot” means women who are practicing witchcraft whereas Chep is a prefix in Kipsigis language denoting a female.
Chepusuriot refers to a female witch. The association of women with witchcraft is a negative portrayal of females in the society and this dehumanises them. The finding is supported by Masuku (2005) who established that women practiced witchcraft through use of magic powers to transform them so that they can escape from being dominated by males. Men are also warned not to fall into the trap of marrying a witch‟s daughter as she may end up destroying the family from Zimbabwe proverbs.
This act condemns women as witches but celebrates masculinity. In addition, Rogers
(2013) established that country songs portrayed women as a group with negative stereotypes (for instance, “All women are conniving”).
70 3. Women as Dependent
The analyses of various songs in the study have portrayed females as being dependent on men for their survival. Women have been portrayed as dependents. They wait for men to buy all household requirements (shopping). Somehow, the men have used the shopping to bribe the women. When a man comes home late and finds the wife having locked the door, he shakes a paper bag full of shopping, when the wife hears the sound of the paper, she will definitely open the door. Here is an excerpt from Selele song:
iwendi yon koimenchin itite kiy en selele ak ibeitwaitwai kogetakujige,
ikose kongele ak koyat koot (When you go home late, carry some shopping
in a paper bag move near the door and shake it, you will hear her waking
up to open the door).
Oebit amwowok, remote nekiyoten kout ko selele (Listen carefully, a paper bag full of shopping is the remote control for opening the house)
The shopping is thus the surest way of hoodwinking women into opening doors for late-coming husbands. This import on the other hand portrays men as very calculating and free to come home any time they feel like.
In another song titled “meus kwondo” by Chelele, females have also been portrayed as dependants. Men are advised to take good care of their wives to make them look presentable
konyalu irib kotililit simesubote chebo biik che kikerib (Take good care of her, make her presentable so that you do not go after other people‟s wives who have been taken care of)
olchin tuguk chemoche mama toto / ingoryet
71 Rotyin metit akine kou chebo biik Kolaach ingoryet negoit mama toto Ak imutate kosaita mama toto ...... by chelele “Buy her what she wants like clothes Give her money to plait her hair like other people‟s wives Make sure she wears the latest fashion Take her out for outings
Another song titled “Bomorisiek” by Kosium also depicts women as being dependent.
Ak inye sandanin irib lagukuk Ma niitu lang‟at ten matanda Sandanin ooh riib lagukuk komie Young man take care of your children (wife included) Ma niitu lang‟at ten matanda Sandanin ooh riib lagukuk komie (Young man take care of your children (wife included) Provide for them everything they need Do not come in the evening when angry Young men take care of your children well.
In the songs, the man is advised to take care of the family and to provide everything needed in the family. The woman will therefore know it is the duty of the man to provide everything hence she will solely rely on the man to provide everything. The text shows that according to Kipsigis culture, women are subordinate to men and their duty is to look beautiful for their husbands and their work is to pamper their husbands.
The female body is for eyes of the man. It also portrays that women are dependent on some things that require skills and force. Females appear to lack these skills (of working) and abilities that are restricted to male gender. They are assumed idle people who may not be relied upon to provide for their families.
These findings are in agreement with Barasa and Opande (2017), and Dibben (2000) who observed that community creation of females as being innocent, naive yet sexually available and obedient. In addition, Kudzai and Bhatasara (2015) found out
72 that in most African societies the only thing women can do is to love a man who in turn will provide all their material needs. The idea of men being providers is based on patriarchal views of male as breadwinners. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the men to provide for their children and wives.
In relation to a study conducted in Kenya, Wambura (2016) found out that females were also constructed as timid and dependent on men for protection and provision.
This dependence attribute places them below and subordinate to men to an extent that if men do not provide then women do not have anything to live on or to adorn themselves with. This legitimates unequal gender and power relations between men and women by positioning men above women.
4. A Woman has been portrayed as Quarrelsome and Trouble Maker
A woman is seen to be quarrelsome. She is always blamed when there is a quarrel between a man and wife according to the music lyrics analysed. For instance, a song
„Obot mini‟ by Kipchamba (a male songwriter) communicates this message:
Obot mini kigonyalilyo bikap kokwet Okobo nye oh but mini ak boyondengung Mother of mini the villages have suffered a lot because of your quarrels between you and your husband.
Further, through the same song by Kipchamba, husband is seen to have the final say in the family as seen in the extracts below:
obot mini kilyan inye sioboldosi abokora Ak boiyondengung bongo ng‟atutik Mother of mini, why do you always quarrel with your husband who should be the head of the family? Who should have the final say?
Obot mini kikitun anon en inye ak chitungung
73 Bane bolet kipchuiyo ne makimunye Mother of mini who married who between you and your wife, why do you always quarrel without ceasing.
The texts show that culturally, women tend to be blamed where conflict or quarrels arise. It seems that the society has believed that women are not peace makers but they come to bring enmity and divisions among other members of the community. The information also shows that women cannot be trusted to mediate between warring factions in the community. The texts also show that women tend to quarrel with their husbands on frequent cases hence increasing occurrence of domestic violence incidents. The import of the texts is that; women bring in the family are due to their desire to take over the headship of the family. In this case, women may use quarrels as a way of subverting male power in the society. Therefore, it is the duty of a female to keep quiet when decisions on family matters are made and they are not supposed to quarrel or speak. The women are also depicted that; their character of quarrelling is endless.
According to the lyrics, communities have suffered a lot due to quarrels brought about by women and therefore the song advocates for women to limit behaviour and character of speaking. These findings confirm studies done which portray women as tough headed and quarrelsome as reported by Wanjiru et al. (2015) research that showed that because of lack of avenue to express their dissatisfaction, women use songs as a vehicle to air their feelings and constraints they face at the family level.
Similarly, Khan et al. (2015) research established that involvement in meaningless quarrels and fights was attributed to women with particular reference to those who are in polygamous families.
]
74 5. A Woman Portrayed as Unfaithful
According to this study results, some songs especially those sung by men have portrayed females as being unfaithful to their husbands at home. They are seen to be engaged in adulterous and unfaithful type of behaviours in the community as reflected through the following song „Kipsoiywet‟ by Junior Kotestes (a male songwriter):
Ndo twegu kipsoiywet yun kageny subendo arek chelelach yon tui kipsoiywet, makorot ne mwae (If a cock would talk, when the hen hatches white chicksWhen it is dark, it would talk wonders. Kokerge aik kimogul met, mabolotet ne oo yon kang‟et seretet makorot ne mwae.(The cock is just like a man, he will quarrel when he faces problems in his family). Uyon kanerech kakokure ng‟atatek inge mara kolelel kipsoiywet ak kogigeny arek che tuen anan kogigeny cheserger kaat kole koroi kotakibar (The cock is just like a man, when the cock is going on with its daily duties, the hen hatches dark chicks and then the cock is white in colour or a different species have been hatched, he will say “I feel like killing this one (wife)”
In this excerpt, a man has been likened to a cock and thus the husband. Sometimes a woman gives birth to a light/brown baby and the father is dark. This implies that the woman could be unfaithful. The fact that the cock does not talk even after seeing different offsprings that are not his, is indicative of how gullible men are when it comes to children. This could also be an indicator that the Kipsigis society values children so much and the men are ready to take care of them irrespective of the paternity issues. The character of a woman being unfaithful is „cursed‟ in the African society compared to when a man becomes unfaithful. This is likened during the situation where a woman bears a child and if it happens that the child does not resemble the father, she is castigated to have been unfaithful to her partner.
Considering that most members of the society are not literate on genetics, some may force even the husband to separate with the wife. Further, the woman is likened to a
75 chicken that mates with every cock that comes on its way. Considering that the song was composed and sung by a male singer, it may promote the narrative that women are sexual objects, cheaters and unfaithful to their partners. This may also suggest that female is someone who cannot be dependent upon, is not reliable always, not worthy of trust, is not honest and she may sometimes mislead. These findings are in tandem with those of Barasa and Opande (2017) who established that among the Babukusu and Abagusii societies, women are portrayed as sex objects including those who are married. The only difference is that when a man steals a married woman, he has to be very careful not to be found out by the owner.
Further, Masuku (2005) research among the Zulu of South Africa found out that women were seen as untrustworthy if they were beautiful, but as mothers, they were exalted by community for being the caregivers of children. Thus, community perpetuates the idea of fear and subjugation of women. In addition, Namubuya (2016) research established that Bukusu circumcision song exalted whatever that is found on men and downgraded what is found on women lexical words used presuppose that men are at liberty of sexually exploiting women because all women need is to please men. It is worth noting that whereas the Bukusu circumcision songs refer to the women seen as promiscuous using denigrating words, contrary, men who are seen as promiscuous are referred to using euphemistic words. This is attributable to the fact that a woman is seen as a property or an object to be used by men in the African society and the message is regularly communicated through secular songs like in the case of Kipsigis.
76 6. A Woman has been Portrayed as a Homemaker / Caring / Nurturing
This was the main discourse that appeared in many songs that the researcher reviewed. According to the songs, a woman should be at home to ensure that everything is in place. If she keeps loitering in the village, there is a total mess in the home. A song titled „Obot mini‟ by Kipchamba (a male songwriter) had the following discourse:
Kokwo banda kanyin ii aiye wee weny takaolionen Kikasinyan ole kiech ak Kochar kot keit Kaa kokamusok kiy age tugul ne tumosu ton Irote aibu eng‟ chuto nee chu………abire raa… She has gone loitering in the village; I do not know what I will ever do with this woman. All the time when she is away, everything is in a total mess If a visitor comes, you will get embarrassed… I will beat her today
The extract in the song implies that a woman should stay at home and do the home chores. If she goes out, there will be a total mess at home. This represent the notion that women in Kipsigis culture are supposed to perform domestic chores and they have to be busy at all times in making their homes. They have to ensure that their husbands and children are served well and those who have daughters, it is the responsibility of the mother to train them on how to perform domestic chores so that they will know when they start their homes. The discourses indicate that in Kipsigis culture, women are confined at home and the husbands have a right to batter them if they loiter about in the village. They are also not expected to perform other roles apart from that in the society. The songs sung therefore promote this stereotype by women.
In agreement with the findings, Kudzai and Bhatasara (2015) analysis of popular
Zimbabwe music constructed women as feminine, weak and victims who are only good for domestic labour.
77 Ndungo (2006) established that women through songs and other narratives have been reduced to tools for procreation. In addition, Yohannes (2007) research in Ethiopia found out that despite women‟s involvement in a range of activities and in productive work, women were mainly portrayed as mainly engaged in domestic responsibilities.
This makes their role in contributing towards the household economy invisible. Even in US, Rogers (2013) found out that country music referred to traditional gender role of women being in the kitchen, cooking for men. Eagly‟s social role theory explains that historically, it was expected that women would serve as primary care givers for their children, while men served as bread winners for the family.
The Kipsigis secular songs also encourage young men to marry early so that they can have someone to take care of them. Failure by Kipsigis women to perform their domestic duties, another song by Micah Maritim titled „Cheplemindet‟ went further to make comparison between performance of Kipsigis and Luo women in terms of performing domestic chores as shown below in the discourse:
Ingen koriib biik cheplemindet x2 Ingen korii bulyondenyin wee A Luo woman knows how to take good care of her husband
Ole ripto biik cheplemidet ko oton inchuru buiyot yon Koinyubut tugun, kotorugun akokesenin ak komuti mpaka koo The way a Luo woman takes care of the husband is that when the husband comes home while drunk, she will come for you and put you on her back and take you inside the house.
Akoregun kwoshiek akoregun sikisinik ak kobo beek Aliomwetun kelyek kousun kweyot kabisa She removes your shoes and socks, then warm water and washes your feet; she will wipe your shoes until they shine.
78 The import of the extract is that Luo women are praised on the way they take care of their husbands compared to Kipsigis women who are seen as „not caring‟ and „not dedicated‟. Considering that the two communities share common geographical border
(Kisumu County) and some Luo families are working in Chepalungu Sub County, may explain why the song writer made the comparisons. A challenge is also made whereby the singer „teases‟ the Kipsigis women to go and learn how Luo women treat their husbands. The discourses also suggest that the reception that men (even those drunk) require to receive from the spouses when they get home. The songs may advocate for Kipsigis women to learn from their neighbours on how to honour, treat and respect their partners.
In this discourse, the women are expected to be homemakers i.e. take care of the husband, stay at home, bear children and perform domestic duties. In agreement with this finding, Rogers (2013) found out that American country music depicted women in traditional gender roles for instance, „I kept her barefoot and pregnant in the kitchen.” The discourse also denotes the division of labour that exists between male and female persons in the Kipsigis culture. Failure to perform those duties may result to punishment from her husband like; assault, abuse, attack and even separation. The implication of this is that the role of women and girls is to cook food for the men and boys in the society.
These findings are in agreement with Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) view of hegemonic masculinity that guarantees the dominant position of men and the subordination of women. Further, it is observed that in Kipsigis culture, men dominate women in all aspects of life. In addition, in patriarchal societies, language is openly used to disparage women (Cameron, 1994; Sapiro, 1994; Sen & Grown,
79 1987). According to Sen and Grown (1987), proverbs and other nuances of oral literature have been predominantly used by males to denigrate women‟s physical, mental and social weaknesses. While it is true that groups that hold the secondary position in a society predictably suffer from linguistic disparagement imposed by the other groups that hold a relatively better position (Leith, 1987), studies have shown that sexist proverbs are not used exclusively to denigrate women (Mbiti, 1988; Oha,
1998). The association of women mostly with domestic responsibilities also shows the need to balance this image to have a balanced society.
7. Woman are Portrayed as Beautiful
Analysis of discourses show that the physical appearance of women is associated with beauty. The songs suggest that women are identified due to their natural looks
(appearance) and body morphology. These traits are usually appealing to individuals through their eyes and mind. Most of the songs that depict women as beautiful are mostly sung by men as revealed in the extract below from „Kitot Kobaran‟ song by
Tumbalala arap Sang (a male songwriter):
Burtanyin kokibo muiyo kotamne suet King‟ing‟in suwet kilasit katamne katit Kiterter katit inguni katamne konyek Aresen kunyek bo kwongut kutamne kutit Kitui kutit kou lamai kutamne kelek indanan Kokimalelach kokikoruron. She had a very beautiful body Her waist was slender like a glass Her neck was slim Her eyes were beautiful Her lips were dark like lamai fruits Her teeth, though not white were good and glowing.
80 When making these descriptions, some singers commonly use metaphors to describe the physical beauty of women. From the extract above, it is seen that the singer describes a female based on her body size, waist length, neck length, eyes formation, lips and teeth. All these metaphors are aimed at showing women as individuals that need to be admired. This shows that women who are ready to be married need to have those characteristics so that they can get attention from men. Further, the singer may be teasing the women who do not have „white teeth‟ that despite their condition their arrangement is good and glowing. The discourse used by most singers denotes women as beautiful in order to fulfil their responsibilities as sexual objects. In line with the study findings, Rogers (2013) analysis of country songs found out that women worth was determined by her appearance (for instance “I loved her because she was beautiful”).
It is also assumed that a beautiful woman in the society appears to be the targets of every suitor. This shows while beauty is considered negative to men, it is taken positively to females. The above descriptions also show that the aspects of beauty that women have make men to gaze at them and gain desire to marry them. In agreement with the study findings, VanDyke (2011) research findings show that women are objectified and sexualized in music videos. Khan et al. (2015) found out women in
Pashtu proverbs were portrayed as extravagant in spending the hard-earned money of their men inorder to make them beautiful and attractive. The expression, (Oh, shameless sister) is used to scold an immodest, shameless, or brazen woman, that is, one who fails to exhibit modesty in her dress, public behaviour and demeanour, for example, not covering her head or face properly, wearing tight clothes, walking ahead of her husband, talking openly with men.
81 4.3.2 Portrayal of Male in Kipsigis Secular Songs
This section conducts a thematic content analysis of the way males have been portrayed by the songwriters in the society. The section looks at the following roles that are considered masculine; men being provider, jealous, addicts, decision makers; protectors, physically strong and leaders.
1. Males as Providers
The Kipsigis culture demands that a male is judged on the extent to which he can provide for his family irrespective of his physical appearance. In the discourses under study, males have been portrayed as being providers in their families. They are supposed to buy all the household requirements and do investments for the family.
One song by a male singer Junior Koteste shows that:
iwendi yon kolmenchin itite kiy en selele ak rib selele When you go home late, carry some shopping in a paper bag.
Another song by Chelele titled „Meus kwondo‟ had this to say:
Olchin tuguk chemoche mama totot (ingoryet) Rotyin metet akine koi chebo biik Kolaach ingoryet ne koit mama toto Ak imutate kosaita mama toto Buy her what she wants like clothes Giver her money to plait her hair like other people wives Makes sure she wears the latest fashion Taker her for outings
The above extract suggests that it is man duty to provide for his family with no excuses. No one can be recognised as a man if he does not provide for his family. It is expected that men are not lazy and therefore are supposed to go to work and when they come home in the evening, they are supposed to be carrying shopping. Further,
82 the songs sensitize women that they should expect that their husband dresses them, take them for outings and gives them money to go for beauty services. This suggests that even female songwriters accept the fact that the male is the pillar of the family. A house is considered developed and strong, when the man is able to provide basic necessities for his wife and children.
Women are depicted here to be reliant on men to provide for their family and own necessities. The women are seen as receivers from male gender. The discourse also suggests that for a woman to respect and love her man, the man must be in a position to cater for her needs. These findings also confirm the studies by Khan et al. (2015) who found out that male were supposed to be decision makers and to look after the needs of female family members. Moreover, Lima (2010) found out that male were portrayed to be the head of the house who work to provide food needed by their families. Wambura (2016) also found out that men in Kuria were supposed to be providers. They provide both physical and material needs, including the beauty products that women use to adorn themselves to be attractive to the same men. This provision is therefore seen as a means to an end - to acquire and own women for both material and sexual needs. These constructions reproduce and reinforce traditional and conservative gender norms and ideals of the Kuria community.
2. Male as Violent and Wife Barterers
The second stereotype that has been presented in this chapter is depiction of a man as violent and wife batterer. Rising incidents of domestic violence may be attributed to the message that secular songs propagate about masculine power that is used to punish females in the society. For instance, a song „Ongigilge‟ by Micah Maritim contains the following elements of violence against women:
83 Agenda nebo tuiyonoto ko style ole kilukto ak ole kibelititui olw kimosio ak chebunyo The agenda of that meeting is to discuss how to box the women with a fist, how to slap and how to hit her hard with a club.
Due to increased women empowerment, some men consider that their wives have failed to be submissive and this explains why the songs encourage men to meet together and plan on how to assault their wives. This song is used to encourage men to be brave. It also inspires other men who have not yet assaulted their wives to do so that they can command respect in the home. The song thus propagates violence against women. In agreement with the study findings, Neff (2014) and Campbell
(2011) established that Rap and hip-hop music genre mostly portrayed violence against women. Moreover, Rogers (2013) research found out that country music slang words portrayed women as inferior (for instance “those bitches bow down to me”).
This implies that men are supposed to control female and thus end up assaulting them.
The country songs also referred to violence against women in a positive manner (for instance, “if she gets out of line all I have to do is slap her back into place”).
The songs further indicated the following:
Motobir kwomoob kasari kuo kenyi ile kityele ak kipchokumwet polepole Ichepchep inne ak imumut eve murenik ak iberekan Sabarisiek somuk ak iluch anan imas ak chebunyo Book rorok matindet isaisae mengen ile isangililin ii Do not beat the current generation women with a twig like long time ago. Tighten your fist hard and you box her hard or hit her with a club until her skirts falls off.
Due to efforts of ending domestic violence against women, the song appears to erode the efforts made in addressing gender-based violence in the Kenyan society. Long time ago, the singer informs the listeners that women were beaten using twigs but he advises men nowadays to use fist and wooden objects (club) to hit off women until
84 their clothes fall off. This discourse undermines the gravity of gender-based violence in modern day Kipsigis society.
This agrees with other researchers that most songs about violence are usually sung by men and are specifically targeted at male audience. This implies that if the singer chose to use those derogatory words to women, men will start using the same terms to degrade women. These findings also confirm studies by Khan et al (2015) where
Pakhutun proverbs rendered men powerful, strong and entrusted with the cultural responsibility of controlling and safeguarding the supposedly strength of the women folk. In addition, Namubuya (2016) established that men are praised using lexical items that are considered pure, powerful and strong while women were underrated.
3. Male as Jealous People
The third stereotype that is communicated through music songs towards male gender shows that they are depicted as jealous people instead of female as it is commonly known. A song „Kitot kobaran‟ by Tumbalal arap Sang (a male songwriter) depicts men as being jealous people.
Indanan mabetos lumik kokiloman kora Kipchinige nee tumbalal konikan kora Kiwalchi cheptoo kolenjin kibendi ak kwanda tumbalal kora Jealous people will never miss “How can you associate with tumbalal?” she was asked She answered, “I will always be with tumbalal. Lumik means jealous people who are jealous of their friends‟ success
Chaang biik kimegeinik wee bikyok Ne ngokeer biik che chomdos konam kochut Katikati kou susuryot kotakobesyo biik Cheko chamdos There exist many jealous people
85 Who when they see lovers, they will interfere with their love like a weevil until they part ways.
The term „Kipmegeinik‟ in Kipsigis language refers to jealous people who are males.
Kip – a prefix that denotes a male person thus kipmegeinik refers to jealous people who are men. This song is used as a warning to men not to be jealous of their friends and agemates‟ success. When jealousy sets it, it brings suspicion among husband and wife, neighbours and other acquaintances. This song acts as a warning to men not to develop jealousy behaviour as it is not welcomed in the community. Although the character of jealousy is associated with women, the decision to sing this song by the singer (who is a male) seeks to inform other men the dangers and consequences of having jealousy behaviour. In support of the findings, Wanjiru et al. (2015) while analysing Queen Jane song “Kunjoera Nindarega” (I refuse to be cheated) depict a man as immoral and liar.
Queen Jane shows that whether there is rain or sunshine the man is going out to look for other women. The woman in Queen Jane song complains that she gives him all the love but he makes sure that he has a woman everywhere he goes. The woman says, “I refuse to be cheated”. The singer therefore warns other women that if they are not careful with men, they will get into problems. This shows the subversion of patriarchal position among the Gikuyu community which happens not to be common in Kipsigis community.
The following extract Selele by Juniour Kotestes depicts gender subversion.
Kwong‟icho bo kasari kotinye morechet Women of nowadays have their own issues Olon kewe uiyan koriitu kokemo kotebe maswali iyabu ano korya When you go somewhere and come late, they ask so many questions like where are you coming from this late?
86
Kitun awe Tinet abakati chorwa I once went to Tinet to visit a friend Korr kebe uiyan kor keito ko kemoi Later we went somewhere and come back very late in the evening Kobolchech kwondo nyin ak koetenech kimnyet His wife quarrelled us and denied us food.
The fact the woman no longer keep quiet when their husbands come late to the house and further refuses to offer them food is an indication of subversion of patriarchal systems in the Kipsigis society.
4. Male as Addicts (Drunkards)
In traditional African society, drinking of alcohol is allowed but the incoming missionaries to Kenya introduced Christianity that forbids alcohol taking. However, incidents have been reported where men have died, others lost sight while others have stopped working because of being addicted to alcohol among other drugs (binge drinking). In Kipsigis culture, brewing and consumption of traditional liquor is not prohibited to males. This song indicates that rise in domestic violence where women beat their husbands is as a result of being (husbands) addicted to alcohol as the song titled „Ongigilge‟ by Micah Maritim (a male songwriter) illustrates:
Koranai sikai kobirech, kiyee maiywek ama kiamisyei Kor kenamin kulregeanat ak ikose ichorireni I‟ve known why we are beaten, we drink a lot When women beat us, we are very weak and cannot hit back.
This song particular denotes the level of alcoholism that is prevalent in Chepalungu
Sub County and consumed especially by men. The songwriter appears to caution men against binge drinking which has been the common occurrence lately. The increased rate of alcoholism makes majority of men to be weaker and unable to perform their
87 duties well resulting to fights with their spouses. The singer accepts that „women hitting‟ men is a common occurrence and those men cannot be able to defend themselves since they are weak. This portrays a paradigm shift in the Kipsigis culture where women fighting male was an omen seems to lose ground and song writers appear to praise this act by women.
It can also be termed to be liberation of women from domestic violence. When men start taking alcohol, they do not perform their duties as providers in the family leading to the shift in the family responsibilities to women. This song also encourages men to avoid drinking and focus their energy on developing their families socially and economically. The study coincides with Wanjiru et al. (2015) research findings that found out that Gikuyu men dreaded another power changeover and they therefore used all means possible to make women feel less important and subordinate to the male figure.
5. Male as Decision Makers
Kipsigis is a patriarchal society where decision-making and power rests with males with female taking subordinate positions. In this set up, gender discourses are inherent. Through analysis of the discourses under study, men have been portrayed as the decision makers in their families. Women on the other hand should abide by the rules and decisions made by the men without questioning. For instance, Obot mini by
Kipchumba (a male songwriter) denotes male role in decision-making
Obot mini kilyan inye sioboldosi abokora Ak boiyondengung bongo ng‟atutik Mother of mini why do you always quarrel with your husband Who should be the head of this family? Who should come up with rules in this family?
88 Obot mini kikitun ainon en inye ak chitang‟ung‟ Bane bolet kipchulyo ne makimunye Mother of mini, who married who between you and your husband, Why do you always quarrel without ceasing?
The discourse shows that males are the heads of the family and their decision is final.
To confirm this, Wanjiru et al. (2015) research found out that the power to make decisions belong to men and the work of women is to obey orders from men.
Therefore, female members (wife) have to contend with the decision that is going to be made by the male member. This implies that females are supposed to be passive consumers of male decisions in the household. In agreement with the research,
Wambura (2016) also found out that men were constructed as strong, protectors and providers.
However, the lyrics point out that it is not regularly that women are totally excluded from decision making, in some situations some women questions the decisions they make as can be seen where the singer asks the listener why do women quarrel with their husbands. The males are not only restricted to make decisions on the family level, but at community level like issues pertaining to settling of disputes at „Wazees‟ barazas. Females are seen here not to be trusted in decision making, as they are considered in Kipsigis culture „not intelligent enough‟. This myth is also reinforced through other genres of oral literature like riddles, proverbs and oral narratives
(stories). In agreement with this finding, Wanjiru et al. (2015) established that since women are not intelligent and are unpredictable, their words are not to be trusted until they are verified since they might be useless and not helpful in any way. This perhaps explains why women were traditionally not allowed to participate in decision-making.
89 Wambura (2016) explains that they legitimate hegemonic masculinity - the traditional authority, power and control of men and subordination of women, and hegemonic femininity which guarantees the dominant position of men over women. Because it is women who perform and actively sing these songs, it can be stated that they have accepted and complied with traditional understandings that men are superior to women - this is how hegemony works - and perpetuate this, without coercion, every female circumcision season.
4.4 Whether Extent of Gendering is influenced by the Sex of the Listener
The third objective of the study seeks to examine whether the concept of gendering is influenced by the sex of one who is listening. Rogers (2013) notes that when an individual tries to study lyrical content, one must be mindful of the issue of gender in music, as themes of gender stereotyping are prevalent throughout society. Guck
(1994) as cited by Sergeant and Himonides (2016) said that it involves the attribution of behaviours or qualities typical of either femininity or masculinity to objects, phenomena or persons. It also refers to the attribution of feminine or masculine quality to some part of opposed concepts or entities. This implies that it is not an inherent quality of an object but rather a comparative attribution to it, performing as a form of a simile. An object cannot be validated as described as gendered unless a direction (male to female) and degree (extreme or slight) on a scale of masculinity- femininity is identified for it.
90 Recognition of song extracts
All listeners (12, 6 males and 6 females) recognised the sex of the composers and were therefore known to them. None of the respondents incorrectly identified the composers of the songs as indicated in the MASCFEM scale below:
MASCFEM Scale
Masculinity – femininity (MASCFEM) scale values for extracts were examined through use of t – test by using sex of the listener as grouping variable. Table 4.3 presents the findings of the study.
Table 4.4 Group Statistics
Gender of the listener N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean Male Male 6 1.1667 .40825 .16667 composers Female 6 1.3333 .51640 .21082 Female Male 6 13.5000 .83666 .34157 composer Female 6 13.8333 .40825 .16667
Statistics showed that for extracts that were composed by males, males showed higher masculinity score (M=1.167 and SD=0.40) compared to female listeners (M=1.33 and
SD=0.516) who had lower MASCFEM scale. Table 4.4 further show that for songs sung by women, women had higher MASCFEM femininity (M=13.83 and SD=0.408) compared to males (M=13.5 and SD=0.83). This result shows that male and female composed extracts were easily identifiable by listeners involved in the study.
H03: There is no significant difference between gendering and the sex of the listener.
91 To test the hypothesis, an independent t – test was computed to check on whether
there existed significant difference between gendering and sex of the listener. The
results are presented in Table 4.5.
Table 4.5 Independent Samples Test
Levene's t-test for Equality of Means Test for Equality of Variances 95% Confidence Interval of the Difference Sig. Mean Std. Error F Sig. t Df (2- Lower Upper Difference Difference tailed) Male Equal - composer variances 1.607 .234 10 .549 -.16667 .26874 -.76546 .43213 .620 assumed Equal variances - 9.494 .550 -.16667 .26874 -.76981 .43648 not .620 assumed Female Equal - - composer variances 3.769 .081 10 .401 -.33333 .38006 .51349 .877 1.18016 assumed Equal variances - - 7.253 .409 -.33333 .38006 .55904 not .877 1.22571 assumed
The research findings show that there existed no significant difference (p>0.05)
between gendering and sex of the listener. Therefore, the study null hypothesis is
accepted. The finding implies that sex of the listeners did not influence masculinity /
femininity of the music. The perception of gendering is related to the sex of the
listener was not therefore supported in this study. Different from this study, Sergeant
and Himonides (2016) research found out that the listeners of musically experienced
sample were not in a position to determine the sex of composers from the samples of
their work. They also found out that gendering aspect was not inherent in musical
structures, but was contributed to the perceptual event by the listener. The research
92 findings established that perception of gendering was not related to the sex of the listener.
4.5 Stereotypical Portrayals in Kipsigis Secular Songs and Construction of
Gender Identity
The fourth objective of the study sought to determine to what extent the stereotypical portrayals of Kipsigis secular songs on gender construe gender identity. Gender identity individual features in relation to population norms and scales of gender traits.
According to Wood and Eagly (2015), gender identify reflexively operate as a lens through which gender characteristics in persons and objects are judged. In this study, the researcher sought to determine the degree to which stereotypes reflected in
Kipsigis secular songs denote self – sex concept.
At first through interview, the respondents were asked as to whether Kipsigis secular songs portrayed male and female members equally. According to the responses,
Kipsigis cultural songs do not portray both sexes equally and one gender appears to be superior compared to another. They indicated that majority of songs that have been written and sung by men undermine the female through several stereotypes that construe gender identity. Those singers view women as lazy always waiting for men to buy everything. Some women argued that they are not allowed to go to the market to do business because their husbands will think that they will become unfaithful. All these instances are being promoted through secular songs.
Through interview with the respondents, the secular songs blame women on family conflict that arises even when the man is on the wrong. Women are portrayed as trouble makers. Women are also viewed as homemakers - they should be at home at
93 all times doing the household chores. Even when a woman goes out of the home or travel for two consecutive days, she is viewed as just loitering and destroying her home. Some women argue that men hate them; some singers have gone to an extent of comparing them with women of other tribes (Luo) and argued that Kipsigis women do not perform their expected spousal duties well. Some songs portray women as children who should be taken care of, cannot make decision by their own (need to consult the husband in all matters) and need to be supervised regularly. In some instances, women have been portrayed as practising witchcraft. It is claimed that jealousy drives them to bewitch other people‟s children when they encounter them.
Presenting a similar view, Wanjiru et al. (2015) found out that women are described as destroyers of peace and harmony, untrustworthy, cowards, outsiders, vulnerable and quarrelsome; often being put in similar categories with children. In addition,
Masuku (2005) argued that images depicted in Zulu folktales approximate social reality in so far that it is embedded in the general consciousness that certain women are unfaithful and dangerous to the society, and they must be destroyed if the opportunity arises.
On the masculine side, interview results with respondents showed that Kipsigis secular songs have uplifted the males in the society. The males have been viewed as being the head of the family; they are the foundation and pillars. Therefore, they are the main decision makers in the home. On a negative note, males have been pictured and portrayed as cruel and wife barterers. Some men justified being cruel by arguing that sometimes women do not perform according to their expectations and hence should be reminded about their duties by canning. They argued therefore that women should take canning positively and appreciate correction. The males have also been
94 portrayed as the head of the family or the pillar in the family. In case where the man of the family dies, the first-born son (Mature) is advised by the elders to stand firm and take good care of the family even though the mother is still alive. This is a clear indication that the woman cannot head the family. In addition, males are portrayed as property owners.
Whatever property that is in the family belongs to him. He can sell or do anything without consulting the family. The exposure of people to secular music, which have stereotypical messages, may result to construction of gender identity in the society.
This is because the frequency to which the music is played to people may result to development of self – sex concepts. For instance, through constant listening of music portraying men as assertive and aggressive, some young men have developed such behaviours in the society. The stereotypes associated with masculinity communicated through Kipsigis secular songs encouraged the society to harass female members and treat them differently from male members in the society. Furthermore, even in solving family conflicts, the process appeared not to be fair but based on sexual orientation
This finding is in agreement with Khan et al (2015) who established that there was a common tendency to portray women in hateful and negative way.
More importantly, there is a tendency towards a negative or hateful portrayal of women in Pakhtu proverbs. These proverbs restrict, confine and seclude them. When asked on whether they accepted the gender stereotypes as individual identities reflected in secular songs, five men disagreed while one agreed. On the women part, two of them agreed that they accepted gender stereotypes portrayed in secular songs while four of them disagreed. This implied that not all members of the society accept
95 the message portrayed through Kipsigis secular songs. Majority of the interviewees
(7) agreed while (5) disagreed.
4.6 Summary of the Chapter
This chapter has presented research findings on stereotypical construction of gender in Kipsigis secular songs in Chepalungu Sub County, Kenya. The researcher conducted a discourse analysis to determine how gender was constructed through the
Kipsigis culture by analysing gender terms appearing in Kipsigis secular songs, determining the portrayal of male and female gender in Kipsigis secular songs, establishing whether the message communicated in Kipsigis secular songs was gender and lastly determine the way in which stereotypical portrayal led to construction of gender identity in the Kipsigis culture.
The results were presented using themes and sub – themes through content analysis.
Direct quotations and translations were made so that the information can be easily interpreted. The study found out that secular songs sang by male artist degraded women to traditional roles while males are praised for their strength and power in the society. However, incidents of gender subversion emerged among women singers whereby the lyrics they chose appears to urge the society to uphold equality and give all people equal chance.
96 CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Introduction
This chapter presents the summary of study on stereotypical construction of gender in
Kipsigis secular songs in Chepalungu sub county, Bomet County, Kenya. The chapter presents the summary of the findings of the study based on the research questions, conclusions, recommendations and makes suggestions for future studies.
5.2 Summary of Findings of the Study
This research looked at the stereotypical construction of gender in Kipsigis secular songs. The researcher analysed fifteen secular songs sung by nine male and six female artists. The songs chosen were selected among more than 154 and were found to be popular and understood by majority of residents in Chepalungu Sub County. The decision to choose these particular songs was because it is assumed that they have power to construct community view of gender. This implies that the secular music had significant effect on the way the issue of gender was constructed in Kipsigis culture.
The participants for this research involved twelve men and twelve women aged between 34 – 58 years old. However, most of the participants could not recall their exact age and this implies the reason as to why the mean age was found to be at 47 years. The community members participated in listening sequence and interview so that the researcher could get their perceptions on various issues that the study concentrated on. The analysis of data was done through qualitative and quantitative forms. The following is a brief summary of the study findings:
97 5.2.1 Kipsigis Secular Songs Words Communication of Information Relating to
Gender
While examining the words in Kipsigis songs that used to communicate information relating to gender, it was found out that male composers tended to use feminine terms mostly compared to their female counterparts who also happened to use masculine terms in their music. The researcher observed that the way the secular songs were constructed appeared to be demeaning women and exalting men. For instance
Murenik tugul ongigilge murencho ongigilge song by Micah Maritim (Male) encourage male to work hard while Juliet Chepkoech (female) song Ingokunin mungu boiyot kuu ni korkeni kung‟ indicates that some of their husbands constantly punishes them regularly.
However, the songs sung by female composers appeared to use terms advocating for women empowerment. Mous kwonyik murenik mous kwonyik song by Chelele
(female) artist urges men not to frustrate their wives. Further, the uses of metaphoric terms to refer to members of a certain gender were also evident in the study. For instance, use of word „subendo‟ meaning hen in English was used to indicate who women are.
Another term that appeared to be expressing gender information was „kipsoiywet‟ that meant a husband. The research found out that some songs used terms that confined women as homemakers while those sung by female composers like Florence
Chengetich (a female) advocated for society to consider improving the needs of the girl child. The main finding of this research is that Kipsigis secular songs communicated information relating to female gender more compared to those of male
98 gender. The secular songs lyrics also communicated information on subversion of patriarchy.
5.2.2 Stereotypical Portrayals of Female and Male in Kipsigis Secular Songs
The second objective of the study was to find out how females and males were portrayed in Kipsigis secular songs. According to results presented in Chapter Four; females through secular songs were perceived as; chepbitinaek (gossipers),
Chepsusurek (practice witchcraft), dependent, quarrelsome, chemulainik (unfaithful or prostitutes), tibikyok (beautiful girl child) and homemakers (ribe kaa). In addition, women are constructed as givers of life (sigisye), mothers (mama), carers (ribik), nurturers and servers. Whereas males in the research had been portrayed as; home providers, wife barterers (bire kwonyik), jealous (kipmegeinik), hardworking (igilege), drunkards (kipmainik), decision makers (kandoik) and pillars (toloita).
When analysing the stereotypical portrayals, the researcher found out that the styles and terms used by songwriters to write their music communicated certain information that influences gender roles in the society. Whereas men are seen as powerful and successful, women are seen to be inferior and subordinate to male persons. This shows the existence of patriarchy among Kipsigis community towards members of certain gender in Chepalungu Sub County.
5.2.3 Perception of Gendering of Kipsigis Secular Songs and Sex of the Listener
The third objective of the research sought to determine whether perception of gendering of Kipsigis secular songs was related to the sex of the listener. To achieve this objective, 15 songs were played to the respondents and the researcher requested them at first to indicate who the composers of the songs were. According to the study
99 findings, all listeners were able to categorise the listeners of those particular songs as nine males and six females. This implies that the voice, beats and intonation of the songs could clearly illustrate who the composers of such songs were. Examining the difference between the gender of listeners and their perceptions towards gendering shows that there existed no significant difference (p<0.05) between the gender of the listener and perceptions to gendering of the Kipsigis secular songs. This implies that both male and female listeners were able to differentiate between aspects of gender related to specific songs.
5.2.4 Stereotypical Portrayals of Kipsigis Secular Songs on Gender Identity
The fourth objective of the research was to find out how stereotypical portrayals in
Kipsigis secular songs construed gender identity. According to the study findings, it was found out that the message communicated through secular songs did not promote equality among members of all genders but promoted inequality. Songs that were sung by male artists undermined women depicting them as lazy and reliant on males to provide for their sustenance. The songs portrayed men as the controllers of women and the man has the power to decide on whatever he wants irrespective of position that a female has.
The music lyrics also shows that women are just good for entertainment, pleasure and looks while male are seen as powerful. This kind of messages that are spread through secular music contributed to male chauvinism, domestic violence, increased divorces and separation, increased division of labour, insecurity in homes among others effects.
The songs also appeared to show that women are judged on how they conducted themselves at home while men could be judged on their ability to provide for their families. This has led to development and maintenance of values and attitudes held by
100 various groups in the community with regard to issues of gender. This showed how secular music had the ability to impact on behaviours and thoughts due to its persuasive role.
5.3 Conclusion
The study has so far established that secular song‟s lyrics can shape the perceptions and views of community members towards gender issues.Overall, the Kipsigis secular songs were found to be very conservative with traditional themes appearing to be common in the fifteen songs studied. The influential role that music plays can influence construction of gender in Kipsigis society. Secular music has been found to communicate gender information through emotional and verbal content concurrently through listening of music and lyrics. The secular music creates an illusion of life for the listener that is transmitted by the composer through music. This implies why listening to music repeatedly result to construction of gender functions in the society.
Study findings shows that there is patriarchal construction of femininity through secular music as it shows the images of women as submissive, inferior, sexual objects and also child like. Through gender related information, women have been portrayed as incapable while men have been seen as capable. All the fifteen music lyrics that were analysed by the researcher showed that feminine gender terms dominated them.
Although female songwriters message through their songs were aimed to counter the cultural beliefs and principles that society has towards women, their number was less than male artists were. Females are portrayed and constructed through various negative strategies to be passive, unengaged, disempowered and shallow individuals whereas male has been portrayed as controller of female, he is able to pick and choose the female (wife) he wants and he has the power to make her do whatever he wants.
101 Comparison of stereotypical portrayals of male and female indicated that the songs advocates for women to be carers and males to be the heads of the households. This created the division of labour. Women are also described to be sexual objects through their body morphology while men are depicted as drunkards. Examinations of lyrics in the fifteen songs shows that they support patriarchy as the male is seen as having more worth than female in all majority of songs that the research selected. It was common only to find songs that talked of female in a respective and positive way to be related to their composers (female). These songs are seen to promote gender equity and equality in the Kipsigis culture.
In most songs, men are viewed as strong, protective, and in charge while women are viewed as an object, submissive, and disposable. There is rarely a song that talks about a woman having more power than a man.Many feminist critics believe that the way gender is constructed in popular culture today is wrong and degrading towards women and therefore more awareness is needed to reverse the trend. All the above- mentioned aspects were found to play a significant role in construction of gender since songs portray different roles and when it is played repeatedly, more people will listen to them and will be affected by it hence creating gender identity.
5.4 Recommendations
Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations were made:
i. Music composers should develop music that portrays realistic roles of
members of each gender. This will change the way men and women are
viewed in the society. This can succeed through collaboration between male
and female composers.
102 ii. Music composers should consider the message they advocate though their
music may not be not popularity in nature. For instance, female artist may not
need to adjust their lyrics to be parallel to those by male in order to be
successful but it should be based on individual experiences. Rather they need
to structure their lyrics in a way their message will be accepted by all members
of the community. Success may be short-lived but the impact of music may
affect generations and generations to come. iii. Music composers should write music on what they believe on themselves.
Some male artists tend to write music that could be derogatory in nature to
women while in the actual sense whatever they are advocating for is not what
is happening in their own personal life. iv. Music composers should create awareness to the members of the public on
differentiating popular music and music that has individual and societal value.
5.6 Suggestions for Further Studies
Based on the findings, conclusion and recommendations of the study, the study makes the following suggestions for future research:
i. A similar research can be conducted through using music of different genres
other than secular ones like political, cultural, wedding songs, initiation songs,
and circumcision songs among others.
ii. A similar research can be conducted in the whole county of Bomet, Nakuru
and Kericho where Kipsigis community live. iii. A comparative research can be conducted by including secular songs from
other communities and the way they promote gendering.
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112 APPENDICES
APPENDIX I: INTERVIEW GUIDE
1. Introduction
- Respondent to be welcomed and each person to identify him/herself
- Researcher to explain the purpose of the research by introducing herself
- The researcher to explain the core areas that will be discussed.
A. Whether perception of gendering is related to sex of the listener
- To explain and discuss roles how men and women are perceived to be in the society through secular songs.
B. Stereotypical Portrayal of Kipsigis Secular Songs towards Gender Identity
- Interviewee to give his/her opinions and perceptions on how secular songs have influenced gender power in the society.
C. Conclusion
Interviewee to make conclusions give his/her their final verdict on discussions, and suggest recommendations.
The end
Thank you
113 APPENDIX II: LISTENING SEQUENCE SCALE
2. Background Information Gender of the composer of the song Male [ ] Female [ ] Gender of the listener Male [ ] Female [ ] Age of the listener ______Who is the composer of the song that you are listening Male [ ] Female [ ]
3. Listening Sequence Scale The following scale to be used by the researcher during the listening session with the respondent.
Male Female Composer sex decision
7 6 5 4 3 2 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Confidence rating
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 MASCFEM scale
Masculine Gender Neutral Feminine Perceived gendering
114 APPENDIX III: SONGS EXTRACTS
1. Selele by Junior Kotestes
Olon kewe uiyan, kor iitu ko lang‟at When you go somewhere and come back late at night Ko kaker koot kwondo When your wife is asleep and has locked the house Iebit omwaun tukuljinge uiyan dakikosiek tiptem ak Itwaitwai selele koyatun koot kwondo Let me tell you, hide somewhere for 20, min and shake a paperbag, your wife will open the door. Asiamwa kounun ko koayai research When I say like that, I have done enough research Kwongicho bo kasari kotinye morechet Women of nowadays have their own issues Olon kewe uiyan koriitu kokemo kotebe maswali iyabu ano korya When you go somewhere and come late, they ask so many questions like where are you coming from this late?
Kitun awe Tinet abakati chorwa I once went to Tinet to visit a friend Korr kebe uiyan kor keito ko kemoi Later we went somewhere and come back very late in the evening Kobolchech kwondo nyin ak koetenech kimnyet His wife quarreled us and denied us food.
Ara anyun we leiye olon kobe uiyan kor oitu kokemo Now our people when you go somewhere and come back late Ko kaer koot kwondo ebit amwoun twaitwai selele When your wife has locked the house, listen carefully I tell you shake a paper bag (let the noise of a paper bag be heard by her). Itwatwae selele weri koyatun koot kwondo 3.0 When you shake a paper bag, your wife will definitely open the door Monologue Oebit amwowok, remote nekiyoren koot ko selele Listen carefully, the remote control for opening the house is a paper bag full of shopping Iwendi yon koimechichin itite kiy en selele ak iib selele Ibetwaitwai kogetakulnjige konait ikose kongete kobare oui oui oui When you go home late, carry some shopping in a paper bag and shake it a corner near the door, you will hear her waking up to open the door
2. Meus kwondo by Chelele Mous kwonyik murenik mous kwonyik Men do not frustrate your wives x2 Meus kwondo nebo kaa mama toto mama toto Do not frustrate the mother of your children
115 Konyalu irib kotililit simesubote chebo biik chekikerib You are required to take care of her, to make her neat and presentable so that you do not go after other people‟s wives who have been take care of. Chorus Meus kwondo x 2 Do not frustrate your wife Meus kwondo nebo kaa Mama toto x2 Do not frustrate the mother of your children Olchin tuguk chemoche mama toto (ingoryet) Buy her what she wants like clothes Rotyin metit akine kou chebo biik Giver her money to plait her hair like other people wives Kolaach ingoryet ne go it mama toto Make sure she wears the latest fashion Ak imutate kosaita mama toto Take her for outings
Amatiloitumen mama toto yamande isib iitu sikobaibait Do not be away from your wife for long, when you go out, come back in good time (early) to make her happy Ak imwochini makosa, matibirabir Inform her about her mistakes, do not beat her up anyhow Kerke kwonyik tugul kobaten irib nengunget All women are the same, it is only that you should take care of yours.
3. Obot mini by Kipchamba Obot mini kigonyolivyo bikap kokwet Mother of mini, the villagers have suffered a lot Okobo inye obut mini ak boiyondengung Because of your quarrels between you and your husband
Obot mini kilyan inye sioboldosi abokora Mother of mini, why do you always quarrel with your husband Ak boiyondengungu bongo ngatutik Who should be the head of the family, who should have the final say?
Obot mini kikitun ainon en inye ak chitangung Mother of mini who married who between you and your wife Bane bolet kipchulyo ne makimunye Why do you always quarrel without ceasing. Husband: Oiye leu mami chi koi, lakwani, mini kowo ano komet Hey its like there is nobody in the house, mini where is your mother Mini: Mongen I don‟t know Husband: Kakwo banda kanyin iii aiye wee weny takai olionen kikosungukan ole kiech ak koimen kot keit kaa kokamusok kiy age tugul, ne tomasu ton irote aibu ee chuton nee chu abire raa She has gone loitering in the village, I don‟t know what I will ever do with this woman. All the time, when I arrive home, everything is in a mess. If a visitor come, you will get embarrassed….i will beat her today.
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4. Bitinet by Kipkirui Ng’eny Kinami uiyan agas kiit ne kisilan it kule wis agas koityok bitinet x 2 When I was somewhere, I heard something go passed my ear and I noted that you have started gossiping Alenen aeb it agas kogi bitinet che kimwa akobo ane ak inye x 2 utien kabisa x2 Chepitinaiyat When I listened carefully, I heard it was a gossip about me and you (wife) never gossip about me (female gossiper)
Kinami olin nuwanet olibu kisainet agase lenen (kule sirani) x 2 Chebane en inye aka ne metinye kasi When I was at her home in kisainet, I heard you say (my neighour said) x 2 Why do you gossip about me, don‟t you have work to do?
Ii sireret kabisa kiwechin kororek chemetinye x 2 You are just a crow; it is only that you do not have wings to fly Ndo imi Zaire imwaitoton Otherwise you would have gone all the way to Zaire spreading gossip about me
Kwongutik che echen ara kimnyeit metinye kororik tos isibon ole omoche awa ak ibaimwaitatan This is shocking, it is good you do not have wings to fly; otherwise you could be following me wherever I go spreading rumours about me
Amenye kimalal kipkirui ako mongen akot kesingung kiptere I kipkirui live in Kimalal and I do not even your home Kiptere.
5. Kipsoiywet by Juniour Kotestes Kiseret kipsoiywet x 2 manyalil ne tinye A cock has suffered greatly; the suffering of a cock is great
Yon kageny subendo arek Chelelach sigoger kipsoiywet makorot nemukie When a hen hatches, white chicks and the cock is dark in colour, if the cock was able to talk, it would be shocked. Ndo twegu Kipsoiywet yun kageny subendo arek chelelach makorot ne mwae, yun kageny segerger kaat x2 If a cock could talk, when the hen hatches white chicks, it would talk wonders (condemn the hen) when the chicks are of different species
Kokerge aik kimogul met, mabolotet ne oo yon kang‟et seretet makorot ne mwae The cock is just like a man, he will quarrel when he faces problems in his family
Uyon kanerech kakokure ng‟atatek inge mara kolelel kipsoiywet ak kogigeny arek che tuen anan kogigeny cheserger kaat kole koroi kotakibar The cock is just like a man, when the cock is going on with its daily duties, the hen hatches dark chicks and then the cock is white in colour or a different species have been hatched, he will say “I feel like killing this one (wife)”
6. Yach Busurek by El Parentes
117 Yach busurek oooh chepyosochu matobonwwech lagok x2 Witchcraft is bad hey women do not bewitch our children Isich neng;uny nenyun akinse sugul x2 Give birth to your child, I give birth to mine, then we take them to school Lagok ko lagok chepyosochu matoureren x2 Children are children, kindly women, do not play around with them by bewitching them Yaa chebusuryot oo Amina kosir chorindet oo Amina A witch is worse than a thief, Amina x 2 Kikimutyin oo Amina en Barabara Amina x2 When people realised you were a witch, you were surrounded just by the roadside Kiitolo oo Amina koo talamwa Amina x2 It was clear and there was evidence to show that you were a witch Kibutoni ooo Amina chebusurenik en Kenya We will sack all the witches in Kenya.
7. Cheplemindet by Micah Maritim
Amole kasurienok chepyosok ab kutit, thenge ole kiripto boiyot Kalenjin women, do not say I hate / dislike you it all depends on how you take care of your husband
Ingen koribiik cheplemindet x2 ingen koririb boiyondenyin wee A luo woman knows how to take care of her husband. She knows how to take good care of the husband.
Ole ripto biik cheplemindet kole olon I chiru boiyot yon kainyobut tugun The way a luo woman takes care of the husband is that when the husband comes home while drunk Kotorogon akokesenin ak komutin mpaka koo She will come for you and put you on her back and take you inside the house. Akwokotereketen en ngecheret okoregun kwoshiek Okoregun sikisinik ak kobo beek akomwetun kelyek She will make you sit on a chair, removes your shoes and socks, she will then warm water and wash your feet; Kouson kweyot kabisa bako ilili ne ndondeun Sukuma iyomdoen ilenen bakulit She will wipe your shoes until they shine such that you can use it to eat food instead of a bowl
Akot olun iwendi babit buyot, koboe beek cheplemindet ak koibun Even when you are going to the bathroom, a luo woman will wam water for you
Bakaach ichechu chok che nilenji amoche awo babit Leave alone, these ones of ours, if you tell them you want to shower, Kuibun beek che koitit che kotoche en robta She will fetch you rain water Che Iniwashi batai iyarunyake iyeku question mark Which when you pour on your back, your body turns into a question mark Kule si kobarge boiyot ak pneumonia en ulen bo babit So that he can suffer from pneumonia ,
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Kinaipchi mbuta x2 kunyokoyoiwan cheplemident x2 When I took the nile perch fish, to a luo woman to cook for me Sikoibwon kobwa meseet x 2 sikotobot any, sikotobot any en ng‟echeret Sikiamisian ak kegeregee, ara kokararan kasi She will cook so well and bring to the table we eat together
8. Bomorisiek by Joseph Kosium
Ogas ng‟alechun bomorisiechu, Listen to these words old men yon korogoshine Ak bomorisek, when you have done marriage negotiation and have agreed with your in-laws ogosyine kosyinet ne litit asi kotunkee lagok komie you should be united so that when the couple get married, they also remain united.
Ogas ak okweek chepkelelik, yun kogikunin Young ladies, when married, ibur ak boyondengung komie chepkeliot oooh rib boyondengung komie live peacefully with your husband, take care of your husband well, that is your husband there is no other husband Young lady take good care of your husband. Ak inye sandanin irib lagokuk x2 Young man take care of your children Ma niito lang‟at ten matanda Do not come in the evening angry Sandanin ooh rib lagokuk komie Young man take care of your children well (wife included) , provide for them everything needed Obur komie ak oyai maendeleo Obur komie ak obakach ng‟alek chechany Live peacefully and do some investment, live peacefully Sandanin ooh riib lagoguk kumie Young man provide for your children
9. Ongigilge by Micah Maritim Ako kiramwa ale takosuryenon murenik buch I have said that men will hate me one day Amache murenik tugul obwan tuiyet ak ibu kalamit and kitabutab 32 pages I have convened a meeting for all men bring a pen and 32paged note book.
Murenik tugul ongigilge murenchu ongigilge Let us all work hard as men Ongetil tuyet ketuiyen x 2 keng‟alalen ng‟alechu x2 Kiit ne kiitui kwonyik Let‟s convene a meeting to talk about what we can do about these women
Molen ale kebar kwonyik Am not saying we talk negatively about women, , akot ane kisachan kwondo, Kwondo nenyun ko kwondo
119 I was born by a woman, my wife is a woman lakini yoche murenik kebe Kibagenge kou yon mi kwonyik kibakenge But we have to be united the way women are united.
Koko koromekitun kwonyik, kobirech maketinye boor Women have turned out to be tough, they are beating us (men) Kosusech kotarech siyok, kosusech kotarech itik They are biting our fingers and ears. Amune sikobirech iman kwonyik?x2 Why do women beat us? Nenyoru murenik koteben kwondo moet ak Kokuti kunyek kolenen, murenik le kebaran oo kures You find a man being sat on by a woman, and being beaten thoroughly, the man says “Grace, you are killing me” Ilen kebaran ooh kures murenik, anan ko kainget Ibir ak iwirte As a man instead of saying “Grace, you are killing me” rise up in a style and give the woman a thorough beating
Agenda nebo tuiyonoto ko style ole kilukto ak Ole kibelititoi, ole kimosto ak chebunyoo The agenda of that meeting is to discuss how to box the women with a fist, how to slap and how to hit her hard with a club. Motobir kwondob kasari kou keny. Ile kityele ak kipchukunewet pole pole Do not beat the current generaton women with a twig like long time ago Ichepchep inne ak imumut eut murenik ak iberekan Sabarisiek somok ak iluch anan imas ak chebunyobo rorok marindet. Tighten your fist hard and you box her hard or hit her with a club until her skirt falls off.
Koranai sikai kobirech x2 kiyee maywek ama kiaisyei I‟ve known why we are beaten, we drink a lot Kor kenamin koiregeanat ak ikose ichorireni When women beat us, we are very weak and can‟t hit back
Kemuch en ano kimaiyat ibir kwondo ne koie A drunkard cannot manage to beat a wife Maywek kot Koech. Koranai sikobirech kwonyik Sikoi kosasech kwonyik Kiitu saa kumi na moja ak iwe saa kumi na mbili Amamii kasit ne yae A drunkard who has been drinking the whole night cannot manage to beat his wife You come in at 5:am and leave at 6:am – you do nothing in the house.
10. Kitot kobaran by Tumbalal arap Sang’
Ane non tieni komingo Tumbalal arap Sang‟ x2 I tumbalal arap sang sang the song komingo Inabwat ane chemanenyun ne kiki chamdosi x 2 When i thing about my love and how we loved one another.
120 Kitot kobaran wee x2 kitot kobaran wee Her love for me almost killed me x2 Kitot kobaran chamyenywi wee kitot kobaran wee Her love for me almost killed me x2
Kingelenjin kimi kumba kokiriron tumbalal When she was told I „ve travelled to Kumba she waited patiently Kingelenjin buch chamanet kokikwerun kora When told „my love‟she was happy Kinerekitos chorokokyik ak konwererun My friends were very jealous
Burtanyiri kokibo mutyo She had a very beautiful body katamne suet, king‟ing‟in suwet Kilasit Her waist was slender like a glass katamne katit kiterter katit inguni kutamne Her neck was slim Konyek aresen konyek bo kwongut Her eyes were beautiful kutamne kutit Kitui kutit koo lamai Her lips were dark like lemon fruit kotamne kelek indanan kokimalelach kokikororum Her teeth: though not white were good and glowing
Indanan mabetos lomiik kiloman kora Jealous people will never miss Kiipchinige ne tumbalal konikan kora "how can you associated with tumbalal?" she was asked Kiwalchi cheptoo kolenji kibendi ak kwanda tumbalal kura Cheptoo answered, “I will always be with Tumbalal” Kitot kobaran kingumwa kitot kobaran wee I was touched by what she said Kitot kobaran kingumwa kounon kitolenjun sei I was touched by what she said. marindenyin kokijinja kitolenjun tis Her skirt was pure cotton..It was beautiful Kitambaet kokibuluu kitolenjun twa Her scarf was blue it was beautiful Sunuek che kimi suet kitolenjun tis Her necklace was beautiful.
11. My kwondo – mia maritim Chang biik kipmegeinik wee bikyuk There exist many jealous people Ne ngoker biik che chamdos Whom when they see lovers konam kochut katikati Kou susuryot kotakobesyo biik, chekochomdos wee will interfere with their love like a weevil until they part ways.
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Bakakten chichun x 2 Leave that man Bakakten kwonyon leave that woman Ingotunkee biik konam kororiso ak kole When a couple get married, they start laughing Kotunkee sura mbaya makingen and claim that they are ugly, lagok chekisiche en koyon tot koige lagok mososiek children born out of the union will look like monkeys. Inatun kwondo ne tui konam kororiso ak kole ketun kwondo neu makaa When I marry a dark woman they laugh and say my wife is as dark as charcoal Atun kwondo ne birir kunan kuroriso kogeny ak kolen Matorikyi kwondab weron ose agot olon roboni Mekomastak ilet. When I marry a light-skined woman they say do not go near especially when It‟s raining one can be struck by lightning.
12 KONAN ELUBUT JOSEPH by Chelele Diana Musila I.Chelele [wife] :Ani konan elubut Joseph *2 Chelele ; Joseph assist me with 1000 shilings Joseph [husband]: Che mi ano Joseph ; Joseph I don‟t have Chelele; le kakoi kobarech rubet * 2 Chelele ;We are dying of hunger/starvation Joseph ;Obekun ibak. Joseph ; you can die if you want Chelele ; isobeech ooh Joseph Chelele ; feed us Joseph so that we can live . CHORUS Chelele ; Joseph assist me with 1000 shillings. Joseph ; I don‟t have Chelele ; Joseph assist me with 1000 shillings . Joseph ;I have told you I don‟t have .
II .Chelele ;Ile isereton Joseph Chelele ; Why are you making me suffer Joseph ? Joseph ; Ak ne iman ooh chepyoset Joseph ; How am I making you suffer ? Chelele ;Ene si iseretun Joseph Chelele ; Why are you making me suffer Joseph ; Kalyanen Joseph ; What have I done ? Chelele ;Iyoldoi tuguk Joseph Chelele ; you are selling family property . Joseph ; Achon Joseph ; Which property ? Chelele ; Iyolooi tuguk Joseph chekabwa kuo Joseph
122 Chelele:You are selling family property
CHORUS Chelele ;Toreton elufut Joseph Chelele ;Joseph assist me with 1000 shillings Joseph ; Kany sagunin Joseph ;Wait , I will give you Chelele ; Toreton elufut Joseph Chelele ;Joseph assist me with 1000 shillings Joseph ; Le kolenjin matinye nguni Joseph ; I have told you I don‟t have Chelele ; Ni konan elufut Joseph kwandab chepngeno Chelele ;Father of Chepngeno , kindly assist me with 1000 shillings
III. Chelele ; Le koiyalnde teta Joseph Chelele ;Why did you sell our cow , Joseph ? Joseph ; Ainon Joseph ; which one? Chelele ; Le koiyalnde teta Joseph Chelele ; Why did you sell the cow Joseph Joseph ; Kobare nenyum ooh Joseph ; That is my cow Chelele ; Ak ibokiten kut kobek Chelele ; You spent the money in drinking alcohol Joseph ; Ane any Joseph ; Me, ? I didn‟t Chelele ; Asi agochi nee lagok Chelele ; Where will I get milk for the children Chelele ; Where will I you get milk for the children CHORUS Chelele ; Toreton elubut Joseph Chelele ; Joseph , assist me with 1000 shillings Joseph ; Alen meng‟om Joseph ; It seems you are not intelligent Chelele ; Toreton elubut Joseph Chelele ; Joseph , assist me with 1000 shillings Joseph ; Tenyun ii Joseph ; You are asking about my cow ? Chelele ; Ni Kunan elufut Joseph kwandab chepngeno Chelele ; Joseph kindlyassist me with 1000 shillings – father of chepngeno
IV. Chelele ; Kiachon eng sukul Joseph Chelele ; Joseph , I have adebt in school [ I have not paid school fees ] Joseph ; Chee banee ooh Joseph , For what ? Chelele ; Kiachun eng sukul Joseph Chelele ; Joseph , I have a debt in school Joseph ; Sokonin korun Joseph ;I will give you tomorrow
123 Chelele ; Matindo laguk unifom Chelele ; The children have no school uniform Joseph ; Kora i Joseph ; Again ? Chelele ; Matinye loguk unifom toreton elurut Joseph Chelele ; The children have no school uniform assist me with 1000 shillings
CHORUS Chelele ; Toreton elufut Joseph Chelele ; Joseph assist me with 1000shillings Joseph ; ile any kuyame elubut Joseph ; 1000 shillings is not enough for all those needs Chelele ; Tureton elufut Joseph Chelele ; Joseph assist me with 1000 shillings Joseph ; kany wikinin. Joseph ; Wait until the following week Chelele ; Toreton elubut Joseph kwandab chepngeno Chelele ; Joseph assist me with 1000 shillings
V. Chelele ; Amache kesigun Joseph Chelele ; I want us to get saved Joseph Joseph ; Ane Joseph;me? Chelele ; Amache kesigun Joseph Chelele ; I want us to get saved Joseph Joseph ; Ee ee any Joseph ; No , no, no Chelele ; Sikobusor tabusiek Chelele ; so that these problems can reduce Joseph ; Kotasiku any Joseph ; I will not get saved Chelele ; Siko bosak tabusiek kebe ...... Joseph Chelele ; so that these problems can reduce
CHORUS Chelele ; Toreton elufut Joseph Chelele:assist me with 1000shillings Joseph ;Nisisike kobuse Jeiso tabwek ii ? Joseph: You think Jesus can reduce your problems Chelele Toreton elufut Joseph ; anan ikonan elufut Chelele:assist me with 1000shillings Joseph ; Kwandab chepngeno Joseph:father of chepngeno
VI. Chelele ; Amache kosaun pastor Chelele ; I want a pastor to pray for you Joseph ; Toreton ooh tondonon Joseph ; Leave me alone
124 Chelele ; Amache kasaun pastor Chelele ; I want a pastor to pray for you Joseph ; Shindwe Joseph ; Shindwe Chelele ; Tamirmiyet nioo mauywek Chelele ; This spirit of alcoholism Joseph ; Amen Chelele ; Tamirmiryet nebo maiywek kiterertere ooh Joseph Chelele ; This spirit of alcoholismm is defeated and overcome......
CHORUS
Chelele ; Toreton elufut Joseph
Chelele:assist me with 1000shillings Joseph ;Nisisike kobuse Jeiso tabwek ii ? Joseph: You think Jesus can reduce your problems Chelele Toreton elufut Joseph ; anan ikonan elufut Chelele:assist me with 1000shillings Joseph ; Kwandab chepngeno Joseph:father of chepngeno
VII.Chelele ; Ibak inereche Joseph Chelele ; Joseph I can see you are angry Joseph ; Telelo Joseph ; Can you stand there , am coming .... Chelele ; Ibak inereche Joseph Chelele ;Joseph I can see you are angry Joseph ; Anorin ibak Joseph I will beat you thoroughly Chelele ; iibu kirokto ne bo nee Chelele ; Why are you coming with a cane Joseph ; ilea ne ne ke ...... Joseph ; I don‟t entertain nonsence Chelele ; Kotikweron awache * 2 Chelele ; If you hit me , I will scream Kotikwerun awache kwandab chepngeno If you hit me I will scream , father of Chepngeno
13. Ongerik Tipikyok by Nerrisa Chepkemoi 1.Kongoi wee tibikyok chebo kalenjin Thanks to our beautiful Kalenjin girl child Tibikyok che korononen kot ongerib wee bikyok ak kisomesan Our beautiful girl child let us educate and take care of them chorus Ongerib tibikyok ongesomesan tibikyok * 2 Let us protect our girl child * 2 2. Kimwae Bible kolenen inet lakwet kominyin ago mautyen agoi ye kakoyosit Train a child in the way he should go and he shall not depart from it.
125 Amwae ane Nerissa ale ilitit ketit koming‟in korutu keton kotendon ,maite besho ko kurutik kounoto tibikyok ongersin komengechen Just like a tree trim it while young,it will grow tall and does not warp , and so our girl , let us guide them from tender age .
3.Logocho miten taonshiek kokima chamenywan The twilight girls never intended their lives that way Manyor ribset ne kiyam kongeten kiingomengech They were not taken care of when they were young Ye inde sugul lakwengung keer ile keluban fees When you take your child to school , pay for her school fees. Ikochin tuguk tugul che yomotin meutyen pocket money Give her everything she requires, do not forget pocket money Ko ret agenge noton ye iriben tibikyok That is one way of taking care of the girl child.
4.Mau geny oliginye kicham kebendi tumdo sikele kitun It is not like the olden days when girls underwent circumcision Kosich konywan tuga chengeee gee ra chekisoman So that they could be married of for a good bride price Girls work hard so that you do not regret later 5.Olon ye oribe tibichu , komoutyen murechu *2 When taking care of the girl child, remember the boy child too Amun icheget ko toloita ako metit mwae Bible Because they are the head and pillars of the family. Angot omete icheget , komuti ng‟o kora tibichu? When you do not educate them who will marry our girls ? Ongisomesan tibikyok Ongisomesan werikyok Let us educate all children equally
14. Kipsoywet by Florence Cheng’etich
1. Kirgit muiryaet wee kororyat soryet wee Perseverance is compared to a bull while separation compared to a calf Kikile ban mutyo kochepchep keldo ne onwun We have to move slowly in this world Iniyonwon awek konyonet korityego ata imache awek When I go back home you come for me several times chorus kotawekinge wee kolok kipsoiywet wee will never ever come back to you.
2.Kiri uson uson Kenyisiek agwan ee You have mistreated me for four years . Arirtoen baba ne kikoiton aminyin. I blame my father who married me off when I was young Inawe konyon , ko onwan baba konyun When I go home , my father chases me and tells me to go to my husband
126 Kosich nabas tyondo nebo uset kila. My husband (“animal”) uses such opportunities to mistreat me . Kosich nabas tyondo nebo biret kila The “animal” uses such opportunities to beat me up .
3.Asikeyomis bikyok ko kowe kibarua ee I feed my children using the wages I get from casual labour. Asikolachge lagok ko kawe kibarua I cloth my children using the wages I get from casual labour Kasomaso lagok kakawe kibarua I educate my children using the wages I get from casual labour asi koit tyondo mache kobutul Then the “animal” comes and demands for food
4.kin kotorwe saa sita nebo kemo koitu One day when I was asleep , he arrived at 12 midnight Ak kwondo muremboyot age kolenjon wiru chiget ak lagoch kugeet With another beautifull lady , he ordered me to go sleep in the kitchen with my children Kiarir kemo kut koech kialechine Mungu I cried the whole night and asked God what I did wrong .
5.Kialelun nee ooh baba sikoiton kipsombilwa Father what did I do to deserve being married off to this “animal” Aisuru mang‟ok Mungu kiotwan konyek ee Anyway God is generous ,He opened my eyes Kokonan talentait kolenjun siboryen ak imere kipsumbilwa ak irib lagokok *2 He gave me a talent to use so that I can provide for my children and leave the” animal”
15.Keswani by Juliet Chepkoech
1. Mamiten kiy ne keminen keregut nekikoye *2 There is nothing that can be used to mend a broken pot Kirominomin ak cemendi kobundo kora*2 I have tried mending with cement but still it breaks Kiramin kimyet aminen kobundo kora *2 I‟ve tried mending with ugali but still it breaks Chorus Kiratii keswani makomi tigikyet I have carried this burden till my shoulders are worn out Kiraige ne semberchin kirgit ab kibaib Maelewani aragaik awekyinige leet This foolish people will never understand
2. Inatech kobutobuti kirangetite When I build he destroys , I am tired of him . Inaal soburyet kosute monge ole ibe *2 When I buy a sufuria he takes it away , and I don‟t know where he takes it
127 Iibu nyecheret kwalda wekyin biik lee ee When I buy I seat , he sells it off Oibu bendo konyonyonykoole ng‟o chuI*2 When I buy meat he complains ,nags and asks who bought It?
3. Ingokonin Mungu boiyot ko u ne kokerni kong‟ There are some husbands whom when you are given its like you are being punished Ingonerech kou Dj mix oo ne kilugui laptop When he is angry , he is like a Dj who has swallowed a laptop Somanun makosa chebo ten years che kibaa And verbally diarrhoea mistakes done ten years ago Kokaikai ibai ngongro ne koikoi sikunbin It is even better I look for a fierce dog who will take care of me .
4. kwonyi nyon kolochi ingorok chebo chemulainik “My wife is dressing like a prostitiute”, he says . Yetenon haki yangu amun tinye chebo kibosagit She is denying me my rights because she is unfaithful Akwong‟e ako kikotunun kokikakeron I even wonder when he married me he knew me well Ye kaibo che koibu konyo nyokosienji When I bring whatever I bring , he eats everything.
5 .kinatosiptoi ndonyo kosnerech When I moved to look for market ,he complained Ibak koosen rabisyek kujuk maame en kalyet I wonder why my money is mistreating me , I am not using it peacefully Ako lsom kai kokaanda tany akosose konyon He has never paid my bride price Nam bereek wee bumon mako ane ak inye Hey , man brake a bit, it is over between you and me.
128 APPENDIX IV: CHEPALUNGU SUB COUNTY MAP
Source: IEBC
129 APPENDIX V: RESEARCH AUTHORIZATION LETTER
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132 APPENDIX VI: RESEARCH PERMITS
133 APPENDIX VII: PUBLICATION
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135 APPENDIX VIII: PLAGIARISM REPORT
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