Indian J. Soc. & Pol. 05(01):31-36:2018 ISSN: 2348-0084(PRINT) UGC List No. 47956 ISSN: 2455-2127(ONLINE) AN INTRODUCTION TO THE COLONIAL IDENTITY OF THE GREATER „MATAK‟ COMMUNITY OF ASSAM: RELIGION COMMUNITY, ETHNICITY AND STATE (1760‟S-1900‟S) SUN GOGOI1a aPolitical Science, Ex-student, Department of Political Science Dibrugarh University, Assam, INDIA ABSTRACT The „Matak‟ alias „Mayamara‟ refers to a Sect or Community whose religious way of life is based on the ideology of Aniruddhadeva, a Vaishnava saint of the early 17th century Assam. It hardly denotes a specific Jati, Tribe or Race as mistakenly labeled by some of the British writers as well as by a section of Mataks themselves. There have been people from several tribes and casts within the Matak community of Dibrugarh and Tinsukia districts, such as Moran, Ahom, Kachari, Chutia, Brahmin, Kayastha, Kalita and Kaivarta. During the prolonged Matak Rebellion against the Ahom State (1769- 1805), and after that within the Matak State (1805-1842) itself several internal contradictions emerged among various groups within the Matak community taking the shape of sub-sectarian as well as political rivalry. The Mataks who are enlisted within the „More Other Backward Classes (MOBC) of Assam, now are demanding for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status from the Indian Government along with five other OBC/MOBC communities- Ahoms, Koch-Rajbangshis, Morans, Chutiyas and Adivasis (Tea tribes). The political demands of Mataks along with that of the other communities has recently become a crucial issue in the electoral politics of Assam. However, a little attempt has been made in this article to highlight various socio-economic determinants of Matak identity politics as well to assess the growth of modern political consciousness among the Matak community during early Colonial era. KEY WORDS: MATAK, Assam, Community, Ethnicity, The present political scenario, especially the or to establish military hubs to organize and train the rebels. electoral politics of Assam is largely influenced by the Namrup and Chaulkhuwa in present Dibrugarh district during demand for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status by six communities, the first phase, and in the final phase Japoribheta of and frequent agitations launched by them to place the gravity Lakhimpur (in the foothills of present Arunachal Pradesh) of their demand in front of both the Assam Government and and Bengmara (present Tinsukia town) were the centres of the Central Government. Matak community is one among Matak uprisings. Some Mataks and Morans disguised these six communities. The others are Tai Ahom, Chutia, themselves as Ahoms overnight to escape the unrest, and with Moran, Koch Rajbongshi and Tea Tibes (Adivasi). The the passage of time they merged with the Ahoms. After the population of the Matak community at present is more than Ahom-Matak Agreement, 1805 the Matak uprisings came to 20 lakhs, according to a memorandum submitted to the an end, and a semi-autonomous Matak State came into being Narendra Modi Government in July, 2014, by the ‗All Assam within the Ahom State with Bengmara (present Tinsukia Matak Yuba-Chatra Sanmilan‘ in collaboration with the ‗All town) as its Capital. Consequently large number of Mataks Assam Matak Sanmilan‘ (Das 2015: 200). Most of the migrated to the Matak State, their new home land recognized Mataks live in present Dibrugarh and Tinsukia districts which by the Ahom Government. once formed their state between the Brahmaputra and the According to several Tai-Ahom and Assamese Burhidihing river during 1805-39 AD. The rest of the Mataks chronicles, the Ahoms, a group of Tai-Shans in their lie scattered throughout the Brahmaputra valley. The Assam prolonged journey to the Brahmaputra Valley (1215-28) Government has enlisted the the Mataks within the More named the groups of people they met, according to their Other Backward Classes (MOBC). physical traits or nature. In the Ahom language ‗Ma‘ means The prolonged Matak Rebellion (1769-1805) against powerful and ‗Tak‘ means tested or examined. The name the Ahom State led to considerable change in geo-political ‗Matek‘( Mat – principle or belief + Eak – one) was first distribution of the Matak population, as many of them took offered by the Ahom King Susenpha alias Pratap Singha shelter in the interior or frontier regions to escape persecution (1603-41) after ―testing the unflinching obedience of the 1: Corresponding Author GOGOI: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE COLONIAL IDENTITY OF THE GREATER „MATAK‟ COMMUNITY.. Matak disciples to their Guru‖ (Dutta 1996: 5). According to it couldn‘t bring any revolutionary change into their socio- a section of scholars, including R. K. Bordoloi the prevailing economic traditions that was centered around primitive way word ‗Matak‘ is the corrupt form of the real word ‗Matek‘. of cultivation and the products of jungles. Only after few Interpreting almost in the same way, S. Rajkumar too argues years of their conversion Morans were destined to suffer that the Moamarias are called ‗Mataks‘ as they fought as ‗one catastrophic reverses during the prolonged Matak uprisings man‘ against the Ahom State (Dutta 1996: 7). (Note-1) between 1769 and 1805. Like many other tribal groups of However, today the respective community across Assam has India, the Morans consider themselves as the ―Son of the recognized the word ‗Matak‘ to identify themselves, and it is soil‖. unanimously recognized by all groups of scholars that the ―They along with their brethren, the Borahis, had word ‗Matak‘ was coined by the Ahoms. their own Chiefs and territories when Sukapha, the founder of The Mataks experienced the British military might the Ahom kingdom in Assam, came from Upper Burma in the even before the formation of Matak State (1805). Captain early 13th century. Sukapha and his men took over the Thomas Welsh of the British East India Company in early territories and Ahomised most members of the tribes, and 1794, on behalf of the Ahom Government marched to upper appointed them to serve the newly founded state with the Assam to crush the Matak rebellion. With a small detachment supply of resources from their jungles, such as the wood, of 360 infantries equipped with firearms, Welsh easily elephants, honey, fuel wood and so forth……..the Borahis overpowered the several times bigger Matak detachment. completely lost their identity as a separate tribe. There is no When three decades later in 1824, British again entered doubt that these tribes submitted to the foreign rule because Assam to eliminate the Burmese menace with an objective to of their lack of an organized force, being then under an annex Assam permanently, Matak chief Matibar Barsenapati inferior economy……..It was natural that they should unite, decided to establish amicable relations with the East India and at the extreme point of their exploitation, they would Company in 1825. protest……..It is significant that the Tungkhungiya Buranji IDENTITY CONTRADICTIONS ON THE EVE OF records how the Ahom forces used communal terms to heap FORMATION OF THE MATAK STATE: contempt upon the Morans as an unsophisticated tribe Various identity discourses among the present (gandhikhowa Moran, i.e. eater of an insect having dirty Matak community are inevitably related to their historic roots smell called ‗Gandhi‘)…….. Thus, the Moamariya Revolt that can be traced in the rebellion of Mataks against the was a result of both ethnicity and religion; while the first Ahom State and its consequences. Hitherto there has never precipitated the organization, the latter provided the ideology been an end to the controversy on the roots and nature of the to create it.‖ (Nath 2008) (Note-2) historic Matak Rebellion that paved the way for the decline of Due to their close and inherent connection with the Ahom State as well as for the entry of British Colonialism in forest and its products, the Moran section of the Mataks are the North-East India. After the Ahom-Matak Agreement often called ―Habitolia‖ (people from jungles), very often in (1805), the politics and administration of the newborn Matak a derogatory sense. Whereas the other Mataks are labelled State were gradually being concentrated in the hands of a few as―Mukolia‖(people from open areas). Even the Nadial descendents of Sarbananda Singha, a Matak of Chutia origin. Mataks were considered as ‗Mukolia‘ Mataks. (Note-3) This It greatly annoyed the Moran section of the Mataks who had practice of specification began during the later phase of in fact created the rebellion 36 years before under Ragha Matak Uprisings, and such practices were largely political. Moran in 1769. Thus the Moran community was considered more or less Ahoms authority before the Matak Uprisings never unpolished or uncivilised not only by the Ahoms, but also by interfered in the internal affairs of the Morans. Morans the other Mataks who were the inhabitants of plains or the maintained a separate ethnic identity which can be open areas of the State: containing people from caste Hindu distinguished from Ahoms as well as from rest of the Mataks. origin and other communities who were Hinduised and Referring to the Moran section of the Mataks, Edward Gait Sanskritised long before as compared to the Morans. Unlike (1863-1950) writes, ―At the end of Ahom role rule, they the Morans and the Nadial Mataks, they were in higher occupied the country between the Dangari and Dibru rivers, positions of the state administration, and lived in close they paid no revenue but supplied various products of jungles connection with the other non-Mata people of the valley. such as elephant, dye, honey, mats.‖ (Dohutia 2016: 235) (Note-4) Although the Morans became a part of the Matak society BRITISH ANNEXATION OF THE MATAK STATE after adopting Mayamara Vaishnavism in the late 18th century AND ITS EARLY CONSEQUENCES 32 Indian J Soc & Pol 05(01):31-36:2018 GOGOI: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE COLONIAL IDENTITY OF THE GREATER „MATAK‟ COMMUNITY.