Pocos Pero Locos: Xicanx Principals and Administrators, Torchbearers on the Quest for Self Preservation

POCOS PERO LOCOS: XICANX PRINCIPALS AND ADMINISTRATORS, TORCHBEARERS ON THE QUEST FOR SELF PRESERVATION

David Gutierrez B.S., California State University, Sacramento, 2007 M.A., University of the Pacific, Stockton, 2010

DISSERTATION

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

EDUCATIONAL LEADERSHIP

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO

SPRING 2020

POCOS PERO LOCOS: XICANX PRINCIPALS AND ADMINISTRATORS, TORCHBEARERS ON THE QUEST FOR SELF PRESERVATION

A Dissertation

David Gutierrez

Approved by Dissertation Committee:

______Dr. Rose Borunda, Chair

______Dr. HyunGyun Joo

______Dr. Roderick Castro

SPRING 2020

iii

POCOS PERO LOCOS: XICANX PRINCIPALS AND ADMINISTRATORS, TORCHBEARERS ON THE QUEST FOR SELF PRESERVATION

Student: David Gutierrez

I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and this dissertation is suitable for electronic submission to the library and credit is to be awarded for the dissertation.

______, Graduate Coordinator ______Dr. Rose Borunda Date

DEDICATION

I want to dedicate this work to mi familia. To my daughter Belen, this work is for you to be proud of your father, your mother, and our family. Our family came from

Mexico to find a better life, I want you to be proud of that and proud of your father. To my wife, Erica, it was only possible through your support and love that I was able to carry this heavy burden.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I want to thank my mother and father, David y Isabel Gutierrez, gracias por todo el esfuerzo, amor, y apoyo que me han brindado. Sin sus enseñanzas, su amor, y sus sacrificios, nunca pudiera a ver llegado a donde estoy.

I would like to acknowledge and thank my mother and father-in-law, Maria y Enrique

Vazquez, gracias por todo su apoyo y su dedicación. Nada de esto fuera posible sin todo lo que hacen por nosotros.

I would like to thank my classmates and all of Cohort 11, thank you for all of the supports, the laughs, and the tears I have gotten to share with all of you.

I'd like to thank my torchbearer crew, Dr. Isabel Acosta, Dr. Nohely Padilla, Dr. Adelma

Alvarez, and Dr. Nate Dutra, thank you for your friendship, for your guidance, and for all of the emotional supports. You all shared you fire with me when my torch was burning out. If I had any success, it was because of your brilliance.

Thank you to all of the professor in the Educational Leadership doctorate program, Dr.

Nevarez, Dr. Romero, Dr. Loeza, Dr. Adamson, Dr. Lilly, Dr. Langslet, and Dr. Turner.

I'd like to thank my committee, Dr. Rose Borunda, Dr. Roderick Castro, and Dr.

HyunGyun Joo, thank you for your support through this process and thank you for your support.

Lastly, Dr. Borunda, thank you so much for allowing me to work with you as my chair, your wisdom and warmth pushed passed the finish line.

CURRICULUM VITAE

EDUCATION

Ed.D., Transformational Leadership, California State University Sacramento, in progress Clear Administrative Credential Program

Preliminary Administration Credential, Fortune School of Education, 2012

M.A., Curriculum and Instruction, University of the Pacific, 2010

Single-Subject Teaching Credential Social Science, Project Pipeline, 2009

B.A., History, Sacramento State University, 2007

WORK EXPERIENCE

Principal, Glenwood Elementary (7/2017- Present)

Principal, B. Gale Wilson K-8 School (6/2015- 6/2017)

Assistant Principal, B. Gale Wilson (8/2014- 7/2015)

Principal Extended Learning, Richmond High School (6/14-7/14)

Principal, Walter T. Helms Middle School (1/14- 6/14)

Assistant Principal, Walter T. Helms Middle School (1/12- 1/14)

Social Science Teacher and Lead of ACET Academy, Kennedy High (8/07-12/11)

LANGUAGES

English

Spanish

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MEMBERSHIPS

Association of California Superintendents and Administrators

California Association of Latino Superintendents and Administrators

KEY QUALIFICATIONS

Admin experience in discipline, security, and educational law

Trained in ProACT for dealing with students in crisis

Implemented RTI, Restorative Justice, and PBIS

Trained in SADIE and SIOP strategies to support English Language Learners

Vast knowledge of PLC’s and career pathways

Experience with data driven decision making and techniques

PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT

ACSA New and Aspiring Principals Institute

Alternative Clear Credential Program (ACCP)

PBIS Tier 1 and 2 Training

CKH (Capturing Kids Hearts 3 years)

FIELDS OF STUDY

P-12 Public School Education

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Abstract

POCOS PERO LOCOS: XICANX PRINCIPALS AND ADMINISTRATORS, TORCHBEARERS ON THE QUEST FOR SELF PRESERVATION

David Gutierrez

Xicanx students in the California P-12 public school system have demonstrated rapid growth over the last 25 years, while their White counterparts have demonstrated a gradual decline (CDE, 2019; Pew Hispanic, 2018). However, Xicanx students are consistently failing to progress through P-16 system at higher levels than other groups

(Kurlaendar et al., 2018). The number Xicanx principals (XP) and administrators extremely underrepresented in P-12 schools (Crawford & Fuller, 2017). It is vital for

Xicanx students to see themselves reflected in principalship roles as XPs provide positive role models and culturally responsive leadership practices (Khalifa, 2018; Shuh, 2009).

Thus, it is essential recruit, retain, and sustain more Xicanx principals and administrators.

However, research indicates XPs experience additional stressors and hardships due to racial discrimination.

This study employed a concurrent transformative mixed-method approach. Ten

XPs were interviewed about their lived experiences, Yosso's (2005) community cultural wealth (CCW) model, and their wellness and self-care. Survey collected data from over

40 Xicanx administrators (XA) through Professional Quality of Life Scale 5 and the

Mindfulness and Self-Care Scale. A Pearson's correlation was used to analyze survey data. Correlations revealed supportive structure, mindful awareness and supportive relationships as the most prevalent self-care practices among XAs. Qualitative data revealed experiences of Xicanx principals as Torchbearers, leaders who hold up the light to guide others. This study presented a Torchbearer model which combined Xicanx principals' lived experiences, CCW, and self-care to produce existential persistence, the ability to thrive in racialized structures in order to sustainably to hold light for others.

Keywords: Self-Care, Mindfulness, Workplace Wellness, Community Cultural

Wealth, Xicanx Principals, Radicalized Stress

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Dedication ...... v

Acknowledgements ...... vi

Curriculum Vitae ...... vii

List of Tables ...... xiv

List of Figures ...... xv

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Background ...... 2

Problem Statement ...... 11

Nature of the Study ...... 17

Research Questions ...... 19

Theoretical Framework ...... 19

Conclusion ...... 23

Limitations ...... 24

Significance of the Study ...... 25

Operational Definitions ...... 27

2. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ...... 31

Introduction ...... 31

Historicism ...... 32

Leadership ...... 41

Community Cultural Wealth (CCW) ...... 49

Review of Xicanx Principal Literature ...... 52

Fatigue… ...... 61

Wellness, Workplace Wellness and Self Care ...... 64

Conclusion ...... 68

3. METHODOLOGY ...... 70

Introduction ...... 70

Research Design ...... 71

Researcher’s Role ...... 71

Research Questions ...... 72

Mixed Methods Research Design ...... 73

Setting, Population and Sample ...... 76

Data Collection and Instrumentation ...... 77

Data Analysis Techniques...... 78

Validity and Reliability ...... 79

Protection of Participants ...... 80

Conclusion ...... 81

4. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA ...... 82

Introduction ...... 82

Descriptive Statistics ...... 84

Data Addressing Research Question 1 ...... 89

Data Addressing Research Question 1A ...... 121

Quantitative Data Addressing Research Question 1B ...... 148

Transformative Mixed Methods ...... 161

Conclusion ...... 162

xii

5. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ...... 164

Introduction ...... 164

Interpretations of Findings ...... 168

Triangulation of the Data ...... 186

Implications for Torchbearers ...... 191

Implications for Theory ...... 193

Recommendations ...... 203

Limitations and Recommendations for Future Study ...... 211

Research Process ...... 214

Personal Experience ...... 215

Conclusion ...... 217

6. APPENDICES ...... 220

Appendix A: Semis-Structured Interview Questions for Latinx Principals ...... 220

Appendix B: Survey Informed Consent Letter ...... 222

Appendix C: Interview Informed Consent Letter ...... 223

Appendix D: Transformative Mixed Method Checklist ...... 224

Appendix E: Torchbearer Model ...... 227

Appendix F: Wellness and Self-Care Survey ...... 228

Appendix G: IRB Approval ...... 273

Appendix H: Administrator Recruitment Flyer ...... 274

Appendix I: Administrator Recruitment Flyer for CALSA ...... 275

REFERENCES ...... 276

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LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Interview Participants ...... 76

2. Levels of Administration of Survey Participants ...... 77

3. Gender of Survey Participants ...... 78

4. Age Range of Survey Participants ...... 79

5. Themes and Subthemes from Qualitative Research Question ...... 79

6. Themes and Subthemes Identified ...... 108

7. Mean Scores on the ProQOL all and of XPs ...... 137

8. Mindfulness and Self-Care (MSCS) Results ...... 139

9. Correlations for Compassion Satisfaction ...... 141

10. Correlations for Burnout ...... 142

11. Correlations for Secondary Trauma ...... 143

12. Correlations for Mindful Relaxation ...... 144

13. Correlations for Physical Care ...... 146

14. Other Correlations ...... 147

15. Prevalent Correlations ...... 150

16. A Comparison Cultural Capitals and Themes ...... 174

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Xicanx and White Student Population Growth 1993-2019...... 3

2. Number of Xicanx Administrators and White Administrators 1993-2019 ...... 9

3. School Administrators Students by Demographics ...... 11

4. Administrators and Student Population Growth ...... 13

5. Community Cultural Wealth Model (Yosso, 2005) ...... 45

6. Eight Dimensions of Wellness ...... 58

7. Torchbearer Model...... 180

8. Community Cultural Wealth Model with Additional Capitals ...... 190

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

In Lak’ech

Tú eres mi otro yo./ You are my other me. Si te hago daño a ti,/ If I do harm to you, Me hago daño a mí mismo./ I do harm to myself. Si te amo y respeto,/ If I love and respect you, Me amo y respeto yo./ I love and respect myself Luis Valdez, from Pensamiento Sepertino.

Currently, Xicanx administrators account for about only 6,000 of the 27,000 administrators in the state (CDE, 2018). When compared to the over three million Xicanx students in the public-school system, the inequality seems not only apparent but disjointed (CDE, 2018). Subsequently, this cultural mismatch in California’s P-12 education system deprives students of leaders who reflect their rich and diverse backgrounds. This study will focus on Xicanx administrators in the California P-12 public school system, with a particular emphasis on Xicanx principals. Xicanx principals are connected to students, teachers, staff, parents, and the district office (Fernandez et al.,

2015; Murakami et al., 2015; Niño et al., 2017). Thus, Xicanx principals have a direct impact on Xicanx students and their families.

The lack of diversity in the public school system typically leads to portrayals of

Xicanx students as lacking academic and social skills necessary to succeed and

2 increases the likelihood of their exposure to biased-based subtractive perspectives that are ingrained in the education system (Fergus, 2017; Khalifa, 2018; Skiba et al., 2011).

Examples of biased-based subtractive perspectives are color-blindness, poverty-blaming, and deficit or subtractive perspectives which operate under the assumption that minoritized communities lack the social capital and competence needed for social mobility. Therefore, this study represents a critical attempt to confront subtractive, bias- based, deficit, and colorblind perspectives.

Background

The term Xicanx will be used throughout this study to encompass all of the other identifiers such as Latino/a, Latin@, Latinx, Chicano/a, Chican@, Latin American, or

Hispanic. There are two reasons for this selection, one is to accentuate indigenous connections amongst these historically minoritized groups that are often categorized through the Eurocentric ancestral lens. The term Xicanx is an attempt to change the historical narrative that has often been associated with a deficit-model, one in which

Xicanx communities are less European (Cuauhtin, 2019). The second is to acknowledge and oust the gender biases that often exist in categorical labels to recognize the non- traditional gender-diversity within our Xicanx community (Cuauhtin, 2019)

As of 2017, the Xicanx community became the largest population in California, totaling 39.3% (U.S. Census Bureau, Population Division, 2018). Despite the ever- growing Xicanx population in California, Xicanxs are over-represented in the service labor market and underrepresented in the professional white-collar setting, specifically in supervisor and manager positions (McKinsey & Company and Lean In, 2018). The lack

3 of diversity in professional positions, such as teaching and school administration, is concerning. Thus, it is imperative that Xicanx students see themselves reflected in those positions.

The Xicanx population has been growing exponentially across America, quickly becoming one of the country’s largest cultural groups (Pew Hispanic, 2018). The Xicanx population is the largest minoritized student group in California schools. As Figure 1 illustrates, over the past 26 years, the Xicanx student population has had an upward trajectory in the California public school system. This growth, based on Figure 1, has significantly changed the educational landscape of our schools.

Figure 1. Xicanx and White Student Population Growth 1993-2019

Xicanx students are poised to become the largest source in the labor market while simultaneously saddled with one of the lowest degree attainment rates of all cultural groups and one of the highest high school dropout rates (Fernandez, Bustamante, Combs,

& Martinez, Garcia, 2015; Medina, Martinez, Murakami, Rodríguez & Hernández, 2014;

Murakami-Ramalho, Nunez & Cuero, 2010; Rodriguez, 2012). Out of every 100 Xicanx elementary school students, only eight will reach degree attainment (Yosso & Solorzano,

2006). This disparity in our education system demonstrates an inability to produce the educational outcomes desired for Xicanx students, specifically degree attainment.

Visible representation for Xicanx students is critical given the fact that too many

Xicanx students are failing to progress through the educational system (Gao & Johnson,

2017; Warren, 2018; Yosso & Solorzano, 2006). This is particularly troubling considering that the Xicanx population in California has grown at such a rapid rate, representing over half of the P-12 student population (CDE, 2018). As a result, those tasked with managing the schools serving this diverse population—the district administrators—do not reflect the diversity of the students.

An example of the impact of Xicanx students on the P-12 system is illustrated in the California state assessment systems. The Smarter Balanced Assessment Consortium

(SBAC) exam is California's state assessment used for accountability; it tests both

English and math progress and proficiency in public schools (Gao & Johnson, 2017). In

2017, 55% of students who took the SBAC exam in California were Xicanx students.

Even though this percentage represented only the students in 3rd–8th and 11th grade, it is three-fourths of the P-12 system. Despite being the largest minoritized group in our public education system, only about 25% of Xicanx students who took the SBAC in that same year scored proficient or advanced (Warren, 2018). By contrast, White students who took the SBAC in that same year accounted for less than half of the Xicanx students’ population. Yet, White students scored 53% proficient or advanced on the SBAC exam

(Warren, 2018). When faced with such disproportionality, educational leaders must ask themselves whether there is something wrong with the educational system or whether there is something wrong with Xicanx students? It is the former that this study aims to address because the latter is a deficit perspective that fails to explain inequality in the education system and, in a sense, places the onus on Xicanx students (Fergus, 2017).

These subtractive biased-based perspectives represent a failed attempt to explain or justify outcomes while ignoring issues on a deeper level (Khalif, 2018).

Although high test scores are not the ultimate intended outcome of schooling, they are often an acceptable measurement of student success (Hanushek, 2007). For example, emerging research suggests 11th-grade SBAC scores can accurately predict levels of college and career readiness, as well as high school graduation rates

(Kurlaender, Reed, Cohen, & Ballis, 2018). Other student achievement indicators, such as high school graduation rates, college enrollments, and low degree attainment rates, demonstrate a larger systemic inability to serve the Xicanx student community (Duncan-

Andrade, 2008).

Disparities in P-16 educational attainment remains consistent for Xicanx students

(Bahr et al., 2019; Huber et al., 2006; Warren, 2018). Research has postulated that out of every 100 Xicanx elementary students, only 46 will graduate from high school, only 26 will enroll in college and only eight will reach degree attainment (Yosso & Solorzano,

2006). College readiness indicators suggest Xicanx students significantly underperform and are underprepared for the demands of college and career (Gao & Johnson, 2017).

Xicanx students are underrepresented in other college entrance requirements such as

GPA as well as enrollment in college preparation courses (Bahr et al., 2019; Gao &

Johnson, 2017; Kurleander et al., 2018; Warren, 2018). Given the indicators’ revelation of a lack of college readiness, A-G completion, and low-test scores on SBAC, Xicanx students are disproportionately unprepared to succeed in post-secondary education (Gao

& Johnson, 2017).

The implications of the educational system’s failure to prepare Xicanx students for post-secondary educational success are far-reaching (Gao & Johnson, 2017,

Wheelan, 2011). As previously stated, Xicanx students are the largest growing minoritized group in our P-12 education system (Pew Hispanic, 2018). Minoritized students are those students of color who come from historically, socio-politically, and socioeconomically oppressed communities (Khalif, 2018). Yet, this same population is not performing at levels necessary to create successful college attainment and sustainable career pathways for themselves. To emphasize the gravity of this disparity, it is estimated that by the year 2030, California will have a high demand for a highly educated workforce with degrees (Gao &Johnson, 2017). Yet, projections indicate this labor shortage will not be met if we maintain our current trajectory. Given the existing trend in educational disparities, it is apparent that this increase in a highly educated workforce will not be met by minoritized students, who are projected to be the largest source of labor (Fernandez et al., 2015; Gao & Johnson, 2017; Medina et al., 2014; Rodriguez,

2012; Murakami-Ramalho et al., 2010). Subsequently, Xicanx students in California are in jeopardy of being denied access to high paying jobs, higher education, and a better life.

The educational system’s inability to promote Xicanx success has the potential to

7 negatively impact California's economy, as Xicanx students are the largest source of our future labor force (Gao & Johnson, 2017, Wheelan, 2011). Despite the potential debilitating impact on California’s economy, the education system continues to perpetuate and replicate the educational disparities for Xicanx students by neglecting the implications of racialized practices and epistemologies (Duncan-Andrade,2008;

(Fernandez et al., 2015; Gao & Johnson, 2017; Khalifa, 2018). The education reproduces the disproportionality inherent in the system (Doob, 2003).

This disproportionality reinforces a historically oppressive educational system that is not only self-replicating but if left unchecked, it will continue to be self-sustaining

(Duncan-Andrade, 2008; Khalifa, 2018; Perez Huber & Solorzano, 2015). For example, at the school site level, historically minoritized students, such as Xicanx and Black students, are often exposed to subjective interpretations of disciplinary sanctions (Skiba et al., 2011). These sanctions create inequities and disproportionality in disciplinary practices (Gregory & Thompson, 2010). This suggests that student-staff interactions have an impact on student behavior or perceptions of student behavior and these interactions materialize into real student outcomes and disciplinary consequences for minoritized

Xicanx students (Hafen, Ruzek, Gregory, Allen & Mikami, 2015). These disciplinary consequences lead to minoritized students being suspended at a higher rate than their

White counterparts (Hafen et al., 2015).

Concerns about the cultural mismatch between White educators and students of color have increased in the literature (Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Fuller, Hollingworth &

An, 2019). The majority of California’s schoolteachers are White women while the

8 majority of students in our California education system are non-White (CDE, 2018; Pew

Hispanic, 2018). In the 2017–2018 school year, there were three times more White teachers in California K-12 public schools than Xicanx teachers (CDE, 2017). Current research indicates that White teachers are more likely to have negative interactions with minoritized students than with White students (Rosario, 2019). The cultural mismatch can rouse stereotypes, microaggressions, and misinterpretations of perceived behaviors of minoritized students (Skiba et al., 2011). If this cultural divide can influence teacher perceptions of and interactions with Xicanx students, then it can also materialize into concrete student outcomes for Xicanx students and other minoritized students of color based on perceived student behaviors (Skiba et al., 2011). These perceptions can often then be misperceptions (Hafen, et al., 2015).

Teachers’ misperceptions of student behavior often lead to inequitable disciplinary sanctions (Skiba et al., 2011). The toll that culturally incongruent disciplinary practices have on minoritized students of color can cause our most vulnerable groups to disengage or drop-out. Oppressive disciplinary practices, such as suspensions and other exclusionary sanctions, have been linked to low student performance, increased school drop-out rates, and the proliferation of the school-to- prison pipeline (Duncan-Andrade, 2008; Gregory & Thompson, 2010; Khalifa, 2018;

Okonofua, Paunesku, & Walton, 2016; Skiba et al., 2011). These outcomes are exacerbated by the shortage of educators of color in California across all levels of the education system (Fuller, Hollingworth & An, 2019). Thus, it is important to find more culturally congruent perspectives that reflect our student diversity (Hafen et al., 2015).

The cultural divide in the California public school system has drastic ramifications at the P-12 administration level as well (Skiba et al., 2011). School administrators often make disciplinary decisions about students based on the suggestions of school personnel, which often results in overrepresentation and over-sanctioning of minoritized students for relatively low-level offenses (Skiba et al., 2011). Therefore, the interpretations of students’ behavior by school staff have influence and palpable results.

These perceptions are further amplified with the vast research connecting school disciplinary practices to incarceration rates, or the “school-to-prison pipeline” (Okonofua,

Paunesku, & Walton, 2016). Subsequently, inequitable school practices towards Xicanx

P-12 students and other minoritized students will have detrimental effects on California’s education system, economic system, and future labor force (Wheelan, 2011).

Even more notable than the underrepresentation of Xicanx teachers in P-12 schools is the dearth of Xicanx representation in school administration (CDE, 2018; Pew

Hispanic, 2018). In California, Xicanx P-12 public school administrators are not matching the growth of the Xicanx student population. As Figure 2 demonstrates, in the last 25 years, the growth in the number of Xicanx administrators has been minimal compared to the growth in the number of White administrators. The number of Xicanx school administrators are vastly disproportionate to their White counterparts. The statistics in Figure 2 demonstrate the number of Xicanx administrators and White administrators. This would include school site administrators and district office administrators collectively.

Figure 2. Number of Xicanx Administrators and White Administrators 1993-2019

Figure 2 suggests that the number of Xicanx principals is less than the total number of Xicanx administrators. The positive impact of Xicanx principals on students and teachers is promising. According to research, Xicanx principals are more prone to hire people of color, to increase Xicanx parent and community engagement, and to positively impact students of color through role modeling as well as reducing inequitable disciplinary practices (Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Fuller, Hollingworth & An, 2019;

Khalifa, 2018; Shah, 2009). Further research indicates student-staff interactions and perceptions influence student outcomes; thus, Xicanx principals (XPs) may have a positive influence by providing more empathetic perceptions of behavior (Medina et al.,

2014). In the broader social context, if there is a positive correlation between Xicanx principals and student outcomes, then it would behoove educational leaders to recruit, develop, groom, retain, and sustain more Xicanx principals in P-12 schools. Otherwise, we will continue on the current trajectory which has proven to be unsuccessful (Bahr et al., 2019; Gao & Johnson, 2017; Kurlaender et al., 2018; Warren, 2018).

Problem Statement

The proportion of Xicanx students to Xicanx principals and administrators reveals a significant disproportionality when compared to their White counterparts (Crawford &

Fuller, 2017; Fuller, Hollingworth & An, 2019). Given the limited number of Xicanx principals, it becomes vital to not only increase their presence but to preserve current

Xicanx principals(Crawford & Fuller, 2017). Emergent literature reveals a growing concern in the increasing levels of principal turnover and the detrimental effects it has on student achievement, teacher retention, and school culture and climate (Snodgrass

Rangel, 2018). While principal turnover rates may be on the rise, Xicanx school administrators are still less likely than their White counterparts to advance to principalship (Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Fuller, Hollingworth & An, 2019). Additional research has indicated that there may be an imbalance in pay differentials of some Xicanx principals to Non-Xicanx principals (Young & Castañeda, 2008). The Xicanx administrators who do advance to principalship become susceptible to additional pressures, causing added undue stress due to racial microaggressions, stereotypes, inequities and various forms of fatigue that result from just being a person of color (Fur,

2018; Lam, 2018; Le, 2017; Perez Huber & Solorzano, 2015). It is not enough to increase the number of Xicanx principals; we also must conserve and retain them.

Figure 3. School Administrators by Demographics

Figure 3 compares the total number of students and administrators in California public schools to the number of Xicanx and White students and administrators over a five-year span. Figure 3 depicts the change in population growth between Xicanx students and White students compared to the change in growth in Xicanx administrators and White administrators. The number of Xicanx administrators is infinitesimal compared to the number of Xicanx students. Furthermore, this reveals that as the Xicanx student population continues to grow at high numbers, the recruitment and retention of

Xicanx principals and administrators in P-12 schools has not kept pace . Moreover, the number of Xicanx principals themselves has remained stagnant and low (Pew Hispanic,

2018). Data in Figure 3 indicates that this stagnation in Xicanx principals and administrators has been prolonged for over 5 years. The lack of diversity in the educational leadership of California's public-school system will affect generations to

13 come, including students of color. In this current educational climate, there are viable concerns with a growing principal turnover rate (Snodgrass Rangel, 2018). Given the comparably low number of Xicanx principals in California, there remains a cause for concern for the future of our Xicanx communities.

Ample research suggests that Xicanx principals at a school site level have been able to engage the Xicanx community and enhance the overall experience of all categorical groups they serve (Khalifa, 2018; Santamaria & Santamaria, 2015; Shah,

2009; Snodgrass-Rangel, 2018; Viloria, 2017). Additional research has correlated indirect benefits from Xicanx principals at a school site, such as increased hiring of diverse staff, decreased disciplinary sanctions against students of color, and an increase in the implementation of equity-minded school policies (Khalifa, 2018; Hernandez & Kose,

2012; Santamaria & Santamaria, 2015; Rodriguez, 2012;Shah, 2009; Viloria, 2017).

Xicanx principals have been associated with increased positive outcomes for parents, students, staff, and the community as a whole (Rodriguez, 2012; Santamaria &

Santamaria, 2015; Shah, 2009; Viloria, 2017)

Among the positive outcomes attributed to Xicanx principals, having higher levels of culturally responsive perspectives is one of them. (Khalifa, 2018; Medina et al.,

2014). XPs are able to value the social-cultural capitals of minoritized Xicanx students and other minoritized groups (Khalifa, 2018; Medina et al., 2014; Santamaria &

Santamaria, 2015; Yosso, 2005). Given the exponential growth of Xicanx students and other minoritized students of color in our public-school system in California and across the nation, culturally responsive perspectives seem to be more important than ever.

However, the immense disconnect between the growth in the Xicanx student population and the amount of Xicanx principals indicates a breakdown in either the recruitment, development, or retention of Xicanx educators who choose to become principals (Crawford & Fuller, 2015). Researchers refer to these three as the “production” of principals (Crawford & Fuller, 2015; Fernandez et al., 2015) or it is referred to by others as the “pipeline” (Magdaleno, 2009, p. 1).

Figure 4. Administrators and Student Population Growth

Despite a slight increase in the number of Xicanx principals over the last 20 years nationwide (Pew Hispanic, 2018), statistically, the number of Xicanx principals is not proportional with the number of Xicanx students (Crawford & Fuller, 2015; Fernandez et al., 2015; Magdaleno, 2009). Figure 4 compares the growth of the Xicanx and White student population to the growth in Xicanx and White administrators in California public schools. Over the course of 26 years, the Xicanx student population has surpassed the

White student population. However, the growth in Xicanx administrators has remained relatively stagnant compared to the growth in White administrators.

There is a dearth of research on Xicanx principalships which points to the perspective of the mainstream educational literature that mirrors the educational system’s perceived value of XPs (Gooden, 2012). Thus, the gaps in the literature regarding Xicanx principals reveals a need for further research about their experiences and perspectives that have gone largely unnoticed (Gooden, 2012). Due to the efforts of dedicated Xicanx scholars, such as the National Latino Leadership Project (NLLP) and the efforts of

Xicanx professional organizations like those of the California Association of Latino

Superintendents and Administrators (CALSA), some literature on Xicanx principals has been possible (Fernandez et al., 2014; Murakami et al., 2016). The literature and research about the production and the pipeline of Xicanx principals have been explored; however, research on the maintenance and sustainability of Xicanx principals is lacking (Carrillo

2008; Godina-Martinez, 2010). Thus, this study on Xicanx principalships has followed the transformative mixed methods approach in an attempt to simultaneously study the lived experiences of XPs and promote the positive externalities of XPs (Canales, 2013;

Creswell, 2018; Martens, 2012). By affirming the experiences of XPs, the hope will be to reappraise and increase their appreciated value to aid in building a higher demand for their cultural capitals.

This implicit devaluation of Xicanx principalships strikes at the core of what critical race theorists strive to bring to light, and what Yosso (2005) refers to as the

“cultural capital of marginalized groups” (p. 77). Thus, just as critical race theorists have

16 championed the suppressed epistemologies and experiences of historically minoritized communities, research on Xicanx principalships should create the opportunity for Xicanx principals to see themselves reflected in the literature (Yosso, 2005). Yosso’s community cultural wealth (CCW) model can be used as a lens to view the lived experiences of

Xicanx principals. Through CCW, XPs are not devalued but instead, they hold a different and greater value in the minoritized community social capital exchange rate.

Workplace Wellness

Workplace wellness (WW) and self-care (SC) lenses serve to understand how

Xicanx principals maintain themselves. To address the retention of Xicanx principals, the concept of workplace wellness and self-care was explored (Kruger, 2018). Xicanx principals have had to persist and be resilient to gain their position, yet they are still exposed to stressors like microaggressions, implicit biases in colorblind structures, racial and gender discrimination, and the various forms of fatigue associated with being a minoritized person of color in the United States (Brittian et al., 2014; Dinos et al.,

2009). Given that XPs have additional stressors attributed to racialized systemic structures embedded in the education system and the additional burdens added to XP educational and career pathways that traditional White principals do not have to contend with, it is imperative that their mental, physical, psychological, and emotional well-being is promoted (Kruger, 2018). One could imply from the literature that the workplace wellness of XPs is important to provide longevity and persistence through racialized stressors.

Nature of the Study

This study adds to the emerging literature on Xicanx principals by asking the overarching question: What are the experiences of selected P-12 Xicanx principals in

California? This study is focused on P-12 school principals specifically because the principal position is central to every school (Fullan, 2014). School principals are ultimately held accountable for every aspect of their schools' instructional, cultural, and operational outcome, and they influence the lives of students, staff, families, and their communities (Fullan, 2014; Gooden, 2012). Due to the severely low numbers of XPs, some of the data collected included Xicanx administrators in order to increase statistical power. This study employed a transformative mixed-method research design, including workplace wellness and self-care surveys and a concurrent qualitative study interviewing

Xicanx public school principals. The importance of this study is that Xicanx principals have had to break through social and structural boundaries, often without the traditional routes gained from valued traditional social capital, thus, it is important to understand their levels of self-care in order to produce better workplace wellness for them.

Traditional studies on leadership, including educational leadership, are often color-blind and hinder perspectives of minoritized leaders and academics of color

(Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Fuller, Hollingworth & An, 2019; Gooden, 2012; Khalifa,

2018; Santamaria & Santamaria 2015). By operating as a color-blind system, public schools neglect to understand the full spectrum of Xicanidad. As a result, it fails to understand the totality and range of the triumphs and tribulations of minoritized students and their communities (Murakami et al., 2016). This color blindness may contribute to

18 the vastly incongruent percentage of Xicanx principals in the United States not in congruence with the population growth of Xicanx students in our public schools

(Crawford & Fuller, 2015; Fernandez et al., 2015; Magdaleno, 2009). Being further numerically minoritized exacerbates their being unnoticed.

The impact and promise of Xicanx principalships and their influence on our students have yet to be fully explored (Niño, Hernandez, Valle & McPheters, 2017). A variety of critical race theories (CRT) have been employed by Xicanx educational scholars to broaden our current understanding of the subject (Duncan-Andrade, 2008;

Freire, 2007; Khalifa, 2018; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Murakami et al., 2016;

Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). Nevertheless, despite this effort more literature needs to be produced. Currently, there is a burgeoning effort to produce literature about the Xicanx principalship, resulting in sparse results when compared to the amount of color-blind literature on principalships or even compared to the amount of literature on Black principals, which is also very sparse in and of itself (Gooden, 2012; Hernandez, 2005;

Magdaleno, 2009). This research expands what has been a traditionally binary understanding of educational leadership to a more inclusive understanding of the impact of principals of color. For this reason, this study aims to examine the lived experiences of

XPs through the lens of Yosso’s community cultural wealth model and also to understand the strategies XPs employ to perform self-care so they can holistically sustain themselves in their positions.

Research Questions

R1. What are the experiences of selected P-12 Xicanx principals in California?

RQ1a. To what extent are the tenets of Yosso’s (2005) community

cultural wealth (CCW) apparent in the lives of Xicanx principals?

RQ1b. Are there any significant relationships among the following set of

variables contained and measured within the Professional Quality of Life

Scale (ProQOL) and Mindfulness and Self-Care Scale (MSCS 2015 ) for

Xicanx principals and administrators:

Compassion Satisfaction

Burnout

Secondary Traumatic Experiences

Mindful Relaxation

Physical Care

Self-compassion

Supportive Relationships

Supportive Structure

Mindful Awareness

Theoretical Framework

The Xicanx population makes up the largest represented group in California P-12 schools and the California correctional system, however, they are underrepresented in post-secondary institutions and degree attainment (Khalifa, 2018). An example of this

20 disproportionality can be visible in our P-12 public schools’ staff composition (Crawford

& Fuller, 2015; Fernandez et al., 2015; Magdaleno, 2009). To understand this disproportionality, various forms of critical race theory (CRT) offer a lens through which the experiences of Xicanx principals can be understood at a more profound level

(Ladson-Billing & Tate, 1995; Solorzano & Yosso, 2001). One of the CRT theories is derived from a branch of LatCrit, known as community cultural wealth (CCW) (Yosso,

2005). CCW will provide the overall theoretical framework for this study and will be used to undergird the experiences of Xicanx principals. To understand the concept of

CCW, one must first understand the concept of social capital (Cuauhtin, 2019;Yosso,

2005). Social capital contends that success in life is contingent mostly on one’s social connections that are handed down from your familial and racial connections (Stanton &

Salazar, 1995). CCW, on the other hand, interprets the concept of social capital as a deficit model that devalues the capital of minoritized communities (Yosso, 2005).

Yosso (2005) has posited that in lieu of social capital, minoritized communities employ CCW as a legitimate and culturally responsive form of social currency. CCW is comprised of six forms of social capital that are used in minoritized communities. They are a) aspirational capital, which is the capacity to hope and yearn beyond the current circumstances, even in the face of bleak odds; b) linguistic capital, which refers to the ability, the skills, and funds of knowledge derived from social interactions within the community; c) familial capital refers to the shared culture, history, and community connections derived from family members; d) social capital differs from the classical

Bourdieuean model because, in the CCW model, CCW social capital refers to the social

21 networks from the community, as opposed to the Bourdieuean White middle-class mold; e) navigational capital refers to the funds of knowledge used by minoritized communities of color to navigate and survive the historical and systematic oppressive social structures in their daily lives; and f) resistance capital refers to the funds of knowledge used to fight and oppose the dominant cultural imperialism imposed upon them (Yosso, 2005).

Additionally, Tolteka Cuauhtin, (2019) identified four additional forms of capital attributed to CCW, these are political wealth, ancestral capital, ecological capital, and discursive capital. Political wealth refers to the methods of influence and decisional capital employed by communities of color to impact change. Ancestral capital acknowledges the cultural histories and epistemologies communities of color have accrued and passed on from generation to generation. Discursive capital refers to the praxis of CCW, the ability to implement and access the attributes of CCW: knowledge to power (Cuauhtin, 2019). These additional capitals build upon the existing CCW model and enhance our understanding of the values and power of our minoritized communities of color (Cuauhtin, 2019). These community capitals are important because they challenge traditional subtractive and deficit models often used to identify and diminish the cultural histories and traditions found in minoritized communities of color Khalifa,

2018).

The combination and amalgamation of these different forms of capital provide knowledge, networks, and epistemologies employed by minoritized communities to overcome and resist the oppressive structures they face (Yosso, 2005). These capitals are often overlooked, discarded, undervalued, and ignored in the school setting, yet for

22 minoritized students, they have value (Khalifa, 2018). The education system continues to promulgate and propagate the normalized traditional Bourdieuean social capital model

(Cuauhtin, 2019; Yosso, 2005). Under the traditional social capital model, an individual’s social networks are employed to gain access to institutional resources, skills, and funds of knowledge needed to attain and reproduce socio-economic success (Stanton-Salazar and

Sanford, 1995; Yosso, 2005). Despite the Bourdieuean model’s original intent to challenge the propagation of racial and ethnic disproportionality, it was also used to normalize, standardize, and elevate Eurocentric middle-class cultural values over minoritized cultural values (Yosso, 2005). Thus, the Bourdieuean acts as a biased-based subtractive and deficit model. Bourdieu’s social capital model promotes and values White

Eurocentric perspectives, funds of knowledge, and cultural traditions as superior and the measure by which all other cultures are evaluated. The Bourdieuean model is rampant in education as demonstrated by California’s Proposition 227 English-only policies, which deemed students proficient or deficient based on the degree to which students learned

English. By contrast, the CCW model elevates the diversity in abilities, epistemologies, and multiple measures of success (Borunda & Murray, 2019). An example of this is illustrated in California’s Proposition 58 which upholds a multi-linguistic, multicultural, and multi-intellectual perspective of public education (CDE, 2018). English-only education denigrates the intellectual, linguistic, and cultural capital minoritized Xicanx students acquired from their community, whereas Proposition 58 celebrates bilingual and multilingual education and celebrates minoritized Xicanx students’ CCW.

Conclusion

In the 2015–2016 school year, the number of Xicanx principals was about 8% throughout the nation compared to over 26% Xicanx students (Pew Hispanic, 2018). In

California, the Xicanx P-12 students represent 54%, yet 63% of public-school teachers were White and only 20% of teachers in California were Xicanx (CDE, 2018). At the administrative level, out of roughly 26,000 or so California administrators, about 6,000 were Xicanx; however, that includes more than just principalships, these include leadership positions from superintendents to assistant principals (CDE, 2018). At the moment, there are very few principals of color and even fewer Xicanx principals (Pew

Hispanic, 2018). This lack of representation and modeling can significantly lower Xicanx students’ and other minoritized students’ connection to our schools (Crawford & Fuller,

2015; Fernandez et al., 2015). Additionally, with the massive growth in the Xicanx student population in our P-12 California school system, culturally responsive leadership is in demand (Khalifa, 2018; Santamaria & Santamaria, 2015).

Xicanx students have low test scores, low graduation rates, low college enrollment and attainment, and low representation in school teaching and administrative staff (Bahr et al., 2019; Gao & Johnson, 2017; Kurlaender et al., 2018; Warren, 2018).

Conversely, this same community has disproportionately high incarceration and discipline rates (Khalifa, 2018). Data on Xicanx students indicate there is something wrong with the education system when 55% of the student school population is significantly and consistently underperforming (Warren, 2018).

Yet, if the number of XPs is increased and maintained to match the growing

Xicanx population, potentially, there may be an increase in the aspirational capital of the largest cultural group in California Cuauhtin, 2019; Yosso, 2005). This study will reinforce, reiterate, and highlight the benefits associated with Xicanx principalship.

Benefits derived from the community cultural wealth model include increased parental involvement, increased student engagement, and increased diversity hires (Shah, 2009).

Limitations

One limitation of this study is that it is confined to Xicanx principals in California which makes this difficult to generalize to other regions of the country. A second limitation of this study is that the qualitative portion will employ snowball sampling. This is due to the relatively small population of Xicanx principals. This study would account for current Xicanx principals, excluding data that could be gleaned from Xicanx leaders who have been principals in prior positions and have had mobility in their job or those who have left the position.

Another limitation of this study comes from the concept of wellness. This study will use the eight dimensions of wellness as per the Substance Abuse and Mental Health

Service Administration (SAMHSA, 2016) definition; however, it is important to note that there are other models and dimensions. Some models operate with only six dimensions and others with up to 16 dimensions depending on the research used. Lastly, the limitation of operating out of only one dimension of wellness occurs when considering the dimensions in all models are interdependent and comprise a holistic approach

(Blackwell et al., 2019; Lawson & Myers, 2011; Swarbrick, 2006).

Besides the obvious limitations that come with studying one single cultural group, there will be additional limitations regarding the intersectionality of gender as well as

LGBTQ perspectives and multi-ethnic perspectives because Xicanx principals vary not only in phenotype, gender, sex, and linguistically, but also multi-generationally (Mendez-

Morse et al., 2015; Murakami et al., 2016; Murakami, Nuñez, & Cuero, 2010; Viloria,

2017). Lastly, XP effectiveness is not measured as there is no one single definition of what success outcomes are in education.

Significance of the Study

In 2016, California passed Proposition 58, reversing the previous English-only laws in California public education. This proposition calls for a multilingual and multicultural vision of education in California that can compete at a global level (CDE,

2018). According to the Global California 2030 initiative, the goal of all California public schools should be to strengthen multilingualism to the point that, by 2030, one half of the students in California public schools will be exposed and engaged in learning more than one language (CDE, 2018). The new direction in California regarding English Learner education seeks an additive model of education that allows students to use their culture and language as a part of the learning process (CDE, 2019). This is a shift in direction from the previous English-only model which would be considered a subtractive model due to the implication that students lack English and need to be taught English.

It appears that the Xicanization of the state is moving in the direction of more diversity and global citizenry. This will require culturally competent leadership at P-12 public schools. School principals are a significant component in deciding and

26 determining the direction of their school (Rodriguez, Murakami-Ramalho, & Ruff, 2009).

If recruiting, developing, and retaining more Xicanx principals ensures schools can connect better with parents and guardians in Xicanx and minoritized communities of color, then this study can be a supportive resource. The outcome of this study may provide research to increase the likelihood of making culturally relevant connections to

Xicanx parents and students. This study can potentially help inform efforts to recruit, develop, retain, and sustain Xicanx principals and other principals from minoritized communities.

This research attempts to address gaps in the literature regarding the experiences of Xicanx principals in California. Additionally, this research seeks to (a) examine the

CCW model as it relates to Xicanx principals’ experience, (b) add to the already existing work being done across the country in diversity, school leadership, and culturally responsive leadership, (c) expands our knowledge in the study of CRT and CCW. Lastly, one of the major gaps this research examined is the area of self-care in Xicanx principals.

There is relatively little to no literature about wellness, self-care, and the dangers of poor mental health and wellness which can have devastating effects on Xicanx principals and

Xicanx educational leaders alike. This element of this study provides a new perspective about Xicanx leadership wellness.

Those who stand to benefit from this study are first and foremost administration preparation programs and credentialing schools because it can help to recruit, develop, retain, and sustain more Xicanx principalships. School districts with high levels of

Xicanx populations, along with others, stand to benefit from this study, as Xicanx

27 principalships generate positive outcomes for students, staff, and the school community.

The implications of this research for educational leadership might have an impact, not just on how Xicanx principals view their potential growth and development, but also on how they can potentially use their access to CCW to achieve positive outcomes. For educational leaders, this study can assist superintendents by looking at how they recruit, develop, and maintain Xicanx principals, and how school districts may potentially make workplace wellness a priority for professional development.

The implications on teaching and organizational policy may call for a more systemized approach to culturally responsive leadership practices; more robust recruitment, development, and retention plans for Xicanx principals; and a deeper understanding of how community-based epistemologies and cultural wealth can enhance parent participation. This research can also contribute to the implementation of better policies to assist in safeguarding the mental health and workplace wellness of school staff. The implications of this research reveal how additive models of schooling and culturally responsive practices can aid minoritized students in obtaining higher levels of degree attainment and success.

Operational Definitions

Xicanx

The Xicanx population, also known as Chican@, Chicano/a, Xicano/a, Latino/a,

Latinx, Latin@, or sometimes Hispanic are the focus of this study; the term Xicanx will be used throughout this study to encompass all of the other identifiers.

Critical Race Theories (CRT)

CRT offers a lens through which the experiences of Xicanx principals can be understood at a deeper level (Ladson-Billing & Tate, 1995; Solorzano & Yosso, 2001).

One of the CRT theories is derived from a branch of LatCrit known as community cultural wealth (CCW) (Yosso, 2005). CCW will form the majority of the theoretical framework that undergirds this study to understand the Xicanx principalship.

Workplace Wellness (WW)

Workplace wellness refers to the emotional wellness, physical wellness, and mental wellness that relates to job fulfillment, stressors, and levels of burnout. Erika

Kruger (2018) expounds on the subject and application of wellness and self-care from a holistic concept as the “actions, habits, and attitudes” (p. 112) that allow a person to reach their optimal capacity. This application relates to Xicanx principals because their careers, as principals primarily, have to do with their working conditions and environment, hence, workplace wellness (as opposed to other types of wellness models) is appropriate.

Self-care

Self-care will be defined as the strategies, behaviors, actions, habits, and attitudes that allow a person to reach their optimal capacity. According to Kruger (2018), self-care

(SC) reinforces WW in order to counter burnout and fatigue, regulate stressors, and increase work fulfillment and personal wellness. For Xicanx principals, who often carry heavier loads than mainstream principals, self-care is supremely important to combat the effects of the fatigue caused by systemic injustice and microaggressions that can lead to burnout (Furr, 2018). There are already relatively few XPs in the country; self-care can

29 increase the likelihood that they will be able to do their job effectively and hopefully increase longevity.

Diversity Fatigue

Diversity fatigue is the fatigue felt by people of color engaged in diversity and social justice work, often leading to feelings of frustration and depression to see their efforts making little to no impact. They are often called upon to be the face of diversity efforts by large institutions and seldom see any compensation or acknowledgment (Lam,

2018). People of color experience exhaustion from having to represent the multi in other peoples’ cultural. As applied to Xicanx principals, diversity fatigue theoretically would increase the stressors an XP would have to endure in order to get their work done which could lead to exhaustion or physical or mental burnout.

Equity Fatigue

Equity fatigue refers to feelings of resentment, anger, depression, and both physical and mental exhaustion due to the thoughts and ruminations on the incessant and prolonged exposure to systemic and structural oppression (Le, 2017). Equity fatigue, in particular, affects leaders of color who come from historically minoritized communities because of their constant exposure to equity and social justice initiatives within their organizations, which can serve as triggers that remind them of their oppressive reality.

This applies to Xicanx principals because though they may experience statistical breakthroughs in overcoming several levels of historic and systemic racism and oppression, they are still not free from inequity, and the reflection on this is exhausting.

Traditional White principals do not have to worry about being oppressed and much less

30 improving the lives of those who are oppressed. However, many choose to do so, causing the choice in and of itself to be a luxury minoritized leaders do not have.

Racial Battle Fatigue

Racial battle fatigue, as described by Solorzano, refers to the physical exhaustion and emotional distress experienced by people of color who are subjected every day to subtle, indirect, and sometimes direct and overt acts of discrimination and microaggressions (Furr, 2018; Solorzano & Yosso, 2005). Minoritized communities are subject to additional stressors based on discriminatory practices and systemic racism that creates inequitable barriers that sustain White privilege (Furr, 2018).

Microaggressions

Microaggressions, also referred to as racial microaggressions, are persistent and incessant hidden and/or overt racialized attacks that can be verbal or nonverbal but are targeted towards minoritized people of color that is either direct or indirect and that cause physical, psychological, and emotional distress (Huber & Solorzano, 2015). For minoritized communities, microaggressions are symbolic representations of persistent, historic, and systemic racialized violence that has been used to conquer, oppress, and diminish their lives (Huber & Solorzano, 2015; Khalifa, 2018). It can be seen as pouring salt on the wound.

Minoritized

Minoritized refers to communities of color who have experienced historically, socio- politically, and socioeconomically oppressed. These communities have remained marginalized or continue to contend with the effects of historical oppression (Khalifa).

Chapter 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

no, they were not voices, they were not words, nor silence, but from a street I was summoned, from the branches of night, abruptly from the others, among violent fires or returning alone, there I was without a face and it touched me from Poetry by Pablo Neruda

INTRODUCTION

One thing is clear, from the standpoint of the literature from the 1990s to the present, is that the Xicanx population is numerically rising (Pew Hispanic, 2018).

Forecasted for the last 20 years, the rapid increase has become prominent in the literature, as this denotes a shift away from the traditional White student population (Fernandez et al., 2015; Gao & Johnson, 2017; Medina et al., 2014; Rodriguez, 2012; Murakami-

Ramalho et al., 2010). The rapid increase in the Xicanx population demands a review of teaching methods that have targeted the White student population which have been the focal point of a variety of studies, from health to education. Contextualized within this growth is a lack of proportionality in the number of Xicanx who have ascended into administrative positions, most notably school principalship. The relative disproportionality between Xicanx principals (XPs) and Xicanx P-12 students has been of interest to many educational researchers. The dearth of research on the subject has led many scholars to call for further research on the subject (Fernandez et al., 2015; Gao &

Johnson, 2017; Medina et al., 2014; Murakami-Ramalho, Nunez & Cuero, 2010;

Rodriguez, 2012).

Historicism

Spanish philosopher Jose Ortega y Gasset coined the term raciovitalismo, which roughly translates to rational vitalism (Leszczyna, 2019). Under this concept of raciovitalismo, Ortega y Gasset claims that knowledge can only be understood within the historical and sociopolitical context of individual and shared experiences: “I am myself and my circumstance” (Sanchez, 2016). To truly understand Xicanx principals, it is important to understand the historical and sociopolitical backdrop in which they live.

Historicism, understood through its historical context, has inextricably been used to explain Xicanx experience (Sanchez, 2020). Their circumstances, history, and lived experiences are the vital reasoning needed to conceptualize XPs.

The concept of raciovitalismo for the Xicanx community can be connected to two other concepts, nepantla and zozobra (Sanchez, 2020). Nepantla is an Aztec Nahuatl term meaning in between, betwixt, or middling. However, from the Aztec perspective, nepantla is a foundational philosophical and cosmical concept. The term nepantla, in its original form, is a transformative, transcendental, and cosmic process of intertwining of polar opposites into equilibrium (Maffie, 2014). This process is a cosmic perpetual force that is metaphysically constructive and destructive, teeming and simultaneous.

The Aztec concept of nepantla as explained by Maffie (2014) presents the following. "Nepantla-processes bring, join, unite or interlace together two or more things in a manner that is simultaneously creatively destructive and destructively creative, and

33 therefore transformative" (p. 364). Nepantla was a fundamental concept in the Aztec or

Nahuatl culture that framed all things in the universe as existing in motion and centering and transitioning, however, it is a natural process that creates order and balance. This balancing is explained by Maffie (2014):

Nepantla-processes do not, therefore, merely place their participants in the middle. They metaphysically transform fish and fowl into something novel, into a tertium quid—that is, something neither fish nor fowl yet at the same time both fish and fowl. Nepantla processes destroy their participants' status as fish and fowl while simultaneously creating something that is neither fish or fowl (364).

The pre-Columbian ontological concept of nepantla describes a cosmic ebb and flow to the universe and all of the things within it. It was more than simply being in the middle but in-betweenitude, the spaces in-between, around, and outside all things.

Modern interpretations of nepantla are used to define a state of living in two worlds or living in a poly-ontological state. Nepantla has been used to describe the experiences of the Xicanx communities existing in a White American, Xicanx, and other intersectionality of minoritized spaces. For example, Anzaldua (2012) explains one aspect of the Xicana condition as a "constant state of mental nepantlism. An Aztec word meaning torn between two ways, la mestiza is a product of the transfer of cultural and spiritual values of one group to another" (p.100). The poly-ontological condition of being

Xicanx and a woman and LGBTQ in a White-male society produces an exchange that is neither one or the other, but all of these identities: a "mestiza". Nepantla provides a perspective of those who are in the middle, as such, middleness, being in between multiple perspectives, is a circumstance that has an impact on the perspectives of the

Xicanx community.

The Xicanx community lives in a state of nepantla. Nepantla is an Aztec concept of middleness. This is a Nahuatl concept and is “the in-betweenness transition, neither here nor there of being in-between places” (Sanchez, 2016, p. 15). In the United States’

Eurocentric dominant culture, the Xicanx population struggles to find its place “in a state of constant migration from extremes to center, from center to peripheries, and from peripheries to peripheries, never settled” (Sanchez, 2016, p. 15). Oftentimes, the Xicanx community must exchange one culture for another: Xicanx or American and yet they belong neither here nor there. Nepantla has been applied as a theoretical framework to the uniquely existential and ontological conditions of Mexicans, and by extent, Xicanx communities by Mexican philosophers.

Nepantla is identified as a decolonizing paradigm that rejects Eurocentric philosophical traditions and foundational frameworks (Sanchez, 2020). Traditional frameworks, theories, and philosophical viewpoints have their origins in Greco-Roman and European cultures and thus are susceptible to socio-geographical conditions and historical influences. Moreover, the foundations of human intellectual evolution follows the pattern of imperialism, oppression, and conquest. Sanchez (2020) identifies it as

Western arrogance. "It is the arrogance of historical people that insist that Europeans have a privileged access to the truth of being to the exclusion of all other people. Western reason itself becomes arrogant, and as such, it labors to close itself off from the ontological primacy of history, subjectivity, and concrete life" (p. 39). Nepantla rejects conventional Eurocentric ideals of truth and knowledge as they negate other ideologies as untrue and inferior.

In philosophical terms, nepantla operates in tandem with zozobra, which is the anxiety, despair, and existential desolation of being in the state of nepantla. Zozobra is a state of being rootless, ungrounded, and stuck between two or more existences and wanting to be one or the other or both simultaneously. Zozobra is the restlessness, the panic, the mistrust, the uneasiness, and the uncertainty of being incomplete, of being perpetually transitive, of being nepantla (Sanchez, 2020). This despair of zozobra was described by Freire (2014) as a "duality" (p. 48). The Xicanx community, and by extent, all minoritized communities have this binary condition that is in a perpetual nepantla and zozobra. These are necessary to understand the state and emotionality of being split and not whole. As Freire (2014) wrote "This is the tragic dilemma of the oppressed which their education must take into account." (p. 48). Xicanx principals can understand the perpetual state of transition and the despair that companies it.

Thus, this chapter will explore the understanding of the Xicanx principalship by analyzing historical, cultural, and sociopolitical trends through which research on XPs can be better understood. These conditions stem from the lived experiences of Xicanx communities and creates a collective raciovitalismo of the Xicanx condition. Thus, this study will apply the lived experiences of Xicanx principals to further understand XPs and their circumstances. First, the researcher will briefly delve into the conception of the cultural identifier of Xicanx and include some relevant historical considerations important to their experiences. In addition, the researcher will describe the sociopolitical climate that creates the setting in which XPs, Xicanx students, and the community must navigate through. Then, the concepts of educational leadership, including some of the

36 biased-based subtractive perspectives such as color-blindness associated with traditional educational approaches (Gooden, 2012), will be explored as to how this applies to the

Xicanx principalship. Selective attributes of the community cultural wealth model

(CCW) will be applied to Xicanx principalship and their experiences with workplace wellness and self-care. This examination of workplace wellness and self-care will be followed by an overview of the sparse yet revealing literature presenting major themes and trends that relate to Xicanx principalship. Lastly, XP workplace stressors are discussed to underscore the need for cultural wellness, self-care, and self-preservation.

Xicanx, the Historical and Sociopolitical Backdrop

As previously stated, the term Xicanx has a historical context rooted in the deep- seated contours that surround the Xicanx community. The unique spelling with the ‘X’ is a call to return to the indigenous roots that unite the many identities that form the Xicanx community, and simultaneously, a repudiation of the historic and systemic injustices that have prevailed for hundreds of years (Borunda, 2019; Godina-Martinez, 2010). The ‘x’ at the end of the term Xicanx also disassociates the traditions of Eurocentric patriarchy embedded within the Spanish language through masculine and feminine engendered binaries in words ending with a/o, such as Latino/a (Borunda, 2019; Cuauhtin, Zavala,

Sleeter, & Au, 2019). The term, Xicanx, itself is a call for introspection, resistance, and a reclaiming of indigeneity.

The aim of applying the term Xicanx helps to enact the vision of a united human race as expressed in 1925 by Mexican intellectual Jose Vasconcelos’ La raza cosmica

(The cosmic race). Vasconcelos wrote about a future where all races would unite into a

37 cosmic race with superior consciousness and intellect. He wrote, “The mixture of races accomplished according to the laws of social well-being, sympathy, and beauty, will lead to the creation of a type infinitely superior to all that have previously existed” (p. 31).

Vasconcelos formulated a utopian society where the four races (White, Asian,

Indigenous, and Black) would come together to form one superior being, autonomous and self-sustaining.

Historians are cautious not to judge the past with the morality of the present, so too must judgment be suspended when we are attempting to understand the ideas of the early 20th century. Despite Vasconcelos often blending fact with fiction and reason with passion, the vision of the future of human transcendency can be seen in the intersectionality of the Xicanx people. His term, la raza, loosely translated means the race, however, contextually speaking its meaning is akin to the people. His term contributed to the modern use of the Xicanx term la raza.

Even though Vasconcelos’ la raza Cosmica was more fantasy than fact based on the current understanding of science. This includes the experiences and identities of

Latinx, Xicanx, Hispanics, Mexican Americans, and Black Latinos that are now in place and are beginning to transcend gender, ethnicity, race, and all other social structures

(Borunda, 2019; Cuauhtin et al., 2019; Mendez-Morse et al., 2015; Murakami,

Hernandez, Mendez-Morse, & Byrne-Jimenez, 2016; Murakami, Nuñez, & Cuero, 2010;

Viloria, 2017). Such transcendence can be seen in the increased participation and practices of Mesoamerican dance or Aztec dances at traditional Native American ceremonies (Borunda & Murray, 2019). These are practices that demonstrate a return to

38 native traditions and amplify the decolonization process while blending cultural practices.

Thus, these efforts to reclaim indigeneity can be seen as the Xicanx community attempting to heal and reclaim their identity.

Sociopolitical Backdrop

In the current sociopolitical climate, there is a backlash against the Xicanx population. The already marginalized, devalued, and minoritized Xicanx community has become highly demonized since the campaign and subsequent election of President

Trump. Since the 2016 election, Xicanx experiences have been increasingly difficult and negative because of the coercive rhetoric spurred by President Trump, his administration’s policies, and his divisive practices (Pew Hispanic, 2018). For example,

Trump’s border wall campaign is a symbol of divisiveness and demonization against the

Xicanx community (Pew Research Center, 2019). Under the Trump administration, the number of undocumented immigrants prosecuted for entering the country without proper documentation has seen an increase of 87% since 2017 (Pew Hispanic, 2019). According to E. Vazquez (personal communication, October 5, 2019), an immigration attorney for a non-profit agency, prior to the current administration, crossing the border undocumented was considered an infraction, like a speeding ticket. As of 2017, it was autocratically elevated to a felony like a violent crime. Thus, the Xicanx community has reason to feel disenfranchised by the Trump administration and attacked given the campaign rhetoric where he characterized undocumented Xicanx immigrants as “criminals,” “rapists,” and

“killers” (Moreno, 2016).

These totalitarian tactics echo the violent assaults and some of the most deplorable moments in world history. Detention camps have historically been used by some of the most reviled totalitarian regimes. Nazi death camps of WWII Germany, for example, where Jewish people were deported and systematically tortured, victimized, and ultimately put to death. Such tactics are now being employed by the United States, recalling some of the most detestable moments of this country's history, such as the

Japanese internment camps during World War II and the child separation of Native

Americans who were forcibly removed and placed in Americanization boarding schools.

ICE raids are reminiscent of the unilateral mass deportation of U.S. citizens of Mexican descent to Mexico in the 1930s (Camarillo, 1996). The hate crimes of the 1942 Zoot Suit

Riots where U.S. navy men beat and stripped Xicanx youth who expressed cultural pride through their clothing is another example of demonization revisited (Mazon, 1984). The

Xicanx community has seen this kind of violence before from the U.S. government and from its’ White citizens as well.

The assault on the Xicanx community is most visible through the heightened autocratic and unilateral application of immigration law (Pew Hispanic, 2020). A request for classification as an asylee is done once a person is in the United States. Families arriving at the border requesting asylum status are doing so legally with the correct procedures which then initiates a process through the immigration court system to review requests (E. Vazquez, personal communication, October 5, 2019). After a border patrol officer interviews a person and determines they meet the criteria for credible fear, a person is then paroled, meaning they can remain legally and participate in the process

40 pending a court hearing before an immigration judge (Pew Hispanic, 2020). The current administration is failing to follow immigration protocols and instead displays totalitarian and undemocratic practices to discourage Xicanx immigrants from entering the country

(E. Vazquez, personal communication, October 5, 2019). Tyrannical tactics are now enacted such as child separation from their families, incarceration of legal asylum seekers in unsanitary detention camps for indefinite amounts of time, and periodic raids on

Xicanx communities by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents on groups of people who have otherwise not been considered a priority for deportation (Pew

Hispanic, 2020).

The sudden spike in violent and racially motivated aggressions like those of

Gilroy, California and El Paso, Texas (Miranda, 2019) are attributable to a growing antagonistic campaign against the Xicanx community. In the escalated attacks on Xicanx, culturecide, defined as a form of cultural invasion which is designed to strip a people of their culture (Borunda, 2016), has seen the Trump administration separate undocumented children from their families and detained for extended periods of time (Naylor, 2019).

The trauma inflicted on children will not only be consequential to the current generation but for generations to come (Van der Kolk, 2014). Such a concerted effort to destroy

Xicanx families and culture by harming children provides evidence that the lack of care and regard for the humanity of Xicanx people continues during this era of rising White supremacy (Pew Hispanic, 2016). Since the election of President Trump, hate crimes and bias incidents targeting Blacks, Latinos, Jews, and Muslims have increased in the K-12 school system (Vara-Orta, 2018). On November 9, 2016, the day after Trump’s election,

41 the K-12 system had the largest number in a single day of reported hate crimes and biases

(Vara-Orta, 2018). Such reported incidents included receiving notes stating, “go back to

Mexico,” the use of the n-word, and swastikas painted in different areas declaring a love for Trump along with other racist and homophobic discourse (Vara-Orta, 2018).

Following tenets explained in Ortega y Gasset’s raciovitalismo, the phrase “I am myself plus my circumstance,” refers to the lived experiences of the Xicanx people. The circumstances that color the lives of XPs, Xicanx students, and the Xicanx community through the “legacy of conquest and colonialism,” the shared trauma of historical events create a common identity (Sanchez, 2016, p. 4). These circumstances help to explain the lived experiences of the Xicanx people’s historical, sociopolitical and cultural environment and thus shape their perspectives. Ultimately, XPs’ epistemologies are derived from their circumstance and create their constituted sense of self (Sanchez, 2016, p. 4). However, it is also through “an introspective analysis . . .[of these circumstances is thus the foundation for] communication with the universe” (Sanchez, 2016, p.4).

Introspection of one’s circumstances creates the means to liberate oneself from them, thus the contextualization of the XPs’ experiences must include the study of their circumstances.

Leadership

Leadership is a field of study that has been vastly researched, ranging from trait leadership that espouses that “leaders are not made, they are born” (Cook, 2000), to servant leadership where leaders serve everyone. Nevarez and Wood (2010) define leadership as “influencing and inspiring others beyond a desired outcome” (p. 57).

Nevertheless, in education, the concept of leadership is debated. Due to a broad diversity in frameworks, from bureaucratic managerial archetypes to transformational social justice archetypes, leaders often diverge on their chosen approaches to leadership (Bolman &

Deal, 2013). Recently, educational leadership programs have begun to explore alternative leadership approaches that are more inclusive and less top-down management styles

(Nevarez, Jouganatos & Woods, 2019; Nevarez & Wood, 2010). For example, there is currently a shift towards transformative leadership styles that employ a social justice and equity lens to address access and inequities (Nevarez, Wood & Penrose, 2008). These approaches are more open to culturally responsive leadership practices that are meant to engage all constituents of the school community with cultural awareness and respect

(Khalifa, 2018).

In California P-12 public schools, the role of the principal as the head of the school is undefined and constantly redefined to encompass more and more responsibilities (Fullan, 2014). The range of responsibilities have increased to include

“running a smooth school; manage health, safety, and the building; innovate without upsetting anyone; connect with students and teachers; be responsive to parents and the community; answer to their districts; and above all deliver results” (Fullan, 2014, p. 6).

This polymorphic vision of traditional school leadership is almost impossible to fulfill.

Given that California public schools are increasingly more diverse, meeting the needs of schools is even harder to accomplish. With the mounting research finding a racial mismatch and cultural incongruence between school staff and the students and families

43 they serve, the role of the principal needs to include culturally responsive leadership approaches (Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Fernandez et al., 2015; Khalifa, 2017).

An important critique of leadership studies is that the concept of leadership is a phenomenon that varies mostly through cultural norms (Cook, 1998; Schein, 2018; Shah,

2009). Cook (2000) argues that leadership is an abstraction for academics and claims that, at the core, there is a difference between leadership and leading. He specifies the former is a theory and the latter is an action (Cook, 2000). Furthermore, Cook argues that leading is a relationship, in other words, a leader cannot lead in isolation. Instead, a leader needs to lead others (Cook, 2000). Cook (2000) posits leaders do not need formal titles but are chosen by the community and defines the community as the “place in which

I see myself reflected back” (p. 40). Given the changing landscape, it would be questionable as to the degree to which Xicanx students and communities see themselves reflected in school leaders.

The importance of the connection of school leadership to the communities they serve is further explained by Nevarez et al. (2019), as they point out that diversity in P-12 educators “symbolically conveys a message of hopefulness that diverse students can see themselves in professional roles” (p. 24). Traditional educational leadership perspectives tend to overlook the need to increase diversity in educational leadership and instead push for improvement in development and quality of instruction (Nevarez et al., 2019). By ignoring the diversity of the students being served, in essence, the importance of diversity itself is being ignored. In California public schools, the majority of students are diverse, thus, it is imperative that diversity is celebrated and increased in school leadership. The

44 education system claims to value diversity and inclusivity in the normalized educational system. However, the Xicanx communities’ funds of knowledge and, to a certain extent,

Xicanx students’ diversity has become devalued in our schools (Duncan-Andrade, 2008;

Freire, 2000; Valenzuela, 1999). The disproportionately low numbers of Xicanx principals in California indicate their perspectives are also devalued.

Xicanx Principalship

The social value of Xicanx principals can be compared to the concept of bimetallism in the alleged allegory of the Wizard of Oz. Dorothy’s silver slippers

(originally) on the yellow brick road that symbolized the push for the dollar to be supported by both silver and gold in the 1900's populist movement (Littlefield, 1964).

Thus, Xicanx principals represent a dual value, bimetallism that can sustain the social capitals of both the dominant community and minoritized communities.

In choosing to bridge the two communities, Xicanx principals demonstrate how to navigate through the razor-thin line of assimilating, which means a loss of cultural wealth to the traditional color-blind educational system and also remain anchored to their cultural heritage. This process of being able to blend into several cultural identities is called selective acculturation and can be a source of great power (Borunda, 2016).

Xicanx principals can serve as guides for Xicanx students to be able to navigate through the educational landscape.

This potential bimetallic appraisal of Xicanx principalship must also be viewed for the toll on the well-being of the XPs themselves. Borunda (2016) states “maintaining one’s sense of personhood in the face of negating messages can be exhausting” (p. 103).

Historically and systematically, the educational system has been used as a cultural weapon (Borunda, 2016, p. 61) to indoctrinate, oppress, and assimilate the Xicanx community. Assimilation encourages minoritized communities to reject their cultural identity and embrace the dominant culture’s identity. Thus, the effort to maintain the

Xicanx cultural identity is paramount and an act of resistance. Xicanx principals inevitably lose some portion of themselves in order to assimilate so they may ascend through their careers. However, the more XPs can connect to their Xicanx culture and community, the more they can resist the cultural imperialism imposed by the dominant culture (Borunda, 2016). Thus, it is imperative and a matter of self-preservation for

Xicanx principals to stay anchored in the Xicanx community to keep their self-worth and sense of culture.

Principals play an important role in the direction and vision of a school community. In particular, at the site level, principals can play an important role in promoting culturally responsive practices and advocate for increased diversity in teaching that matches the diversity in the student population (Nevarez et al., 2019). An increase in

Xicanx educators not only benefits the Xicanx population but non-Xicanx students, including White students, as well. An increase in the diversity of a school’s staff normalizes diversity for those students who experience it (Nevarez et al., 2019). Xicanx principals can serve as role models for our Xicanx students and communities and increase the relational capacity in schools through their shared experiences, knowledge, and cultural experiences (Nevarez et al., 2019). Given that Xicanx students are failing to demonstrate proficiency on multiple measures, such as SBAC scores, it is essential that

46 we consider increasing the number of Xicanx principals to better engage Xicanx students

(Murakami et al., 2015).

Martinez’s (2019) study includes educational experiences of three Xicanas with doctoral degrees and those individuals who helped them along their journey. The study illustrated the positive effect that role models and mentors have on Xicanx students. The positive effects are detailed throughout the P-12 system and beyond (Martinez, 2019).

This study also reveals some potential determinants that can arise from the cultural mismatches between Xicanx students and P-12 school staff: “Absences of culturally connected teachers and administrators and poorly implemented educational policies and programs, rather than widening the educational pipeline, students found themselves demoralized and further segregated within schools” (Martinez, 2019, p. 48). With the low number of Xicanx principals and educators, far too many Xicanx students find themselves in situations that mirror those described in Martinez’s study, “demoralized” and “segregated within schools” suffering from a failing educational system (Martinez,

2019).

It has been argued that the education system is not a failing system, however, it has been perfectly and historically designed to oppress, minoritize, marginalize, and produce failures (Duncan-Andrade, 2008; Khalifa, 2018). For example, the system has hindered non-White communities for two hundred years. Subsequently, it has worked perfectly for the past two hundred years. Historically, education has been weaponized against non-White communities in order to otherize them and consequently produce a self-sustaining system of oppression, control, and exploitation (Khalif, 2018, p. 15).

Duncan-Andrade (2008) explains the education system is used to validate the oppressive structures in our minoritized Xicanx and Black communities. These oppressive structures may make it hard to navigate the educational system. However, Xicanx principals may understand how to navigate through this system and may be able to share this navigational capital to Xicanx students. When an educational system underspends on education resources, imposes inequitable policies, and promotes subtractive deficit pedagogies thus establishing a system built to produce failures, public schools will produce failing minoritized Xicanx and Black students (Duncan-Andrade, 2008). In essence, the public education system is working perfectly.

This perfect system, according to Khalifa (2018), will continue to self-perpetuate if left alone. Devaluation and violence have become “normalized against Xicanx people not only in our schools, but also in U.S. culture” (Borunda, 2019, p. 7). The system remains automated and self-sustaining. Failure to take action to correct this system will result in the continued reproduction of the status quo which would result in more marginalized communities and students (Duncan-Andrade, 2008). For some Xicanx minoritized community members, schools and school staff are just an extension of the larger American system of oppression (Khalifa, 2018). Xicanx principals can act as torchbearers illuminating the path through the oppressive structures to degree attainment for Xicanx students (Fernandez et al., 2015).

Schools have been said to be microcosms of our society (Nevarez et al., 2019, p.

25). However, upon further consideration, schools can more accurately be described as mirrors that reflect our social constructs. Before schools can be reformed, society must be

48 reformed, only then will the image in the mirror change. Thus, schools are associated with and are an extension of the same historical, sociopolitical, and socioeconomic structural system of oppression which has enslaved, incarcerated, shamed, excluded, marginalized, and terrorized Black, Xicanx, and other minoritized groups (Duncan-

Andrade, 2008; Khalifa, 2018; Sue, 2010). Due to this persistent oppression looming over our minoritized people incessantly, there is often a lack of trust in our school systems from our minoritized communities and students (Duncan-Andrade, 2008; Khalifa, 2018).

Our minoritized students walk to and from school overshadowed by their oppression and their homework every day (Duncan-Andrade, 2008). For minoritized Xicanx students, their culture is inextricably tied to their identity, and to discount it sends a message that they have no value, leaving them further shamed and marginalized (Sue, 2010). The representation of oppressive structures can be further embodied by the designated school leader: the principal. The staffing of an organization can carry a positive or negative connotation for minoritized Xicanx students and their community (Fuller, Hollingworth

& An, 2019; Nevarez et al., 2019; Sue, 2010). In California, the majority of school-aged students in public schools are Xicanx students; thus, given the current political climate, it is important the bureaucratic representation through XPs at schools reflects students’ cultural backgrounds. XPs provide a positive message to the community that their culture is valued, and they are safe here. Xicanx principals embody the message that in

California public schools, inclusion and diversity are valued.

Community Cultural Wealth (CCW)

CCW is a recognition of six forms of capital that encapsulate and create the source of cultural wealth passed down intergenerationally in minoritized communities

(Khalifa, 2018; Yosso, 2005). When theoretically applied to Xicanx principals, the levels of CCW would affirm and generate the agency, resiliency, and self-efficacy to penetrate through multiple layers of historic and systemic oppression (Gardener & Holly, 2011).

Essentially, the success of a Xicanx principal (XP) could be traced, in part, to elements of the CCW model. For instance, XPs who mentor another XP could be more successful in their careers. For example, the California Association of Latino Superintendents and

Administrators (CALSA) have employed a mentoring program called Protege

Mentorship program to increase and support the retention of Xicanx administrators

(Magdaleno, 2006). The mentoring program is a two-year program that provides professional development and mentoring for aspiring Xicanx administrators (Magdaleno,

2009). The program is currently serving its 16th cohort of aspiring Xicanx administrators, connecting them with seasoned Xicanx administrators in the field to expand their social capital (CALSA.org, 2019).

The levels of CCW will vary according to XPs’ lived experiences, conditions and circumstances, and their connection to the communities they serve. For example, an XP who has lived in a minoritized community may have higher levels of resistance capital because they have had to penetrate several more levels of oppression than an XP who comes from a middle-class background. An example of how CCW relates to XPs and the communities could be easily illustrated through linguistic capital. For example, a

Spanish-speaking bilingual XP would be able to utilize linguistic capital to best serve a school with a large Spanish-speaking Xicanx English learner student population.

However, the same XP would rely on other capitals for schools with different populations. The framework that underpins this study is based on Yosso’s (2005) CCW framework. This is an extension of a response to Pierre Bourdieu’s (1977) social capital model which poses a different set of factors in determining success as defined by the cultural capitals of minoritized communities (Cuauhtin, 2019; Yosso, 2005).

Figure 5. Community Cultural Wealth Model (Yosso, 2005)

Figure 5 represents Yosso's Community Cultural Wealth Model (Yosso, 2005). As shown in Figure 5, the six capitals converge to create cultural wealth. CCW departs from a deficit perspective ingrained in the traditional Bourdieuean model which views non-Eurocentric communities as lacking the optimal Americanized standards of capital

(Cuauhtin, 2019). Instead, CCW reframes the capital of minoritized communities as

“accumulated assets and resources in the histories and lives of Communities of Color”

(Yosso, 2005, p. 77). Through this lens, we can continue to discuss the role of XPs from

51 an additive perspective (Mertens, 2012). From this perspective, CCW demonstrates an additive approach wherein Xicanx students are seen as knowledgeable and powerful. The

CCW model comprises six cultural capitals.

The six capitals are aspirational capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, social capital, navigational capital, and resistance capital. Aspirational capital is the ability to have hope even in the bleakest of conditions. Linguistic capital refers to the communication skills and abilities employed to access knowledges of minoritized communities of color which can be verbal and nonverbal. Familial capital is the resources, benefits, and supports that are accessed through familial networks, which includes communal social networks (Yosso, 2005). Social capital refers to supports accessed through the social networks of the community. Navigational capital refers to the knowledge and skills necessary to navigate through racialized systems. Resistance capital refers to the skills, abilities, supports, knowledge, and resources employed to resist, challenge, or survive the mainstream culture (Yosso, 2005).

Studies pertaining to Xicanx principals indicate that in some capacity or another,

Xicanx principals employ CCW as their theoretical framework. For example, Niño,

Hernandez, Valle, and McPheters (2017), studied 231 XPs in Texas to analyze how much of their work aligned with the tenets of CCW. Their findings indicated that Xicanx principals preferred to spend time at school engaging with families and students. Xicanx principals also preferred to build and expand their social capital networks. Another study,

Mendez-Morse, Murakami, Byrne-Jimenez, and Hernandez (2015), examined the role of women XPs in Texas and applied CCW to interpret their findings. Their findings

52 concluded that Xicana principals’ leadership approaches aligned heavily with the tenets of CCW.

Additionally, Cuauhtin (2019) has built upon Yosso’s (2005) six categories of community wealth by adding four additional capitals to CCW: political capital, ancestral capital, ecological capital, and discursive capital. Political capital refers to the community’s mechanisms for guiding change and change agents through a formal or informal political process. Ancestral capital refers to the historic and cultural heritage and traditions passed down from generation to generation in the community. Ecological capital refers to the connection to the environment that affects the future of the community. Discursive capital refers to the ability to put CCW into action, the ability to enact CCW: Praxis (Cuauhtin, 2019). These capitals are more recent additions and have not been as documented as Yosso's (2005) initial model.

Review of Xicanx Principal Literature

A review of the current literature about Xicanx principals exposes large gaps in the research. This dearth of research on the topic evokes a metaphorical image of a dry landscape with patches of sprouting research blooming in the distance. Despite the scarce research on Xicanx principals, there have been cadres of scholars and researchers who have diligently dedicated their scholarship to expanding the understanding of the subject.

Their work has contributed significant findings, frameworks, and trends. Subsequently, there has been a significant, though limited, contribution to the literature on the Xicanx principalship which has added and expanded the knowledge of the topic while revealing areas of further research.

The lack of available literature points to the effects of color-blind practices. These practices have served as a feeble attempt to seem fair and unbiased; however, they have had a detrimental effect on the written world of minoritized communities (Gooden,

2012). As an example, Snodgrass Rangel (2017) wrote a literature review of principal turnover, a groundbreaking research project that perused 1,909 research articles related to principal turnover. Out of the 35 pages the author wrote, only three paragraphs pertained to Xicanx principals. This ratio illustrates how color-blindness dismisses XPs and further demonstrates how little is written about them.

Generally, studies about Xicanx principals focus on certain subjects across time and location. The studies reveal four major trends associated with Xicanx principalships.

The first of these trends is the rapid growth in the Xicanx student population and the inverse growth in Xicanx principals. This subject has been documented as early as 1998 to the present across the country, in California, Texas, Virginia, and Florida (Carrillo,

2008; Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Fernandez et al., 2015; Godina-Martinez, 2010;

Hernandez, 2005; Huber et al., 2006; Magdaleno, 2006; Magdaleno, 2009; Rodriguez,

2012; Solorzano & Yosso 2006; Viloria, 2017). For example, Romero (1998) noted the disproportionality in a San Diego school district in which the percentage of Xicanx students at 33% was under matched by 10% of Xicanx administrators. Magdaleno (2004) noted the disparity in California at 22% Xicanx administrators versus the Xicanx student population at 54%. However, the 22% are administrative positions in general, which include assistant principals, other central office employees, and superintendents. These numbers are not exclusively XP numbers. As Crawford and Fuller (2017) noted, though

54 there was a significant increase in the number of administrators in Texas over the last 20 years, the number of Xicanx teachers and principals have stayed stagnant relative to the

Xicanx student population.

The second major trend in the study of XPs in the literature focuses on the benefits attributed to XPs. These include positive outcomes for staff, students, and parents. The three most common positive effects attributed to XPs on student outcomes have been identified as positive role-modeling, increased culturally responsive competence, and more equitable advocacy for students of color. Minoritized Xicanx students—and other groups—often see Xicanx principals as role models and can see themselves reflected in the school (Fernandez et al., 2015; Khalifa, 2018). This is important in engaging an often-disenfranchised group because minoritized Xicanx students are often forced to navigate through a system that extorts their cultural identity to upgrade to a college-going culture (Duncan-Andrade, 2008). This upgrade indicates a superiority of this college culture versus minoritized community culture. As a result of this "upgrade to a college-going culture" minoritized Xicanx students are often living in

“negotiation and balance” (Gardner & Holley, 2011), finding themselves torn between their cultural community and educational community, attempting to identify what is truly important and of value.

Students are indoctrinated from kindergarten on what they need to move out of their minoritized communities and give up their identities in exchange for academic and economic success. (Duncan-Andrade, 2008). This can be viewed as “moving out and selling out.” This “move out and sell out” message indicates to Xicanx students and other

55 minoritized groups that their culture has no place in school and their culture has no value

(Duncan-Andrade, 2008). This further reinforces the use of assimilation in our education system that exalts the dominant culture and denigrates all others (Khalifa, 2018; Sanchez,

2020). Thus, Xicanx students’ culture is marginalized through a subtractive model of schooling which pressures students to devalue their own community’s social wealth

(Duncan-Andrade, 2008). Xicanx principals, on the other hand, serve as a model that demonstrates to our Xicanx students that they do not have to negate or abandon their culture to be successful within U.S. culture (Santamaria & Santamaria, 2015). Instead, they can embrace their Xicanx and college-educated professionals and leaders. Xicanx principals may have the ability to navigate between the dominant culture as well as the

Xicanx students’ culture by employing selective acculturation (Schwartz, Unger,

Zamboagna & Szapocznik, 2011). According to the literature, by employing selective acculturation, XPs can represent the positive aspects of Xicanx culture as well as the attributes for success that are necessary to survive in the dominant culture.

Researchers have also noted that, due to their experiences with oppression, struggle, and resiliency, Xicanx principals have developed higher levels of culturally responsive competencies that allow them to connect and build relationships with Xicanx and other minoritized student groups (Khalifa, 2018; Santamaria & Santamaria, 2015;

Viloria, 2015). Cultural responsiveness of Xicanx educators has been studied cross- generationally (Viloria, 2017) even if the Xicanx students and educators are generationally removed from each other, or if they are of mixed-heritage (Murakami,

Nunez, & Cuero, 2010). Scholars have emphasized and identified the cultural competency of XPs as an asset to all levels of the school community.

For example, Santamaria and Santamaria (2015) described culturally responsive leadership as Applied Critical Leadership (ACL), the educational leadership of minoritized school leaders of color. Applied Critical Leadership (ACL) contends that because Xicanx principals have been able to prevail amidst oppressive structures ingrained in the educational system, they are better equipped to understand minoritized communities (Santamaria & Santamaria, 2015). Applied Critical Leadership (ACL) promotes Xicanx principals’ resilience and enhances their ability to see their surroundings through the lens of oppression and struggle (Santamaria & Santamaria,

2015). In turn, this lens presents the conditions to view minoritized students from an assets-based perspective, which in turn benefits students from all backgrounds

(Hernández & Kose, 2012; Medina et al., 2014; Rivera-McCutchen & Watson, 2014;

Rodríguez, 2012; Santamaria & Santamaria, 2015; Viloria, 2017a; Viloria, 2017b; Viloria et al., 2019).

In contrast, traditional school-based epistemologies operate from a deficit or subtractive schooling model for Xicanx students and other minoritized groups (Duncan-

Andrade, 2008; Khalifa, 2018; Medina et al., 2014; Viloria, 2017a). From this perspective, students are failing to meet traditional and normalized standards of learning

(Duncan-Andrade, 2008). This orientation stems from the banking model of schooling where student knowledge is devalued and teachers endeavor to simply deposit students with their knowledge (Freire, 2000). This model represents a stratified epistemology

57 where one side of the relationship is deemed more important than another. This banking model is a classic Freirean concept based on an imbalance in power and uses knowledge as currency. By natural design, the banking system places value on teachers’ knowledge and, through negation, devalues students’ knowledge (Freire, 2014). In this model, teachers are considered more knowledgeable by virtue of the value placed on their knowledge; thus, they are considered benevolent for giving the knowledge to the have- not students. This imbalance in value perpetuates a power structure that values school funds of knowledge and “school-based epistemologies” but devalues community-based epistemologies (Khalifa, 2018). This system implicitly exacerbates Xicanx student underperformance and disengagement.

The third common factor that we have learned about the Xicanx principalship from the available research relates to career pathways and experiences. This recurring theme centers around the production of Xicanx principals and how Xicanx educators ascend to the principalship (Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Fernandez et al., 2015).

Specifically, the career pathways theme addresses Xicanx principals’ struggles, triumphs, and their professional lives. Career pathways for Xicanx principals are not all the same but, generally, they are promoted from certificated staff and often ascend from the assistant/vice principal position (Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Fernandez et al., 2015). At some point, Xicanx educators choose to pursue the principalship position.

The factors that influence Xicanx educators to pursue or not pursue a principalship needs further research. The two common themes in the literature are the positive impacts of mentoring programs and the negative and detrimental effects of

58 discriminatory practices. These two themes are often identified as barriers or facilitators which can wither or sustain XPs in their positions. The research has focused on the barriers and facilitators that deter or propel Xicanx educators into principalship positions

(Carrillo, 2008; Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Fernandez et al., 2015; Godina-Martinez,

2008).

For example, Carrillo (2008) noted the importance of professional mentoring programs for aspiring Xicanx educators and administrators as a way to recruit and maintain higher levels of XPs. Magdaleno (2006) documented the positive impacts of the mentoring program implemented by CALSA, which connected experienced Xicanx school administrators with aspiring and less experienced Xicanx administrators.

Fernandez et al. (2015) documented internal supports for XPs in Texas. According to

Fernandez et al. (2015), XP’s dedication to educational outcomes was an internal motivator for becoming or remaining in a position.

Conversely, Carrillo (2008) noted that discriminatory hiring practices within the school systems in California hindered and deterred the number of aspiring XPs.

Fernandez et al. (2015) noted that obstacles to the production of XPs were often stifled when their leadership capacity was questioned by staff. Another example of an external barrier was identified as a school districts’ lack of diversity in their hiring decisions

(Fernandez et al., 2015). The literature surrounding the career experiences, the production, and retention of XPs heavily consisted of internal and external supports and obstacles to the principalship.

The fourth common theme in the literature about XPs that has emerged comprises a larger volume of the available literature and revolves around the area of representation.

Crawford and Fuller (2017) conducted quantitative research on the disproportionality and incongruence between the growth in Xicanx student populations and the increase in

Xicanx principals in Texas. Their research uncovered that the number of Xicanx principals was significantly unmatched to the Xicanx student population growth.

Crawford and Fuller’s (2017) research suggests that bureaucratic representation and the representation of an ethnic group in high positions within an organization increases the participation and engagement of that same ethnic group. Bureaucratic representation can be active, in which organizational representatives advocate for a group or groups or passive representation, which matches the traits of the ethnic group only (Crawford &

Fuller, 2017). Their research concludes that Xicanx principals are more likely to positively influence student achievement for Xicanx students and other minoritized student groups. This has been a common theme that has been echoed by all the other literature in the field (Fernandez et al., 2015; Khalifa, 2018; Santamaria & Santamaria,

2015; Viloria, 2015).

The emergent literature about XPs focuses on the benefits and positive attributes associated with Xicanx principals. According to Shah’s (2009) conceptual model of

Latino representation and parental involvement (CMLRPI), Xicanx principalship at a school site becomes a symbolic representation to the Xicanx school community where their perspective is accepted and valued. Moreover, Shah’s (2009) study revealed a propensity for Xicanx principals who provide a sense of efficacy, agency, and influence

60 for Xicanx school community members (Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Khalifa, 2018; Shah,

2009). Thus, Xicanx principals engage and empower the Xicanx parent base in the school community simply through symbolic representation.

Shah’s (2009) research has been echoed by other studies and academic works on the importance of the connection between Xicanx principals and the Xicanx community.

For example, the work done by Khalifa (2018) on culturally responsive school leadership

(CRSL) emphasizes the inclusion of all cultures. Khalifa (2018) has posited that the work of culturally responsive pedagogy for K-12 teachers, which teaches adults about the inclusion of all cultures, has largely ignored the importance of leadership at a school site.

In most cases, the lack of culturally responsive leadership led to inclusion-based initiatives to either be ineffective or fall short of expected outcomes. Khalifa (2018) further argued that school site leadership and staff operate under “school-based epistemologies” (p. 11), knowledge frameworks that determine what learning is and what learning is not. These school-based epistemologies shape the perspective, direction, and vision of what should be taught to students. School-based epistemologies may dismiss or are in direct opposition to community-based epistemologies—what the community determines to be a value—and what should be taught (Khalifa, 2018). Khalifa’s work substantiates Shah’s (2009) conceptual model of Latino representation and parental involvement (CMLRPI) in his CRSL framework that proposes that principals and other school leaders embrace community-based epistemologies as well as school-based epistemologies. Shah’s (2009) model and CRSL both conclude that engaging minoritized

Xicanx communities require a connection to Xicanx beliefs and epistemologies in order to engage the communities they serve.

Fatigue

Xicanx principals are exposed to disproportionate levels of undue stress and fatigue because of their high demanding positions and their ethnicity. Dinos et al., (2009) found that minoritized people of color often exhibited prolonged symptoms of fatigue known as chronic fatigue. Brittian et al., (2015) noted that experiences of inequality and discrimination have a debilitating effect on the mental health of Xicanx students.

However, the same research also noted that Xicanx students, in particular, were more resistant to the effects of perceived discrimination when they are more positively affirmed (Brittian et al., 2015). Through a CCW lens, Xicanx principals have broken through a statistical gauntlet to degree attainment and beyond and can serve as affirming examples of breaking through oppressive barriers (i.e., stress, fatigue).

Xicanx principals usually get their start through certificated positions. Through teaching or counseling, they typically progress to an assistant principal type position before deciding to become a principal (Crawford & Fuller, 2015). Statistically speaking, their odds grow smaller and smaller each step of the way. Given all of the layers required to advance to the principal position, the word successful within the Eurocentric model seems underwhelming. Castillo (2012) referred to these types of successful Xicanxs, who attain the highest levels by progressively breaking increasingly narrowing levels of statistical odds, as “pathfinders” (p. 1). However, this pathfinder level of success is not the pinnacle of the Xicanx principalship, it is only the beginning. Once in the principal

62 position, the exhaustive work of staying in the position begins. At this time, the terms pathfinders and trailblazers are questioned as they create an image related to westward expansion. A term more appropriate for the positionality upheld by Xicanx principals would be torchbearers because they illuminate the path for others.

Fernandez et al. (2015) found that Xicanx principals are often held to a higher standard than their White counterparts and their competencies are often doubted. In essence, XPs are still having to prove to others that they have earned their way into these positions and have acquired the required preparation. This double standard often causes self-doubt, feelings of uncertainty, and a form of impostor syndrome where the XP adopts the perception that they are a fraud or they are faking competence (Fernandez et al., 2015, p. 66). Carrillo’s (2008) study of barriers and supports in obtaining and maintaining principalships in California noted that participants in his study often felt

“that to succeed they would have to be twice as good, put in longer hours, and work twice as hard as their white counterparts to prove themselves” (p. 23). This may give Xicanx principals the feeling of being “unfairly burdened with a prejudicial deficit label, which can make the job unnecessarily difficult” (Carrillo, 2008, p. 25). Thus, this double standard on Xicanx principals may place an additional burden that disproportionately impacts and strains XPs.

Xicanx principals are also subject to repeated and ongoing microaggressions.

Huber Perez and Solorzano (2015) describe how the relentlessness and subtleness of microaggressions act as a constant reminder of the historic and systemic structures of oppression that are present in everyday interactions. These constant microaggressions

63 have mental and physical debilitating effects on Xicanx and people of color (Huber &

Solorzano, 2015). From the outside in and from the inside out, Xicanx principals are exposed to higher levels of prolonged racial battle fatigue (Solorzano & Yosso, 2006).

This refers to the constant battle for equity and social justice. Racial battle fatigue consists of physical exhaustion and emotional distress experienced by people of color who are subjected every day to subtle, indirect, and sometimes direct, overt acts of discrimination (Furr, 2018; Solorzano & Yosso, 2005). In the case of Xicanx principals, this is concerning because racial battle fatigue can cause undue emotional distress and physical symptoms if exposed to racial battle fatigue for long periods.

To expand on the implications of the effects of fatigue, Xicanx principals may be exposed to higher levels of stress and emotional distress than their White counterparts due to their racial identity. Another stressor Xicanx principals are susceptible to is equity fatigue, which is the other side of diversity fatigue. This stressor is the effect of having to constantly talk about the same oppressive systems of injustice and inequity over and over again but noting that nothing changes. In other words, it consists of the energy expended while trying to change the system from within the system (Le, 2018). There is a level of exhaustion in trying to change oppressive structures in the education system while being a part of the oppressive system as well.

Additional stressors such as diversity fatigue, for example, has been attributed to the exhaustion of leaders of color who contend with having to constantly be the spokesperson for diversity in a diversity-resistant system, such as our educational system

(Lam, 2018). Xicanx principals are susceptible to diversity fatigue, having to always

64 represent their culture (Le, 2017). As a spokesperson for a group of people, Xicanx principals are constantly subjected to rhetoric of systemic oppression (Le, 2017). This is all on top of the regular challenges and stresses that are generally attributed to the traditional color-blind principalships model. Xicanx principals have additional stressors because of the sensitivity that comes with the inherent nature of their lived ethnic background (Brittian et al., 2018; Lam, 2018; Murakami et al., 2016). Subsequently,

Xicanx principals are susceptible to higher levels of chronic fatigue syndrome that is found more in minority populations than in Whites (Dinos et al., 2009).

Other stressors include advocacy fatigue, social justice fatigue, and compassion fatigue (Furr, 2018). Xicanx principals involuntarily carry additional burdens because of their cultural background, their Xicanidad. They are susceptible to racial discrimination which has a slew of mental and physical health detriments that have real effects from high bold pressure to depression (Brittian et al., 2018; Dinos et al., 2009; Furr, 2018).

These additional stressors potentially increase the level of burnout in Xicanx principals or even deter or inhibit the future production of Xicanx principalships. Given the physiological impact on the health of Xicanx principals, this study has the potential to shed light on the workplace wellness (WW) and self-care (SC) practices that have empowered Xicanx principals to persevere and to thrive.

Workplace Wellness and Self-Care

The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Service Administration (SAMHSA)

(2016) identifies eight dimensions of wellness that make-up the overall wellness of individuals. These dimensions are comprised of a) emotional wellness, b) spiritual

65 wellness, c) intellectual wellness, d) physical wellness, e) environmental wellness, f) financial wellness, g) occupational wellness, and h) social wellness. The overall wellness of an individual would need to encompass these elements. Wellness can be subjective, as it is the “overall well-being” (SAMHSA, 2016, p. 1) but is “More than the absence of disease or stress, wellness involves having a purpose in life; active involvement in satisfying work and play; joyful relationships; a healthy body and living environment; and happiness. Wellness incorporates many dimensions of health, each of which is interconnected within an individual’s total well-being” (SAMHSA, 2016).

Figure 6. Eight Dimensions of Wellness.

Figure 6 represents the Eight Dimensions of Wellness Model from Swarbrick (2006) In Figure 6, the visual model illustrates the eight dimensions of wellness that promotes an integrated approach to change the way we view health in a more dynamic way

(Swarbrick, 2006). Wellness attempts to diverge from the traditional health models that often focus on ailments and breakdowns and instead opts to view health from a more additive and holistic model (Swarbrick, 2006). This approach considers lifestyles and is a more humanistic versus medical approach, which focuses on illnesses and diagnoses, what is wrong, labeling, and judging.

Workplace Wellness and Self-Care

While the wellness model’s focus is on an integrated and multi-tiered perspective of personal health, the interpretations and variations of the model have evolved over time

(Blackwell et al., 2019). A rise in healthcare costs and loss of production at worksites due to unhealthy behaviors have driven a spike in interest in occupational wellness or worksite wellness (Blackwell et al., 2019). There are multiple reasons for the increased interest in occupation, worksite, and job-related wellness, as there is a growing concern on behalf of employers and the health field. This phenomena includes insurance companies that combat the debilitating effects of burnout and fatigue due to stress, compassion fatigue, or secondary trauma (Blackwell et al., 2019; Furr, 2018; Halloran,

2017; Hyett & Parker, 2015; Kruger, 2018; Lawson & Meyers, 2010; Tanigoshi, Kontos,

& Remley, 2008). Essentially, employers want to get the most productivity from their employees for the least possible price, as per the capitalistic model.

On the eight-dimension scale, occupational wellness is known in other studies as worksite wellness or employee well-being (Furr, 2018; Halloran, 2017; Kruger, 2018).

For others, it is called workplace wellness and there are other variations based on the goals of the institution of the workplace (Halloran, 2017; Kruger, 2018). Workplace

67 wellness (WW) and SC are defined as "actions, habits, and attitudes" (Kruger, 2018, p.

112) that allow a person to reach their optimal capacity. Kruger (2018) identifies workplace wellness as a holistic concept of “emotional wellness, physical wellness, and mental wellness” (p. 113). According to Kruger (2018), SC reinforces WW to counter burnout and fatigue, regulate stressors, and increase work fulfillment and personal wellness. Workplace wellness (WW) and SC are important in the lives of XPs because they are essential to prevent fatigue, exhaustion, and burnout (Furr, 2018). Understanding how XPs maintain and sustain themselves emotionally, physically, mentally, and psychologically in a potentially turbulent system with historic and systematic oppression is vital to replicating and disseminating culturally relevant self-care practices.

While the terms wellness and self-care have now become very popular, their meaning and applications are still very vague (Kruger, 2018). Workplace wellness (WW) is appropriate in this study because it encompasses the emotional, physical, mental, and intellectual wellness of XPs. The researcher contends, however, that both the terms WW and SC continue to exist and are applied in a color-blind manner without consideration for the experiences of minoritized communities (Borunda & Murray, 2019). For this reason, examining and restoring culturally transmitted well-being practices that have been erased, acculturated, dismissed, omitted, understudied, and often devalued is vital for the perseverance, survivance, and well-being of future generations (Borunda &

Murray, 2019).

Conclusion

Xicanx principals, from an economic perspective, fit the definition of a scarce resource (Lovenheim & Turner, 2018). The XPs’ scarcity would be likened to the nationwide teacher shortage, in that they are a resource in low supply (Crawford &

Fuller, 2015). However, for this XP scarcity to be considered a shortage to the same degree as the teacher shortage, there must be a high demand associated with the low supply (Lovenheim & Turner, 2018). Unfortunately, the demand for XPs in the educational labor market does not seem to be highly valued, based on the relatively low number of them (Crawford & Fuller, 2015). It is concerning that XPs are devalued or unseen, especially when there are growing concerns about increased rates of principal turnover (Snodgrass Rangel, 2018) and yet, it seems only natural in a social structure that aims to be a color-blind system, is unable to appreciate or identify the meritocracy in diversity. Thus, according to the literature, these biased-based perspectives are detrimental not just economically, they represent a detriment to the public-school education system as well.

The lack of diverse voices in both the research of principalships and workplace wellness and the subsequent devaluation of their potential in an increasing Xicanization of California reveals an issue of social justice in the research itself. When the majority of school-aged students do not see themselves reflected in their schoolteachers, this is problematic for the future of our education system and our global competitive labor markets (Pew Hispanic, 2018). This issue evokes the haunting words of Langston

Hughes’ “I Too.” (Schmidt, 2006, p.107). In this poem, the poet draws attention to the

69 fact that though he is “the darker brother” he “too, [is] America” (Schmidt, 2006, p.107).

It has been over 90 years since Hughes’ poem was published, yet, based on the overwhelming numbers of non-White students compared to the number of White educators, Xicanx principals are still not “at the table” (Schmidt, 2006, p.107). One could conclude, according to the literature, that it is important for students to see themselves reflected in their educational leaders.

Chapter 3

METHODOLOGY

and something started in my soul, fever or forgotten wings, and I made my own way, deciphering that fire, and I wrote the first faint line, faint, without substance, pure nonsense, pure wisdom of someone who knows nothing, from Poetry by Pablo Neruda

Introduction

This chapter will delineate the process by which the researcher carried out the research needed to further understand how the lived experiences of Xicanx principals creates a perspective that must be cultivated, studied, and preserved. This chapter will: (a) explain the research design and the reasons for choosing a mixed method design as well as which portions of the study will be qualitative and which portions will be quantitative;

(b) describe the role of the researcher in the study; (c) review the research questions that will drive this study and why they were chosen; (d) explain the setting, sample, population, and data collection process and, (e) elaborate on the methods employed to protect the subjects in the study.

Research Design

This study employed a transformative mixed methods research design that utilized a combination of qualitative data from both semi-structured interviews of XPs and quantitative data using Cook's (2015) Mindfulness Self-Care Scale (MSCS 2015 ) and

Hudnall Stamm's (2009) Professional Quality of Life Survey (ProQOL) instruments.

Mixed methods research designs are often employed when multiple sets of data, methodologies, and strategies are necessary (Bogdan & Biklen, 2016). This transformative mixed methods design is suited when working on social justice-focused research with minoritized communities. The transformative mixed methods design allows for the use of a framework or model throughout the study (Mertens, 2012) using Yosso’s

(2005) CCW model as its framework. This CCW framework is often applied to research with marginalized groups and provides a platform for action or exposes issues of social justice (Creswell, 2014). Given that Xicanx principals and the Xicanx community are historically minoritized groups and that so little has been researched on the topic of XPs, a transformative mixed methods design is appropriate for this study. The researcher conducted concurrent semi-structured interviews of at least 10 or more XPs about their experiences in the field. The interviews consisted of open-ended questions that were structured to address the various capitals explained in Yosso’s (2005) CCW model.

Researcher’s Role

The role of the researcher was to interview subjects, collect and synthesize data, and to disseminate data collection instruments. The researcher created survey instruments augmented from preexisting instruments, Professional Quality of Life survey (ProQOL)

72 and the Mindfulness Self-Care Scale (MSCS 2015 ). This study examined the subject of workplace wellness and self-care. The researcher is not an expert, professional, nor practitioner in the field of healthcare, wellness, or self-care, and for this reason, employed established evidence-based questionnaires. The researcher interviewed 10 Xicanx principals using semi-structured questions fashioned around the six CCW capitals.

Interviews allowed principals to express themselves more openly, thus enabling the ability to glean more rich data. The data files were kept in a locked box in a locked file drawer that only the researcher has access to. This fortified a measure of confidentiality.

Research Questions

This study sought to understand why XPs are vastly incongruent with the demographic growth in the Xicanx student population across the nation. XPs have been positively correlated to beneficial outcomes for students, parents, staff, and the community (Khalifa, 2018; Santamaria & Santamaria, 2015; Shah, 2009; Viloria, 2017).

This study attempted to discover and explore the lives of XPs by answering the following overarching question and subsequent sub-questions:

R1. What are the experiences of selected P-12 Xicanx Principals in California?

RQ1a. To what extent are the tenets of Yosso’s (2005) community

cultural wealth (CCW) apparent in the lives of Xicanx principals?

RQ1b. Are there any significant relationships among the following set of

variables regarding ProQOL and MCSC for Xicanx principals and

administrators?

Compassion Satisfaction

Burnout

Secondary Traumatic Experiences

Mindful Relaxation

Physical Care

Self-Compassion

Supportive Relationships

Supportive Structure

Mindful Awareness

Mixed Methods Research Design

As stated in the previous section, the research methodology employed a transformative concurrent mixed-methods design. The determination to employ the mixed methods design stemmed from the need to deploy multiple research schema. In this study, interviewed subjects revealed how their lived experiences related to the CCW model. The quantitative portion of this study attempted to measure and compare levels of

CCW to levels of workplace wellness and self-care. Mixed methods studies have been recognized as being a more robust methodology to undertake research and understand a question from a stronger approach than by simply using qualitative or quantitative alone

(Creswell, 2014). The surveys were paralleled in that they were offered to those participants who were interviewed concurrently to those who are not. However, the interviews conducted were independent of the ProQOL and MSCS 2015 and were used to garner additional data.

Qualitative Approach

The qualitative approach to this research was conducted through semi-structured interviews of 10 Xicanx principals in California. The interview questions were related to

XPs’ experiences as they pertain to the CCW model. The purpose of applying a qualitative approach to this study was to provide a detailed and accurate depiction of the lives of XP (Bogdan & Biklen, 2016). Qualitative research in this study resembled an epistemological approach through which the known and the unknown aspects of XPs’ lives can be revealed.

There was a considerable amount of research about this subject, and overwhelmingly, the studies conducted have used a qualitative approach. The questions utilized during the semi-structured interviews can be found in Appendix A. The questions are meant to elicit responses from XPs related to the level of connectedness they may have to each of the six capitals of CCW. The first two questions are meant to collect information about how XPs prefer to identify themselves and their level of bilingualism.

Question 3 was designed to capture the lived experiences of XPs. Question 3: Why did you decide to become a principal and how did you get to this position? Question 4 was designed to engage an XP’s connection to linguistic capital. Question 4: As principal of a school, does language impact your work, if so, how does it? Question 5 was meant to engage XP participants in their levels of cultural capital. Question 5: How has your culture been received as a principal? This question was meant to understand to what extent, if any, does cultural capital affect the experiences of XPs. Question 6 sought to understand to what degree and how do the tenets of familial capital influence the

75 experiences of XPs: What are the ways in which your family has supported you?

Question 7: How have you been able to persist in your current level of success when so many other principals of color have not? This was designed to explore the aspirational capitals employed by XPs. Question 8: What supports have helped you persevere and transcend? This question sought to explore how XPs employed their social capital.

Question 9: What understandings have you acquired in order to navigate through oppressive or exclusionary ideologies and behaviors? This question was meant to elicit from XPs their experiences using navigational capital. Question 10: What experience have you had where you had to resist or oppose mainstream culture? This question is geared toward understanding how resistant capital influences XPs. The final question, 11, is What do you do for self-care? This question was meant to capture what XPs do to perform self-care on a regular basis. The questions were designed to be semi-structured and open-ended. These questions were targeted yet vague enough to enable fluidity and flexibility. At times, the questions needed to be varied, at times these questions were already answered in other responses, and at times the conversations allowed for other questions to be asked out of turn.

Quantitative Approach

The quantitative approach in this study employed the use of two instruments: the

ProQOL and MSCS 2015 . The ProQOL is a 31-question survey aimed at capturing data about Xicanx principals’ and administrators’ levels of workplace wellness and job satisfaction. The 21-question MSCS 2015 was utilized to measure the levels of self-care employed by Xicanx administrators (XA). The MSCS 2015 was used to measure the

76 strategies employed by XAs in performing self-care. These two instruments were given to all participants in the interview. In addition to the ten XP participants interviewed, the

MSCS 2015 and ProQOL 5 were distributed to other XAs electronically through the network CALSA. Lastly, because neither the MSCS nor the ProQOL 5 account for the cultural differences in populations; additional closed-ended questions related to levels of

CCW were included. As the overarching question, the study sought to understand the experiences of Xicanx principals in California.

Transformative Mixed Methods

The transformative mixed method design provided an avenue towards applying

Yosso’s (2005) CCW model in measuring their value and connectedness to the Xicanx community (Canales, 2013; Creswell, 2014). Because this population is fairly specific and minuscule, the findings may be difficult to reproduce but nonetheless may serve to understand XPs and XAs as applied to other settings (Bogdan & Biklen, 2016). It will be difficult to apply the same methodology to other studies, but the generalizability may align to studies through the similarities and differences between other XPs and XAs in other states, settings, or positions. This study applied a transformative concurrent mixed methods design to understand the lived experiences of Xicanx principals. This design can be employed with minoritized populations when it is in search of social justice (Canales,

2013).

Setting, Population, and Sample

This study took place in California P-12 public school settings to meet XPs in their environment (Bogdan & Biklen, 2016). Other settings took place at mutually

77 agreed-upon locations. Other settings also included regional meetings and events across the state that are hosted by CALSA. The importance of gaining access to the subjects’ environment required the physical location and mediums of communication to be flexible in order to mediate access to the subjects (Bogdan & Biklen, 2016).

The population studied consisted of Xicanx principals and Xicanx administrators.

Ten Xicanx principals were interviewed across various regions in California. MSCS and the ProQOL were distributed to the members of the CALSA organization who were principals or administrators. The XP population is small; thus, snowball sampling was also necessary to find a sufficient number of participants who met the criteria for this study's participation (Bogdan & Biklen, 2016). In addition, the researcher is an XP; thus, it was necessary to employ a network sampling from the researcher’s own social connections (Fernandez et al., 2015). The researcher also solicited professional cultural networks to gain participation from other XPs in the field that may belong to professional cultural networks. The California Association of Latino Superintendents and

Administrators (CALSA) was a major source to access more participants for this study.

Data Collection and Instrumentation

The first step once the proposal was approved by the dissertation committee chair was to submit a submission for human subjects review. Once approved, the researcher was asked to provide an informed consent form. After all protections were approved, the researcher began the study. This study employed a semi-structured interview of 10

Xicanx principals. The questions can be found in Appendix A and are aligned to the six dimensions of the CCW model. In addition to the semi-structured interviews, each XP

78 participant was asked to take a modified version of the ProQOL 5 scale to measure their levels of workplace wellness. Participants were also asked to take a modified version of the MSCS 2015. The two-survey instruments were modified for two reasons: (a) to increase ease of use for participants, and (b) to add culture-specific questions. Both the

MSCS 2015 and ProQOL 5 are not culture-specific, in other words, it is color-blind. As stated clearly through the previous two chapters, color-blindness ignores and thus devalues the lives of minoritized communities of color.

Data Analysis Techniques

The researcher identified common themes and patterns among the interviews. As the modified wellness and self-care surveys were deployed to principals and administrators in CALSA, they were also given to principals who had agreed to be interviewed. The goal was to understand XPs’ experiences as educational leaders and the methods they use to sustain themselves.

The surveys were analyzed using an array of statistical tools. A Pearson correlation was employed to compare the nine variables in the two modified surveys,

ProQOL 5 and MSCS 2015. The quantitative portion of this study used Qualtrics to capture the data. Qualtrics is a data collection software used to capture and disaggregate survey data. The data collected from Qualtrics was exported to a data analysis program called the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was able to analyze data and perform correlations and other statistical analysis strategies. Due to the relatively low numbers of participants, outliers were removed from the data to prevent them from skewing the data. Despite the removal

79 of outliers, all correlations had over 30 participants, which is the minimum number necessary to conduct a Pearson correlation. Not all participants completed the entire survey, however, due to the small number of participants, it was necessary to include all responses.

The qualitative data consisted of voice recordings of the semi-structured interviews. The data were then transcribed by hand and uploaded to a coding software called HyperResearch (Bogdan & Biklen, 2016). The researcher used the software to code the data gleaned from the interviews. The researcher also employed reflective field notes when possible because of the researcher’s potential connection to some of the subjects through memberships, culture, and experiences; this served as an opportunity to self-reflect on the experiences of interviews.

Validity and Reliability

When exploring this kind of research, questions of validity often emerge

(Mertens, 2012). Efforts to ensure validity and trustworthiness were taken. Those steps included the comparing data using concurrent triangulation. Triangulation requires analysis and collection of multiple forms of data which can fortifies reliability and internal validity (Creswell, 2014). Another step employed was member checking in order to ensured that those who were interviewed had an opportunity to verify the transcript’s accuracy (Bogdan & Biklen, 2016). In consideration of the biases the researcher had as a member of the XP community, the researcher took steps through self-reflective notetaking to address any potential biases. Peer debriefing and outside auditors were additional steps the researcher took to involve outsiders. Peer debriefing allowed for the

80 review and triangulation of the data process to ensure clarity and check any potential biases.

Cronbach Alpha statistical measures are often used to ensure internal regularity between questions (Creswell, 2014). This measure is often used to ensure internal reliability and consistency in within a survey. The ProQOL 5 uses a confirmatory factor analysis and has an Alpha scale reliability score of 0.70 or higher depending on its coefficients (Cook, 2015). The MSCS 2015 also used confirmatory factor analysis and has an Alpha scale reliability score of 0.87, which is a precision instrument. Thus, both of these subscales are considered to be highly reliable.

Lastly, to ensure that this study fits the qualifications of a transformative mixed method study, the researcher applied the Transformative, Mixed Methods Checklist for

Psychological Research TMMC-MA guidelines, as delineated by Canales (2013). The researcher modified this tool to fit the educational field. The researcher applied this tool to ensure that the research fit the criteria for transformative mixed methods studies. The researcher included the use of peer scrutiny to also triangulate and validate the research, so it fits the criteria for this particular study.

Protection of Participants

The researcher complied with all of the guidelines regulated by Sacramento

State’s Internal Review Board (IRB). For the protection of the participants who were interviewed, subjects chose their own pseudonym and all identifiable signifiers were omitted or masked. In addition, all transcriptions were stored on a recording device that was password protected and stored in a locked and secure location. Participation was

81 voluntary and every participant was given a letter of consent prior to participation.

Survey responses were stripped of all identifiable markers or masked and remain confidential. All interviewees had the opportunity to review and revise their transcripts prior to any publication.

Conclusion

The purpose of this study was to understand the lived experiences of Xicanx principals and why they are disproportionately underrepresented in the profession. The study provided a window by which to understand their level of CCW and to discern how they were able to endure or persist in their position. At the center of this study is the community cultural wealth (CCW) model through which the experiences of XPs were analyzed. Using CCW, this study explored the cultural Xicanx dimensions of wellness and self-care. It was of the utmost importance then, to understand how XPs were not only produced but how they have maintained their levels of workplace wellness that enables them to continue to thrive. Transformative mixed methods design facilitated the daunting task of understanding why it is that some traditional communities seem to thrive while others, who happen to be of color, have not. The transformative mixed methods design was utilized to increase the voice of the voiceless and push for inclusions in the profession, as well as in the literature (Canales, 2013; Creswell, 2014; Mertens, 2012).

Chapter 4

ANALYSIS OF THE DATA

and suddenly I saw the heavens unfastened and open, planets, palpitating plantations, shadow perforated, riddled with arrows, fire and flowers, the winding night, the universe. from Poetry by Pablo Neruda

Introduction

The number of Xicanx principals and administrators is vastly incongruent with the number of P-12 Xicanx students in the California public school system. This study employed a transformative congruent mixed methods approach to study the experiences of Xicanx principals and administrators in California. Transformative mixed methods approaches are often employed with minoritized populations, especially when it is in search of equity (Canales, 2013). This transformative concurrent mixed methods design combined both qualitative and quantitative data to answer the following research questions:

1. What are the experiences of selected P-12 Xicanx principals in California?

1A. To what extent are the tenets of Yosso’s (2005) community

cultural wealth (CCW) apparent in the lives of Xicanx principals?

1B. Are there any significant relationships among the following set

of variables regarding ProQOL 5 and MSCS 2015 for Xicanx

principals and administrators: Compassion Satisfaction, Burnout,

Secondary Traumatic Stress, Mindful Relaxation, Physical Care,

Self-Compassion, Supportive Relationships, Supportive Structure,

and Mindful Awareness.

Xicanx public school P-12 administrators were given a survey that included questions that collected demographic information as well as their reported levels of professional wellness. This data was collected through a ProQOL 5 survey which measures three vital aspects of public service indicators: Compassion Satisfaction,

Burnout, and Secondary Traumatic Stress. The participants were then asked to answer questions that mirror a version of the MSCS 2015, which measures their reported levels of self-care. These two scales captured study participants’ current level of workplace wellness and their practices regarding self-care.

Concurrently, XPs were invited to participate in the interview portion of the study through a variety of both convenient sampling, snowball methods, and those XPs who self-selected through the wellness and self-care survey, by indicating their willingness to be a part of the interview portion of this study. The interview portion of the study asked eleven questions pertaining to the relevance of Yosso’s (2005) CCW model. Participants were also asked questions related to their lived experiences as principals of color.

This chapter includes the analysis of the study’s qualitative and quantitative data.

The results from the online survey, the data from the semi-structured open-ended interviews, the degree of relevance to CCW, and a summary of their self-care practices will be presented. In the first section, the data pertaining to both Question #1 and

Question #1a will be presented with a focus on specific and emergent themes. In the second section of this chapter, the significant correlations of the quantitative data related to Question #1b will be presented and examined.

Descriptive Statistics

This study explores the experiences of selected P-12 Xicanx principals and administrators in California. The focus of this research was to describe in-depth Xicanx principals’ and administrators’ lived experiences with particular attention to the tenets of

Yosso’s (2005) CCW and any statistical relationship between Xicanx principals’ levels of

CCW and their reported levels of workplace wellness and self-care. This transformative mixed methods approach addressed research question #1: What are the lived experiences of selected P-12 Xicanx principals and Xicanx administrators?; research question 1a: To what extent are the tenets of Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth (CCW) apparent in the lives of Xicanx principals?; and research question 1b: Is there a statistically significant relationship between their reported levels of CCW and their reported levels of wellness and self-care?

The qualitative approach in this study was applied by conducting interviews with current P-12 Xicanx principals with the use of semi-structured open-ended questions. The participants were recruited by employing a snowball method, purposeful sampling, as well as volunteers enlisted through the survey portion of the study. Ten principals were interviewed either at their school site, via phone, or a neutral location during an agreed- upon time between the researcher and the participants. Participating principals were given consent forms in person or electronically. The researcher reviewed the consent form with

85 each participant and then asked the participant to choose a pseudonym. Once the pseudonym was chosen, the participants were asked 11 questions pertaining to their experiences as Xicanx principals. Questions 1, 2, and 3, were designed to draw from

XPs’ lived experiences. Questions 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 were asked to elicit their possible connection to the six capitals that comprise Yosso’s (2005) CCW model.

Question 11 was asked in an attempt to elicit responses to determine what self-care practices were employed by XPs. The participants were given a more simplistic form of the questions to keep their mind focused on the questions, however, the researcher had more targeted sets of the same questions to choose from in order to elicit more accurate responses from the participants in case the participant responses were too vague. In addition, the researcher asked follow-up questions that maintained fidelity to the research endeavor.

Individual interviews were recorded using a digital recording instrument. The audio files were then transcribed for analysis and then deleted. The participant sample for the interview portion of this study were current P-12 Xicanx principals from diverse experiences, locations, and grade levels. Table 1 presents this information. Their geographic range of experiences varied from rural to urban, from Northern California to

Southern California, and from primary school to secondary school. Despite the diversity of experiences of XPs, some demographic groups were represented more than others. Six out of the 10 participants were male XPs and only four XPs were female. However, in terms of the highest academic level achieved, out of the four XPs with doctoral degrees, three of them were female.

Table 1 Interview Participants (n=10) Principal Grade-Level Gender Self-Identify Toño High School (9-12) Male Mexican Ted Medina High School (9-12) Male Chicano Dr. Ivan High School (9-12) Male Mex- American Dr. Frida Middle/ High (7-12) Female Mex- American Jesus Middle School (7-8) Male Latinx Magdalena Farris Elementary (K-6) Female Hispanic Dr. Paloma Elementary (K-5) Female Xicanx Dr. Socorro Elementary (K-5) Female Latina/ Mexican El Che Elementary (4-6) Male Mexican Jacinto Elementary (K-6) Male Latino

The diversity in the grade levels overseen by the participants was also stratified by gender. For example, three out of four high school principals were male, and one was female. Whereas three of five elementary school principals were female. Nonetheless,

Xicanx male principals were the most represented participants in the interviews and were more varied in the grade levels they worked. Three were high-school-level principals, one was a middle-school principal, and two were elementary school principals. The most difficult participants to identify and recruit were Xicanx high school principals. This demographic was the most challenging to find despite employing both convenient sampling and the snowball method. The majority of female XPs in this study were elementary principals. Out of the 25 XPs who participated in this study, 13 identified as female and of those, eight were primary or elementary school principals, one was a middle-school principal, and one was a high-school principal, while one was a middle-

87 high school principal. Of the 10 XPs who were interviewed, four were high school principals and one of them identified as female.

The results from the survey indicated that XP’s identified most with the terms

“Latino/a” and “Mexican American.” It is important to consider that all participants were prompted to mark all that they identify with, which means that participants regularly picked more than one answer.

Table 2 Level of Administration of Interview Participants (n=59) Participants’ Positions Percent Count School site principal 42.37% 25 Assistant or vice principal 13.56% 8 Assistant Director/ Coordinator 5.08% 3 Director 10.17% 6 Executive Director 3.39% 2 Assistant superintendent 13.56% 8 Superintendent 8.47% 5 Other central office administrator (please specify) 3.39% 2 Total 100% 59

However, the terms “Hispanic,” “Latina,” and “Other” were about 4% of the identifiers for which XPs connected. Only one participant chose not to identify with any of the identifiers above.

Table 2 presents the level of administration in the survey participants. The majority of the participants who took the survey were Xicanx principals which accounted for about 42% of the total sample, which was 25 out of the 59 participants. The second- largest group was vice-principals and assistant superintendents who accounted for about

13% of the participants equally, which were about eight participants each. Of the Male

Xicanx administrators survey respondents, 53% self-identified as male and 47% self-

88 identified as female. Fifty-one (51%) of participants were between the ages of 45-54 and about 42% of the participants reported to be between 35-44 years of age. The majority of the participants reported having over 20 years of experience in the field at 28% while the second-highest group reported having between 10-15 years of experience in the field. Only one respondent reported having between 1-3 years of experience in the field.

Table 3 Genders of Survey Participants (n=59) Gender Percent Count Female 52.54% 31 Male 47.46% 28 Total 100% 59

Table 3 shows the number of self-identified males and females that participated in this study. There was a total of 31 males that participated and a total of 28 females that participated in this study.

Table 4 Age range of Survey Participants (n= 59) Age Percent Count 25-34 years old 1.69% 1 35-44 years old 42.37% 25 45-54 years old 50.85% 30 55-64 years old 5.08% 3

Table 4 presents the reported age range of participants. In this study, one participant was between the ages of 25-34 years old. Twenty-five participants reported being between the ages of 35-44 years old. The majority of the participants (n = 30) in this study reported

89 being between the ages of 45-54. Three participants reported being between the ages of

55- 64.

Data Addressing Research Question 1

This section presents the qualitative data shared by Xicanx principals during their interviews related to research question 1: What are the experiences of selected P-12

Xicanx principals in California? Four major themes emerged from these interviews and consisted of: (a) Conocimientos, (b) Regalos, (c) Cargas, and (d) Perdurar. These themes and their subthemes are presented in Table 5.

Table 5 Themes and Subthemes from Qualitative Research Questions Themes Subthemes 1. Conocimientos Subtheme 1. Pocos Subtheme 2. Convocados Subtheme 3. Torchbearer 2. Regalos Subtheme 4. Community Responsive Subtheme 5. Xicanx Principalship 3. Cargas Subtheme 6. Dos Por Uno Subtheme 7. Ceguedad 4. Perdurar Subtheme 8. Desgaste Subtheme 9. Bienestar

Theme 1 Conocimientos translates to knowledges, which may equate to

“funds of knowledge.” The next theme is Regalos which translates to gifts, which can also equate to benefits. Cargas is the third major theme which translates to loads or burdens, which can be equated to stressors or fatigue. These themes are and inspired by the work done by Carrillo et al., (2017) in Cultura Y Bienestar in terms of how to conduct a Circulo, a cultural healing circle. The final major theme is derived from the lived

90 experiences of Xicanx principals, the theme of Perdurar, which means to overcome or endure. This was a theme used to describe the wellness and self-care practices of XPs in the field.

Theme 1: Conocimientos

The semi-structured interviews with XPs revealed commonalities both on the surface-level and on a deeper level, as derived from their lived experiences. An example of a surface-level commonality consists of how nine of the 10 participants reported working in schools with high populations of Xicanx students. From the deeper levels, the theme of Conocimientos was developed to detail XP experiences and acknowledge the

“funds of knowledge.” The theme Conocimientos comprised three subthemes: (a) Pocos

(the few), (b) Convocados (the summoned), and (c) Torchbearers.

Subtheme 1 Pocos. All 10 participants felt isolated or alienated by being grossly underrepresented in the system (Pocos). These pocos sometimes feel like they are operating as mavericks, outliers, or misfits. Magdalena Farris expressed it the best:

Magdalena Farris: “So, if you go to my school district there is not one leader that's a person of color and this district has 21 schools and there's not one person in leadership that is of color except for my superintendent. But again, he doesn't speak Spanish. And I don't know that he was brought up in a culture where it's spoken: Spanish. So, I know that he values me and everything, but I feel like sometimes again perspective is perspective.”

Magdalena is an elementary school principal in a suburban school district in a highly populated city. She has a master’s degree and over 20 years of diverse experience in education from high school to elementary school. Magdalena felt alienated from her school district, being the only principal of color in a school district with over 20 schools.

Principals in her district are mostly White and she is the only Xicana representing the

91 leadership of her district. She feels that even though the superintendent may be a person of color and be a part of the same culture, there is not a deep cultural connection because they do not share language or cultural traditions. The search for cultural connections to the community is vital to the XPs who often feel they have to be on the defensive because they are leaders of color in a system that does not reflect their values, perspectives, or understandings. It can be more than just for moral support when you are trying to change a system with a biased-based perspective.

Dr. Paloma is an elementary-school principal with over five years of experience as a principal. She is a XP in an inner-city school in a highly populated city. She has worked in high school settings as a teacher and vice-principal and is now an elementary school principal. She has over 20 years of experience as an educator. She shared her experiences as a Xicanx educator in the education system:

Dr. Paloma: “Yeah, I mean, I think for me personally, when you walk into a room, you scope it out and, okay, who looks like me here? And so, I think it was that. Becoming a teacher in a system at a school where you're the minority just right off the bat and scoping out the people who look like you, and then building friendships with them. And then just deep friendships and then we were just like-minded. We had the same end goal in mind of working for... Having become educators to help our community because we had all had experiences as students within the system that were not positive.”

Dr. Paloma’s recollection of what it is like to be pocos, to be on the fringe and want to change the system. She sought others who looked like her for protection against isolation. Magdalena’s and Dr. Paloma’s feelings of alienation are not uncommon; all 10

XPs have expressed the same feeling of being pocos, of being of color. Further, they

92 have, at one point or another in their career, felt a lack of connection with the district they serve or singled out because of their culture. Xicanx principals are even more susceptible to being pocos, as they have to contend with both gender roles and racial stereotypes

(Murakami et al., 2015). This intersectionality is also mirrored in the participants of this study, as four of the 10 participants were female principals and only one of them was a high-school administrator. The other three were primary- or elementary-school principals. Of the six male participants, four of them were in secondary positions, middle school, or high school. Murakami et al., (2015) found that there was a general lack of active recruitment for Xicanx educators to be in leadership roles. Specifically, there is a lack of patronage to be placed in these positions of leadership.

Subtheme 2 Convocados. Another subtheme of Conocimientos that emerged from

XPs’ lived experiences, was Convocados, refers to being summoned to service. This refers to not asking but being asked to serve in their principalships. The path to principalship and the experiences of all of the participants is diverse, yet many similarities exist as well. All

10 participants recalled being summoned to service while on their path to their principalship. In other words, they were sought out and asked to serve in a leadership role or position by other leaders within their organization. However, nine of the 10 expressed that the communities they were called to lead were schools in communities with majority

Xicanx student populations. The one XP who did not report working in a community with a majority Xicanx population expressed that the school was highly diverse and the Xicanx community was still a significant and prevalent demographic within the school community.

This subtheme of being sought out is best expressed by El Che:

El Che: “Every year I'd get pink-slipped, and I actually went back to get my, I enrolled in a program to get my masters and my admin credential together, not wanting the admin credential. I straight up told them that's not what I want to do. I just want to feed my brain and I want to make sure that I continue to grow. And the principal that was there at the time told me, ‘that's the way that I could keep you and I think that you would be perfect.’ And one of the vice principals was leaving to another to become a principal at another nearby high school. And that's how they got me, I felt. I came in as an interim vice-principal and I remember asking them the day that they interviewed me ... asking them, the panel, if I am not good enough in this position, can I go back to the classroom? And their response was, ‘well, if you're not getting enough, yeah, you're not going to be in this position’.”

El Che was pressured to accept a vice-principal position in order to keep his job.

El Che was willing to go back to teaching; however, the vice-principal position did not guarantee him a teaching position to fall back on if he was fired or let go. El Che recalls being pushed into the principalship as well.

“So, I worked there for 5 years. I liked it. I really, really enjoyed it, actually. I worked with the really, I'm going to just say badass team. I felt like we were doing really good stuff, making really good moves for our African American community, our Raza community. It was nice to see our kids who are typically hidden, feel comfortable, and it was just nice. So, 5 years passed and a principal who was sitting where I'm currently sitting passed away and the superintendent moved me over there, where I'm currently at, as an interim principal. And I've been there, March will be 5 years.”

El Che, a fifth-year principal, recounted how he did not initially see himself as a leader of a school, much less a principal. He was perfectly content with simply getting a stable teaching position. However, El Che found himself forced into a situation where he had to accept a leadership position otherwise, he would be let go, again. The expression

El Che used to describe his ascension into school leadership was: “That’s how they got me, I felt.” El Che’s words indicate he felt ensnared, captured, or ambushed into

94 accepting a vice principalship. Once in the position and experiencing success towards equity and social justice, El Che was pleased with the move into administration. Later, he was further duped by being placed as a temporary principal at a school, which he has now been at for five years.

This summoning to leadership was also expressed by Dr. Socorro, another elementary school principal in her sixth year of principalship. Dr. Socorro has over 15 years of experience in education. She is the principal of an urban elementary school in a highly populated city in California. She recalled her ascension as being lured into hired positions by district leaders:

Dr. Socorro: “I got my first opportunity as an assistant principal at a local high school as well here in the district, different one than I was teaching at. I mean, I just applied, and I actually applied as a dean of students and I was offered the assistant principal position instead. I was proud of that. Ever since then, I've just moved into different ranks. Elementary position was, I've never taught elementary, so this definitely wasn't in my purview. As an AP at that point, gosh, about 5, 6 years ago, I was offered this in interim because the principal was promoted and said, "Hey, try it. You never know. You might like it," and I did. I really enjoyed it. I've been here for about 6 years now.”

Dr. Socorro applied for an administrative position that was available and instead was asked to serve in a higher position. Then she was encouraged to move into an elementary principal position, which she currently possesses. She was coaxed into her current positions based on it being a “temporary” position and then being compelled to stay because she enjoyed the position. Being summoned or called to serve gave Dr.

Socorro pride because she felt she was being recognized for her abilities.

Xicanx principals in this study expressed that they exemplified something valued by the district through their position. For example, Jacinto, a 12th year principal, also

95 described how he was given choice of a principalship position based on his merit for his hard work ethic and his connection to the community. Jacinto is an elementary principal with over 20 years of experience in education, both high school and elementary experience. He shared the following experience:

Jacinto: So, it was a happenstance that they took a chance on a high school teacher turned vice principal to be the principal at that school. And I had the right people supporting me saying, "Yeah, take your pick." Because I had a vice principal position offered to me, a principalship, and the site structural coordinator at the high school. And I went with the one that was most likely to be permanent longer.

All of the aforementioned participants shared an experience of starting as high school teachers, being promoted to a high school vice principalship, and then being pushed into an elementary position. Statistically, Xicanx educators are about 30% more likely than their white counterparts to get a vice principalship, but 14% less likely to ascend into a principalship than white assistant principals (Crawford & Fuller, 2017).

These examples demonstrate the impact of being convocado or being summoned to serve as principals to possibly make a difference in their decision to become principals. In addition, their connection to the Xicanx community can prove to be a dual value.

Districts who employ principals to match the cultural diversity of their school community are more likely to stay in that position and less likely to have turnover (Snodgrass-

Rangel, 2018). Whether these XPs operate outside the statistical norm, what was evident was that someone in the district leadership saw desired leadership qualities in these XPs and encouraged them to become principals. The lived experiences of Xicanx principals demonstrated recognizable attributes that are indelible to their performance as educators and school leaders. Through the call to service XPs establish a commitment to serving

96 their community. Although sometimes reluctantly, the XPs in this study demonstrated having an affinity for equity and an affinity for leading the way for others. Through their leadership, the XPs in this study displayed the attributes of torchbearers.

Subtheme 3 Torchbearers. The term torchbearer is used to describe the experiences of XPs who are guiding the path for others. They are both role models and guides, they are both leaders and servants. They are seen and they show what is hidden.

The XPs interviews revealed a pursuit to invest their educational and cultural capital into their school communities, their families, and in minoritized communities as a sense of purpose, as opposed to a job, a post, or position. Dr. Frida explained this commitment to purposeful living in their careers:

Dr. Frida: I just graduated from a UC, in political science in Spanish literature. And even before that, I was always a public servant when I was in grade school, middle school and high school, and I got enjoyment out of serving others. My mother and father were always public servants, helping others. Especially immigrant families or immigrant community... Families, right, that was coming over from Mexico. But very young, at a very young age, I was tutoring students who cannot speak English and only spoke Spanish. And my third-grade teacher used me to go teach and help out in kinder. So that was my first experience in public service and helping others. And I enjoyed it, that stuck with me. So, I thought I was going to be a lawyer or go into law school. And I always had a moral compass of helping out and making things right and fighting for social justice. My father always told me, my mother, very young, but my parents also had that moral compass of fighting for justice. Especially civil justice.

Dr. Frida is a principal of a high school in a rural community in California. She has over 15 years of experience as a principal. Dr. Frida has been a helper, a guide, and an advocate for the betterment of those in her community. She developed this love for helping others from her family structure of collectivity. Later in her career, Dr. Frida relied on her passion to assist others to propel her into a position of leadership and greater

97 advocacy. She referred to it as a “moral compass” that pointed in the direction of those who are more in need. This is often called compassion satisfaction, the energy, passion, or satisfaction one gets from assisting others. This is similar to the way Jesus engaged support and power from the community he served to collect support and empower the community.

Jesus: I'd say I've been very upfront with my first year on the job and kind of just told everyone that I'm an immigrant from El Salvador and migrated out here and I'm a naturalized citizen. Tied even further into that, I ended up in a Latino newspaper, they want to do an article on me so I'm like, "yeah, come on down". So, I did a lot of PR work in the areas of just to the Latino community and then a lot of PR work in the local community. So, I went and just embedded myself in various local events that are happening. Some of them would be government officials, mayors and city council members and also foundations. And I did a 15- minute intake with all of my staff just to kind of get a glimpse of who they are and also to give them a glimpse of who I am.

Jesus is a fifth-year middle school principal in a highly populated city in California.

He has a master’s degree and over 10 years of experience. He understood that as a Xicanx leader and servant, he was going to be in the public eye. Hence, Jesus decided to embrace it and build on it in order to shine a light on his leadership. He did this by harnessing the power of his cultural capital. By having a 15-minute intake with every teacher, he established relationships and leadership at his school. The subtheme of Torchbearer was evident in all 10 of the XP narratives. This often manifested itself as having knowledge about being a role model, being an example of Xicanx community for other non-Xicanx communities, being a leader of color, and/or feeling the responsibility to help others navigate the system or achieve success. All 10 participants displayed this common subtheme.

Theme 2: Regalos

Another major theme that emerged from the analysis of the interviews with

Xicanx principals as an additive increased cultural advantage and value in communities that can be seen as Regalos, or gifts, offerings, or benefits. The theme Regalos is explained through two subthemes, Community Responsiveness and Xicanx Principalship.

Community responsiveness is presented as empowering, advocating, uplifting, and involving the diverse stakeholders that comprise a greater school community as a whole, from the students and their families, to the teachers and school district employees, to the neighborhoods and communities, local governments and agencies, to the private and nonprofit sectors. The second Regalo subtheme is Xicanx Principalship which entails aspects of XP leadership, vision, perspective and purpose.

Subtheme 4 Community Responsiveness. Analysis from the XPs that were interviewed revealed a pattern of community engagement on multiple levels. All ten of the XPs interviewed gave examples of how they engaged and involved sectors of their communities to meet the needs of the school community. Ted Medina and Jacinto shared how they engage the variety of stakeholders in the school community. Ted Medina describes the connection to the community he grew up in.

Ted Medina: So, my family has been very much connected to the community. Had a name as service providers, community leaders. So, my mom has been highly successful in the community. And my dad is a blue-collar hardworking guy that was always involved in everything I did. So, I think all of that from cradle to whatever part of your life you want to look at, that's been a significant part of my life. And so now today I've been principal here 16 years. My mom is currently on the school board. She got reelected because she decided after having some time off from being out of politics that she wanted to come back and get involved in being an advocate for Latino families. So, her and I are two staples in the community in terms of trying to make a difference in what goes on here. But it all

goes back to our, any cultural perspective in that we're always looking to see what we could do. As you can see out there on my wall. It says "Our job is..." On my wall. That's been my mentor. It's always been about service to others. What can you do to help others? And so, my mom and dad raised me that way. And that's really kind of what I try to do.

Ted Medina has over 15 years of high school principal experience in a densely populated city in California. He prides himself in being a product of his city and being a fabric of the neighborhood. He attributes his instinct to engage his community to his parents who were staples in the community. Ted and his family have been a part of the fabric of their community; therefore, his perspective is colored with the view of community-based perspectives or epistemologies (Khalifa, 2018). Toño demonstrated a school-community approach about building community within his school:

Toño: Um but I think more than anything I'm part of the school. I think that’s, probably, for the work we're doing here, that's the organization you really need to be part of. I think some of the telling things of being part of an organization is that, you know, you're always making sure that you have the connection with the people you gonna work with. There's always a connection, you know. You're not always gonna look up eye to eye, but you gotta come back to the same thing, which is, right now, in this organization is how do we move the kids forward? How do we help them deal with their trauma?

What Toño exemplifies is community building within the school’s culture. His efforts in turn creates a common cause and shared purpose for the school staff. Toño has a master’s degree and over twenty years of experience as an educator and over 15 years as a principal. He has elementary, middle-school, and high-school experience and works in an inner-city densely populated city in California. Toño’s goal in building and engaging his school is to organize and garner resources for students in the community.

By applying collective supports, he is able to get the most that he can for his students.

100

This example aligns with the transformational leadership approach which jostles for a collective effort towards a common cause (Nevarez, 2010). This aligns with the next theme, Xicanx principalship subtheme.

Subtheme 5 Xicanx Principalship. Xicanx Principalship is the second subtheme of Regalos. This subtheme was one of the most prevalent in the analysis of the interviews of Xicanx principals. Xicanx Principalship which is comprised of P-12 public school leadership through a sociocultural perspective includes the actions, perspectives, and purposes that define their principalship practices. The responses from the XP interviews revealed a perspective that is the antithesis of colorblind, biased-based perspectives. One aspect of Xicanx principalship had been initially identified as Color Vision. The ability to see and appreciate multicultural diversity at all levels of the school community that permeates through XP’s practices. Dr. Frida provided context for this component of

Xicanx Principalship:

Dr. Frida: Well, one was... The word is overused now, unfortunately, equity or the word liberation, or, "I'm woke." So, I wasn't always woke, I had to have an experience. And so, like I said, I got very lucky. I was at the right place at the right time. Again, I had certain connections, like this parent who was a parent of mine at a school, who was an ally, a director of equity and research. And so, because she helped me connect with the organization of National Equity Projects and the Latino Equity Project, there is where I began my transformation and building these understandings and the framework of oppression. And then when I went back to grad school, I purposely tried to look for a grad school that had that thinking of having understandings and framework for social justice. I looked for education that would help me navigate the system, but through a social justice or equity lens.

Dr. Frida explains how her perspective of equity has evolved through her studies of social justice frameworks. In her words, she is “woke,” awakened, and socially

101 conscientious. Through her focus on social justice, Dr. Frida is then able to understand the system. This connects to another example of the Xicanx Principalship being a perspective of social justice and a sense of purpose in advocating for equity. Toño provided an example of how he uses his influence and interactions with students to inspire a sense of purpose:

Toño: So, what I like to tell students that challenge it, which is a good thing. (they say) “Well no, you’re teaching me to be the same like everyone else.” And I say “Yes, yes I am. And I want you to think of it this way. I want to teach you the basics. I want to teach you the letters, I'm gonna teach you how to put together the letters. I'm gonna teach you how to write a basic structure. Your job, once we have all your basics, it's to put your signature to it, put your voice to it, what are you gonna do once you get the basics.” And I think that's how I balance some of the robotic things that we have to do. It’s that our job is to show you the basics and once you learn the basics, you gotta find your own voice and I think that's the job.

Toño’s perspective is informed by a social justice lens that allows him to interpret students’ challenging behavior as an asset. According to Toño, students should challenge the status quo and it is his purpose to instruct them how to do it the best. In his mind, minoritized students are in a system not created for them and is trying to entrap them into a permanent underclass. His purpose in being an educator in an inner-city school with high poverty and minoritized students is to learn the system in order to challenge it.

A final component of the Xicanx Principalship subtheme derived from the analysis of interviews with XPs is Leading by Example. The Xicanx principals were very aware of the impact to the community their principalship creates: the opportunities to be a role model for the community, enact culturally responsive mindsets in their schools, to be

102 the change, and visibly embrace and embody the desired diversity embedded. Dr. Ivan portrays the role modeling aspect of Leading by Example:

Dr. Ivan: And I wanted them to see that people that look like them, that look like their relatives, are capable of reaching administrative assignments that are beyond what they're used to seeing. And so, trying to influence the students is really important for me. And giving them opportunities, creating opportunities for them to be able to feel successful.

Dr. Ivan is a high school principal of an inner-city school in a densely populated city in

California. He has over 18 years of experience in education administration. Dr. Ivan explained how being a XP can help minoritized students see themselves reflected back in their schools as leaders. Dr. Ivan understands that he is the change for many of his

Xicanx and other minoritized students. Another example of Leading by Example is provided by Dr. Paloma:

Dr. Paloma: Well, I think it's super important. I think you've already alluded to this that our students as we have these incredibly diverse communities, they have to see us in this role. They have to see us as more than just the janitor and the secretary, and not that those aren't good things, those are all good things. But they also have to see us at every level calling us Dr. Paloma, Dr. Gutierrez, all of that is so powerful, not just for our students of color, but even for the white students, for all the students. They have to know us in these roles so that we're a normalizing that reality for them.

Dr. Paloma described how having a doctorate can alter the perceptions of more than just

Xicanx or minoritized students but for an entire community. By being in the principal position, it normalizes the potential of the Xicanx community as leaders and educated professionals to the dominant culture. It helps to dismantle occupational stereotypes common in the school setting. By being a XP with a doctoral degree, Dr. Paloma

103 demonstrates to Xicanx students that they too can aspire to more than just service jobs, such as custodial, clerical, or food service jobs. Dr. Paloma sends an experiential message to all that Xicanx and other minoritized people of color can be in leadership positions.

The theme Regalos refers to the benefits, the offerings or the benefits that attributed to XPs. Of the 10 principals interviewed, the majority of the principals had two common themes in common. They were encapsulated by two major subthemes:

Community Responsiveness and Xicanx Principalship. Under Community

Responsiveness, examples were presented on how XPs engaged parent community as well as the teacher community. The community building aspect was apparent in all ten

XPs in the interviews. The second subtheme in Regalos was Xicanx Principalship. This subtheme revealed the most common benefits of working with this study. XPs in this study were able to build community with staff, students and parents at school sites, aligning with research that indicates increases in parent engagement at schools (Shaw,

2010) and a more collaborative working environment with staff (Niño et al., 2017).

Among other Regalos, XP leadership brings with it a potential for inclusion and community building.

Theme 3: Cargas

A third major theme harvested from the analysis of XP interviews consisted of the theme of Cargas, or the burdens, the additional strain that happens to a principal of color.

The Cargas that were most prevalent among the ten principals interviewed can be broken down into two subthemes: Dos por Uno and Ceguedad. The first subtheme, Dos Por Uno

(Two for One) refers to the experiences of XPs where they feel like they have to work

104 twice as hard as other principals just to be equal. Ceguedad refers (blindness) to the experiences of disconfirmation in which XPs feel they have been overlooked, unnoticed, neglected, excluded, or omitted by the school system.

Subtheme 6 Dos Por Uno. This subtheme was a common stressor expressed by

Xicanx Principals. This was expressed as either having to work twice as hard, be twice as educated, or scrutinized twice as much as other principals. Another way this theme manifested itself was through XP feeling they have a dual personality, having to be two different people, personalities, or mindsets to survive between school culture and their own. Jacinto shared the following:

Jacinto: I think in my district, I keep my head down. I keep myself out of the papers, both positive and negative. Because I think drawing attention to yourself will potentially create an opportunity for people who want to put you under the microscope. And I've been very hesitant about the celebrations outside of my school community.

Jacinto takes caution not to make mistakes that can draw attention to him or his school. At the same time, Jacinto is wary of advertising his successes due to a fear of scrutiny of him or his school. Jacinto’s experience is similar in all 10 of the XPs who have recalled the feeling that they have to keep their opinions to themselves and not speak up or not draw attention to themselves. Some prefer not to go against the status quo, some have had to prove themselves beyond scrutiny, for others, they have had to become more prepared than their counterparts in order to be equal to. The implications for Jacinto are that if you do well, if you do badly, or if you complain you will be scrutinized or thought less of. Dos Por Uno is also explained in the words of Dr. Socorro:

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Dr. Socorro: What I understand is that there's a certain level of acceptance up to a certain point. That's how I see it in terms of oppression. Like, "Okay, we'll let you get this far, but to go further, it's going to take a lot more than just the fact that you speak Spanish and just the fact that this or that." I mean, I have a doctorate, I have a master's, I have all these things, and for whatever reason, I can't get past. Maybe it's years of experience, perhaps, but I know many people who have less years in experience than I do and already middle management, higher management and whatnot. That, to me, is what I've come to understand. I haven't quite figured out what I'm going to do with that, but I'm not going to let it stop me, but that's where I'm currently living right now, in that mindset: Have I made it as far as where society's allowing me right now? I'm going to have to do something slightly different to get past that level.

Dr. Socorro noticed others with less qualifications or experiences moving up the ladder while she was passed over for promotion. Dr. Socorro feels she is qualified for a higher position; however, her qualifications cannot get her to the next level, despite having more qualifications than her counterparts. She is working twice as hard just to match the perception of her counterparts, which is not paying off. She ponders whether it has to do with culture, gender, or both, and something else that is prohibiting her from the next level. Dr. Socorro’s and Jacinto’s experiences are not uncommon for XPs. Research by Fernandez et al., (2015) indicated that principals of color are subject to more accountability and are investigated more harshly than their white counterparts. This is particularly because the education system is perpetuated by colorblind, biased-based perspectives.

Subtheme 7 Ceguedad. Another significant subtheme generated from the XP interviews is Ceguedad, (blindness). This often was expressed by XPs as being overlooked for opportunities, feeling excluded, not being noticed, or being stereotyped, type casted or other stressors caused by implicit biases. This was a common stressor for

106 all 10 participants, as at one point or another they shared having felt perception a certain way based on their Xicanidad. Toño adds context to this experience:

Toño: It was, um there was the, we had a chance one year to take students to Europe, to be part of a bigger group. Um, and you know all of our students, were Latino students. We were at a truck stop because we had to take a break etc. and I had to call some students because we had to go. And we had a group of people from Massachusetts and I go “Hey, can you tell them to come?” And they assumed that I was everybody’s dad. So, that was kind of like- and they had to correct’em and they go “hey nope, he’s our principal, he’s not our dad.” But that did two things. It actually it changed everybody's in the buses demeanor towards me. So as, all the sudden “oh, you’re a principal.” Now they wanted to talk to me; now I was interesting. But I wasn't interesting before.

Toño took a group of students to Europe on a fieldtrip to give inner-city students a more global perspective. The assumption of their White peers was that Toño the father of all of his students. Toño was frustrated that no one had assumed they too were on a fieldtrip and that the Xicanx adult was an educator. He was later annoyed when he was treated differently now that they knew he was an educated person now they thought:

“now I was interesting.” Now they were able to see who he was and why he was there.

Toño felt that he was a victim of microaggression through the implicit bias that he could not be a principal, even though everyone on the trip were student groups from America.

The fact that it was implied that he was the students’ parents further annoyed him because the assumption was that if they were not a student group then they were his children. Lastly, Toño was annoyed because he felt only when he revealed that he was a principal, only then was he worthy of these people talking to him. This is not unlike the experiences felt by all XPs in this study, and they are racial microaggressions emanating from implicit bias (Huber & Solorzano, 2015).

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Another aspect of Ceguedad is being overlooked or not recognized for the abilities or being stereotyped into certain roles but not others. For example, Jacinto recalled:

Jacinto: I think the barrier is in that I don't feel like people are reaching out to seek me out for leadership roles outside of what I do. Almost like I'm pigeonholed now into this kind of job. I'm also not actively seeking, so that's on me. But I feel like other people are either actively seeking or some are being recruited and it's not necessarily the same social group or good old boys’ network that I'm in that can motivate or propel my career.

While Jacinto noticed that he is no longer being recruited, sought after, or doted over, the others who have dominant cultural social capital are being recruited. Similarly,

Dr. Ivan explained how he experiences Ceguedad:

Dr. Ivan: And so being Mexican American, I feel that society still has me pegged as I can only be an administrator in a district that supports or that has a large minority population. And I also believe that since I'm not, I don't meet that description of a light complexion or a tall individual that it's an uphill battle in terms of getting assignments that are going to be beyond my current assignment.

Dr. Ivan has noticed that despite all of his experience and qualifications, he is not being called back for jobs in schools that are considered more affluent. He recognized the element of skin color, of not being of ‘light complexion’ as perhaps not being a factor for being overlooked. This is not blatant; he is just not getting called back or is being overlooked for positions he feels is qualified for. While the cultural capital attached to

XPs may have its advantages, the value outside of the Xicanx community depreciates in value. His cultural capitals are not appreciated for their full potential by the dominant educational culture which often results in lack of recruitment efforts, or unconsciously being omitted from considerations (Fernandez, 2015).

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Theme 4: Perdurar

This final theme explored the experiences of XPs’ common wellness and self-care practices. Perdurar means to endure and it refers to the experiences of XPs having to survive through the additional Cargas they have to carry because they are Xicanx.

Analysis of XP interviews revealed two major subthemes within this theme. The two subthemes are Desgaste (weathering) and Bienestar (wellness). Perdurar refers to the pressures experienced by the XPs either through a combination of systematic racism, white privilege, discrimination, and the intersectionality of gender and Xicanidad.

Subtheme Desgaste 8. Desgaste means weathering or being worn out. This was at times expressed by XPs withstand and survive through systematic racism, macro and microaggressions, white privilege, gender inequality, or other racialized trauma. Dr.

Socorro, Dr. Ivan, Dr. Frida, and Dr. Paloma sheared the following experiences, as discussed in the following sections. Firstly, Dr. Socorro stated the following:

Dr. Socorro: Although I had great relationships with those administrative staffs that were all-male, being the only female in the administrative staff at the high-school level was challenging, as you might know. I found myself having to be okay with whatever we were talking about that would be more of a male-dominated conversation, right? When you talk about camaraderie and just building a team, I had to make more adjustments in that regard than just because of my cultural background. That, to me, has been the bigger adjustment where I've had to go with the status quo and not necessarily be 100% on board with what was being decided, if that makes any sense.

Dr. Socorro exposed how intersectionality of race and gender operate in male- dominated spaces operate. Her experience as a female vice principal at a high school illustrated how she had to compromise herself and her beliefs so that she can blend in with the all-male team. Moreover, Dr. Socorro had to prove to her male team members

109 that she deserved to be in her position along with the other males. Gender inequality often proves to be an external barrier to principalship and sustainability (Fernandez, 2015;

Fuller 2019; Mendez-Morse, 2015).

Another effect of Desgaste that serves as a detrimental stressor and Cargas for

XPs having your qualifications questioned by staff, parents, students, or district office folks (Fernandez, 2015). All 10 XPs shared stories where they had to prove themselves is a common theme and is exhausting leading some to resign all together (Fernandez, 2015).

Dr. Ivan shared:

Dr. Ivan: Well, it's a challenge because within my teachers, population and administrators, I do think that there's still stereotypes that exist within our profession. And so the management and leadership I do believe are a little more complicated for a minority in terms of them accepting us as leaders

Dr. Ivan shared a common experience with others in the field, the Desgaste causes XPs to have to break-in to White-male dominated spaces and having to confront stereotypes and validate their positions (Carrillo, 2008). Desgaste is more than just navigating through a diversity immune system, such as is the California public school system, it is a barrage of daily attacks, like those described by Dr. Paloma:

Dr. Paloma: Yeah, I mean as an educator, I mean that here I haven't confronted white privilege and all of that and nobody here has asked me am I the janitor or am I the security guard? But all of that did happen when I was at the high school before I came to Wakanda. And so, things like that and just the perception of am I the secretary by people who didn't know who I was. There was a lot of that on the daily. And so, I think when I was working there, all of that stuff was harmful. And I think it all led to having to create this really tight knit group of educators that were seeing similar experiences, and I'm only here today because I had that group to help to nurture and talk it out and vet and strategize and plan and be proactive so that I wasn't being victimized by these kinds of things.

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Dr. Paloma recounted how she felt fortunate to have been able to surround herself with like-minded people so she would be able to affirm the realities of discrimination in order to reduce the alienation and isolation that came with the constant attacks of microaggressions. XPs have expressed that these and other racialized microaggression and attacks materialize and manifest themselves into macro aggressions and attacks, mental stress, and health issues. Dr. Frida shares how these attacks drained, weathered, and wore her down:

Dr. Frida: So, in my last job, the last, I say five years, is where I really ratcheted up and began to oppose, just be explicit, call it like it is. And it was hell, it was it got really bad. There were some that wanted me fired. But because I had slowly built a foundation of those that were white, specifically, racially white, they became woke, they began to lead. They were given experiences to look in the mirror and reflect. They believed that there was structural and institutional racism. We, together, began to oppose and challenge. And then I got to the point that I could not do it. Because I got too many macro aggressions, people coming in, attacking me. So, I had to have, as I call it, I had to have white people check white people. So those that were allies and knowing that what we were trying to create, a more just school. I told them, "I can't do it anymore." Because what happened is I started getting harmed, and then my family got harmed, and either personal or professional attacks.

The amount of pressure that Dr. Frida and others have endured has a pronounced effect on the health of XPs. The attacks that Dr. Frida had to endure were personal and extended to her family as well. She was fortunate to have the support of white allies to help her overcome the full impact of these attacks. These racialized attacks have a deteriorating impact on the human body, manifesting itself over time in increased mental health problems, bouts with blood pressure and other health complications (Huber &

Solorzano, 2015). When combined with an unbalanced work ethic, this work can result in serious health problems. Toño describes how his health has been impacted:

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Toño: I'm actually very awful at self-care. I’m work-aholic. I probably spend 12 to 16 hours a day minimum, minimum four days a week at work. What keeps me sane are a couple of things. One is the kids and a good group of people around me. Where we can either laugh off the crazy crap that happens, we can share it, or we can exchange monkeys on our backs. I think mentally that's what, what keeps me balanced. The other part is this is that I become unhealthy, like physically unhealthy. Sometimes people say you hold things in your body, and doctor has to fix that; at least twice already in my body.

Toño acknowledged the impact of not having a balanced home and work life. He is dedicated to his school community, the students, their families, his staff and is willing to sacrifice most anything to serve them. Despite having a network of support, it was still not enough to combat the effects of stressors on his body. Toño, only 50 years old, has had to have medical procedures done. He attributes these health issues to stress and the amount of work he contributes to the school community. Like Toño, Ted Medina also has had to receive medical attention due to the amount of Desgaste he has endured which are consequences of the Cargas he has taken on.

Ted Medina: And then my wife was really upset with me because she said, "Ted, you're taking on too much and this is why this happened." Because the doctors told me it was most likely stress related. So ever since then, which was two years ago, I've really tried to be cognizant, aware of any kind of signs or any type of response to any stimulator issues that caused me to feel upset or agitated in any way. So, I think that was the lesson for me is even though I feel like I've got this because I've been doing it for so long. Just when you think you've got it; your body lets you know when you don't. And so, I've been really monitoring kind of, even my Fitbit that I wear has my pulse on it. So, I knew what my blood pressure, I have a blood pressure and I checked my blood pressure at home.

It was fortunate that Ted was able to get medical attention and Ted recognizes that he is more mindful about self-care than others. However, despite being more conscientious about his health than others, Ted was still faced with medical issues at an early age.

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Subtheme 9 Bienestar. The second subtheme in Perdurar is Bienestar which was developed to identify and document self-care practices of Xicanx principals. The reported practices can be categorized into some generalizable practices: supportive relationships, supportive structure, mindful awareness, creative outlets, physical care, and spiritual care.

Supportive relationships were identified as individuals, groups, networks, communities, and support providers. This included family members, supportive colleagues, pets, social clubs, religious institutions, and close friendships.

Magdalena Farris: My husband loves date night and he arranges one on purpose for us every week. So that keeps me balanced as well. It’s like ok, I need to leave work at work I need to go and have fun time with my husband.

For Magdalena, she experienced supportive relationships in the form of romantic interludes with her partner. However, supportive relationships can be a range of activities with others that ensure that one does not succumb to the pressures at work. Dr. Paloma shared:

Dr. Paloma: I read. I read, I walk, I hang out with my family, I talked to my friends, when it... as far as self-care, decompressing about the work that we do, our job being at school, we have to joke about it otherwise we would get depressed. Because there's too much here. It's too political, it's so tense. It can be discouraging at times, but we just have to joke about it and just laugh it through. That's what we do.

Another Bienestar practice used by XPs is that of supportive structure. This refers to the practices, tools, methods, and conditions to manage work-life balance. This could include time management strategies, stress management techniques, counseling, organizing physical spaces, planning self-care. Ted Medina, for example, explained the practices he implemented at work to manage and protect his time so that he can balance his workload.

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Ted Medina: So, I know that you put somebody on my calendar that needs to be changed. I'm not going to have time to deal with it. And so, I was surprised when the door knocks. What happened when counselor came through the other side instead of going to her. So, to me, that's how I keep my sanity is in... It's just a matter of just trying to stay 100% in the moment. So, you're giving your best of who you are at that time versus only giving a percentage of where you are at that time.

Ted depends on his calendar and his secretary to keep his appointment and manage his contacts. This allows Ted to remain fully engaged in his everyday conversations while being kept grounded among the myriad of happenings around him in a large high school setting. Being in the moment establishes trust and deepens the scope of his work. Similarly, Dr. Ivan shared practices that helps him to manage the tough decisions at work.

Dr. Ivan: In the office during work the one thing that I practice is making sure I follow a 24 to 48-hour decision making. If there's something urgent or something of contingency, then I give it 24 hours and if it's still in my mind where it's pressing, then I've got another 24 hours to do something about it and not let it dwell for long periods of time. So things that that does, it allows me to reflect a little bit before replying to a situation and second, it allows me to put it to rest once I address it not allow it to drag for weeks.

Dr. Ivan is able to alleviate the pressures of the decision-making process by creating practices of turn-around decision-making so that issues don’t dwell and fester.

Similarly, Jesus researches and implements best practices for school management.

Jesus: I read two books that kind of, have reshaped the way in which I carry myself at school and that is a Death by Meeting, and there's another one, Getting Things Done. And so, the combination of those two, my days have been smoother.

Another Bienestar practice that was evident from analysis of the XP interviews was mindful awareness. Mindful awareness was identified as any practices, mindsets,

114 reflections about mindfulness. This included meditations, mindfulness, breathing techniques, self-compassion, self-awareness, working on oneself remaining calm. For example, Dr. Socorro shared her practices:

Dr. Socorro: I do a lot of reflection pretty daily, almost, not even... I mean, I think even more than daily: morning time, quiet time. I really reflect a lot about... I just reflect all the time, so I find that almost as equal as prayer time. I often equate them in the same way, but I don't always pray every day and I certainly don't pray throughout the day, although my mom would say, "Say a prayer on your way to work every single day," anyhow. I do reflect. That is somewhat like a meditation in a way, I guess. Prayer, as well. That I do, but I don't call it "meditation," I call it more "reflection." Deep reflection about my actions, deep reflections about my thoughts. I engage that a lot. I've always been very good about that.

Dr. Socorro uses her quiet morning time to connect with herself, with her spirituality, and to have focused reflection time. This gives her a sense of clarity and connections she needs to complete the rest of her day. Jacinto also commented on how he uses his knowledge of mindfulness practices that he learns at work.

Jacinto: We've been doing a lot more mindful practice in general. And so, I will practice breathing techniques with students. And because I practice them with them, I think I'm doing them. But I'm not ... We even had an introduction of some yoga poses and things to get our mind and body right in the beginning of the year

Jacinto admitted that he is practicing them in order to teach others, but he feels that he is practicing mindfulness by proxy. He feels it is having an effect on him despite it being an unplanned practice. There are variety of methods in which these Xicanx torchbearers destress and allow themselves to reach a state of “Flow.” Flow is that optimal point where one is engaged in an activity that makes it both challenging and

115 enjoyable (Pink, 2009). Reaching this Flow state is important to increasing intrinsic motivation.

Another Bienestar practice evident in the analysis of the XP interviews was the

Creative Multisensory Practices. These were identified as any artistic, creative, or intellectual outlets, such as reading, learning, creating, musical, hobbies, purpose or passion driven acts. El Che shares with us one way he performs self-care.

El Che: I do a lot of reading. But I actually, a lot of people laugh at this, when I'm stressed out and my staff knows it, I'll show up to work with a lot of baked goods. I bake.

Baking requires deep focus, following directions, and being in the moment. For El

Che, baking has a hint of nostalgia, as it reminds him of his childhood. His first job, at age 9, was in a Mexican bakery in his hometown. Baking for his staff serves as a way to decompress and creates connections with his staff. As he puts it, “But my staff really appreciates it and it's another way to break bread with my staff.” Sharing a meal with his staff creates opportunities to for social interactions and community building.

Jesus: Let's see, I got my man cave. I collect records and I spin records and I'm getting involved into, in terms of, ideas of learning how to play the piano and eventually doing some self-production in the near future. So, think my goal is to dedicate my 10,000 hours to that. But you know, with the amount of work that we all have, those 10,000 hours will last a long time.

Developing themselves in other areas, being wholistic and letting the part of the brain that is taxed by their work take a break. Lots to be said about the fact that music uses a different part of the brain.

Bienestar can manifest itself in the form of physical care. Physical care was identified as any health practices that included nutrition, exercise, sports, martial arts, or

116 dancing. Despite this being an area that most XPs reported lacking, many XPs reported some other forms of nutritious habits that can be included in physical care.

Toño: The other thing I do is I have a set of friends that are completely detached from the school. Then I try to meet with them twice a week to practice a martial art. It's funny because I really go there not to be in charge. It’s like tell me what to do. Show me how to do it. I will replicate. I become a total student. I will repeat the same thing as many times as you want, it doesn't matter. And in that group, it’s also an escape from- the whole time and it's also a stress, a stress release. And the reason is because I- Part of it is, it's physically hitting things, or even a competition of, a physical competition against somebody else. So, you then we can do something to the point of exhaustion. I think that that that's, that's missing from a lot of people's lives is doing something to the point of exhaustion where you, it's completely and totally draining. And I think that's you know; you direct everything towards somebody else or towards something else.

What Toño enjoys is getting lost in physical exertion because it allows him to be a

“student.” Moreover, it gives him a break from having to make decisions and “be in charge.” Physical exhaustion differs from mental exhaustions of having to constantly make choices. The fatigue that comes from being in charge and having to make choices is known as Decision Fatigue (Tierney, 2011). The impacts of Decision Fatigue are revealed when Toño says “It’s funny because I really go there to not be in charge.” He wants to not make decisions and “It’s like tell me what to do.” Toño’s release from the pressures of work also include release from being in charge, having to make decisions all day, and also allows him to be exhausted in something other than work. Jacinto also uses physical care through diet and weight management.

Jacinto: Like lessening the, in particular, red meats and some other things. That's actually added a little bit more exercise has been really, really good for me. And that's only been consistent in the past seven, eight months. Not even a full year. So if the trend continues, all the weight that I lost, I'll probably find it pretty soon because I always do.

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An aspect of physical care involves nutrition and healthy eating habits. Despite feeling like he will “find it pretty soon because I always do.” Jacinto reports feeling that diet and exercise have been good for him. Dr. Socorro also uses exercise for physical care.

Dr. Socorro: I've always tried to have a balance, but as of late, about a year, a little over a year now, year-and-a-half, I've been very good about going to the gym and that time has been extremely therapeutic, not even just about things related to work, but personal things. I think things that I didn't even know were there, I've been able to resolve just by reflecting while I'm at the gym and thinking and talking myself into this and to that or what have you, talking to myself until I'm tired of exercising

Dr. Socorro uses gym time for reflection. Much like Toño, she uses that time to alleviate mental fatigue. Dr. Socorro’s physical care involves meditating through exercise and physical exhaustion. Physical care is only one aspect that was evident in the lives of

XPs.

The other aspect of Bienestar is spiritual care. This was one aspect of Bienestar that was evident in the lives of Xicanx principals. It was manifested in different ways, some more obvious and others more profound. Some expressed it through their connection to their ancestors and their families, others through their cultural connections, some through meditation and reflection and other through religion. For example,

Magdalena Farris explained how she uses spiritual care:

Magdalena Farris: The other the other biggest power I feel that I have in my life is God. I thank God I’m a religious or spiritual person. Not exaggeratedly but I do believe in that and in Him. And I believe that he keeps me in the right place due to almsgiving. Like I’m giving here for people that really need it. And I feel like my life has been worth being in this world serving who I serve.

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Propelled by being of worth to others, Magdalena uses it as a reason to endure the suffering. Through her offerings and sacrifices, Magdalena feels that through her life of service she has a connection to her creator. Dr. Socorro also expressed her spiritual care through religion.

Dr. Socorro: Well, I try to go to church as often as I can and just purge and take all the religious energy, positive energy I can take in. Also, just rid myself of negativity on a weekly basis as much as I can. Really, people that have strong religious convictions know what that feels like, knows what it's like to just be able to start fresh and give yourself another opportunity to be free of any wrongdoing and have the ability to do that. Philosophically, some people don't get that. How can you just go and be you're forgiven? Well, it's a more complex idea than that, but that has been very helpful to me.

Dr. Socorro uses religion to connect to and recharge her spirituality and also as a ritual for discharging negativity she is exposed to. Religious activities, prayers, meditations, returning to nature or places of origin are other ways that XPs have used to tend to their spiritual care. Dr. Frida shared:

Dr. Frida: I would go to my family. I would go to my mother country, for example, Mexico. But I would go with my family, to my roots, to heal myself. To heal, literally. So, I have to go to them to heal. So, either it would be my deep cultural roots, or it could be superficial celebration. Or just time staying with them, being with them, or even going back to the mother country. Which is oppressed too, Mexico. But disconnecting myself. So, family for me was my... Always going back to my family to heal.

Dr. Frida demonstrated how one can tend to their spiritual care by connecting with one’s roots in a conscious effort to heal. Dr. Frida is able to go back to her ancestral home and simultaneously “disconnect” from her current situation and reconnecting to her

“cultural roots,” her family, her traditions and ancestral home. Connecting to one’s roots can create a mental and physical wellness as well. The expression, La Cultura Cura,

119 translates to the Culture Cures, and it refers to healing through cultural practices that connect to spirituality, ancestral connections, or cultural traditions (Hoskins & Padron,

2017). These and other spiritual and cultural practices are evident in all of the XPs that participated in this study.

Summary

This section, will reviewed the central findings, themes, and subthemes that relate to Research Question #1: What are the experiences of selected P-12 XPs in California?

The findings were extracted from interviews conducted with 10 Xicanx principals.

Analysis from the data revealed four major themes and nine subthemes. The major themes comprised of: Theme 1 Conocimientos, Theme 2 Regalos, Theme 3 Cargas, and

Theme 5 Perdurar. The first theme was called Conocimientos, a term that means knowledges or funds of knowledge. Conocimientos is used as a way for participants to introduce and get to know each other. However, in this study, the term is used to identify lived experiences of P-12 Xicanx principals that contribute to their funds of knowledge.

In the theme of Conocimientos, three subthemes are identified: Subtheme 1 Pocos (Few),

Subtheme 2 Convocados (summoned), and Subtheme 3 Torchbearers. Pocos describes the experiences of XPs being so few in numbers. Convocados refers to experiences of

XPs being called to service or feeling like they have been summoned to a higher purpose.

The subtheme of Torchbearer is used to identify the experiences of XPs guiding the way for others, advocating for others, giving others agency, or lighting the path for others.

The second theme is Regalos, which means gifts. This is another term used in

Circulos as a way to give offerings and acknowledgements. Regalos refers to the benefits

120 that are associated with Xicanx principals. Two major subthemes emerged from Regalos,

Subtheme 4 Community Responsiveness and Subtheme 5 Xicanx Principalship.

Community Responsiveness identifies the experiences XPs report of how they interact with sectors of the school community. Some of these examples included, engaging students and their families, or engaging their staff as a school community. The second subtheme is Xicanx Principalship and is used to identify areas of XP leadership and perspectives. Examples of this include XPs sociocultural perspectives at the school site and leading by example.

The third theme is Cargas, and it means burdens. This is another theme used in

Circulos as a way to air grievances. In this study, it is used to identify burdens or stressors that are associated with being an XP. This theme had two major subthemes,

Subtheme 6 Dos por Uno and Subtheme 7 Ceguedad. Dos por Uno means two for one.

This refers to the XPs experiences where they feel they have to work twice as hard just to be equal. Examples of this includes XPs feeling they are scrutinized more than other principals or having to work twice as hard than other principals. Ceguedad refers to experiences of XPs encountering a colorblind biased-based educational system. Examples of this include being overlooked for promotions, being stereotyped, and experiences of macro- or microaggressions.

The last theme is Theme 4 Perdurar, and it means to overcome or endure. This theme refers to the experiences and practices of XPs of survival through the educational system. This theme had two subthemes: Subtheme 8 Desgaste and Subtheme 9 Bienestar.

Desgaste means weathering and refers to the experiences of XPs being worn-down or

121 burned out. Examples of this subtheme includes impacts of the stressors on health, on emotional or psychological wellbeing, and/or safety. The second subtheme is called

Bienestar, and it identifies practices reported by XPs about their wellness and self-care practices. Examples of this include physical care, spiritual care, and mindfulness practices. In the following section, we will explore XP’s connections to Yosso’s CCW framework.

Data Addressing Research Question 1A

This section presents the qualitative data shared by Xicanx principals during their interviews. Six major themes emerged from the narratives provided by Xicanx principals.

These themes are associated with the six capitals of Yosso’s (2005) CCW model: (a)

Linguistic Capital, (b) Familial Capital, (c) Aspirational Capital, (d) Social Capital, (e)

Navigational Capital, and (f) Resistance Capital. Each of these themes, with sub-themes, are listed below in Table 6. This section will present the findings from the qualitative data that pertain to Research Question 1A: To what extent are the tenets of Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth (CCW) apparent in the lives of Xicanx principals.

Table 6 Themes and Subthemes Identified Themes Subthemes 1. Linguistic Capital Subtheme 1. Connects and Disconnects Subtheme 2. Epistemologies 2. Familial Capital Subtheme 3. La Familia Subtheme 4. Mi Familia 3. Aspirational Capital Subtheme 5. Liberation Subtheme 6. Liberators 4. Social Capital Subtheme 7. Relational Subtheme 8. Communal 5. Navigational Capital Subtheme 9. Learning to Navigate Subtheme 10. Changing Course

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6. Resistance Capital Subtheme 11. Educational Resistance Subtheme 12. Existential Resistance

Theme 1: Linguistic Capital

The qualitative data from the semi-structured open-ended questions revealed a strong connection to Linguistic Capital (Yosso, 2005). The Xicanx principals were aware of how language impacts their perspective. All 10 of the XPs expressed how Linguistic

Capital is present in one way or another, and that having the ability to adopt this capacity is important. The examples emerged in different aspects of their interviews; however, two subthemes emerged during the analysis: (a) Connections and Disconnects, and (b)

Epistemologies.

Subtheme 1 Connections and Disconnects. The majority of the XPs interviewed revealed that in addition to speaking English, nine out of the 10 XPs spoke another language. Of the nine XPs that spoke another language, they all identified Spanish as the other language they spoke. One of the participants expressed that they spoke an additional language at home with her family which is indigenous to Mexico called

Zapotec. The common theme expressed through the narratives was that language strengthened their connections to family, to students, to communities and to culture.

However, some of the XPs reported that while language may create connections to community capitals, it can also serve as a source of disconnect to other communities, especially the dominant community.

Ted Medina explains:

Ted Medina: Well here in Winterfell High School, it's a large high school and over 50% of our students are Latino. And we have many first-generation students

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here, a number of English language learners. And so, because of that; having an understanding of the culture, the language, helps connect with parents, families, especially you, members of our school community. When they see someone who they can relate to who may be as a Latino, they might feel a little bit more comfortable. Here's someone that maybe understands what we're working here for our work trying to deal with, what we hope our children have the opportunity to accomplish. So, I think there is a significant benefit in being able to relate or understand the cultural differences that a school that has such a high percentage of Latino children, I think, is a match.

Ted Medina has over 15-years of experience as an XP at an urban high school in a densely populated city in California. Despite not being fully immersed in the language,

Ted is able to make connections with his community because Linguistic capital is more than just English or Spanish, it is the “understanding of the culture.” This understanding helps to solidify connection to the Xicanx community through the experiences of his family’s culture that fosters that understanding. Ted Medina’s example shows how

Linguistic capital can form connections whether you speak the language or not. Ted

Medina was connected to the Xicanx community despite not speaking the language, as he was connected by the unspoken cultural language. Linguistic Capital provides access to cultural assets and capitals of the community. Nonetheless, while it can form instant connections, it can also create disconnects. As Jesus explains:

Jesus: I would say it impacts it every day in both positive and negative ways or challenging ways, I would say. On a positive end, it allows for my ability to connect with the parent community that speaks primarily Spanish. I have a population density of about maybe 45% of the population speaks Spanish and I'd say with newcomers coming in, that helps. And then to host evening events in Spanish, that's very helpful. And on the other end, just English as a whole, we're constantly focusing on literacy and getting these kids at grade level and/or above. And so, we're constantly focusing on language day in and day out. And talk to you.

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Jesus is a fifth-year principal of a middle school in a densely populated city in

California. For Jesus, while speaking Spanish is an asset, it can also create disconnects to

English resources and hinder the acquisition of English and access to success. What Jesus explained is that the public-school systems and school-based epistemologies are centered around English. Students who are English learners are at a disadvantage and devoid of resources and access to resources if they do not master the English language. While

Spanish may unite cultures, it also excludes others. Another example of disconnects is offered by Magdalena Farris:

Magdalena: So, I am the only Spanish-speaking principal in this area. There is, I would say another Hispanic/Latino or whatever he identifies himself as in our district, but he doesn't speak Spanish. Same thing at the high school there's an administrator principal of Spanish descent but he doesn't speak Spanish either. So, I love and appreciate the ability to speak Spanish. I owe that to my parents more than anything.

Magdalena Farris is in her fifth year as principal of an elementary school at an affluent suburban district in a moderately populated suburban city in California. She felt disconnected from her district because there was no linguistic connection. She further depicted how being a Spanish speaker can also create a disconnect outside of the Xicanx community:

Magdalena: I introduced myself because there were parents here and I introduced myself in English and I just stated that I was very happy to be here and yada yada and then I saw some Spanish-speaking parents in the crowd and so I said now I'm going to introduce myself in Spanish and I began to speak Spanish and my staff heard like - parents say “Oh no, here we go with the Spanish I'm out of here.” And one parent actually walked out on that and was resistant to me speaking Spanish to her parents in front of everybody else.

While linguistic capital can serve as a way to connect communities, as Magdalena experienced, some parents felt alienated by it. The parent that Magdalena spoke of did

125 not want to be associated, identified, or connected with the Spanish-speaking community.

Moreover, the parent decided to heckle Magdalena and was “resistant” to her attempt at inclusion. The racial microaggression perpetrated by that parent humiliated Magdalena in a public forum in front of both the Xicanx community and the non-Xicanx community.

Racial microaggressions are constant reenactments of discrimination upon people of color and have a summative impact on their lives (Huber & Solorzano, 2015). Being in an affluent community creates a disconnection for Magdalena to her district and affluent community. When she tries to make a connection to her community, she is often repudiated for it. Language is more than just connections, they are ideologies.

Subtheme 2 Epistemologies. Another major subtheme of Linguistic Capital that emerged from the analysis of the XP narratives was Epistemologies. This was often expressed by the XPs as a contrast of school-based epistemologies and culturally based epistemologies (Khalifa, 2018). This is often expressed by the XPs’ interactions with

Xicanx parents as feeling that their language and by extension Xicanx culture and the cultural funds of knowledge are valued and welcomed at the school. Linguistic capital expands beyond language and can also be wisdom, stories and other more subtle form of nonverbal communications (Yosso, 2005). Dr. Paloma shared the following:

Dr. Paloma: I mean, being able to use my Spanish, that's my connection to our community, to my demographic. While it's not the majority here at Wakanda, but it's our unspoken connection that I got them, and they got me. That's the familial. It's like call me on my cell phone if you need anything. It's that I don't need an appointment to come and see you. I'm just going to come and talk to you. So, it's that, it breaks that formality, having the ability to connect with my people in our language.

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Dr. Socorro is a fifth-year principal in an urban elementary school in a highly populated city in California. She further expands upon speaking a common language that creates a sense of community and acceptance. Moreover, parents are now using the school to create capital, agency, and through their connections, as they create understanding and acceptance of Xicanx community values.

Dr. Socorro: Well, I mean, it has a huge impact. The families, I often wonder, what did you do before I got here? Because they come to me for everything. I don't think it's because they're not self-reliant, I think it's because they just are comfortable that they even have the option to come to me for everything, so they do, because I can translate even the most basic thing. Even though we have documents here that are already translated for them, they still want to speak to me. I think that comfort level just makes them feel like they're part of this community more so. There's something about having a common language that enables people to feel connected, so it's a huge impact at this school. We have a lot of Spanish- speaking families.

Linguistic capital creates connections to the school community. Despite resources being available in Spanish for the Xicanx community, Xicanx parents would rather receive direction from Dr. Socorro. This demonstrated that language creates a sense of trust among Spanish-speaking community. This also gives parents agency and creates opportunities for the Xicanx community to get involved (Shah, 2009). Xicanx families benefit from having a Xicanx principal.

Theme2: Familial Capital

Another major theme discovered through analysis of XP interviews is familial capital. All 10 XPs shared their lived experiences and evidence emerged of how Familial

Capital manifests itself. Familial Capital can be manifested in several ways, whether it is through immediate family, extended families, or community, in addition to resources and

127 funds of knowledge accumulated through familial connections (Yosso, 2005). An analysis of the data gleaned from the interviews reveals several forms of familial capital apparent in the experiences of XPs. It can manifest itself through direct family supports or indirect benefits of close networks. These distinctions were used to create two major subthemes in XPs: La Familia and Mi Familia.

Subtheme 3 La Familia. This subtheme of XP familial capital is often expressed as the way XPs receive direct support from nuclear and extended family relationships, whether it is sharing funds of knowledge, services, or emotional support. An analysis of the interviews reveal that XPs accumulated use of funds of knowledge is also recursive between their families and themselves. Jacinto explains how he receives family support:

Jacinto: Oh, the biggest thing is when I was in the principalship, I went to finish up my master's. And spending all that time away from the house studying and taking care of that. Been very, very supportive. Just being able to take on the load when I've had events. I think family, including outside of my immediate family, my wife and kids; my aunts and uncles and cousins, because it's such a big family from Westeros, we're connected to families that we already have. So, bringing in grupo folklorico, that my cousin runs, and manages, and owns. Bringing in another tia who has a different folklorico group. Bringing in used soccer balls from coaches, family members that were coaches. Anytime we have events, food sales, different things like that, they'll come by, pitch in. Maybe we'll go to breakfast or whatever. We have all these different things that we get support. So, I think that that's always been huge. Yeah, big supportive family.

Jacinto received support from his immediate family as emotional and moral support which enables him to endure his workload. Familial capital also includes extended family (i.e., aunts, uncles) (Yosso, 2005). Jacinto uses his large familial capital support to invest into his school. As a result, Jacinto contributes resources to the school

128 that would otherwise cost money; however, because of family support, he is able to use it to enrich the lives of his students.

Dr. Socorro: Well, this is where my culture, I think, is important in that. Oddly enough, my husband, also Mexican, I guess might be perceived by some as not following the mold because he has been 100% supportive of me pursuing my career. I'm actually, primary income comes through me. For not having a college education, or perceived to be manual labor kind of guy, he's very open and very liberal with his thoughts about my role as a primary income of the home. He's the first to say, "Yeah, you want to get your doctorate, go do that. You should be applying for these jobs. Who are they say that you can't get it?" He's the biggest motivator for me to have that confidence to pursue my career.

Culturally, in the Xicanx community, the stereotypical gender role would dictate that the male should be the primary income provider. Dr. Socorro’s partner has decided not to adhere to traditional gender roles. Dr. Socorro’s partner decided to create the space and supports needed for Dr. Socorro to succeed and achieve her goals. She is the sole provider for her family with a doctorate and a principalship. However, she recognizes that this is only possible because gender roles have been broken.

El Che is an elementary school principal in an urban school district in a populous city in California. He explains how his Familial capital emanates from a desire to honor his parents and elders.

El Che: I talk to my mom daily. My mom lives over an hour away and all of my siblings live within a one-mile radius of her. And I'm the only one that moved away. I went off to college and I stayed here, and she has, she's getting older. My mom needs a lot of help. And it fills me just to call her. Sometimes she'll tell me the same story for the third time, but I just listen to her and that truly makes me feel happy. I know that my mom's getting sick, she's getting older, like I said. And I just want to cherish those moments because I don't want to later regret them, which I'm sure I will.

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El Che receives joy and satisfaction by connecting on a daily basis to his mother.

Familial bonds of caring create a deep value of elders within the Xicanx community

(Yosso, 2005). XPs learn how to relate to the larger community through the communal bonds of family, pedagogy, and curriculum.

Subtheme 4 Mi Familia. This the second subtheme of XP familial capital expressed through extended family and friendships. Mi Familia is a subtheme used to describe ways in which XPs receive direct support from nuclear and extended family relationships, whether it is sharing funds of knowledges, services, or emotional supports.

La Familia refers to kinships while Mi Familia refers to the family they choose to embrace. An analysis of the interviews also reveal that XPs will use their accumulated funds of knowledge recursively between their extended families and themselves. Dr.

Paloma shared:

Dr. Paloma: I also count my friends as my family and being able to pick up the phone at any time of the day to call them and like, "Hey, this is what's happening at my school. What do I do?" But having that person that I can call, in this case that guy, and just knowing that I have those people on speed dial at the drop of a hat. You need that cause you cannot do this job the way we need to do our jobs from that critical mindset for our kids without that strong backing, because we're not doing it alone.

Dr. Paloma considers her friends as being a part of her family and relies on them for support. Moreover, having close colleagues creates a network of shared funds of knowledge and also minimizes the impact of alienation and desolation (Yosso, 2005). Dr.

Paloma explains that the XP position requires a strong support system for her to remain in that “critical mindset” on behalf of students. Ted Medina, for example, described how

130 his relational capacity and leadership allows him to build a family unit with his staff. He shared:

Ted Medina: That's the way I work with people. And I think probably one of my strongest strengths as a leader is that I am able to make connections with people at all different levels. And even our staff here, they refer to us as a staff, as a pet name instead of faculty. The term is familty. So, our staff will put that in communications via email. Like we're having a familty team meeting today. And so, it's kind of a pet name for the kind of vibe that we have here. It's around inclusion, around caring for one another and respecting people at all levels from the custodial to food services to administration.

Ted’s family environment is built by eliminating hierarchies and establishing family at work. This strong familial model has been molded from his own family.

Familial capital informs us that Xicanx and other minoritized communities rely on robust relationships, strong familial mindsets and community networks to navigate through various racialized and oppressive structures (Yosso, 2005). This is exemplified by Dr.

Frida:

Dr. Frida: In my culture, in my immediate family, we were not trained or raised that way. And we were raised as a tribe, that we are part of a community, that one of us who does well, everyone does well. So, we lift each other up. So, I was because of my culture, and being raised in that type of community and family. We weren't left alone. And so, either it could be parents, if you have parents, or it could be your sibling. Or it could be your uncles, your aunts, that's your blood part. Or it can be friends and families, extended friends and families. Or other people in your cultural circle that had gotten some power or privilege, and then didn't give you a handout, they gave you a help up. They help you up.

Dr. Frida explained how the familial structure is predicated on tribal and communal cultures. The nucleus of her familial mindset is derived from the examples she experienced growing up. These familial examples, supports, and mindsets create epistemologies derived from collectivism and shared funds of knowledge (Yosso, 2005).

Dr. Frida describes how familial capital is used to create support for the mutual

131 betterment of the community—as a whole—by giving “you a help up.” She implies that all members of the community benefit from the success of one of its members.

Theme 3: Aspirational Capital

All 10 of the Xicanx principals that participated in this study revealed the use of some form of aspirational capital. It was expressed and evident in several aspects of XP lived experiences. For some, it was their family pushing them to either strive for more in their lives or supporting them through educational endeavors. For others, it was expressed more in their aspirations for the success of their community, school, students, and families or children (Yosso, 2005). The common foundation deduced during the analysis of XP narratives was centered around education. All 10 participants, when speaking of their aspirations referenced education as a means to reach their aspirations. This was a recursive relationship between Aspirational Capital and education which revealed two major subthemes: Liberation and Liberators. All of the 10 XP interviews revealed these two themes as a core value in their choice to become a principal and for some to remain in their position.

Subtheme 5 Liberation. The data collected from the XP interviews revealed liberation as a subtheme of aspirational capital. Liberation is applied to personal experiences of education that empowers XPs to persist. This often is revealed through stories of struggle and resiliency. Through an analysis of XP narratives, this subtheme became evident in their own personal stories of navigating the system and overcoming obstacles and inequalities (i.e., lack of access in the educational setting). Some of their narratives revealed experiences of lack of equity in the educational system. For some

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XPs, this fueled their desire to break-through barriers and racialized structures. In their narratives, education was the vehicle used to achieve their aims, their way out, and their liberation from the undesired conditions. Dr. Ivan shared the following:

Dr. Ivan: I think that it's been more of an inner self, like a personal drive. The fact that I grew up in poverty, that we received government assistance, that we were now in terms of the definition of homeless living with multiple families in an apartment would consider me to have been homeless the majority of my childhood, even though I didn't see it that way because it was always with family. But those were the things that built resiliency. Now, in terms of what allowed me to pursue an education further than others, it's a little bit of believing others when they said if you get an education, you can have a better future.

Dr. Ivan recalled his childhood experiences and how growing up in poverty led to building “resiliency.” This resilience is derived from “believing other” that he can have a

“better future” through education. Aspirational capital produces the ability to dream, to have ambitions, to long, and yearn beyond the current conditions (Yosso, 2005). It was through education that Dr. Ivan was able to liberate himself by breaking the cycle of poverty, and it is in education that Dr. Ivan has decided to dedicate his career to.

While personal experiences of success through education were common in all of the interviews, liberation through education can also be used to break through cultural and gender barriers within the Xicanx culture. Magdalena Farris shared how her father would not let her go to college because she was a woman and felt her place was with the family. Magdalena shared the following story:

Magdalena: So, I had to run away to go college. And that's a very weird story to tell my husband for example, who's white and his parents paid for his college. And he didn't want to go, right? And here’s my parents fighting me to not go to college. So again, it's a mindset and if it wasn't for my counsellor, who recently passed away, and I owe him a lot of this, who pushed me and did my paperwork

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secretly for me, to go to college. And then when I ran away, he super supported me as far as, ‘hey you’re gonna make this.’ It was really hard. So, now I think oh my God how embarrassing to share that story, but it's a story you do have to share. I wasn't successful. I mean going from a 3.8 GPA to a GPA of 1.2 was very embarrassing because I had a lot of issues that first year. I mean my mom and dad were fighting. They wanted me to come home. And my mom got sick and was in the hospital and blamed me. I mean there were a lot of reasons to bail out and drop college. But then I had another great counselor in college. Because he was part of that the bridge program and again that was a support that I used that really helped me. Where he was like ‘hey, just remember this,’ and I'll never forget his message, it was ‘you're not better than anybody and you're not worse than anybody. But you deserve what you want. You deserve a good education and your education is always something that you will have, and nobody can take that away from you.’ And let me tell you, those inspiring words stick with me for life. I'm not better than anybody because I'm educated. I'm not better than anybody because I'm a principal. I'm not worse than anybody either.

Magdalena achieved liberation from gender stereotypes that could have drastically limited her options in life. Her mother and father forbade her going away to college. Magdalena was forced to apply for college secretly and run away from home so that she could go to college. She sought and received help from both high school and college counselors. When she juxtaposes this to her partner’s college experience, who had college paid for by his parents and was still reluctant to attend. Magdalena’s initial failures in college lead her to seek help and build resilience in order to make it to degree attainment. Aspirational capital provided Magdalena with the endurance needed set president for herself. It later led the pathway for her siblings to follow. She was liberated through education and then decided to dedicate her life to liberating others.

Subtheme 6 Liberators. Liberator is another subtheme of Aspirational Capital.

Xicanx principals (XPs) shared experiences about wanting to uplift others, their deep desires of equity, social justice, and students’ successes, and/or a desire for change for

134 their school communities. An analysis of XP narratives revealed an expressed desire to uplift others. Often, this was akin to a deeper purpose, drive, or mission. Xicanx principals (XPs) demonstrated their desire to be liberators through education. This was the way by which they activated their desire for Xicanx and minoritized students. Jacinto explained:

Jacinto: And when I think of. Am I successful," from an outside perspective are numbers have constantly been going on the rise. In particular, on ELPAC and English learner scores, how they measure them, the core collaborative, overall SBAC, ELA and math. And all those things seem to be on the rise. Or we were recognized a couple of times. But I never feel like it's been enough. We're still in the 22 percentile. And if I'm looking at it from the outside perspective, that's not success. That's just getting a little better. And so, for me, those stresses that I put on myself about that, I need to do that work. The thinking with people that are in the same place that I'm at. Whether it's other administrators or the teachers on campus

Jacinto has experienced gradual success at his school in terms of student achievement. However, Jacinto knows that this is not enough to create the social change or to change conditions for these students. He “stresses” because he desires and wants more for his students. This passionate desire for his students to achieve at higher levels despite the odds is fueled by aspirational capital (Yosso, 2005). While Jacinto’s desire to push his students to a place of success causes him frustration they do not perform at higher levels. Other XPs showed a deep satisfaction from helping their school communities succeed. El Che explained:

El Che: I know that a lot of kids that I'm serving right now, they're going to be big people. I know it. I just want to make sure that they have what they need. And since I've gotten there, kids have come and invited me to their graduation, moving from eighth grade to ... and I've told them, I want an invitation to your high school graduation. I want an invitation to your college graduation. And I feel like they

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will do that. That's my way to navigate through this oppressive system that is not meant for us.

El Che receives and transmits aspirational capital to his students by planting the seeds of high school graduation. In turn, El Che receives aspirational energy through his students by finding purpose in helping others. In the relationship between liberating and liberation through education, an emergent pattern of recursive exchange can be revealed.

This recursive relationship can best be illustrated through Dr. Paloma’s words:

Dr. Paloma: I think we benefited from that. We benefited from that door opening up for us, our generation. And I think now I have former students that are now teachers that I know have that same mindset. You should talk to them too. Well, but they're teachers now. But I think early on we knew that that was our role. Our role was very aware of this is what we're supposed to do. We have to work with this, with our community, with or without the support of whoever is like working above us. And that's why we needed this advanced degree so that we're able to knock that door down even quicker, or just more absolutely so that our kids can see that, yeah, that door's open for me. What Dr. Paloma explains is the recursive cycle of how aspirational capital operates through education. She benefitted from education and how she used it to ultimately benefit her students, who are now are teachers. She talked about how a doctoral degree has given her more opportunities, which in turn she uses to “knock that door down even quicker.” Thus, aspirational capital becomes a cycle of hope.

Theme 4: Social Capital

Through the interview process, evidence of all 10 of the XPs emerged from their lived experiences and produced evidence of social capital that emerged a major theme.

Social capital refers to resources derived from individuals, groups, or communities

(Yosso, 2005). An analysis of the data divulged several forms of social capital apparent in the experiences of XPs. These social capitals are diverse and can range from

136 government agencies, professional organizations, social clubs, and social circles to groups within a school community. They can manifest itself through individual supportive relationships (i.e., a close friend or groups of friends offering emotional support, asking for advice). These distinctions were used to create two major subthemes in XP social capital: Relational and communal social capitals. Dr. Frida explains how connecting to multiple social networks can increase both relational and communal social justice efforts:

Dr. Frida However, some examples, that have supported me in order to persist, have been for example, organizations. So, I'm connected with one organization ACSA, I'm connected with another organization called CALSA. I'm connected with my reading organization. I also decided to go back to school, grad school, at the university. And we're still very connected there. There's a grad where I got my doctorate. So those were ways of connecting. I also got support from just like- minded people of my beliefs. So, since I'm an equity, social justice leader, I've connected through fellowship or training, or even through parents.

Dr. Frida explains how she has a wide range of connections to reduce isolation and create deeper networks of supports. These supports give her the ability to “persist” through racialized structures and keep her core values of equity and social justice.

Subtheme 7 Relational. This subtheme of XP social capital is often expressed in the XP narratives as building individual relationships, building higher levels of trust in school communities, sharing funds of knowledges, or emotional supports. An analysis of the interviews also revealed that XPs will use their accumulated social capital to uplift or invest within their school community. For example, Jacinto shared the following:

Jacinto: Yeah. My first thing is I build relationships. I have been able to build individual relationships with people who are in various places within the system. As a teacher, some of the people that I connected with and then I moved on, they're now in different leadership roles. So when I've seen them since, they seem

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to still have that respect that we built up and that relationship that we had, we held.

Jacinto is able to create social capital through relationships. Through these social connections, Jacinto has built alliances throughout his district that he can then utilize for his students’ success. Moreover, by expanding his relational capacity, Jacinto gains access to operational and socioemotional supports (Yosso, 2005). Jacinto demonstrated the relational aspect of Social capital; the other form of social capital is communal.

Subtheme 8 Communal. This subtheme of Social capital is displayed when XPs access or contribute to shared social networks, organizations, agencies, social/cultural groups, educational, professional or social institutions, and any organized groups of people. These communal networks provide access to collective resources of all types which can benefit school constituency as well as the XPs. Dr. Socorro explains how she accesses and gains support from communal social networks:

Dr Socorro: One would be family support, which includes my immediate family and my extended family, colleagues at work, as well, that share similar interests, that share similar ideologies. Well, I'm a member of CALSA and we were doing some direct work with CALSA. I've stepped away from it for that intensive work just because of time constraints, but having that network that share similar experiences, similar backgrounds was very helpful as well. That helps me just keep at the work. Dr. Socorro is a member of CALSA. Through this network, Dr. Socorro is able to gain agency, emotional support, and navigational support. These social networks serve a dual role in that they give access to its agency members who receive resources, information, supports, and resources from its members as well (Yosso, 2005). This creates a cycle of reciprocal supports.

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Theme 5: Navigational Capital

Navigational Capital was a major theme that was apparent in the lived experiences of Xicanx principals. This capital refers to the skills, funds of knowledge, experiences, and practices that enable minoritized communities to navigate through systemic and structural oppression inherent in the system (Yosso, 2005). A thorough examination of the testimonies of the XPs underscores several ways this is experienced by XPs. All 10 XPs in this study demonstrated how they accessed navigational capital.

The two most common subthemes derived from the narratives of XPs were named

Learning to Navigate and Changing Course.

Subtheme 9 Learning to Navigate. This subtheme of navigational capital is often expressed through stories of XPs utilizing education to understand how to navigate the system, or a need to learn more in order to continue to navigate successfully. This is also expressed with stories of the struggle to learn how to navigate (i.e., college, careers, politics, multiple communities). These are often cultural barriers, which can express themselves as cultural doorways into communities, where they are allowed access to more cultural capitals. Learning to navigate also includes mentoring others to navigate through the system. Dr. Frida and Dr. Socorro exemplify a way this can be manifested:

Dr. Frida: So, I've had now, several years of interacting and having these experiences, and learning and working on myself, actually. Working a lot on myself through these frameworks I have learned. One simple framework I learned is called in the mirror. It's called mirror work. Another one is looking through the window or looking up from the balcony. And so, these are frameworks or understandings I get from these different organizations that work for social justice. So those are understanding that I... I've built those muscles, I think, by being open, making sure I'm connected with thinkings that challenge me and challenge my thinking. So that I can navigate. And so, as a result, I see the systems clearer, and so I can now label things. I can label a micro aggression; I

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can label a macro aggression. I can label systemic racism. I can see if something is exclusionary or not. But you have to work on yourself first. That's called the mirror work. You have to do a lot of work, and you have to surround yourself with organizations or groups, or knowledge or information of people that are doing this work all the time.

Dr. Frida has learned how to navigate the system built on “systemic racism” and macro- and microaggressions by working on herself first. She describes how self-work has increased her abilities like “muscles” that she can now use to name, identify, and respond to racialized structures. While Dr. Frida understands how to navigate the system,

Dr. Socorro is still trying to learn more about how to navigate the system.

Dr. Socorro: There is a perceived value in principals having and sharing the same ideologies, lifestyle, language as their students. I'm not seeing it now at higher levels of administration at the district level. That's where I'm now experiencing that plight, that fight for, "Look at me. I'm capable." I see others being able to jump through these hoops and break the glass ceiling, if you will, quickly. There's not even a ceiling for them. They just go and they just get these jobs. It feels as though I can't get past whatever it is that is on paper or in an interview.

Both Drs. Frida and Socorro demonstrate how they use education to navigate the system. Dr. Frida uses it as a weapon or a shield to protect herself from microaggressions and combat racist ideologies. Dr. Socorro is able to identify barriers, ceilings, and structures built on intersectionality of gender and ethnicity and both are working on navigating through them or passed them to their next levels.

Subtheme 10 Changing Course. This is a subtheme of navigational capital discovered through careful examination of the data collected from XPs. All 10 XPs disclosed experiences related to navigational capital. This subtheme differs from learning to navigate, as some of the principals reported their experiences navigating the system: changing direction identifies experiences of applying navigational knowledge of the

140 system to changing the course or the direction. The XPs in this study recognize they are working in the system with knowledge of the operations of the system. Therefore, they want to change the destination to what works best. Examples of this include challenging educational practices, mindsets, and perspectives that perpetuate the status quo. This can range from going back to school to get a doctoral degree to better prepare themselves to advocate for students, to taking students to Europe to change their perspective, or joining social justice organizations to increase their knowledge and best practices to solidify outcomes. Dr. Paloma and Dr. Ivan both exemplify this, as seen with the following example:

Dr. Paloma: Oh, for sure. I couldn't have done all this without that. I think at every level when I was a teacher I was like, okay, I can do this. I can influence 150 kids at a time, but then working in a resource position, okay, now I'm affecting 500 kids. Okay. But then working as a vice principal, okay, now I have the ability to like hire and help to influence for 2000 kids at a time every year. So, over a period of five years, that's 10,000 kids. Well, some of them are the same kid. And then you just see the scope of your impact increase more. So definitely in this role you're driving the ship. I mean, you have your team and they're with you, but I don't know it, it's our mindset though. It's our mindset and what are those values that we're putting forward? Because now we're the face of our community. And I couldn't have done this (pointing at a pictorial) if I was a teacher. But as a principal, I can influence that. And it doesn't say Chicano all over it (the pictorial), but it does. That's me, that's my daughter.

As Dr. Paloma’s career grew in influence and knowledge, she continues to push to change outcomes for students. As she frames it, “you’re driving the ship,” and this needs to be navigated by her core values and her cultural perceptions. Navigational capital allows XPs to use their accumulated funds of knowledges, influence, and experiences to transfer to their school community, thereby expanding upon them, and in

141 many cases, changing the destination all together (Yosso, 2005). Dr. Ivan shared a similar experience:

Dr. Ivan: So, I started as a mathematics teacher and I coached soccer and baseball. I did that for five years and then I jumped to administration. I've been an administrator at a continuation high school, as a vice principal at a middle school, as an assistant principal. Then at the comprehensive high school as an assistant principal and now currently principal. The reason that I became a principal, why I wanted to, and I was aspiring to become a principal because I felt that I could be a positive role model for many of our minority students

Dr. Ivan’s trajectory was also very similar to many of the XPs in this study. Dr.

Ivan started as a teacher and then transferred into administration. His ascension into the principalship indicates he has successfully navigated through the system. However, at the core of his ascension, Dr. Ivan’s purpose was to change outcomes for students. He serves as an example to his students and community of an educated Xicanx school leader that has successfully navigated through systems historically discriminatory and oppressive

(Yosso, 2005). Navigational capital allows XPs to create alternate outcomes for students.

Theme 6: Resistance Capital

All 10 of the Xicanx principals who participated in this study communicated experiences they had where they had to resist or oppose the dominant culture in society and within education. The forms of Resistance Capitals varied drastically between them.

Some challenged the system openly, others live a dual identity, others organize, while some change master scheduling practices. From the variety of resistance capital examples divulged by Xicanx principals, two subthemes developed. The two subthemes are: educational resistance and existential resistance.

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Subtheme 11 Educational Resistance. Educational resistance is a subtheme of resistance capital and surfaced through the accounts of XPs who use education as a form of resistance. This subtheme emerged from the experiences of XP changing the system from within, bringing social justice voices and perspectives. This is also materializing in actions, mindsets, and decisions that change outcomes for students, especially minoritized students and their community. It can consist of reading studies with staff on equitable practices and can also be manifested as challenging gender roles, stereotypes, or breaking barriers. Toño shared:

Toño: The biggest problem with education, that I see, that education is designed to create the mainstream culture. It was designed to create sheep. And that, I think, that's the hardest thing that you struggle with as a person, right; get a high school diploma, take care of your points, get a job, prepare for a vocational career, prepare for a four-year university. But it's a system, we're within the system. So, what I like to tell students that challenge it, which is a good thing.

Toño uses education as a form of resistance by teaching challenging students how to resist the system and fight back through education. Toño’s perspective sees challenging students not as “bad” students, but as students who are challenging a system that has not been set up for them. This perspective challenges students from a strengths- based model (Yosso, 2005). By disrupting the social reproduction, Toño’s perspective pushes back on the system:

Jesus: I would say when, when I shifted and found that there were teachers that would probably be better off not serving our EL students. I made some of those shifts happen my second year and I wasn't a popular person because of it, but it was something that I needed to do to make sure that we're serving all students properly. I'd say the shift in moving EL population from outside of the core classes into the core and make it part of the core curriculum was the big shift that people didn't expect from me. And then I think just addressing equity as a whole. I constantly get these barriers whenever I try to make some big, big moves like that, and it feels like it's taken away from the dominant population. Example,

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trying to move away from honors and say no to honors and trying to make it all, that the complexity amongst all classes, that's not a popular move. But you know, I'm trying to do it through competency-based education. So, its new, people don't quite understand it yet, but it's a powerful move and I believe in it.

Jesus displays educational resistance by challenging the status quo and risks being unpopular with his staff in order to do what is right for students. Jesus saw that students who were English learners (ELs) were being excluded from honors classes. By changing school practices, Jesus became unpopular as he challenged adult-centered perspectives that create barriers for students who are most vulnerable. Another form of resistance capital is existential resistance.

Subtheme 12 Existential Resistance. This is another subtheme of resistant capital that emerged from the analysis of the data collected from the interviews from

XPs. This subtheme was often expressed by XPs as being the only principal of color in their districts, or just by persisting in their positions. Some experienced this form of resistance as being role models and examples for the Xicanx students. Other examples of existential persistence are exhibited by speaking Spanish and sharing their cultural experiences. Some feel like their existence alone is an act of resistance. Having broken so many statistical and cultural barriers, that being in the principal position is an act of defiance against the status quo. Examples of this can be shown in the words of Dr. Frida and El Che. Dr. Frida shared:

Dr. Frida Okay. So, to let you know, this is my 16th year as a principal. I've been at this for a long time. And I don't think that's very common, especially in this part of California. And most of them have been in white systems, and so I'm more of a... How do I do it? I'm trying to think of how I do it. I think I mentioned it a little earlier, how I really work first by getting allies. Like I said previously. And then I build allyships between those that are in power. And then I give spaces for those people, and then start letting them lead. So that then we can get ready to

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oppose or challenge the system. So, in my last job, the last, I say five years, is where I really ratcheted up and began to oppose, just be explicit, call it like it is. And it was hell, it was it got really bad. Dr. Frida has been a principal for 16 years. This is a very long career and one way that she resists the system is simply by continuing to stay in her position. By not allowing herself to be discouraged or burned out by “white systems” and continuing to “oppose or challenge the system.” Her longevity, navigational strategies and resistant strategies have created the ability for her to endure and continue to be a torchbearer to guide the way for others. El Che provides another example of how Existential persistence manifests itself:

El Che: I think you have to resist a lot of mainstream culture because mainstream is not meant, it's not us. It is changing, but it's not what I would want to see for my son, my daughter. So therefore, I keep away. It's not what I would want to see for my fourth graders through sixth graders. There's still a lot of racism embedded in mainstream culture, whether we want to believe it or not. And that's the problem. Many of us don't believe it because we have bought into it and we got to call it where we see it. And again, we will be, at some point, which I don't want to be seen as, but that angry Mexicano, but it's not about getting angry. It's about explaining and letting people know why this is not okay. But, if we continue to teach our kids who we are serving, why it's not okay, by the time they become adults, that's where the change happens.

El Che understands that he has to survive in his current position in order to continue his resistance. He has to “stay away” at times so that he is not identified or labeled as a resistant “angry Mexicano.” El Che’s perspective enables him to influence the lives of students for generations to come. El Che and the nine other XPs are not openly challenging the system; they are the challenge to the system. By occupying White spaces and infiltrating positions of influence, they embody the resistance.

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Summary

This section presented the qualitative data shared by Xicanx principals during their interviews. The questions were semi-structured to elicit responses about their experiences and what connections XPs had with the six-capital model of Yosso’s (2005)

CCW. All 10 participants demonstrated the manifestations of all six forms of cultural capitals. The tenets of CCW are apparent in different ways in the lived experiences of

XPs. The six capitals of CCW are Linguistic capital, Familial capital, Aspirational capital, Social capital, Navigational capital, and Resistance capital.

Linguistic capital was apparent through two major subthemes: connects and disconnects, and epistemologies. Connects and disconnects described experiences where linguistic capitals either connected XPs to a community or disconnected XPs from others.

XPs commented on feeling a deeper connection to the Xicanx community; however, they feel that they are disconnected from their district staff and school staff. The second subtheme was epistemologies, which refers to language as a foundation of cultural funds of knowledge.

Familial capital was apparent in the lives of all 10 XPs interviewed. Through their experiences, two major subthemes emerged, La Familia and Mi Familia. La Familia refers to the family through kinship. This would include immediate family and nuclear family, siblings, offspring, partners, parents. Mi Familia means, my family. This refers to the family XPs choose to bring into their lives as family, extended family, close friends, close colleagues and those who they choose to share their lives with. From these two

146 forms of familial capital, XPs amass supports of every type from socioemotional support to material support.

Aspirational capital is also apparent in the lives of all 10 XPs interviewed.

Through an analysis of their interviews aspirational capital was most evident in two ways which emerged as two subthemes, liberation and liberators. Liberation refers to accounts of XPs experiencing liberation through education. Examples of this include breaking the cycle of poverty through education, breaking gender or racial stereotypes or other such experiences where they have significantly improved their conditions through education.

Liberators refers to experiences where XPs have chosen to liberate others. This includes teaching students and their families how to navigate the system or how to challenge it. It also includes inspiring others or a desire for others to achieve beyond their current conditions.

Social capital was also apparent in the lives of all 10 XPs in this study. By closely studying the data collected from XP interviews two major themes were revealed,

Relational and Communal. These were two forms of social capital employed by XPs and differ slightly. Relational type of social capital is derived from the XPs’ relational capacity. It is through their relationship-building and their individual capacity to create social connections that this is accomplished. The second form of social capital employed by XPs was Communal. This referred to a more traditional form of social networks and formalized organizations such as CALSA and ACSA.

Navigational capital was also evident in the experiences of all 10 XPs in this study. Navigational capital emerged in this study as two subthemes: learning to navigate

147 and changing course. Learning to navigate was a subtheme employed to identify experiences of XPs learning how to Navigate the system. This includes strategies they employ to pass through an educational system built on racialized ideologies. Changing course refers to experiences XPs had where they apply their navigational capital in the service of others. This includes taking steps to alter outcomes for future students.

Resistance capital was also apparent in the lives of all 10 XPs. This manifested itself in several different ways. The two major applications of resistance capital were used to identify two subthemes, educational resistance and existential resistance.

Educational resistance was evident as XPs use the educational system as a form of resistance. For example, teaching challenging students how to challenge the system or changing school policy to challenge the status quo. Existential persistence refers to XPs persisting and enduring in a system that was not created for them to exist in. Xicanx principals (XPs) are educational leaders navigating a system that was built by the dominant culture; thus, by their very existence, they embody the resistance. Existential persistence, therefore, is comprised of surviving and persisting in the system. This section discussed the findings from the interviews of 10 XPs. The qualitative data was analyzed and categorized into their themes and subthemes. The findings were consistent that all 10

XPs exhibited in one form or another, all six cultural capitals in the CCW model. In the following sections, we will analyze the findings of the quantitative data collected from

Xicanx administrators about their wellness and self-care.

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Quantitative Data Addressing Research Question 1B

Research Question #1B. Are there any significant relationships among the following set of variables regarding ProQOL 5 and MSCS 2015 for Xicanx principals and administrators: Compassion Satisfaction, Burnout, Secondary Traumatic Stress,

Mindful Relaxation, Physical Care, Self-Compassion, Supportive Relationships,

Supportive Structure, Mindful Awareness?

In this section, results from quantitative data about wellness and self-care are presented. The 81-question survey included three sections, the first which collected demographic information, the second which mirrored the ProQOL 5, and the third was a section which was meant to capture self-care practices of the participants. The questions totaling over 81questions had a total of 9 subscales, 3 pertaining to ProQOL, 5. The other six subscales pertaining to MSCS 2015. The subscales pertaining to the ProQOL 5 consisted of: Compassion Satisfaction, Burnout, and Secondary Traumatic Stress. The subscales pertaining to the MSCS 2015 were Mindful Relaxation, Physical Care, Self-

Compassion and Purpose, Supportive Relationships, Supportive Structure, and Mindful

Awareness.

Table 7 Means Scores on ProQOL XAs (n=58) and of XPs (n=25) Variables Xicanx Administrators Xicanx Principals Compassion Satisfaction 41 (High Level) 41 (High Level) Burnout 22 (Low Level) 23 (Low Level) Secondary Traumatic Stress 24 (Medium Level) 25 (Medium Level)

Table 7 displays the means scores for the XAs and XPs. There was very little variance between the mean responses. Compassion Satisfaction measures a person’s

149 professional satisfaction generated from the work they do (Cook, 2015). The mean response for the variable Compassion Satisfaction for both XAs and XPs was 41. This was out a score of a possible 50. Higher the scores indicate higher levels of professional satisfaction derived from their work. The second variable in the ProQOL 5 was Burnout.

Burnout was fatigue generated from the work performed, these are negative feelings that can lead to feeling tired, bored, and even being cynical or dejected from one’s work

(Cook, 2015). The mean score of XAs was 22 and for XPs is 23. This was out of a possible score of 50. In this case the lower the score the better. Score above 41 are considered extremely high and levels of 23 or lower represents positive feeling about one’s work. The last variable in from the ProQOL 5 was that of Secondary Traumatic

Stress. Secondary Traumatic Stress exposure to secondary trauma or your response to being exposed to trauma or stress of the people one works with[reword]. The mean score for XAs was 24 and the mean score for XPs was 25. A score above 41 is considered very high.

The scores on the ProQOL 5 indicate that Xicanx principals and administrators have high levels of compassion satisfaction. Which means they derive great satisfaction from their professional work. They also have relatively low levels of burnout and moderate levels of secondary traumatic stress. The remaining six variables in this study stem from the Mindfulness and Self -Care Scale: mindful relaxation, physical care, self - compassion and purpose, supportive relationship, supportive structure, and mindful awareness. Mindful relaxation is the practices that create the ability to relax, this includes creative multisensory outlets and mindful techniques. Physical care refers to taking care

150 of one’s physical health. Self-compassion and purpose refer to growth-mindset perspective, being kind to oneself, and having a purpose-driven mindset. Survey data was further disaggregated Xicanx administrators and Xicanx principals. Supportive relationship refers to having respectful and supportive connections with others.

Supportive structures refer to practices and tools meant to secure a balance between oneself and requests of others. Mindful awareness refers to self-awareness about one’s body.

Table 8 Mindfulness and Self-Care Scale (MSCS) XA (n=54) XP (n=25) Self-Care Scale Xicanx Administrators Xicanx Principals Mindful Relaxation 3 (Medium Level) 3 (Medium Level) Physical Care 2.6 (Medium Level) 2.5 (Medium Level) Self-Compassion/Purpose 3.3 (Medium Level) 3 (Medium Level) Supportive Relationship 4 (High Level) 3 (Medium Level) Supportive Structure 3.5 (Medium Level) 3.5 (Medium Level) Mindful Awareness 3.5 (Medium Level) 3.5 (Medium Level)

Table 8 reflects the scores of both XAs and XPs on the MSCS. The mean scores of each of the subscales was averaged by the number of questions on each subscale. Each scaled score is presented in the category, respectively. Mindful relaxation has a scaled score of 3 out of 5 for both Xicanx administrators and XPs. This score is considered to be a medium level. Physical care has a scaled score of 2.6 for XAs and XPs 2.5 out of a possible score of 5. This indicates that they both have medium levels of physical care.

Self-compassion and purpose have a scaled score of 3.3 for XAs and 3 for XPs. This indicates that self-compassion and purpose is of medium level. Supportive relationship had a scaled score of 4 for XAs which is considered high, and XPs had a score of 3.8 which is medium almost high. Supportive structures for both XAs and XPs were 3.5

151 which indicates medium levels. Mindful awareness was reported at 3.5 for both groups, which indicates medium levels.

It is apparent from the data above that physical care is at the lowest levels of all of the mindfulness and self-care practices among XPs and XAs. The highest score reported on the survey by XAs and XPs was supportive relationships. The score on supportive relationships was at a 4 for XAs and 3.8 for XPs. The second highest scores on the MSCS for both XAs and XPs was that of supportive structure and mindful awareness both tied at

3.5 for both sets or groups. Lastly, the second lowest scores are mindful relaxation and self-compassion and purpose. Mindful relaxation score was 3 for both sets of groups and self-compassion and purpose was at 3.3 for XA’s but a core of 3 for XPs. This finding suggested that XPs and administrators use supportive relationships as a mindfulness and self-care support. This further indicates that that XPs and XAs employ supportive structure and mindfulness awareness at higher levels than mindful relaxation or self- compassion and purpose. What is also insightful about the data is that physical care is less used by both XAs and XPs. In the following section data will be analyzed using

Pearson correlations.

Correlation

Data from Qualtrics responses were then exported to SPSS and a Pearson correlation was conducted. Only the significant correlations are presented in this section.

The results of the correlational analyses presented show that 24 out of the 81 correlations were statistically significant and were less than or equal to .05 statistical significance.

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The effect size was low .1, medium .3, and .5 or greater is considered high. The results are presented in Table 9.

Table 9 Correlations for Compassion Satisfaction Variables Compared to n r r2 Sig. Effect Size Compassion Sat Burnout 53 -.719 51% p < .01 High Compassion Sat Secondary Trauma 53 -.313 10% p < .01 Med. Compassion Sat Supp. Relationship 49 .285 8% p < .05 Low Compassion Sat Supp. Structures 49 .513 26% p < .01 High Compassion Sat Mindful Awareness 49 .467 22% p < .01 Med.

A Pearson correlation indicated a high negative significant relationship between

Compassion Satisfaction variable and Burnout, r(52) = -.719, p < .01. The effect size is high. The two variables were negatively correlated. This indicates that participants who reported higher levels of compassion satisfaction tended to report lower levels of burnout.

Conversely, participants who reported higher levels of burnout tended to report lower levels of compassion satisfaction. The correlation indicated a medium negative significant relationship between Compassion Satisfaction variable and Secondary

Traumatic Stress, r(52) = -.313, p < .01. The effect size is medium. The two variables were negatively correlated. This indicates that participants who reported higher levels of compassion satisfaction tended to report lower levels of secondary traumatic stress.

Conversely, participants who reported higher levels of secondary traumatic stress tended to report lower levels of compassion satisfaction.

A correlation indicated a low significant relationship between Compassion

Satisfaction variable and Supportive Relationship, r(48) = .285, p < .05. The effect size is low. This indicates that participants who reported higher levels of compassion

153 satisfaction tended to report higher levels of supportive relationships. In contrast, participants who reported lower levels of supportive relationships tended to report lower levels of compassion satisfaction. A correlation indicated a high significant relationship between Compassion Satisfaction variable and Supportive Structure, r(48) = .513, p <

.01. The effect size is high. The two variables were correlated as participant reported higher levels of compassion satisfaction, they tended to report higher levels of supportive structure. Conversely, participants who reported tended to also report lower levels of supportive structure. A correlation indicated a medium significant relationship between

Compassion Satisfaction variable and Mindful Awareness, r(48) = .467, p < .01. The effect size is high. This indicates that participants who reported higher levels of compassion satisfaction tended to report higher levels of mindfulness awareness. Thus, participants who reported lower levels of mindful awareness tended to report lower levels of compassion satisfaction.

Table 10 Correlations for Burnout Variables Compared to n r r2 Sig. Effect Size Burnout Secondary Trauma 53 .636 40% p < .01 High Burnout Supp. Relationship 49 -.394 16% p < .01 Med. Burnout Supp. Structures 49 -.719 52% p < .01 High Burnout Mindful Awareness 49 -.509 26% p < .01 High

A Pearson correlation indicated a high significant relationship between Burnout and Secondary Traumatic Stress, r(52) = .636, p < .01, as presented in Table 10. The effect size is high. The two variables were correlated. This suggests that participants who reported higher levels of burnout tended to report higher levels of secondary traumatic stress. Participants who reported lower levels of secondary traumatic stress tended to

154 report lower levels of burnout. The correlation indicated a medium negative significant relationship between Burnout variable and Supportive Relationships, r(48) = -.394, p <

.01. The effect size is medium. The two variables were negatively correlated. Participants who reported higher levels of burnout tended to report lower levels of supportive relationships. Conversely, participants who reported lower levels of burnout tended to report higher levels of supportive relationships.

A correlation indicated a low significant relationship between Burnout variable and Supportive Structure, r(48) = -.719, p < .01. The effect size is high. Xicanx

Administrators (XAs) who reported higher levels of burnout tended to report lower levels of supportive structure. Conversely, participants who reported lower levels of burnout tended to report higher levels of supportive structure. A correlation indicated a high significant relationship between burnout variable and Mindful Awareness, r(48) = -.509, p < .01. The effect size is high. Participants who reported higher levels of burnout tended to report lower levels of mindful awareness. Conversely, participants who reported lower levels of burnout tended to report higher levels of mindful awareness.

Table 11 Correlations for Secondary Trauma Variables Compared to n r r2 Sig. Effect Size Secondary Trauma Supp. Relationship 53 -.394 9% p < .05 Low Secondary Trauma Supp. Structures 49 -.503 25% p < .01 High Secondary Trauma Mindful Awareness 49 -.383 15% p < .01 Med.

A Pearson correlation indicated a negative significant relationship between

Secondary Traumatic Stress and Supportive Relationships, r(52) = -.293, p < .05. See

Table 11 for data. The effect size is low. The two variables were negatively correlated.

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The results of the correlational analysis presented in Table 13 imply that higher levels of secondary traumatic stress tended to report lower levels of supportive relationships.

Conversely participants who reported lower levels of secondary traumatic stress tended to report higher levels of supportive relationships. The correlation indicated a high negative significant relationship between Secondary Traumatic Stress variable and Supportive

Structure, r(48) = -.503, p < .01.The effect size is high. The two variables were negatively correlated. This indicates XAs who reported higher levels of secondary traumatic stress tended to report lower levels of supportive structure. Conversely, XAs who reported lower levels of secondary traumatic stress tended to report higher levels of supportive structure. A correlation indicated a medium significant relationship between Secondary

Traumatic Stress variable and Mindful Awareness, r(48) = .383, p < .01. The effect size is medium. This suggests XAs who reported higher levels of secondary traumatic stress tended to report lower levels of mindful awareness. Conversely, XAs who reported lower levels of secondary traumatic stress tended to report higher levels of mindful awareness.

Table 12 Correlations for Mindful Relaxation Variables Compared to n r r2 Sig. Effect Size Mindful Relaxation Physical Care 51 .515 27% p < .01 High Mindful Relaxation Self-Compassion 51 .402 16% p < .01 Med. Mindful Relaxation Supp. Relationship 49 .295 .09% p <. 05 Low Mindful Relaxation Supp. Structures 49 .320 10% p < .01 Med.

A Pearson correlation indicated a high significant relationship between Mindful

Relaxation variable and Physical Care, r(50) = .515, p < .01, as presented in Table 12.

The effect size is high. The two variables were correlated. This suggests that participants who reported higher levels of mindful relaxation tended to report higher levels of

156 physical care. On the other hand, participants who reported practicing lower levels of mindful relaxation tended to report lower levels of physical care. The correlation indicated a medium significant relationship between Mindful Relaxation variable and

Self-Compassion and Purpose, r(50) = .402, p < .01. The effect size is medium. The two variables were correlated. This suggests that participants who reported higher levels of mindful relaxation tended to report higher levels of self-compassion. On the other hand, participants who reported practicing lower levels of mindful relaxation tended to report lower levels of self-compassion. A correlation indicated a low significant relationship between Mindful Relaxation variable and Supportive Relationship, r(48) = .295, p < .05.

The effect size is low. This indicates that participants who reported higher levels of mindful relaxation tended to report higher levels of supportive relationships. Conversely, participants who reported practicing lower levels of mindful relaxation tended to report lower levels of supportive relationships.

A correlation indicated a significant relationship between Mindful Relaxation variable and Supportive Structure, r(48) = .320, p < .05. The effect size is high. The two variables were correlated which suggests that participants who reported higher levels of mindful relaxation tended to report having higher levels of supportive structure. On the other hand, participants who reported practicing lower levels of mindful relaxation tended to report lower levels of supportive structure.

Table 13 Correlations for Physical Care Variables Compared to n r r2 Sig. Effect Size Physical Care Self-Compassion 51 .286 9% p < .05 Low Physical Care Supp. Relationship 49 .373 14% p < .01 Med. Physical Care Supp. Structures 49 .430 18% p < .01 Med.

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A Pearson correlation indicated a low significant relationship between Physical

Care variable and Self Compassion, r(50) = .286, p < .05, as presented in Table 13. The effect size is low. This suggests that participants who reported higher levels of physical care tended to report slightly higher levels of self-compassion. On the other hand, participants who reported practicing lower levels of physical care tended to report slightly lower levels of self-compassion. A correlation indicated a medium negative significant relationship between Physical Care variable and Supportive Relationships, r(48) = .373, p

< .01. The effect size is medium. The two variables were correlated. This suggests that participants who reported higher levels of physical care tended to report slightly higher levels of supportive relationships. On the other hand, participants who reported practicing lower levels of physical care tended to report slightly lower levels of supportive relationships.

A correlation indicated a significant relationship between Physical Care variable and Supportive Structure, r(48) = .430, p < .01. The effect size is medium. This suggests that participants who reported higher levels of physical care tended to report higher levels of supportive structure. On the other hand, participants who reported practicing lower levels of physical care tended to report lower levels of supportive structure.

Table 14 Other Correlations Variables Compared to n r r2 Sig. Effect Size Self-Compassion Supp. Relationship 49 .351 12% p < .05 Med. Self-Compassion Mindful Awareness 49 .492 24% p < .01 Med. Supp. Relationship Supp. Structures 49 .414 17% p <. 01 Med. Supp. Relationship Mindful Awareness 49 .503 25% p < .01 High Supp. Structures Mindful Awareness 49 .623 39% p < .01 High

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A Pearson correlation indicated a significant relationship between Self-

Compassion variable and Supportive Relationships, r(48) = .351, p < .05. The data are presented in Table 14. The effect size is medium. The two variables were correlated.

Participants who reported higher levels of self-compassion tended to report having higher levels of supportive relationships. Participants who reported practicing lower levels of self-compassion tended to report lower levels of supportive relationships. A correlation indicated a medium significant relationship between Self-Compassion variable and

Mindful Awareness, r(48) = .492, p < .01. The effect size is medium. The two variables were correlated. Participants who reported higher levels of self-compassion tended to report higher levels of mindful awareness. Participants who reported practicing lower levels of self-compassion tended to report lower levels of mindful awareness.

A correlation indicated a significant relationship between Supportive Structure variable and Supportive Relationship, r(48) = .414, p < .01. The effect size is medium.

Participants who reported higher levels of supportive structure tended to report higher levels of supportive relationships. Participants who reported lower levels of supportive relationships tended to report lower levels of supportive structure. A correlation indicated a highly significant relationship between Supportive Relationship variable and Mindful

Awareness, r(48) = .503, p < .01. The effect size is high. Participants who reported higher levels of supportive relationships tended to report having higher levels of mindful awareness. Participants who reported lower levels of supportive relationships tended to report lower levels of mindful awareness.

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A correlation indicated a high significant relationship between Supportive

Structure variable and Mindful Awareness, r(48) = .623, p < .01. The effect size is high.

Participants who reported higher levels of supportive structure tended to report having higher levels of mindful awareness. Participants who reported lower levels of supportive structure tended to report lower levels of mindful awareness.

Summary

Results from ProQOL 5 and MSCS 2015 indicate that XPs and XAs generally have high levels of compassion satisfaction and lower levels of burnout and secondary traumatic stress. The scores recorded from MSCS indicate that supportive relationship is the most commonly used mindfulness and self-care practices. Physical care is the least used practice by Xicanx administrators and principals.

The correlations of Burnout and Secondary Traumatic Stress with the other self- care measures tended to be negatively correlated. In general, the results suggest that participants who reported higher levels of self-care practices also reported lower levels of burnout and secondary traumatic stress. Generally, this correlation also suggests that XAs who score in the positive of Compassion Satisfaction tend to have a positive in other self- care domains except for Burnout and Secondary Traumatic Stress.

Burnout had the two highest correlations. Burnout and Compassion Satisfaction have negatively correlated relationship, r(52) = -.719, p < .01. Burnout and Supportive

Structure also have a negatively correlated relationship, r(48) = -.719, p < .01. This suggests that Xicanx public school administrators who reported having supportive structures and reported having high levels of compassion satisfactions tended to report

160 lower levels of burnout. Thus, these findings suggest that the higher the burnout, the lower the compassion satisfaction and lower support structure.

The relationship between Burnout and Secondary Traumatic Stress indicated a highly significant relationship, r(52) = .636, p < .01. These variables were the second- highest correlation and it indicates if Burnout is high it is likely that Secondary Traumatic

Stress will be high as well and vice versa. Mindfulness Awareness and Supportive

Structure was the next highest correlation. The statistical relationship between these variables was, r(48) = .623, p < .01. These indicated that the higher the Supportive

Structure the higher the mindfulness awareness and vice versa.

There were five other highly significant correlations, as shown in Table 15.

Mindful Relaxation and Physical Care, r(50) = .515, p < .01, Compassion Satisfaction and Supportive Structure, r(48) = .513, p < .01, Burnout and Mindful Awareness, r(48) =

-.509, p < .01, Supportive Relationship and Mindful Awareness, r(48) = .503, p < .01, and Secondary Traumatic Stress and Supportive Structure, r(48) = -.503, p < .01.

Table 15 Prevalent Correlations Variables Compared to n r r2 Sig. Effect Size Burnout Compassion Sat. 53 -.719 52% p < .01 High Burnout Supp. Structures 53 -.719 52% p < .01 High Burnout Secondary Trauma 53 .636 40% p <. 01 High Supp. Structures Mindful Awareness 49 .623 39% p < .01 High Mindful Relaxation Physical Care 51 .515 27% p < .01 High Compassion Sat Supp. Structures 49 .513 26% p < .01 High Burnout Mindful Awareness 49 -.509 26% p < .01 High Supp. Relationship Mindful Awareness 49 .503 25% p < .01 High Supp. Structures Secondary Trauma 49 -.503 25% p < .01 High

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Supportive Structures, Supportive Relationships, and Mindfulness Awareness were the most prevalent variables present among the XAs based on the statistical relationship between the nine variables. This was observed in correlations and through the ProQOL 5 and MSCS 2015 scores as well.

Transformative Mixed Methods

This study applied a concurrent transformative mixed methods approach. This approach was purposefully selected because of its equity and social justice focus. Xicanx principals (XPs) are such a small group within the context of education that it was important to choose a method that can combine both quantitative and qualitative approaches. To ensure this study met the criteria of transformative mixed-methods approach and also that this had the quality needed to fit the tenets of the method, I applied a modified version of the Transformative, Mixed-Methods Checklist for Psychological

Research with Mexican Americans (Canales, 2013). The questions were modified to fit the educational research at hand. This was also member checked by other colleagues to establish validity using the checklist. This document can be found in Appendix D. This met the majority of the criteria that was applied to the checklist. This study applied a concurrent transformative mixed methods approach. This approach was purposefully selected because of its equity and social justice focus. Xicanx principals (XPs) are such a small group within the context of education that it was important to choose a method that can combine both quantitative and qualitative approaches. To ensure this study met the criteria of transformative mixed-methods approach and also that this had the quality needed to fit the tenets of the method, I applied a modified version of the Transformative,

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Mixed-Methods Checklist for Psychological Research with Mexican Americans

(Canales, 2013). The questions were modified to fit the educational research at hand. This was also member checked by other colleagues to establish validity using the checklist.

This document can be found in Appendix D. This met the majority of the criteria that was applied to the checklist.

Conclusion

This chapter presented the results of the data collected during this study. The first portion of this chapter reviewed narratives collected during the semi-structured open- ended interviews with XPs to answer research question #1: What are the experiences of selected Xicanx P-12 principals in California? Data collected from these interviews resulted in four major themes that can be further broken down into additional subthemes.

The themes were named Conocimientos, Regalos, Cargas, and Perdurar.

The second portion of this chapter answered research question # 1A: To what extent are the tenets of Yosso’s (2005) CCW apparent in the lives of XPs? The data collected from XP interviews revealed that all six cultural capitals in Yosso’s (2005)

CCW model were present in one form or another all ten participants. The third portion of this chapter examined the quantitative data collected from XAs across the state. The responses from the wellness and self-care survey were applied to answer the research question 1B: Are there any significant relationships among the following set of variables regarding ProQOL 5 and MCSC for XPs and administrators: Compassion Satisfaction,

Burnout, Secondary Traumatic? The responses revealed the top major significant correlations between the variables. Of these, the Mindful Awareness, Supportive

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Relationships, and Supportive Structure were the most statistically significant and were highly negatively correlated with Burnout and Secondary Traumatic Stress. Chapter 5 discusses these findings.

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Chapter 5

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

And I, infinitesimal being, drunk with the great starry void, likeness, image of mystery, felt myself a pure part of the abyss, I wheeled with the stars, my heart broke loose on the wind. From Poetry by Pablo Neruda

Introduction

The Xicanx student population in California is blooming and numerically bursting in our public schools. They are soon to become the largest source of labor and an economic force in our state’s future (Gao & Johnson, 2017). However, Xicanx students are not able to see themselves reflected in the educational leadership charged with overseeing the P-12 public education system. This creates a lack of representation, agency, and decisional influence over their education. Moreover, with the lack of significant Xicanx educational leadership in the public P-12 education system, the Xicanx community also lacks voice, choice, and epistemological power to change outcomes for

Xicanx students. The current educational system’s inability to meet the needs of the majority of students is evident through almost all measures of college and career readiness and student success, such as college enrollment rates, etc. Yet, the system is working exactly the way it is designed to: to further oppress minoritized communities.

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The current number of Xicanx educators and administrators will not suffice to compensate for the disproportionality. The cultural mismatch between Xicanx students and White educators reinforces the systematic and historic racism inherent in the system.

This cultural mismatch robs Xicanx students and other minoritized students of color of equitable representation and agency. For this reason, more needs to be done to recruit educators of color and to fortify and preserve current levels of Xicanx administrators.

Xicanx principals are in positions to have the most impact because of their centrality.

They are connected to all of the echelons of the school district, they are connected to all of the stakeholders within the school community, and they are connected to not only the

Xicanx community, but to other minoritized communities of color as well as to non- minoritized communities.

This study’s central purpose was to document and research the lived experiences of Xicanx principals and administrators. At the root of these five chapters lies the vestiges of a quest started long ago by Xicanx torchbearers, wearily and unyielding.

Torchbearers are those who light the way for others, thus this title of torchbearers can be bestowed on Xicanx principals and leaders who receive the flame of education and use it to illuminate the path for others. Often, they are the ‘first’ in their communities to forge a path as they quest for knowledge, quest for equality, and quest for transformation and preservation. Through education, Xicanx principals represent the educational leadership that Xicanx students deserve and have been deprived of by Eurocentric orientations, epistemologies, and devaluation.

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Thus, this study employed a transformative concurrent mixed methods approach to uncover the experiences of Xicanx principals and also to discover and document XP wellness and self-care perceptions and practices. Most importantly, this study aimed to spotlight the lack of Xicanx perspectives in the expanding field of wellness and self-care in the educational setting. By adding a Xicanx perspective, the research attempted to include a decolonized perspective of wellness and self-care. Furthermore, it calls for more inclusive and non-Eurocentric orientations within our educational system.

This study also highlighted the lack of diversity in staffing of the California P-12 public education system, most notably the principal position and other upper administration positions. Diversity and equity are espoused as core values of the education system (Schein, 2017). However, the true culture of any organization can be discerned by comparing their “espoused beliefs and values” to their “observed behaviors”

(Schein, 2017, p. 18). By this standard, the lack of Xicanx principals reveals a lack of concern for diversity and equity. This chapter will yield further insight for educational leaders, policymakers, Xicanx principals, Xicanx educational leaders, aspiring Xicanx principals, and others who champion equity and social justice for current conditions of

XPs and provide recommendations on how to act.

This study explored the experiences of Xicanx principals by asking the following questions: Research Question #1

What are the experiences of selected P-12 Xicanx principals in California?

1A: To what extent are the tenets of Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth

(CCW) apparent in the lives of Xicanx principals?

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1B: Are there any significant relationships among the following set of variables

regarding ProQOL 5 and MSCS 2015 for Xicanx principals and administrators:

Compassion Satisfaction, Burnout, Secondary Traumatic Stress, Mindful

Relaxation, Physical Care, Self-compassion, Supportive Relationships, Supportive

Structure, Mindful Awareness?

To answer these questions, this study employed a mixed methods approach, applying both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The qualitative component consisted of semi-structured, open-ended interviews of 10 Xicanx principals. The quantitative component of this study consisted of an 81 close-ended question survey on wellness and self-care practices. The survey included questions from the ProQOL 5 and the MSCS 2015. The qualitative component of this study consisted of data gleaned from the 11 semi-structured open-ended interviews of Xicanx principals.

What follows are the interpretations of findings in which the research questions were addressed based on the data, the literature, and the theoretical frameworks.

Interpretations of findings begin with research question #1. The following section will present the interpretations of findings for research questions #1A. The next section will include interpretations of findings for research question # 1B. The chapter will then present triangulation of the data, followed by implications of theory, and recommendations for policy and future research. Lastly, the chapter will conclude with a summary of the research process and the researcher’s personal experience.

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Interpretations of Findings

Qualitative data were collected, coded, and analyzed for common themes and subthemes from interviews of 10 Xicanx principals. Findings for research question #1 uncovered four major common themes found in the lived experiences of Xicanx principals. The four themes consisted of the following: conocimientos, regalos, cargas, and perdurar. The first theme, conocimientos, means knowledge, or funds of knowledge, which are amassed by XPs through their formal education, their lived experiences, and their cultural consciousness. This theme had three subthemes: pocos, convocados, and torchbearers, which will be further discussed.

Pocos describes experiences XPs shared when they felt isolated, alienated, and detached from the education system they served. Empirical studies have consistently demonstrated that the lack of Xicanx principals is highly disproportionate to the number of White principals (Crawford & Fuller, 2017; Fernandez et al., 2015; Nino et al., 2017).

This study reaffirmed this disproportionality and gave testimony to the isolation, alienation, and estrangement that XPs often feel within their own schools, within their own communities, and within their own districts. Magdalena Farris, for example, indicated: "So, if you go to my school district there is not one leader that's a person of color and this district has 21 schools and there's not one person in leadership that is of color except for my superintendent." This reveals a lack of concern for diversity or inclusivity within Magdalena's school district. The impact of this lack of concern for diversity must surely have a negative effect on the lives of minoritized students of color and their families.

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Despite their relatively low numbers, Xicanx principals are highly sought out.

This is apparent in the second subtheme. Convocados means the summoned and it refers to the common experiences of ascension to principalship because they were summoned or sought after by other leaders in their organizations. Fernandez et al. (2015) noted that one of the determining factors in motivating Xicanx educators into the principal position was having mentors within the system. Carrillo (2008) also noted the similar experiences of

XP recruitments. He mentioned that all of his participants were persuaded to become principals through other Xicanx educational leaders or mentors. Jacinto best exemplifies this theme by indicating the following: "And I had the right people supporting me saying,

'Yeah, take your pick.' Because I had a vice principal position offered to me, a principalship, and the site structural coordinator at the high school." Jacinto was given a choice of administrative positions within his district, which signals high regard.

The torchbearers in this study also mentioned the strong support of leaders within the organization, however, their experience also included being noticed for their abilities.

For the torchbearers, being summoned to serve as a principal was also a mission, a cultural charge, and what Carrillo (2009) termed a calling. It was an opportunity to be a change agent. The subtheme of torchbearer was used to describe the common purpose to be a positive role model for others, experiences of guiding the path for others, and helping others to navigate through the educational and sociopolitical system. An example of this is exemplified by Dr. Frida who indicated: "And I always had a moral compass of helping out and making things right and fighting for social justice. My father always told me, my mother, very young, but my parents also had that moral compass of fighting for

170 justice. Especially civil justice." The strong desire to help others guided by a “moral compass” sets torchbearer XPs apart. Carrillo (2008) referred to them as “Latino trailblazing principals” (p. 87). The term torchbearer is a more accurate depiction of these

XPs. It is also an important attempt to redefine previous archetypes of trailblazers, pathfinders, and pioneers in terms that echo the Westward Expansion era of the 1800s.

This era is often referred to as the Wild West or Manifest Destiny. While this may have been a defining moment in United States history, westward expansion was detrimental to all people of color (Borunda, 2016). In contrast, torchbearers guide, serve, and illuminate the way for others.

The second theme was regalos, which means gifts or offerings. This refers to the benefits attributed to having XPs as heads of schools. This theme was further dissected to reveal two major subthemes, community responsiveness and Xicanx principalship.

Community responsiveness identified experiences of XPs engaging with the various stakeholders within the school community. The torchbearers in this study engaged with

Xicanx students, Xicanx families, their staff, and other stakeholders as their own community. This was explained by Ted Medina. "So, my family has been very much connected to the community. Had a name as service providers, community leaders. So, my mom has been highly successful in the community. And my dad is a blue-collar hardworking guy that was always involved in everything I did. So, I think all of that from cradle to whatever part of your life you want to look at, that's been a significant part of my life." For Ted, service to the community is the only way he knows how to operate.

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Bordas (2012) described Xicanx leadership as “based on a communal process where people work together to serve the community” (p. 135). Torchbearers’ leadership style was highly communitized because they attempted to also show they value “community- based epistemologies” by connecting with their communities and enlisting them in a collaborative process (Khalifa, 2018, p. 42). This theme is discussed by Jesus who indicated. "So, I did a lot of PR work in the areas of just to the Latino community and then a lot of PR work in the local community. So, I went and just embedded myself in various local events that are happening. Some of them would be government officials, mayors and city council members and also foundations." Jesus understands that being a principal of a school requires community support, and by "embedding" himself in the community, he received strong support from the Xicanx social networks and support for his school.

The second subtheme Xicanx principalship describes is leadership practices, pedagogical knowledge, and institutional practices that XPs apply at their schools that are grounded in equity, social justice, and a sociocultural perspective. The long-standing cultural imbalance in education between White educators and Xicanx students and other minoritized students of color has produced a stratum of biased-based, colorblind, and subtractive models which are the foundations of the entire education system (Duncan-

Andrade, 2009: Fergus, 2017; Khalifa, 2017). By contrast, the torchbearers in this study had an appreciation for alternative perspectives and exhibited through their leadership approaches their culturally responsive perspectives, their equity-oriented practices, and their appreciation for diversity. This was discussed by Dr. Ivan, who revealed the

172 following: "And I wanted them to see that people that look like them, that look like their relatives are capable of reaching administrative assignments that are beyond what they're used to seeing." What Dr. Ivan recounts is central to the torchbearer Xicanx principalship, which is grounded in a cultural perspective. Dr. Ivan is aware that everything he does is setting an example for Xicanx and non-Xicanx school community members.

The third theme used to describe the experiences of Xicanx principals was cargas, which means burdens or loads. This refers to the unique stressors and additional workloads XPs feel they have to shoulder because of their culture, their race, or the intersectionality of gender and race. Two major subthemes emerged from the analysis of the data, dos por uno and ceguedad. Dos por uno means “two for one,” and it describes

XPs’ feelings that they are under more scrutiny; therefore, they have to work twice as hard, be twice as educated, or twice as good as their White counterparts. Many of them have been scrutinized because of their cultural background or as a result of an intersectionality of gender and race.

Carrillo (2008) documented how XPs were severely scrutinized by White teachers, “Consequently, they had to work twice as hard on the path to the principalship and then work twice as hard again to prove they were qualified to lead” (p. 81).

Torchbearers in this study all reported that they felt at some point like they had to work more than to be equal to. This was most evident for Xicana torchbearers as they also experienced gender discrimination as well as racial discrimination. Dos por uno was in gender inequality as well; three out of the four Xicana torchbearers had a doctoral degree,

173 while only one of the six Xicano torchbearers had a doctoral degree. This indicated that

Xicana torchbearers felt more compelled to have a doctorate than the male XPs. This theme is discussed by Dr. Socorro who indicated: "That's how I see it in terms of oppression. Like, 'Okay, we'll let you get this far, but to go further, it's going to take a lot more than just the fact that you speak Spanish and just the fact that this or that.' I mean, I have a doctorate, I have a master's, I have all these things, and for whatever reason, I can't get past." Dr. Socorro is perplexed seeing others with less education, with less experience, and less drive receive career opportunities for which she is being overlooked.

The second subtheme is ceguedad, which means blindness, and refers to the colorblind and biased-based perceptions that impact their work. This is manifested in not being noticed or being passed over for advancement opportunities, the scope of their work going unnoticed, or not being considered because of Xicanidad. The other way this was manifested was in describing moments when they were stereotyped, pigeon-holed, or judged based on bias-based perceptions. Fernandez (2015) documented resistance to regarding Xicanx principals as capable, competent, or adequate for principalship. The torchbearers in this study described being passed over for career opportunities, having to work twice as hard, having to be better than, and having to prove themselves. This theme is discussed by Toño, who indicated: "And they assumed that I was everybody’s dad. So, that was kind of like- and they had to correct’em and they go 'hey nope, he’s our principal, he’s not our dad.' But that did two things. It actually it changed everybody's in the buses’ demeanor towards me. So as, all the sudden 'oh, you’re a principal.' Now they wanted to talk to me; now I was interesting. But I wasn't interesting before." Despite

174 traveling to Europe and being a member of the students’ tour, the White students and adults in the group could not see Toño as an educator.

The final theme in this study was perdurar and it means to overcome or endure.

This was a common theme, detailing moments where XPs have had to survive discrimination and microaggressions based on their cultural heritage. Two subthemes emerged: desgaste and bienestar. Desgaste means weathering or wearing down and it captures stressors, moments of burnout, and fatigue to which XPs were subjected. McGee and Stovall (2015) wrote about the socioemotional, physical, and mental detriments caused by racial discrimination. They stated that it “severely challenges and threatens a person’s health and ability to respond in a healthy manner to their environment. This can cause wear and tear, both corporeal and mental, and lead to a host of psychological and physical ailments, including heart disease, diabetes, and accelerated aging” (McGee &

Stovall, 2015, p. 491). The impacts of racialized fatigue have had severe adverse health effects on torchbearers as they “liv[e] in a society characterized by white dominance and privilege” (Stovall, 2015, p. 491). This desgaste leads to torchbearer burnout, fatigue, and some have even had health complications.

Bienestar means wellness, and it describes practices and perceptions of wellness and self-care of torchbearers. The torchbearers in this study disclosed several self-care practices. The practices most cited included mindful awareness, spiritual care, physical care, supportive structure, supportive relationship, and creative multisensory outlets

(mindful relaxation). Despite often being pocos, Xicanx principals have demonstrated resilience in breaking through statistical barriers in the educational system, such as

175 overcoming statistically low high school graduation rates, low college enrollment, low degree attainment, and low postgraduate degree attainment.

They further demonstrated resilience by entering an education system that systematically and historically employs few Xicanx educators and much less Xicanx administrators. However, the torchbearers in this study stood out for their regalos, their leadership abilities, their dedication to education, and their connections to the Xicanx school community. Their Xicanx principalship has strong instructional practices, has a strong passion for education (Fernandez et al., 2015), and a strong equity and social justice focus. For example, Dr. Paloma stated: "They have to see us as more than just the janitor and the secretary, and not that those aren't good things, those are all good things.

But they also have to see us at every level calling us Dr. Paloma, Dr. Gutierrez, all of that is so powerful, not just for our students of color, but even for the White students, for all the students. They have to know us in these roles so that we're normalizing that reality for them."

Dr. Frida also indicated: "And we were raised as a tribe, that we are part of a community, that one of us who does well, everyone does well. So, we lift each other up.

So, I was because of my culture, and being raised in that type of community and family."

Torchbearers have a sociocultural perspective and a passion to advocate and help others through their work as educational leaders.

Being a torchbearer carries great responsibility and difficulties as well. The strain of holding the torch for others can turn into chronic fatigue. These were identified as cargas, or burdens. Despite these burdens, these torchbearers try to endure perdurar as

176 best as they can. The burdens of having to work twice as hard as others and the effects of living in a racialized society leads to desgaste, an emotional, physical, and mental erosion that can have serious health consequences. These torchbearers employ bienestar or wellness and self-care strategies in order to survive the daily racialized onslaught.

Research Question #1A: Community Cultural Wealth

Qualitative data was collected and analyzed for common themes and subthemes.

The findings for research question #1A: To what extent are the tenets of Yosso’s (2005)

CCW apparent in the lives of Xicanx principals? Community cultural wealth (CCW) is comprised of six cultural capitals: aspirational capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, social capital, navigational capital, and resistance capital (Yosso, 2005). All six capitals were present in all 10 Xicanx principals. The six capitals of CCW were apparent and manifested in a variety of ways in each of the XPs.

Aspirational capital is the ability to have hope even in the bleakest of conditions.

Yosso (2005) referred to aspirational capital as a resiliency “in those who allow themselves and their children to dream of possibilities beyond their present circumstances, often without the objective means to attain those goals” (p. 78). The torchbearers in this study embodied aspirational capital in two major ways that are called, liberation and liberators. Liberation referred to XPs experiences of using education as a way to free themselves from their low sociopolitical or socioeconomic conditions breaking the cycle of poverty. Liberators refers to torchbearers using education as a way to help others achieve their aspirations. Cuauhtin (2019) explained it as having high hopes for their children’s destinies. The torchbearers in this study regard their students as

177 their own kids and they hold high hopes for them. This theme is discussed by Dr. Frida, who pointed out: "Well, one was. . . The word is overused now, unfortunately, equity or the word liberation, or, 'I'm woke.' So, I wasn't always woke, I had to have an experience.

. . And then when I went back to grad school, I purposely tried to look for a grad school that had that thinking of having understandings and framework for social justice. I looked for education that would help me navigate the system, but through a social justice or equity lens."

El Che also demonstrated liberation through the following statement, "I know that a lot of kids that I'm serving right now, they're going to be big people. I know it. I just want to make sure that they have what they need. . . and I've told them, I want an invitation to your high school graduation. I want an invitation to your college graduation.

And I feel like they will do that. That's my way to navigate through this oppressive system that is not meant for us." The two subthemes demonstrate a liberation through education: one as personal liberation and the other wanting to liberate others.

Linguistic capital was displayed in the lived experiences of all 10 XPs. This is a valuable capital that is forged in the lives of XPs and Xicanx students and families “who arrive at school with multiple language and communication skills” (Yosso, 2005, p. 79).

In this study, the cultural wealth of linguistic capital was most evident in the two most common subthemes of connects and disconnects and also of epistemologies. This subtheme is demonstrated by Ted Medina who indicated: "And so, because of that; understanding the culture, the language, helps connect with parents, families, especially you, members of our school community. When they see someone who they can relate to

178 who may be as a Latino, they might feel a little bit more comfortable." Ted Medina had a connection through culture despite not speaking the language fluently. Magdalena Farris discussed how language created a disconnect to the non-Xicanx community: "I saw some

Spanish-speaking parents in the crowd and so I said now I'm going to introduce myself in

Spanish and I began to speak Spanish and my staff heard like - parents say 'Oh no, here we go with the Spanish, I'm out of here.' And one parent actually walked out on that and was resistant to me speaking Spanish to other parents in front of everybody else."

Magdalena Farris was repudiated by White parents in her attempt to connect with her

Spanish-speaking Xicanx community.

The first subtheme, connects and disconnects, describes the experiences of XPs either connecting with communities or feeling alienated from others. The second subtheme, epistemologies was used to identify language as cultural funds of knowledge.

Cuauhtin (2019) added to this understanding by including artistic expressions, as well as storytelling, sayings, and whistling as ways to correspond with diverse populations. Dr.

Paloma explains it best when she states: "I mean, being able to use my Spanish, that's my connection to our community, to my demographic. While it is not the majority here at

Wakanda, but it's our unspoken connection that I got them, and they got me." Dr. Paloma indicates the “unspoken connection” to more than just culture, but also to values, beliefs, and trust. Those funds of knowledge are important to her community. While not all torchbearers spoke Spanish, all 10 of them were able to connect and transmit knowledge through cultural values, nonverbal modes of communication, and an appreciation of the diversity of language.

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Familial capital was also evident in the lives of XPs in two major ways and are identified as subthemes, la familia and mi familia. Yosso (2005) referred to this form of capital as “cultural knowledges nurtured among familia (kin) that carry a sense of community history, memory and cultural intuition” (p. 79). This included commitment to a community model, a collective, and a collaborative mindset. La familia refers to the exchange of support from family derived from kinship. In this study, the support the torchbearers received from their kin was evident in all 10 of the participants. This point was described by Jacinto by the following statement. "Just being able to take on the load when I've had events. I think family, including outside of my immediate family, my wife and kids; my aunts and uncles and cousins, because it's such a big family from Westeros, we're connected to families that we already have. So, bringing in grupo folklorico, that my cousin runs, and manages, and owns." While Jacinto explains the support, he received from his kin, others receive support from tight-knit relationships that are considered family.

Mi familia refers to the exchange of support from extended family and close relationships. Cuauhtin (2019) expounds upon this idea of “our familia” which included ancestors, close friends, and extended relatives. The importance of familial capital is that it informs “our emotional, moral, educational, and occupational consciousness”

(Cuauhtin, 2019, p. 248). The torchbearers in this study were driven by a strong sense of community advocacy that was fostered through the family or those whom they considered familia: mentors, friends, colleagues, tias, tios, abuelos, los antepasados, and our ancestors. This is best exemplified by Ted Medina who indicated: "The term is

180 familty. So, our staff will put that in communications via email. Like we're having a familty team meeting today. And so, it's kind of a pet name for the kind of vibe that we have here. It's around inclusion, around caring for one another and respecting people at all levels from the custodial to food services to administration." Ted Medina has created a family among his staff that has strong familial connections. This collective approach demonstrates a cultural and familial awareness of the value of inclusion and acceptance of community members not related through kin, but through purpose.

Social capital was noticeable in the lives of all 10 XPs. Yosso (2005) identified social capital as “networks of people and community resources” (p. 79). The personal connections, as well as the social communities serve as torchbearers’ social capital. Two subthemes emerged from these two forms of social capitals: relational and communal.

Relational social capital referred to XPs using their own personal relational capacity to extend their support systems. This is described by Jacinto who indicated: "Yeah. My first thing is I build relationships. I have been able to build individual relationships with people who are in various places within the system." Jacinto used his personal relational capacity building to expand his social network. Communal refers to the social capital generated from XPs accessing social groups and organized institutions. This point is described by Dr. Socorro: "Well, I'm a member of CALSA and we were doing some direct work with CALSA. I've stepped away from it for that intensive work just because of time constraints, but having that network that share similar experiences, similar backgrounds was very helpful as well. That helps me just keep at the work." Dr.

Socorro’s social capital includes the professional network of Xicanx administrators,

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CALSA. Cuauhtin (2019) further explained that a minoritized community “uses their social capital to attain education, legal justice, employment, and healthcare” (p. 248).

These acquired social capitals are then reinvested back into their communities. The torchbearers in this study exemplified this recursive process by receiving and giving back to their social communities.

Navigational capital was apparent in the lives of these torchbearers in many ways.

Yosso (2005) defined navigational capital as “skills of maneuvering through social institutions” (p. 80). The two major subthemes were learning to navigate and changing course. Learning to navigate refers to experiences of XPs learning to navigate the system.

The torchbearers in this study used education as a way to learn how to navigate both the education system and society at large. This is described by Dr. Frida, who indicated: "So that I can navigate. And so, as a result, I see the systems clearer, and so I can now label things. I can label a micro aggression; I can label a macro aggression. I can label systemic racism. I can see if something is exclusionary or not. But you have to work on yourself first." Dr. Frida uses education to learn how to navigate through self-awareness and equity work, which allows her the ability to identify the racialized structures that are embedded in the educational system.

Changing course refers to XPs using navigational capital to change outcomes for others. Yosso (2005) explains how navigational capital can be recursive and used to

“facilitate community navigation through places and spaces including schools, the job market and the health care and judicial systems” (p. 80). The torchbearers in this study used their acquired navigational capital and reinvested it in education in order to change

182 the system and create opportunities for minoritized students. For example, Dr. Paloma states: "I can influence 150 kids at a time, but then working in a resource position, okay, now I'm affecting 500 kids. Okay. But then working as a vice principal, okay, now I have the ability to like hire and help to influence for 2000 kids at a time every year. So, over a period of five years, that's 10,000 kids." As Dr. Paloma navigated through “every” level of the educational system, she realizes how her influence can impact c outcomes for all students. Dr. Paloma is “driving the ship” through her cultural values of inclusion, equity, and social justice.

Resistance capital was evident in many different ways. Yosso (2005) characterized resistance capital as the “knowledges and skills fostered through oppositional behavior that challenges inequality” (p. 80). The two major subthemes were educational resistance and existential persistence. Educational resistance refers to XPs using education to teach others how to resist or challenge the educational system directly through policy, practices, or pedagogy. Toño uses education as a weapon that Xicanx students can use to defend themselves and challenge the educational system. "And that, I think, that's the hardest thing that you struggle with as a person, right; get a high school diploma, take care of your points, get a job, prepare for a vocational career, prepare for a four-year university. But it's a system, we're within the system. So, what I like to tell students that challenge it, which is a good thing." The torchbearers in this study used the educational platform to fight for social justice and equity. Some challenged the system directly and some simply redefined challenging student behavior as an asset instead of defiance.

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Existential persistence refers to experiences XPs have had resisting simply by maintaining, persisting, or succeeding despite the odds. Torchbearers have infiltrated and are successfully occupying spaces previously dominated by Eurocentric epistemologies, orientations, and self-interests (Fergus, 2017; Yosso, 2005). For example, El Che explains, "I think you have to resist a lot of mainstream culture because mainstream is not meant, it's not us…There's still a lot of racism embedded in mainstream culture, whether we want to believe it or not. And that's the problem." The system is not built for them and yet they have beat the statistical odds and are changing the landscape in which they now have the agency to do so. These torchbearers could have decided to work in the private sector, instead they have decided to work in the public education system. Every instance where they are in positions of leadership, their existence exceeds the system's design. Their activism and resistance challenge the cultural landscape by modeling for those who are in their path.

Through the educational system, CCW and Xicanx principals operate as a recursive system whereby they receive from education and they contribute to it.

Torchbearers form a symbiotic relationship with education that creates positive outcomes for all students, staff, and the community. Table 16 illustrates the themes and their respective subthemes and how they align with the literature on CCW.

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Table 16. A comparison cultural capitals and themes and consistency with literature. CCW Subtheme Subtheme Consistency

Aspirational Liberation Liberator Consistent

Capital

Linguistic Capital Connect/Disconnects Epistemologies Consistent

Familial Capital La Familia Mi Familia Consistent

Social Capital Relational Communal Consistent

Navigational Learning to Navigate Changing Course Consistent

Capital

Resistance Educational Resistance Existential Persistence Existential

Capital (New)

Political Capital Evident Evident Consistent

Ancestral Capital Evident Evident Consistent

Ecological Not Evident Not Evident In consistent

Capital

Discursive Not Evident Not Evident Inconsistent

Capital

The tenets of CCW are very apparent in the lives of these torchbearers and are a source of success for them. Through the tenets of CCW, Xicanx principals are able to break statistical barriers for those served in the communities they oversee.

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Interpretations and Implications for Research Question #1B

The quantitative component of this study consisted of data collected from 50

Xicanx administrators throughout California. The participants took an 81-question survey which combined the ProQOL 5 and the MSCS 2015. The results were analyzed using statistical analyses in order to answer research question #1B, which asked: are there any significant relationships among the following sets of variables regarding the ProQOL 5 and MSCS 2015 for Xicanx principals and Xicanx administrators: compassion satisfaction, burnout, secondary traumatic stress, mindful relaxation, physical care, self- compassion and purpose, supportive relationship, supportive structure, and mindful awareness?

The findings revealed that the three most statistically significant relationships between all of the variables were supportive structure, mindful awareness, and supportive relationship. The variable of supportive structure was highly negatively correlated with both burnout and secondary traumatic stress. The correlation between supportive structure and burnout was r(48) = -.719, p < .01. This indicated that Xicanx administrators who reported having higher supportive structure also tended to report lower levels of burnout. The variable supportive structure was also negatively related to secondary traumatic stress. The correlation relationship between secondary traumatic stress variable and supportive structure was r(48) = -.503, p < .01. This means that

Xicanx administrators who reported higher levels of support structure also reported having lower levels of burnout. Mindful awareness also had a high negative correlation with burnout. The correlation between mindful awareness and burnout was r(48) = -.509,

186 p < .01. The effect size was high. Participants who reported higher levels of burnout tended to report having lower levels of mindful awareness. Supportive relationship and mindful awareness had a highly positive correlation: r(48) = .503, p < .01. This indicated that Xicanx administrators who reported higher levels of a supportive relationship also reported higher levels of mindful awareness.

Triangulation of the Data

There are three prominent points where the analysis of the qualitative and quantitative data converged within the study. The quantitative data suggested that supportive structure, mindful awareness, and supportive relationships were present in all three sections of this study. The variable of supportive structure refers to practices, routines, strategies, and tools to stimulate a positive work-life and personal-life balance.

The qualitative data also supported these findings. Supportive structure was evident in the theme of perdurar through the experiences of XPs. The subtheme of bienestar, in particular, noted that XPs practiced supportive structure as a self-care practice. Dr. Ivan, for example, shared a decision-making practice that allowed him to make highly important decisions at his school within a reasonable time frame. Ted Medina has relinquished control of his calendar to his secretary which enabled him to have a manageable work-life balance. Jesus also applied supportive structures by researching and implementing best school-management and operational practices to improve efficiency. This also allowed Jesus to balance the demands of others and what he wants to do. The importance of having supportive structure has the highest negative correlation with both burnout and secondary traumatic stress.

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Additionally, both Xicanx principals and administrators had scaled scores on the

MSCS 2015 of 3.5 out of 5. Supportive structure also had a total of six significant correlations, which makes it the second greatest number of significant correlations.

However, supportive structure also had the highest negative correlation with burnout and secondary traumatic stress. What this suggested was that supportive structure had the highest impact of all of the self-care practices.

Mindful awareness comes from being self-aware and being able to stay calm or settle one’s body. Being able to manage stress, anxiety, and trauma response is an important practice so as to stay in the moment, be present, and make the best choices with the best of your abilities (Menakem, 2017). Mindful awareness is one of the most important self-care practices. It is “learning to stay present in our own experience” (van

Dernoot Lipsky & Burk, 2009, p. 12). Mindful awareness was also highly evident in both the qualitative and quantitative data for Xicanx principals and administrators.

Mindfulness awareness had a scaled score of 3.5 out of 5 which means that it was a highly used self-care practice. In the qualitative data, it was evident in the subtheme of bienestar. Dr. Socorro presented how she used reflection through prayer to keep her calm, while Jacinto explained the different mindfulness techniques he practices with his students.

Mindful awareness is also present in XP experiences of aspirational capital. The subtheme, liberation, presented evidence from both Magdalena Farris and Dr. Ivan as they both shared stories of challenges that generated high levels of resilience and self- assuredness. It was also evident through XPs' experiences with navigational capital. The

188 subtheme, learning to navigate, presented examples of learning how to get through the system. Learning to navigate first requires self-awareness and “psychological skills” gained through self-awareness, “inner-skills” that create opportunities to navigate through a racialized socio-political system (Yosso, 2005). Dr. Frida attributed her success to

“working a lot on myself.” Through knowing herself, she begins the work of mindfulness and self-awareness. Dr. Paloma also gave examples of mindful awareness by recognizing that it is her own mindset that creates opportunities for change. Dr. Paloma stated, “It's our mindset and what are those values that we're putting forward? Because now we're the face of our community.” Xicanx principals who have learned to navigate through this highly racialized system apply mindful awareness. Mindful awareness had the third highest number of significant correlations. It had five correlations; however, it had a highly negative correlation to burnout with a ratio of: r(48) = .503, p < .01. It also had a highly positive significant correlation to supportive structure: r(48) = .623, p < .01.

Mindful awareness, when combined with supportive structure, can be an important self- care method for Xicanx principals and administrators to employ.

Supportive relationships presented the highest number of significant correlations of any of the self-care domains, with eight. It had displayed negative correlations with both burnout and secondary traumatic stress. The correlation was a medium negative significant relationship with burnout, r(48) = -.394, p < .01. The correlation with secondary traumatic stress was r(52) = -.293, p < .05; thus, the effect size is low, but negative, nonetheless. Despite having only one highly significant positive correlation with mindful awareness r(48) = .503, p < .01, supportive relationships had significant

189 correlations with all other variables. This means that supportive relationships are the most used mindful practice employed by Xicanx principals and administrators.

Supportive relationships are highly evident in the qualitative data collected from the XP interviews and particularly apparent in the subtheme of community responsiveness which falls under the theme of regalos. In community responsiveness, for example, Ted Medina explained how he has created a supportive relationship with his staff by building a family environment which they call “familty.” It is also highly evident in the theme of perdurar under the subtheme of bienestar. Magdalena Farris shared an example of how her partner supports her by scheduling romantic outings to ensure that she is able to disconnect from work and connect with each other and keep her balanced.

Supportive relationships are also evident in social capital, linguistic capital, and familial capital. In social capital, supportive relationships present themselves in individual relationships and in communal relationships. In linguistic capital, XPs create supportive structures for themselves and others through language both spoken and unspoken. Lastly, in familial capital, supportive relationships are evident through family, kinship, extended families, and close friends. The scaled score on the MSCS 2015 indicated that supportive relationships was the highest self-care domain employed by XAs and XPs alike.

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Figure 7. Torchbearer Model

Xicanx principals used a variety of wellness, self-care practices, and strategies.

Having a supportive structure seemed to be the most prevalent and the highest significance for preservation of XPs. Preservation depends heavily on having supportive structures in place. As the torchbearer model in Figure 7 illustrates, the lived experiences of torchbearers combined with CCW produces regalos, while the lived experiences can also produce cargas based on stressors, racialized trauma, and desgaste. However, when torchbearers attend to their wellness by practicing bienestar and self-care, they are able to perdurar. These are practices that can help to ensure the longevity of these torchbearers.

Torchbearers depend highly on supportive structure, supportive relationships, and mindful awareness as self-care practices. These three self-care practices have been most prevalent. Thus, it is of paramount importance to create supportive structures for XPs.

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Implications for Torchbearers

The implications of these findings indicate that torchbearers, through their raciovitalismo, their lived experiences, their conocimientos, their regalos, and their cargas, generate and have access to CCW. Through the cultural capitals, torchbearers develop cultural wellness and self-care perspectives, routines, and actions that allow them to survive and thrive. Despite having to confront non-affirming landscapes that have historically devalued and denigrated their community, torchbearers have broken through and are reshaping the educational outcomes for the future of Xicanx students and education.

Torchbearers is a term that can be applied to both XPs and XAs alike. However, for minoritized communities, this term can be extended to any minoritized person of color who is guiding the path for others. However, holding up the torch can be exhausting and burdensome the longer it is held up. Persisting through racialized structures in a society "characterized by white dominance and white privilege" (p. 491), will have physiological, emotional, and mental desgaste due to the effects of racialized trauma

(McGee et al., 2015). Based on educational outcomes of minoritized students of color in the education system, the education system is one of those racialized structures. The educational system is designed for success of traditional White students and not for

Xicanx or other minoritized students of color. Torchbearers want to change outcomes for the Xicanx community, minoritized communities of color, and all members of the

192 community. Thus, it is important for torchbearers to tend to their own wellness and self- care in order to persist and survive.

Torchbearers serve both in the dark and in the light simultaneously. Thus, torchbearers represent duality, nepantla, and zozobra as well (Freire, 2014; Sanchez,

2020). Torchbearers come from minoritized communities; thus, they understand the duality (p. 48) of the oppressed (Freire, 2014). They live in between the oppressors and the oppressed; they are neither yet are both; they cannot fully be one or the other.

Torchbearers in this study expressed this on many levels, most notably in subtheme seven, dos por uno. Torchbearers also align with the existential concept of nepantla, of being perpetually transformative, teeming with incompleteness, and a transitory multiplicity (Sanchez, 2020). Nepantla does not adhere to the traditional Eurocentric concepts and frameworks about what is and is not. Torchbearers are neutral as in they are neither completely in the traditional Eurocentric or Xicanx perceptions.

This duality and nepantlality leads to zozobra, which are feelings of existential anxiety, despair, and distress (Freire, 2014; Sanchez, 2020). Zozobra is a condition of being whole, not being one thing nor another. Freire described it as "The conflict lies in the choice of being wholly themselves or being divided" (Freire, 2014, p. 48). This is the despair of not ever being complete, of being rootless, in perpetual fixed motion, pendular

(Sanchez, 2020). Torchbearers exist within this existential conundrum of nepantla and zozobra, as they are multiple-intersectionalities of middles and in-betweens.

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Thus, existential persistence is the ultimate resistance to Eurocentric and racialized structures. Navigating through the cargas, desgaste, and zozobra because of their nepantla state and CCW, torchbearers can provide communion with the oppressed and can also help to "free their oppressor" through the educational setting (Freire, 2014, p. 56). Torchbearers must continue to navigate the middleness of the structures to survive. It is through education that they change educational outcomes for all, especially as the Xicanization of California and the country continues to transform the landscape.

Implications for Theory

The findings in this study have three major implications for theory. The first discusses the implications for leadership theory and educational leadership theory. The second will address implications for CCW. The third will discuss implications for the field of wellness and self-care specifically in the field of education. These will be discussed in the following sections.

Leadership

Torchbearers might not conform to the traditional models of leadership. It is evident that traditional leadership archetypes do not encapsulate some of the cultural perspectives of minoritized communities of color. Bolman and Deal (2013) discussed at length the organization and leadership models, approaches, and frameworks. Their four- frame approach uses a multifaceted view of organization and leadership: (a) structural,

(b) human resources, (c) political, and (d) the symbolic frame.

The four-frame approach is used to explain traditional concepts of organizational leadership. The structural frame views organizations through order, progress, and

194 structure (Bolman & Deal, 2013). The structural lens allows a leader to think about the rules, the procedures, and hierarchies of an organization. The human resources frame cares less about the mechanism of structure and more about the people in it and around it

(Bolman & Deal, 2013). Thus, it will focus on the organizations’ people, their leaders, staff, and customers. It gives a leader a humanistic lens through which to see an organization. Under the political frame, the focus is on control, conflict, alliances and negotiations (Bolman & Deal, 2013). If in every organization there are limited resources and infinite wants, then there will be a need to negotiate through political frameworks.

The last frame is the symbolic frame, which is described as the “theatre and temple”

(Bolman & Deal, 2013, p. 365). This frame focuses on histories, traditions, symbols, and their meanings. Ideally, by applying all four frames, a leader can make better informed decisions. However, these frames fail to capture the minoritized experiences within their leadership framework. The four frames are another example of a neutral, sanitized, colorblind perspective about organizations and leadership. It is explained by the dominant culture about the dominant culture. The four frames do not acknowledge the existence of the daily oppression within the dominant structures. In an educational setting, given the changing demographics in the California public school system, the racialized experiences of minoritized students and their communities cannot be accurately framed in a humanistic, structural, political, or symbolic frame.

The four frames are incomplete in describing the experiences of leaders of color, it is missing a fifth frame: A minoritized frame. This frame is a culturally responsive perspective that respects and affirms sociocultural and historical experiences of

195 minoritized groups. Murakami et al. (2016) describes the culturally responsive perspective of Xicanx principals that upholds an inclusive and additive orientation, “Most importantly, Latino/a students are no longer seen through a deficit lens; rather, their additional language and cultural knowledge is seen as an asset” (p. 284). The torchbearers who participated in this interview portion demonstrated color-vision, the ability to recognize and build upon the cultural capitals of minoritized communities. As

Dr. Paloma explained: "Yeah, I mean, I think for me personally, when you walk into a room, you scope it out and, okay, who looks like me here? And so, I think it was that.

Becoming a teacher in a system at a school where you're the minority just right off the bat and scoping out the people who look like you, and then building friendships with them."

The experiences of the torchbearers were not documented in the traditional leadership frameworks; however, through a minoritized frame, Xicanx principals demonstrate color- vision, an additive mindset that can appreciate, empathize, and understand power perspectives of Xicanx students. Leadership theory needs to be inclusive of minoritized perspectives, especially when it comes to the intersectionality of gender and race (Fuller et al., 2019). These perspectives are often omitted by mainstream leadership theoretical frameworks and need to be explored further.

Educational Leadership

While texts like Bolman and Deal (2013) are important, they are more applicable to business and less practical in the P-12 public school educational setting. Outcomes in education are less defined than in a business, which is profit oriented. Nevarez, Wood and Penrose (2013) provided a more accurate account of leadership theory that is

196 applicable to educational settings. There is an array of over 10 different leadership approaches that range from strict top-down bureaucratic leadership to the more social justice and equity focused transformational leadership. A multifaceted leadership approach is the optimal leadership approach, an approach that can involve and combine a simultaneous leadership style (Nevarez, Wood, & Penrose, 2013). The two leadership approaches most optimal for torchbearers are the transformational and the transformative leadership approaches. The transformational leadership approach matches the torchbearer’s work ethic, communication, leading by example, and multiskilled components. The transformative leaders have clear vision, they are defenders of social justice causes and champion diversity and culture (Nevarez, Wood, & Penrose, 2013).

The transformative approach matches the torchbearer leadership, which has been characterized as collaborative and democratic with a social justice and equity focus that is their compass (Murakami et al., 2016; Viloria, 2017). Leading through equity challenges the status quo and creates opportunities for students. For example, Jesus explained how his Xicanx leadership is transformational when he stated, "I'd say the shift in moving EL population from outside of the core classes into the core and make it part of the core curriculum was the big shift that people didn't expect from me. And then I think just addressing equity as a whole. I constantly get these barriers whenever I try to make some big, big moves like that, and it feels like it's taken away from the dominant population."

Jesus is changing policy at his school that will advance opportunities for ELs and provide access to essential classes and curriculum. ELs are often a disenfranchised group of students that are deprived of access to core curriculum and college readiness education

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(Hill et al., 2019; Warren, 2018). Despite implementing reforms that will improve outcomes for students, the status quo creates resistance and roadblocks to equity.

P-12 Educational Leadership

Despite having a great fit, Nevarez, Wood and Penrose (2013) focused on higher education and our XPs are in a P-12 setting. There is a difference in trying to be transformative and transformational at the P-12 level. The two systems have operated independent of each other and have little if any compatibility (Domina & Ruzek, 2012;

Kirst & Venezia, 2018; Kurleander et al., 2018). Thus, aP-12 leadership approach is needed. The majority of P-12 leadership approaches are as colorblind as Bolman and

Deal (2013).

Fullan’s (2014) book, The principal: three keys to maximizing impact, mentions nothing of how to execute strategies if you are a minoritized principal of color.

Torchbearers have made it clear that there is a double standard, that they are questioned by their staff more, scrutinized more, and are victimized by racial microaggressions on a daily basis. Fullan (2014) mentions nothing about connecting to the community or about creating spaces for community-based epistemologies. It is largely rooted in school-based epistemologies which were established for traditional White students and not built for

Xicanx students and other minoritized students of color.

The P-12 minoritized leadership approach that falls more in line with torchbearers is CRSL (Khalifa, 2018). Culturally responsive school leadership (CRSL) is a P-12 leadership framework that focuses on serving the needs of Xicanx and other minoritized students of color and their families. Culturally responsive school leadership (CRSL) is a

198 leadership approach that is community-based and has equity and social justice at its core.

The transformative qualities of Nevarez, Wood, and Penrose (2013) are reflected in the framework of CRSL. However, it is not gender inclusive and even though it includes color-vision of the Xicanx principalship, Xicana principals are still not specifically mentioned or addressed as well as they deserve. Culturally responsive leadership for P-12 administrators needs to be exposed to Xicana perspectives and experiences as well as other antiracist and intersectionality frameworks (Fuller et al., 2019; Hernandez et. al.,

2014; Mendez-Morse et al., 2015). Professional development on these inclusive frameworks need to be a priority in both administrator preparation programs as well as ongoing professional development yearly through district sponsored training.

The idea of the torchbearer or Xicanx principalship is not meant to further seclude, segregate, nor divide. This critique of traditional leadership theories is not meant to be exclusive. Nor is it calling for a complete disregard for traditional colorblind leadership theories or higher education leadership approaches. Perspectives derived from

Xicanx and other minoritized communities of color are not exclusionary, they are not an either-or perspective, they are inclusionary, a perspective that is this-and. Hence, Xicanx principalships or torchbearers should guide Xicanx principals and aspiring Xicanx educational leaders on potential pitfalls and acquired navigational capital. Traditional leadership theory should include the tenets of CCW in order to understand leadership through the perspective of the cultural capitals of minoritized groups. The following section will explore the implication of these findings for the community cultural wealth model.

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Community Cultural Wealth (CCW)

This study used CCW as a lens through which to view Xicanx principals. Through this process, all six elements of CCW were apparent. While Yosso’s (2005) cultural capitals were very apparent, other forms of cultural capitals were not. Cuauhtin (2019) presented four additional capitals which were: (a) political capital, (b) ancestral capital,

(c) ecological capital, and (d) discursive capital. Political capital is the formal and informal political practices of Xicanx and other minoritized communities of color and was the most notable in torchbearers because of their community advocacy (Cuauhtin,

2019). In addition, because torchbearers are reinvesting their acquired navigational capital into their schools and communities, they exercise political influence to transform traditional power structures. For example, all 10 torchbearers recalled being a part of a formalized professional structure through which they advocated collectively for equity and social justice. Others, like Jacinto, confronted teachers and teachers’ unions about the negative impact striking would have on the minoritized students and their families.

Ancestral capital is connected to the ancestors, heritage, and indigeneity of Xicanx culture (Cuauhtin, 2019). These connections were more inconspicuous, but across all 10 torchbearers, this was evident in their practices. Some participants, like Toño, studied

Xicanx studies while others were directly connected like Paloma, whose partner was a native Mesoamerican, and others championed the Chicano and Aztlan movements of the

1960s and 70s.

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Figure 8. Community Cultural Wealth Model with Additional Capitals

As Figure 8 illustrates, the observed capitals are in the center in blue. The two additional capitals proposed by Cuauhtin (2019) are political capital and ancestral capital, which were also observed and show up in Figure 9 in brown. The two green tiles represent two potential additional capitals based on the findings in this study. Lastly, the dark grey tiles represent capitals not observed within the scope of this study.

Ecological capital is the communion with nature, with conservation and preservation, and environmental awareness (Cuauhtin, 2019). This capital was not observed in the lives of these torchbearers. This, of course, does not mean torchbearers are not connected to it, it was just not observed or detected. Discursive capital is the

201 application of CCW in praxis (Cuauhtin, 2019). Discursive capital implies that torchbearers were actively aware of CCW and were purposeful in actuating it. This was not observed.

Two potential capitals that may need further exploration are as follows. First, in this study, the cultural capitals were further dissected into smaller subthemes. Some of these themes were matched by either the traditional six-capital Yosso (2005) model or by the additional four of Cuauhtin’s (2019) model. One potential cultural capital that may need to be further explored is the existential persistence capital. This cultural capital is resistance by merely existing, persisting, or excelling in a racialized society. Hoskins

Padron (2017) noted that prolonged exposure to the discriminatory practices of

Americanized culture can be detrimental to Xicanx people’s mental health. The longer they are here, the greater the risk. This is further reinforced by Fergus (2015), who wrote,

“public health researchers have concluded that racial and ethnic discrimination is a psychosocial stressor that can adversely affect mental health” (p. 500).

The torchbearers in this study reported being exposed at one point or another to stressors due to racialized trauma. Thus, existential persistence capital is existence as resistance. It is evident in torchbearers' connections to the community, to increased diversity, and to the fight for equity. The second subtheme that needs further consideration as a potential capital is bienestar. Wellness and self-care, as a cultural capital, is unique to the Xicanx community. Carrillo et al. (2019) in Cultura y bienestar:

Mesoamerican based healing practices and mental health practice based evidence document Xicanx cultural, spiritual, and ancestral-based healing practices. The cultural

202 wellness and cultural self-care practices that have been experienced by torchbearers are unique. For example, Dr. Frida considered going back to her ancestral home as a form of healing and replenishing. Another example can be observed through the spiritual and religious beliefs of Dr. Socorro and Magdalena Farris. Further exploration may be important. Lastly, there is more work to be done on gender inclusive capitals that may remain as of yet unidentified and undervalued. Capitals of intersectionality and gender diversity, such as the capitals of LBGTQ perspectives and feminists' perspectives of minoritized communities, are absent and need to be explored.

Implication for Workplace Wellness and Self-care

This study began as an inquiry into the workplace wellness and self-care practices of Xicanx principals. The term workplace wellness is based on the perspective of Kruger

(2018). This interpretation is based on grounded theory of early childhood development principals and their wellness and self-care routines and practices. Workplace wellness encompasses mental care, physical care, self-reflection, networking, and setting limits in order to prevent stress, burnout, fatigue, and to improve job performance (Kruger, 2018).

The findings of this study indicated that Xicanx principals and administrators report lower levels of burnout and compassion, fatigue, and score higher in reported levels of supportive structure which is akin to setting limits. The findings also concluded that

Xicanx administrators and principals reported higher levels of mindful awareness or self- reflection.

Social capital and supportive relationships are also comparable, and they were also highly visible in the lives of Xicanx principals and administrators, which indicates

203 high value in collectivism. In particular, supportive relationships for torchbearers are essential to self-care, as it also should be considered a support structure. However, there were elements of racialized trauma that were not accounted for in the workplace wellness model. This indicates that it is also a colorblind system. Wellness and self-care are becoming more and more popular in the educational setting (Kruger, 2018). Since the vast majority of students in California public schools are students of color, considerable research should be invested in promoting cultural wellness and cultural self-care practices in the educational setting. Wellness and self-care in the education setting need to be inclusive of community-based, cultural, and indigenous healing practices (Borunda &

Murray, 2019; Carrillo et al., 2019; Fergus, 2015; Menakem, 2017). These wellness and self-care practices acknowledge the harmful physiological effects of racialized trauma.

Recommendations

This section will submit the major conclusion based on the findings of this study.

It will demonstrate how these findings present contributions to the field of educational leadership, policy, practice, and research. The findings in this study yield critical applications for Xicanx principals regarding their practices in self-care and wellness. The findings can be applied across the P-20 educational system and can also be of value to private and public sector jobs. These implications extend to Xicanx leaders, educators, and other educational leaders of color. Recommendations based on the analysis of this study will be outlined below. The following section will unfold with recommendations for the important components and portions vital to this study: (a) state policy, (b) Xicanx

204 principals, (c) P-12 school district leadership, and (d) administration preparation programs.

State Policy

At the state level, there are two overarching recommendations. The first is to increase the number of Xicanx principals and administrators. The second is to preserve and maintain levels of Xicanx principals and administrators. These two recommendations seem to be simplistic, however, the application will require more than an overhaul of current practice. This would require:

1. An increase in Xicanx educators through policy by creating incentives and

goals tied to funding, such as LCFF.

2. Maintain and preserve Xicanx educational leaders through by prioritizing

wellness and self-care through the CAPSELs.

3. Funding and supporting culture specific professional organizations such as

CALSA.

To increase the number of Xicanx principals requires a change in recruitment and hiring practices. First and foremost, there needs to be a bigger push to recruit Xicanx teachers and educators of color. By increasing the pool of Xicanx teachers, we increase the network of potential Xicanx principals and administrators because traditionally, administrators are chosen from this group of educators (Crawford & Fuller, 2015). This could be accomplished by making diversity in staffing a priority under Local Control

Funding Formula (LCFF). This is the way the state provides funding for schools. The state provides funding local school districts and agencies based on annual goals and

205 targets regarding student success. By establishing incentives or creating goals that promote diversity in staffing, especially in teaching and administrative positions. In addition, the state can provide incentives to administration preparation programs based on the numbers of minoritized candidates of color they admit into their programs. At the state level, the department of education can establish measures to preserve and maintain

Xicanx principals and administrators as well.

The California Standards for Educational Leaders (CAPSEL) are standards for the profession of California public school administration. It also serves as the standards for licensing credentialled California administrators. The CAPSELs consist of six strands each with multiple sub strands. These are located in appendix D. The six strands are: (a) development and implementation of a shared vision, (b) instructional leadership. (c) management and learning environment, (d) family and community engagement, (e) ethics and integrity, and (f) external context and policy (CTC, 2019). These standards dictate and shape the scope of the work that should be done by California public school administrators. There is very little mention of wellness and self-care in the CAPSELs.

Self-care should be viewed as professional maintenance: not an option, but an obligation.

Maintaining self-care and wellness so that a torchbearer can do their job is paramount to their longevity and the commitment to equity and social justice through equity-minded leadership. However, it is also a matter of professionalism that could be formally mandated by the state. By adding wellness and self-care to the CAPSELS, the state can then prioritize self-preservation as a priority for administrators.

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In the case of Xicanx principals and administrators, the state can fund and support culture specific professional organizations such as CALSA. For example, CALSA has an administrator mentoring program that has been successfully linking established P-12

California administrators with new or aspiring administrators for over 15 years

(Magdaleno, 2009). By supporting and helping to fund such organizations, the state can ensure successful development of Xicanx principals and administrators as well as create a supportive structure through supportive relationships and mindful awareness.

Recommendations for Xicanx Principals

Given the relatively low number of Xicanx principals currently in the P-12 education system, it is important to increase self-awareness about wellness and self-care and, more specifically, cultural wellness and self-care. The findings in this study suggest that Xicanx principals are less impacted by burnout if they are able to tap into supportive structure, mindful awareness, and supportive relationships. Thus, it is important to tap into the elements of this for longevity. Recommendations for Xicanx principals are as follows:

1. Xicanx principals and administrators need to invest in supportive structures in

order to promote a healthy work-life balance.

2. Xicanx principals and administrators need to find ways to access mindful

awareness.

3. Xicanx principals and administrators need to find opportunities to engage in supportive relationships.

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Xicanx principals are the leaders of their schools. One of the most effective ways a leader can shape the culture of their organization is by what they notice (Schein, 2017).

Creating a supportive structure begins with leadership. By creating organizational and structural routines and by applying strategies and practices to balance the demands of others and one’s own personal goals, leaders can model, promote, and shape schools into supportive structures. Creating a work-life balance is the most essential component to ensure a time and place for wellness and self-care.

The practical applications of supportive structure, more simply stated, is time and task management. An example of this can be creating a calendar and a schedule to balance work time and personal time. Delegating tasks that can be done by others and training others to do other tasks that can be done independently. There are several courses and training programs that XPs can take that help them prioritize tasks, delegate, and manage time. An example of this was mentioned by a torchbearer participant, Jesus, which was called The Breakthrough Coach (TBC). This is a course designed specifically to work with principals and secretaries on communication, task prioritization, and time maximization. Delegation was a strategy mentioned by Ted Medina. He delegates tasks to others so that he can manage the large number of tasks that can arise on any given day.

Mindful awareness relates to the self-reflection component of workplace wellness. This self-care practice was visible in all torchbearers in this study through aspirational capital, navigational capital, and social capital as well. Dr. Frida, for example, sought professional development that allowed her to do what she called

“mirror” work. Mindful awareness and self-reflection are about noticing, reflecting,

208 learning, and taking actions as to what is happening in one’s body (Menakem, 2017; van

Dernoot Lipsky & Burk, 2009). Self-care starts with oneself and what they are willing to do. Xicanx principals must begin to understand that they represent more than themselves, they represent change in the educational system and hope for Xicanx and other minoritized students of color.

Supportive relationships are a vital component of Xicanx self-care and wellness.

Based on the findings, supportive relationships for Xicanx principals and administrators are the most commonly accessed self-care domain. There are two elements of supportive relationships. One is through individual relational capacity building and the second is through communal relationships. It is imperative that torchbearers tap into both forms to maximize their wellness and self-care effect. Supportive relationships can be generated through meaningful relationships. Xicanx principals implement routines that facilitate time with family, close friends, and personal social groups. Meaningful relationships are not formed merely for socializing or emotional support;, mentorships are supremely valuable to XPs. These mentorships can be created in a professional or personal setting.

All 10 torchbearers identified mentoring relationships as critical components of supportive relationships that were responsible for their success.

Supportive relationships for XP torchbearers are also produced through communal relationships. This can be through professional organizations such as ACSA or

CALSA. This can also be done through other social communities, such as clubs, social groups, religious groups, charity groups, and others. Communal relationships provide resources, supports, networking, and outlets for stress relief while relieving isolation.

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P-12 School District Leaders

For school district leadership, it is of the utmost importance to keep and retain current levels of Xicanx principals. Public school districts need to develop XP supportive environments. The bottom line: schools districts need to recruit, hire, promote, and develop more Xicanx educators and educators of color. Studies show that a significant part of the XP shortage stems from the lack of Xicanx educators (Crawford & Fuller,

2017; Fuller, Hollingworth, & An, 2019). There needs to be a larger pool of Xicanx teachers and staff members from which XPs can be promoted. Recommendations for school district leaders are as follows:

1. School district leaders need to actively recruit more Xicanx educators and

administrators.

2. School district leadership can access and support culture-specific professional

organizations, such as CALSA, which offer mentorship programs.

Districts can recruit more Xicanx principals and administrators by hosting informational meetings for any Xicanx or other educators of color. Those who would self-select can provide a pool of interested candidates. If leaders affect change in organizational cultures by what they overtly notice, then this could serve as a very low or no cost way to preserve Xicanx educational leaders. Ortega Y Gasset noted: “Tell me what you pay attention to and I’ll tell you who you are.” What this implies is that if you are a White district educational leader, be mindfully aware of what you are noticing and

210 what you are not noticing. All of the torchbearers in this study were convocados who were summoned to leadership by other district leaders. This required noticing and paying attention to Xicanx educators within their district. As a torchbearer recounting his ascension, Toño stated: “I was a sixth-grade teacher at Jams middle school. I was there for about six years. Then, actually, the district was making a push for having more, more people of color in administrative positions.” Purposeful noticing is essential to change one’s perspective. In addition, district leadership can create mentorship programs for new and aspiring administrators from within the districts’ own leadership. This will create supportive structures, mindful awareness, and supportive relationships within the district itself.

District leadership should invest in the retention, maintenance, and development of current Xicanx principals. Based on the findings of this study, district leadership could invest in a few different ways. Using the tenets of CCW and knowledge of the cultural capitals, districts can preserve and create dedicated torchbearers in their districts. For example, this study revealed that social capital was both relational and communal. School district leaderships can pay for memberships in professional organizations like ACSA,

CALSA, and others. By investing in these professional groups, XPs are given access to peers, resources, and an outlet against alienation. The California Association of Latino

Superintendents and Administrators (CALSA), for example, has a Protégé mentorship program that connects administrators and aspiring administrators to more experienced

Xicanx administrators. Mentorships can help preserve Xicanx principals and administrators for longer periods of time (Magdaleno, 2006). The district can provide

211 funding for these organizations, pay for membership fees, and provide time and funding to attend events sponsored by these organizations.

Administration Preparation Programs

The lack of Xicanx principals in the P-12 educational program indicates a serious need to actively recruit, promote, and encourage Xicanx educators and leaders to seek principalship. Preparation programs need to emphasize more adamantly the practices and strategies of wellness and self-care. Programs also need to highlight and acknowledge the unique sets of barriers and cargas that Xicanx administrators and other minoritized administrators of color face. The data and research is beginning to be noticed. By acknowledging the particularly harder road that Xicanx administrators must travel, it can begin the process of changing outcomes. It is most important to acknowledge that while women continue to be met with inequality, Xicana and other minoritized women of color encounter substantially more barriers in almost all aspects of equity in the education system and society as a whole.

Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research

This study examined the lives of Xicanx principals and administrators in

California. The scope of this study was limited to the lived experiences, their connection to CCW, and their wellness and self-care practices. Despite the findings having significant potential impact, more work still needs to be done. One limitation of this study is the researcher’s experience as a Xicanx principal. The researcher has worked in the field of education for over 12 years. Eight of those years were spent as a public-school district administrator. Of those eight years as a public-school administrator, the

212 researcher spent five of them as a public-school principal. Despite the researcher’s best efforts to remain objective, the researcher has both unique insights and biases based on interactions and experiences.

Additionally, the researcher’s cultural background is also a source of implicit bias. The researcher is Xicanx and thus has perspectives that are unique and diverse.

However, there are intractable biases that are assumed based on the researcher’s background and cultural minoritized perspective. However, the inclusion of Xicanx perspectives in this field of educational leadership can provide important perspectives for equity and social justice. The researcher’s background and upbringing as a heterosexual male and being culturally Mexican will inevitably create implicit biases. The researcher recognized these biases and took steps to provide impartial and accurate information to the best of his ability. While the researcher acknowledges potential biases and attempted to remain as neutral as possible during analysis and interpretations of the findings, the researcher admits that there are implicit biases in the study.

Another limitation in this study is the relatively small number of participants in both the qualitative and quantitative portions of the study. Despite the relatively small number of Xicanx principals and administrators in California and across the country, further quantitative research needs to be done. The researcher acknowledges that a larger sample size would reveal stronger statistical data and perhaps make this study more generalizable. Lower sample sizes made the correlations between variables difficult.

In the qualitative data, a more diverse sampling could have delivered more accurate and insightful data. The sample included four Xicanx female participants and six

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Xicanx male participants. Another consideration is that only one participant was a female high school principal. Despite efforts to choose a complimentary set of participants through purposeful sampling, there are an incredibly low number of female Xicanx high school principals. Additional limitations with the sampling would include convenience sampling and snowball sampling. Some participants were chosen using convenient sampling where participants in both qualitative and quantitative portions of this study were chosen based on convenience and opportunity (Creswell, 2014). The researcher is a

XP and thus had access to networks and colleagues who were in the field. This can create a slight bias based on personal relationships. Some participants were selected through snowball sampling which relied on the recommendations of participants to gain access to other participants (Bogdan & Bilken, 2016). This type of sampling can diminish the ability to create trust and rapport with participants.

Recommendations for Future Research

This study researched the lived experiences of Xicanx principals with the purpose of adding to the body of knowledge related to principals of color. The findings also revealed a significant gender and intersectionality of race and gender concern with the career experiences of Xicanx P-12 public school leaders. Further research focusing on these unique perspectives should be addressed. This study was the first of its kind, to attempt a transformational mixed methods approach on the subject of wellness and self- care for Xicanx principals and Xicanx educational leaders at the public-school administration level. Further research on this subject is needed to ensure that the study of wellness and self-care does not remain colorblind and dismissive of worldviews that

214 would be helpful in the retention and well-being of future Xicanx leaders. The researcher further recommends wellness and self-care study be conducted comparing administrative levels, years of experience, SES, and other forms of wellness.

Lastly, further research on the impact of cultural wellness and self-care using instrumentation that acknowledges the impact of racialized trauma in the educational setting would be beneficial. Racialized trauma is intergenerational, can be handed down from generation to generation, and has negative impacts on the mental, emotional, physical, and psychological health of our minoritized students of color, families, and communities. While the researcher measured workplace wellness using wellness and self- care instrumentation, these instruments are neutral, which is an indication that they cannot measure the impact of racialized stressors. Instruments that include the effects of discrimination could be used in educational settings and determine the impact of racialized trauma on minoritized students of color. Otherwise, the existential reality of minoritized students of color would continue to be skewed under a colorblind perspective and reflect subtractive schooling and deficit orientations.

Research Process

Through this study, the researcher was able to understand more about Xicanx principalships. More importantly, the researcher was able to better understand the experiences of Xicanx educators in the California P-12 educational system. The P-12 education system has come a long way in the past 30 years. The Xicanx population has exploded and the system has yet to adjust to the change in population. This is evident in the public-school system. The voices of Xicanx principals in California provide an

215 existential depiction of the struggles, benefits, victories and defeats in the lives of the

Xicanx and other minoritized communities of color.

Personal Experience

As a Xicanx principal, I have seen myself reflected in the pages, words, stories, experiences, and quantitative components of this study. There are many parallel experiences that intersect with those of the participants of this study. It has been a project and process of growth, validation, and reflection for me. Not only as an educational leader, but also as a Xicanx person of color. My personal connections have also given me insights that others may not have, which can lend a slight of bias but can also lend a deeper understanding as well.

As a migrant student whose first language was Spanish, I have felt firsthand the inequities of the education system. My language and culture had been overlooked, devalued, and underappreciated. One understanding that I experienced early in my career was the devaluation and depreciation of language. Being told in school to speak English and not Spanish while also being asked to translate for others. I saw the value that was unconsciously transmitted through these experiences.

As a migrant student, I experienced the differences in the educational systems in

Mexico, Texas, and California, sometimes in the same school year. These different experiences gave me a rich education outside of the walls of the P-20 educational system.

Accompanying my parents and grandparents in the fields and crossing borders with them, educated me and bestowed familial, aspirational, social, and navigational capital on me.

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Despite not having the traditional models of school-based epistemologies and

Americanized social capital, I am able to walk comfortably in the American culture and in the Xicanx culture thanks to the bilingual, bicultural, and biliterate education I received. My grandfather would often joke with me and say: “Diles que yo les doy clases de azadon,” or tell them [those college people] that I’ll give them classes on how to use a hoe. My grandfather wanted to make sure that I did not forget the fields, the labor, the respect, and the values that came from them. My grandfather would criticize the

American culture by saying they had a “falta de agricultura,” a lack of agriculture. This pun was meant to point out that Americans, and by extension those who tried to assimilate, lacked a certain work ethic and also lacked an appreciation of those who worked in the fields. I am glad that I was blessed to have this agricultura and that I know some of the struggles and triumphs that the Xicanx community experiences.

This work reminds me of my grandfather’s words. It connects to the voices of the different Xicanx experiences with the P-12 education system and beyond. My grandfather made sure that I remembered the epistemologies of agricultura. If I have had success as an educational leader, it is because I was able to appreciate epistemologies that are not often seen or are undervalued. As a teacher, the Xicanx community gave me full support and trust necessary to ascend through the educational ranks to the principal position.

As a Xicanx principal, this work has impressed upon me the necessity to perdurar. To look at self-care, not as a luxury but as an obligation. I can see my efforts as existential persistence to a racialized social structure that is not meant for me to survive.

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To be a torchbearer, I must take all of the steps to keep the torch up and illuminate the path of others.

Conclusion

Xicanx students continue to be underserved by the education system. Xicanx students are now at a crucial point in the state of California under the current presidential administration. Hate violence is on the rise and minoritized communities are being further victimized economically, politically, physically, mentally, psychologically and educationally. Unless the perspectives of educational leaders agree that the system is set to continue the status quo, then it is evident that no one will speak up for minoritized students in our education system. Xicanx principals understand this perspective all too well. Minoritized people of color are not colorblind and biased-based perspectives and constructs are very visible to them. It is important, if educational leaders are truly committed to equity and social justice, that so called objective or colorblind perspectives be identified as so.

The findings of this study indicate a need to increase and maintain the numbers of

Xicanx principals across all educational settings. As mentioned above, the system is failing Xicanx students at incredibly high levels. There is an achievement gap between

Xicanx students and White students. There is an even larger cultural assistance gap between Xicanx students and White students. To clarify this further, there is approximately one White administrator for every 87 White students in comparison to one

Xicanx administrator for every 537 Xicanx students (CDE, 2019). It is no wonder why

Xicanx students and other minoritized students of color are failing. Their perspectives,

218 epistemologies, and values continue to remain unnoticed, ignored, devalued, denigrated, and dismissed. The traditional Eurocentric system is serving White students by White educational leaders; therefore, how can Xicanx students achieve at higher levels if the system created for them to fail is being reinforced by White administrators and White teachers?

The importance of Xicanx students and families to see themselves reflected in the schools they attend in positions other than service-oriented jobs is vital. The true culture of an institution is made visible by comparing their espoused beliefs and their observable actions (Schein, 2018). Educational leaders claim they stand for equity and equal access; however, Xicanx students’ access to culturally responsive perspectives is being denied.

White students see White men and women role models in the educational leadership and teaching staff. Where do Xicanx students see themselves reflected? If the highest level of representation at school districts are at the service level, then they are denying Xicanx students and other minoritized students of color aspirational capital, social capital, navigational capital, and linguistic capital.

Despite the bleak and gloomy sociocultural landscape, torchbearers continue to stand tall and light the way. Like the torchbearers in this study, there are thousands more torchbearer XPs across the state in districts like guerrilla liberators using education and their own existence as a weapon to liberate others. Freire (2014) wrote: “The only effective instrument is a humanizing pedagogy in which the revolutionary leadership establishes a permanent relationship of dialog with the oppressed. In a humanizing pedagogy, the method ceases to be an instrument by which the teachers (in this instance,

219 the revolutionary leadership), because it expresses the consciousness of the student's themselves” (page #?).

Torchbearers are the students who have become the revolutionary educators

Freire (2014) writes about. Torchbearers are not obsessed with titles, control, or personal gain, rather they are obsessed in creating humanizing experiences for Xicanx students, their families and other minoritized students of color. Torchbearers use education as a lit torch in order to guide the way for others to find freedom.

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APPENDICES

Appendix A Semi-Structured Interview Questions for Latinx Principals

Research Question #1: Demographics

1) Do any of the following titles align with how you prefer to identify yourself?

Indicate all that Apply a) Xicanx b) Latinx c) Latin@ d) Chicano/a e) Prefer not to answer f) Mexican American g) Latino/a h) Hispanic i) Chican@ j) Other (what title would you best identify with?)

2. Do you speak more than one language besides English? If so, what other languages do you speak?

3. Why did you decide to become a principal and how did you get to this position?

4. As principal of a school, does language impact your work, if so, how does it?

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5. How has your culture been received as a principal?

6. What are ways in which your family has supported you?

7. How have you been able to persist to your current level of success when so many other principals of color have not?

8. What supports have helped you persevere and transcend?

9. What understandings have you acquired in order to navigate through oppressive or exclusionary ideologies and behaviors?

10. What experience have you had where you had to resist or oppose mainstream culture?

11. What do you do for self-care?

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Appendix B

Survey Informed Consent Letter INFORMED CONSENT FORM – SURVEY Leaders, My name is David Gutierrez, and I am a doctoral candidate at California State University, Sacramento, Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies. I am conducting this research to study the experiences of California Latinx or Xicanx public school principals and school administrators; specifically, the practices and perceptions of wellness and self-care in the workplace. If you volunteer to participate, you will be asked to take two surveys about wellness and self-care practices and perceptions in the work setting. Your participation in this study will last approximately 20 minutes to answer 52 questions. Participation in the survey is completely anonymous. Your participation in this study is voluntary. You have the right not to participate at all or to leave the study at any time without any consequence. Any question on the survey may be skipped at any time for any reason. There are some possible risks involved for participants. These risks are not anticipated to be any greater than risks you encounter in daily life. There are some benefits to this research, particularly that we can better understand how to preserve and maintain present levels of Latinx or Xicanx administrators in better health. Additionally, benefits to the participants in that they may be able to reflect on their personal levels of wellness and self-care. Compensation will not be offered for participating in the study. It is anticipated that study results will be shared with the public through presentations and/or publications. Information collected for this study through surveys is anticipated to be completely anonymous and cannot be linked back to you. The anonymous data will be maintained in a safe, locked location and may be used for future research studies or distributed to another investigator for future research studies without additional informed consent from you. Raw data will be destroyed after a period of 3 years after study completion. Measures to ensure your confidentiality include: (a) your participation in the survey is anonymous; (b) your anonymity will be maintained throughout the data collection and analysis process; (c) no identifying information will be collected in the survey; (d) no data will be shared with any third parties; (e) all data will be secured in a password-protected and encrypted hard drive that only the researcher and dissertation chair have access to; and (f) all data will be destroyed after a period of three years. If you have any questions about the research at any time, please contact me at [email protected], or the dissertation chair, Dr. Rose Borunda. If you have any questions about your rights as a participant in a research project please call the Office of Research, Innovation, and Economic Development, California State University, Sacramento, (916) 278- 5674, or email [email protected]. Your participation indicates that you have read and understand the information provided above, that you willingly agree to participate, that you may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation at any time without any consequence. Thank you for your participation! Please keep this form as your copy.

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Appendix C

INFORMED CONSENT FORM – INTERVIEW

Leaders, My name is David Gutierrez, and I am a doctoral candidate at California State University, Sacramento, Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies. I am conducting this research to study the experiences of California Latinx or Xicanx public school principals and school administrators, specifically the practices and perceptions of wellness and self-care in the workplace. Your participation could greatly inform and enhance the study of this emerging topic. Should you choose to participate the interview will consist of 11 questions and can be conducted via telephone, or in person at a time and place of your choosing. It is expected to last approximately 30 minutes. Your participation in this study is voluntary. If you choose to participate in the interview, please understand that it is not anonymous. You have the right not to participate at all or to leave the interview at any time without consequence. Any question on the interview may be skipped at any time for any reason without consequence. There are some possible risks involved for participants. These risks are not anticipated to be any greater than risks you encounter in daily life. There are some benefits to this research, particularly that we can better understand how to preserve and maintain present levels of Latinx or Xicanx administrators in better health. Additionally, benefits to the participants in that they may be able to reflect on their personal levels of wellness and self-care. Compensation will not be offered for participating in the study. It is anticipated that study results will be shared with the public through presentations and/or publications. Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your expressed written permission. The de-identified data will be maintained in a safe, locked location and may be used for future research. Measures to ensure your confidentiality and privacy for the interview include: (a) participants can choose to have the interview conducted via an audio-only voice call where visual contact is not shared, only audio; (b) no data will be shared with any third parties; (c) all audio files will be permanently deleted once the interviews are transcribed; and (d) all transcriptions of interviews will be kept for three years and then permanently deleted. If you have any questions about the research at any time, please contact me at [email protected], or the dissertation chair, Dr. Rose Borunda. If you have any questions about your rights as a participant in a research project please call the Office of Research, Innovation, and Economic Development, California State University, Sacramento, (916) 278- 5674, or email [email protected]. Your participation in the interview indicates that you have read and understand the information provided above, that you willingly agree to participate, that you may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation at any time without any consequence. Thank you for your participation! Please keep this form as your copy.

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Appendix D

Transformative, Mixed Methods Checklist for Educational Research with Xicanx Community

(Modified from Transformative, Mixed Methods Checklist for Psychological Studies with Mexican Americans, Canales 2013)

[Evaluate each of the following criteria using a scale of 1 (not at all characteristic) to 5 (very characteristic) along with 2 or 3 sentences justifying the numerical rating.]

For each of the criteria in this table, did the researcher:

Preliminary considerations: Cultural competence, worldview, rationale, and rhetoric

1. Have the cultural competence necessary for conducting mixed methods studies with Chicanas/os? 2. State that the worldview underlying the study was transformative. 3. Explain why a mixed methods approach was best for addressing the research question or issue? 4. Use rhetoric that was empowering and culturally responsive to Chicanas/Chicanos?

Determining the purpose Defining the problem and searching the literature

5. Use the best search terms for locating mixed methods studies? 6. Use the best search terms for locating mixed methods studies conducted specifically with Mexican Americans? 7. Consult premier journals/other sources that make Chicanas/os and other Latinas/os) their specific focus? 8. Study Mexican Americans’ historical and sociopolitical contexts, including their experiences as participants and scholars in psychology? 9. Learn about the Mexican American community and its perceptions of the issue or problem under study from Mexican Americans themselves (e.g., observation, informal socializing)? 10. Take sufficient time to establish trust/rapport with the Mexican American community? 11. Use a theoretical framework that integrated the perspectives of a transformative worldview, Chicana/o psychology, and Chicana feminist psychology (e.g., multiracial feminism)? 12. Develop balanced research questions about Mexican Americans? 13. Develop research questions to promote social justice for Mexican Americans?

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Identifying the research design

14. Indicate which of the four major mixed methods research designs was used in the study? 15. Use an alternative to a ‘‘no-treatment’’ Mexican American control group (e.g., in studies of new drugs or products)? 16. Justify any comparisons of Mexican American participants with other Groups of Color or to members of the mainstream culture?

Title 17. Write a mixed methods title, including the word, ‘‘transformative?’’ 18. Specify the participants as Mexican Americans or Chicanas/os?

Identifying data sources and selecting participants Members of the target group

19. Use conceptually sophisticated means to identify Mexican Americans? 20. Use conceptually sophisticated means of assessing Chicanas’/Chicanos’ gender?

Impact of labeling target groups

21. Avoid deficit-model language in describing the participants?

Diversity within the target population

22. Ensure that the sociodemographic and sociocultural variability within Mexican Americans was captured in selecting participants?

Identifying or constructing data collection instruments and methods Mixed methods issues

23. Collect both quantitative and qualitative data? 24. Explain how the two types of data were mixed? 25. Transformative, mixed methods issues Benefits and credibility

25. Ensure that data collection and its results benefited and/ or empowered Mexican American participants and/or their community? 26. Ensure that data collection and its results had credibility for participants and/or their community?

Appropriate communication strategies

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27. Understand the significance of using communication strategies best suited to Chicana/o participants, expertise concerning these strategies, and commitment/resources for using them? 28. Have native Chicana/o bilinguals translate data collection materials (e.g., surveys, interview questions, instructions) from English to Spanish? 29. Have translators use back-translation procedures? 30. Make sure that the Spanish translations matched the Chicana/o participants’ level of education/literacy? 31. Have English and Spanish versions of all data collection materials and instructions to accommodate Chicana/o participants’ language preferences?

Cultural sensitivity

32. Have expertise concerning culturally respectful ways of posing questions and Mexican Americans’ response tendencies? 33. Scrutinize the cultural equivalence of research measures? 34. Validate the culture of Mexican American female participants?

Tying data collection to social transformation

35. Use data collection to achieve transformative objectives relating to the Chicana/o community?

Analyzing, interpreting, reporting, and using results Transformative, mixed methods issues

36. Use qualitative data to accomplish transformative objectives? 37. Cultural issues

37. Use statistical procedures allowing the results to be placed in multiple contexts? 38. Know when culture was/was not a variable relevant to explaining the research question or issue?

Conclusions Transformative, mixed methods

39. Present conclusions consistent with the ideals of a transformative (i.e., social justice) worldview?

Cultural

1. Present conclusions using the lenses of Chicana/o psychology and Chicana feminist psychology (e.g.,multiracial feminism)?

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Appendix E Torchbearer Model

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Appendix F Latinx School Administrators Self- Care and Workplace Wellness Survey

Start of Block: Informed Consent

Q1 INFORMED CONSENT FORM - SURVEY Leaders, This study is interested in understanding experiences of California Latinx or Xicanx public school principals and school administrators; specifically the practices and perceptions of wellness and self-care in the workplace. You will be asked to answer some questions about it. Please be assured that your responses will be kept completely confidential.

The study should take you around 20 minutes to complete. Your participation in this research is voluntary. You have the right to withdraw at any point during the study, for any reason, and without any prejudice. If you would like to contact the Principal Investigator in the study to discuss this research, please e-mail at [email protected].

By clicking the button below, you acknowledge that your participation in the study is voluntary, you are 18 years of age, and that you are aware that you may choose to terminate your participation in the study at any time and for any reason.

o I consent, begin the study (1)

o I do not consent, I do not wish to participate (2)

End of Block: Informed Consent

Start of Block: Demographics

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Q2 Are you a current school or district administrator?

o Yes (1)

o No (2)

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Q3 Do any of the following titles align with how you prefer to identify yourself? Indicate all that Apply

▢ a. Xicanx (1)

▢ b. Latinx (2)

▢ c. Latin@ (3)

▢ d. Chicano/a (4)

▢ e. Mexican American (5)

▢ f. Latino/a (6)

▢ g. Hispanic (7)

▢ h. Chican@ (8)

▢ j. None (9)

▢ k. Prefer not to answer (10)

▢ i. Other (what title would you best identify with?) (11) ______

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Q6 How many years of P-12 public school administration do you have?

o 1-3 years (1)

o 4-6 years (2)

o 6-10 years (3)

o 10-15 years (4)

o 15-20 years (5)

o Over 20 years (6)

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Q7 What level of P-12 public school administration do you currently have?

o School site principal (1)

o Assistant or vice principal (2)

o Assistant Director/ Coordinator (3)

o Director (4)

o Executive Director (5)

o Assistant superintendent (6)

o Superintendent (7)

o Other central office administrator (please specify) (8)

______

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Q8 What is your age group?

o 25-34 years old (1)

o 35-44 years old (2)

o 45-54 years old (3)

o 55-64 years old (4)

o 65-74 years old (5)

o 75-84 years old (6)

o 85 years or older (7)

Q9 Gender

o Male (1)

o Female (2)

o Other (Please specify) (3)

______

o Prefer not to answer (4)

234

Q10 What degrees or levels of school have you completed? (click all that apply)

▢ Bachelors Degree (e.g. BA, BS) (1)

▢ Teaching credential (2)

▢ Administrative credential (3)

▢ Masters degree (e.g. MA, MS, MEd) (4)

▢ Doctorate (e.g. EdD, PhD) (5)

▢ Other (please specify) (6) ______

235

Q11 If at the school site, what grade level school?

o Elementary (P-6) (1)

o Middle School (6-8) (2)

o High School (9-12) (3)

o K-8 school (4)

o Continuation (5)

o Other (Please specify) (6)

______

End of Block: Demographics

Start of Block: Professional Quality of Life Scale (ProQOL)

Professional Quality of Life Scale (ProQOL) For each question, please select the number that best indicates how true the statement is of you. It is best to give the first response that enters your mind rather than dwelling on each statement and thinking about it over and over. How frequently you experienced these things in the last 30 days.

1=Never 2=Rarely 3=Sometimes 4=Often 5=Very Often

236

Q12 I am happy

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q13 I am preoccupied with more than one person under my supervision.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

237

Q14 I get satisfaction from being able to help people.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q15 I feel connected to others.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

238

Q16 I jump or am startled by unexpected sounds.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q17 I feel invigorated after working with those I help.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

239

Q18 I find it difficult to separate my personal life from my life as a school leader.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q19 I am not as productive at work because I am losing sleep over traumatic experiences of a person I take care of.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

240

Q20 I think that I might have been affected by the traumatic stress of those I help.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q21 I feel trapped by my job as a school leader.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

241

Q22 Because of my administrative work, I have felt "on edge" about various things.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q23 I like my work as a school principal or district administrator.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

242

Q24 I feel depressed because of the traumatic experiences of the people I take care of.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q25 I feel as though I am experiencing the trauma of someone I have take care of.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

243

Q26 I have beliefs that sustain me.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q27 I am pleased with how I am able to keep up with school leadership techniques and protocols.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

244

Q28 I am the person I always wanted to be.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q29 My work makes me feel satisfied.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

245

Q30 I feel worn out because of my work as a school leader.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q31 I have happy thoughts and feelings about those I lead and how I could help them.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

246

Q32 I feel overwhelmed because my administrative work load seems endless.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q33 I believe I can make a difference through my work.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

247

Q34 I avoid certain activities or situations because they remind me of frightening experiences of the people I help.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q35 I am proud of what I can do to lead.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

248

Q36 As a result of my school or district leadership, I have intrusive, frightening thoughts.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q37 I feel "bogged down" by the system.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

249

Q38 I have thoughts that I am a "success" as a school leader.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q39 I can't recall important parts of my work with trauma victims.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

250

Q40 I am a very caring person.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

Q41 I am happy that I chose to do this work.

o 1 (Never) (1)

o 2 (Rarely) (2)

o 3 (Sometimes) (3)

o 4 (Often) (4)

o 5 (Very Often) (5)

End of Block: Professional Quality of Life Scale (ProQOL)

Start of Block: Mindfulness and Self-Care Scale (MSCS)

251

Q42 Mindful Self-Care Scale –Brief

The following Questions are from the Mindfulness and Self-Care Scale The Mindful Self-Care Scale –Brief is a 24-item scale that measures the self- reported frequency of behaviors that measure self-care behavior. Self-care is defined as the daily process of being aware of and attending to one’s basic physiological and emotional needs including the shaping of one’s daily routine, relationships, and environment as needed to promote self-care. Mindful self-care addresses self-care and adds the component of mindful awareness. Mindful self-care is seen as the foundational work required for physical and emotional wellbeing. Self-care is associated with positive physical health, emotional well-being, and mental health. Steady and intentional practice of mindful self-care is seen as protective by preventing the onset of mental health symptoms, job/school burnout, and improving work and school productivity. This scale is intended to help individuals identify areas of strength and weakness in mindful self-care behavior as well as assess interventions that serve to improve self-care. The scale addresses 6 domains of self-care: mindful relaxation, physical care, self- compassion and purpose, supportive relationships, supportive structure, and mindful awareness. Contact information: Catherine Cook-Cottone, Ph.D at [email protected] Click on the number that reflects the frequency of your behavior (how much or how often) within the past week (7 days):

End of Block: Mindfulness and Self-Care Scale (MSCS)

Start of Block: Mindful Relaxation (6 items)

Q43 Mindful Relaxation Contact information: Catherine Cook-Cottone, Ph.D at [email protected]

Answer all questions within the last 7 days

252

Q44 I did something intellectual (using my mind) to help me relax (e.g., read a book wrote)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (2)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (3)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (5)

Q45 I did something interpersonal to relax (e.g., connected with friend)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

253

Q46 I did something creative to relax (e.g., drew, played instrument, wrote creatively, sang, organized)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (2)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (3)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (5)

Q47 I listened to relax (e.g., to music, a podcast, radio show, rainforest sounds)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

254

Q48 I sought out images to relax (e.g., art, film, window, shopping, nature)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q49 I sought out smell to relax (lotions, nature, candles/ incense, smells of baking)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

End of Block: Mindful Relaxation (6 items)

Start of Block: Physical Care (8 items)

255

Q49 Physical Care (8 items) Contact information: Catherine Cook-Cottone, Ph.D at [email protected]

Answer all questions within the last 7 days

Q50 I drank at least 6 to 8 cups of water

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

256

Q51 I ate a variety of nutritious foods (e.g., vegetables, protein, fruits, and grains)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q52 I plan my meals and snacks

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

257

Q53 I exercised at least 30 to 60 minutes

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q54 I took part in sports, dance or other scheduled physical activities (e.g., sports, teams, dance classes)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

258

Q55 I did sedentary activities instead of exercising (e.g., watched tv, worked on the computer) * reversed scored*

o 5 Never (0 days) (1)

o 4 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 2 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 1 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q56 I planned/ scheduled my exercise for the day

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

259

Q57 I practiced yoga or another mind/body practice (e.g., Tae Kwon Do, Tai Chi)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

End of Block: Physical Care (8 items)

Start of Block: Self Compassion and Purpose (6 items)

Q58 Self Compassion and Purpose (6 items) Contact information: Catherine Cook- Cottone, Ph.D at [email protected] Answer all questions within the last 7 days

260

Q59 I kindly acknowledge my own challenges and difficulties

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q60 I engage in supportive and comforting self-talk (e.g., "My effort is valuable and meaningful")

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

261

Q61 I remind myself that failure and challenge are part of the human experience

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q62 I gave myself permission to feel my feelings (e.g., allowed myself to cry)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

262

Q63 I experienced meaning and/ or a larger purpose in my work/school life (e.g., for a cause)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q64 I experienced meaning and or larger purpose in my private/personal life (e.g., for a cause)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

End of Block: Self Compassion and Purpose (6 items)

263

Start of Block: Supportive Relationships

Q65 Supportive relationships (5 items) Contact information: Catherine Cook-Cottone, Ph.D at [email protected]

Answer all questions within the last 7 days

Q66 I spent time with people who are good to me (e.g., support, encourage, and believe in me)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

264

Q67 I scheduled/ planned time to be with people who are special to me

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q68 I felt supported by the people in my life

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

265

Q69 I felt confident that the people in my life would respect my choice if I said "no"

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q70 I felt that I had someone who would listen to me if I became upset (e.g., friend, counselor, group)

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

End of Block: Supportive Relationships

Start of Block: Supportive Structures (4 items)

266

Q71 Supportive Structures (4 items) Contact information: Catherine Cook-Cottone, Ph.D at [email protected]

Answer all questions within the last 7 days

Q72 I maintained a manageable schedule

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

267

Q73 I kept my work/schoolwork area organized to support my work/ schoolwork tasks

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q74 I maintained a balance between the demands of others and what is important to me

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

268

Q75 I maintained a comforting and pleasing living environment

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

End of Block: Supportive Structures (4 items)

Start of Block: Mindful Awareness (4 items)

Q76 Mindful Awareness (4 items) Contact information: Catherine Cook-Cottone, Ph.D at [email protected]

Answer all questions within the last 7 days

269

Q77 I had a calm awareness of my thoughts

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q78 I had a calm awareness of my feelings

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

270

Q79 I had a calm awareness of my body

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

Q80 I carefully select which of my thoughts and feelings I used to guide my actions

o 1 Never (0 days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 day) (6)

o 3 Sometimes (2 to 3 days) (2)

o 4 Often (4- 5 days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 days) (7)

End of Block: Mindful Awareness (4 items)

Start of Block: General (3 items not to be averaged)

271

Q81 I am engaged in a variety of self-care activities

o 1 Never (0 Days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 Day) (2)

o 3 Sometimes (2-3 Days) (3)

o 4 Often (4-5 Days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 Days) (5)

Q82 I planned my self-care

o 1 Never (0 Days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 Day) (2)

o 3 Sometimes (2-3 Days) (3)

o 4 Often (4-5 Days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 Days) (5)

272

Q83 I explored new ways to bring self-care into my life

o 1 Never (0 Days) (1)

o 2 Rarely (1 Day) (2)

o 3 Sometimes (2-3 Days) (3)

o 4 Often (4-5 Days) (4)

o 5 Regularly (6-7 Days) (5)

End of Block: General (3 items not to be averaged)

273

Appendix G

To: David Gutierrez Educational Leadership IRB protocol number: IRB-19-20-111 RE: Initial Review On December 3, 2019, the Sacramento State Institutional Review Board (IRB) determined the proposal titled Pocos Pero Locos: Xicanx Principals, Community Cultural Wealth, and the Quest for Self-Preservation to be Exempt from 45 CFR 46 . This approval is limited to the activities described in the Initial application, and extends to the performance of these activities at each respective site identified in the Initial application. Exempt approvals will stand for the life of the project unless a modification results in a new determination. Study Closure: Once research enrollment and all data collection are complete, the investigator is responsible for study closure. Log into Cayuse IRB, select your study, and add a new submission type (Closure) to complete this action. Reporting Adverse Events: Adverse reactions include, but are not limited to, bodily harm, psychological trauma, and the release of potentially damaging personal information. If any unanticipated adverse reaction should occur while conducting your research, please login to Cayuse, select this study, and add a new submission type. This submission type will be an adverse event and will look similar to your initial submission process. Should you need more information about the protection of human subjects, please consult our Human Subjects Website or contact the Research Integrity and Compliance Officer, Leah Vargas, at 916-278-5674 or [email protected].

Thank you and best wishes for continued success,

Leah Vargas Research Integrity and Compliance Officer Sacramento State Institutional Review Board (IRB) FWA00003873

274

Appendix H RECRUITMENT FLYER

Current school administrators who are self-identified Latinx or Xicanx, your participation in a new study exploring the emerging topic of wellness and self-care is greatly needed.

The researcher for this study is David Gutierrez, a doctoral candidate at California State University, Sacramento, Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies. The researcher is conducting this study to evaluate the perceptions and practices wellness and self-care of Latinx principals and administrators.

If you have any questions about the research, please contact the researcher at (916) 601- 3501, or [email protected], or the dissertation chair, Dr. Borunda, at (916) 278- 5674, or [email protected].

Or https://csus.co1.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_7VhldMAEK6usrjf

275

Appendix I

CALSA ADMINISTRATORS RECRUITMENT FLYER

Attention CALSA Familia,

I am asking for your support in conducting a study on current Latinx public school administrators. Your participation in a new study exploring the emerging topic of wellness and self-care is greatly needed.

If you have any questions about the research, please contact the researcher at (916) 601- 3501, or [email protected], or the dissertation chair, Dr. Borunda, at (916) 278- 5674, or [email protected]. The survey should take about 20 minutes or less.

If you are willing to participate us the following QR code:

Or use the following link: https://csus.co1.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_7VhldMAEK6usrjf

276

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