University of Education, Winneba http://ir.uew.edu.gh
UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION, WINNEBA
ELECTORAL POLITICS AND HUMAN SECURITY IN GHANA SINCE 1992:
A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF AGBOGBLOSHIE IN THE GREATER
ACCRA REGION.
PETER ARKOH
2019
University of Education, Winneba http://ir.uew.edu.gh
UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION, WINNEBA
ELECTORAL POLITICS AND HUMAN SECURITY IN GHANA SINCE 1992:
A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF AGBOGBLOSHIE IN THE GREATER
ACCRA REGION.
PETER ARKOH
8170230018
A THESIS IN THE CENTRE FOR CONFLICT, HUMAN RIGHTS AND
PEACE STUDIES, FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE EDUCATION,
SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES, UNIVERSITY
OF EDUCATION, WINNEBA, IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY
DEGREE IN HUMAN RIGHTS, CONFLICT AND PEACE STUDIES.
JULY, 2019
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DECLARATION
STUDENT’S DECLARATION
I, Peter Arkoh, declare that this thesis, with the exception of quotations and references contained in published works which have all been identified and duly acknowledged, is entirely my own original work, and it has not been submitted, either in part or whole, for another degree elsewhere.
SIGNATURE…………………………………
DATE………………………………………….
SUPERVISOR’S DECLARATION
I hereby declare that the preparation and presentation of this work was supervised in accordance with the guidelines for supervision of Thesis Project as laid down by the
University of Education, Winneba.
NAME OF SUPERVISOR: BRAIMAH AWAISU IMURANA (Ph.D.)
SIGNATURE…………………………….
DATE……………………………………
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I thank the Almighty God for giving me the wisdom and life to enable me put my thoughts together to make this thesis a reality. I would not have been able to write this thesis without the aid of very important people who abetted me in diverse ways.
Gratitude, they say, is the least of virtues, but ingratitude the worst of vices.
In the first place, I would be remiss not to recognize the effort of my wonderful supervisor, Dr. Braimah Awaisu Imurana, for helping me get the topic for the study and subsequently giving me guidance on the writing of this thesis. This thesis could not have come to a successful conclusion without the assistance and support that I received from him. Dr, I love you and appreciate all that you have done for me.
The same gratitude goes to the lecturers at the Centre for Conflict, Human Rights and
Peace Studies most especially Dr. Harrison Kwame Golo and Dr. Vincent Adzalie-
Mensah for the academic impact they have made on us. I am greatly indebted to my mother, Mrs. Agnes Kumah and Mr. Emmanuel Owusu-Kwarteng, a true brother in the faith who contributed immensely to this academic venture.
A big hug goes to my beloved, Joseline Osei-Bonsu. I really appreciate your love, support and encouragement which motivated me very much during this research project.
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DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to Apostle Prof. Johnson Suleman for opening my eyes to spiritual realities.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Contents Page
DECLARATION ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii DEDICATION iii TABLE OF CONTENTS iv LIST OF TABLES viii LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ix ABSTRACT xi
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 1.1. Background to the Study 1 1.2 Statement of the Research Problem 5 1.3. Purpose of the Study 8 1.4. Objectives of the Study 8 1.5 Research Questions 8 1.6. Significance of the Study 9 1.7. Limitation of the Study 9 1.8. Delimitation of the Study 10 1.9. Organization of the study 11
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 12 2.0 Introduction 12 2.1 The Concept of Electoral Politics 12 2.2 The Notion of Security and Human Security 15 2.3 Theoretical Framework 27 2.3.1 Theories of Electoral Violence 27 2.3.1.1. Structural Theory of Electoral Violence 27 2.3.1.2. The Theory of Big Man Politics 29 2.4. The Evolution of Human Security 31 2.4.1. Phases of Human Security 34 2.5. Human Security and Human Rights: The Nexus 36 2.6. Security as Right 41
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2.7. Understanding Political Culture 43 2.7.1 Types of Political Culture 46 2. 8. Electoral Politics and Human Security in Africa 48 2.9. Overview of Elections in the Fourth Republic 50 2.10. Electoral Politics and Human Security in Ghana 52 2. 10.1 Causes of Electoral Violence in Ghana 53 2.11. The Promotion of Human Security as a Human Right in Ghana 56 2.12. Conclusion 58
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY 60 3.0. Introduction 60 3.1. Research Approach 60 3.2. Research Design 63 3.3. Selection of Study Area 64 3.4. Profile of the Study Area 65 3.5. Sample Size and Technique 66 3.6. Selection of Respondents 68 3.7. Sources of Data 69 3.8. Research Instrument 69 3.9. Method of Data Generation 70 3.9.1. Interview 71 3.10. Method of Data Analysis 72 3.11. Member Checking 74 3.12. Trustworthiness 75 3.13. Ethical Consideration 76 3.14. Challenges of Fieldwork 77
CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS 79 4.0. Introduction 79 4.1. Findings Related to Research Questions 80 4.1.2. Demographic Characteristics of Respondents 80 4.1.3. Ages and Gender of Respondents 80 4.1.4. Ethnic Background of Respondents 81 4.1.5 Number of Years Spent in the Area 82
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4.2. 1. Responses on Voting Issues 83 4.2.2. The Political Culture of Agbogbloshie. 83 4.2.3. The winner-takes-all module characterizing the political system in Ghana. 85 4.2.4 Respondents’ View on the Winner Takes All Module 86 4.3.0. Causes of Electoral Violence 87 4.3.1 What in your opinion is/are the cause(s) of persistent violence during elections in Agbogbloshie? 87 4.3.1.0. Political Influence 89 4.3.1.1. The Dagbon Chieftaincy Conflict and the Politicization of the Conflict 91 4.3.1.2. Installation of Area Chief in Agbogbloshie 93 4.3.1.3. Retaliation 94 4.3.1.4 Poor Electoral Security and Management 95 4.4. Effects of electoral violence on the people 96 4.4.1. Loss of life through murder 96 4.4.2. Destruction of Shops 99 4.4.3. Increase in Robbery 100 4.4.4. Torture 101 4.5.0 Electoral Politics and Human Security 103 4.5.1. How does electoral politics affect human security in the area? 103 4.5.1. Creation of Fear and Panic 104 4.5.2. Displacement of People 106 4.5.3. Threat to Economic Life Due to Loss of Job 107 4.5.4. Creation of General Instability in Agbogbloshie 109 4.5.5. Discrimination and victimization based on political grounds 110 4.5.5.1. The State of Human Security in Agbogbloshie. 111 4.6.0. Ways in Which the Absence of Human Security Threaten Human Rights of the People. 111 4.7.0. State Response to the Situation 116 4.7.1. Challenges of the Security Agencies 118 4.8.0 Measures to Curb the Trend 120 4.8.1. Political Education 120 4.8.2. Peaceful Resolution of the Dagbon Chieftaincy Conflict 121 4.8.3. Effective and Impartial Electoral Management Body 121 4.9. Conclusion 122
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CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION 123 5.0 Introduction 123 5.1. Summary of Findings 123 5.1.1. The Main Findings of the Study 124 5.2. Conclusions 126 5.4 Suggestions for Further Research 130
REFERENCES 132
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LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1: Possible Types of Human Security Threats 35
2: Average Age of Participants 81
3: Depicting Demographic Characteristics of Respondents 82
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LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
AMA: Accra Metropolitan Area
AFRC: Armed Forces Revolutionary Council
AIDS: Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
AU: African Union
CBD: Central Business District
CHRAJ: Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice
CHS: Commission on Human Security
ECHR: European Convention on Human Rights
FGD: Focus Group Discussion
GAR: General Assembly Resolution
GPS: Ghana Police Service
HDR: Human Development Report
HIV: Human Immune Virus
ICCPR: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
ICESCR: International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
ICISS: International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty
INTREC: In-depth Training and Research Centres of Excellence
KAIPTC: Kofi Annan International Peace Keeping Training Centre
MDGs: Millennium Development Goals
NAL: National Alliance of Liberals
NCCE: National Commission for Civic Education
NDC: National Democratic Congress
NPP: New Patriotic Party
PDNC: Provisional National Defence Council
PHC: Population and Housing Census
PP: Progress Party
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UNDP: United Nations Development Programme
UNHCR United Nations High Commission for Human Rights
UDHR: Universal Declaration of Human Rights
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ABSTRACT
One of the most important means people can take part in decisions that affect their lives and hold their elected representatives accountable is through elections. Conflicts in Africa have been largely intra-state with election issues as the causal core and have consequently claimed thousands of lives, raising challenges for the African Union (AU) and the international community. Ghana has conducted several successful elections since 1992, but the country continues to face many threats of widespread violence due to the recurrent nature of micro-level electoral violence and the existence of vulnerabilities. The purpose of this study was to examine the manner in which electoral politics affect human security in Ghana and thereby undermining human rights. The specific objectives were to explore the political culture of Agbogbloshie; determine the causes of incessant violence in the area during general elections since 1992 and assess state response to the situation in the area. The researcher adopted the case study design within the phenomenological interpretative paradigm to achieve the goal of the study. Primary data were collected with the aid of interview-guide; and analyzed using thematic narratives while secondary sources were gleaned from existing documents, reports, textbooks, newspaper publications and internet search. The study found that electoral politics adversely affects human security in the study area. Evidence to support the above assertion include creation of fear and panic, loss of jobs due to looting and destruction of shops, confiscation of private properties, discrimination based on political party grounds as well as displacement of people. The study noted that if the state adopts pragmatic approaches to resolve or address both the structural and process factors leading to the persistent electoral violence in the area, there will be sustainable peace and the security of the people would be guaranteed.
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1. Background to the Study
Fayemi (2009) contend that the wave of democratization has been increasingly spreading across Africa since the early 1990s. A key feature of democracy most especially within the African context since the democratic wave has been the resurgence of competitive electoral politics (Lindberg, 2006). According to
Hayward (1987), one of the most important means people can take part in decisions that affect their lives and hold their elected representatives accountable for results is elections (p. 54).
In a liberal democratic theory, elections are seen as viable mechanism for consummating representative government (Agbaje & Adejumobi, 2006). Apart from facilitating leadership succession, it promotes political accountability, citizens’ participation and gives voice and power to the people. In other words, elections are an expression of the people’s sovereign will. Akokpari (2012) emphasized that a good number of African countries have successfully organized competitive multi-party elections, which have led to the displacement and replacement of long serving dictators by democratically elected governments since 1990 (p. 4).
Almost 100 elections had taken place in Africa between 1989 and 1994 (Deegan,
2003). Moreover, in the 1990s alone, 42 out of 48 African countries made democratic reforms and held elections (Teshome, 2008). The utmost urge to remain in power by incumbent governments against the wishes of oppositions to be in the helm of affairs have in some cases resulted in the outbreak of violence with recorded massive human rights abuses and further creating atmosphere of insecurity (Lindberg, 2006).
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In a further explanation, Lindberg (2006), averred that “Conflicts and violence used part of African politics in recent decades” (p. 29). In a similar argument, Laremont
(2002) posited that since the end of the cold war, conflicts in Africa have been largely intra-state with election issues as the causal core and have consequently claimed thousands of lives, raising challenges for the African Union (AU) and the international community (p. 150-151).
Laremont (2002) also emphasized that a lot of violent conflicts on the continent are related to inefficient democratic principles and absence of good governance which result into human rights abuses, corruption, clientelism, exclusions and the partisan posture of the state in distributing resources among competing constituencies.
Electoral politics is seen as a perversion of democracy (as cited in Adejumobi, 2002, p.28). Ake (2000) emphasized that liberal democracy is in crisis in many countries, developed and developing. The argument is that, in the developed countries, the level of citizen participation in the electoral process is dwindling, largely because real choice is limited and the people feel a sense of powerlessness rather than satisfaction.
Moreover, in developing countries, most especially in Africa, elections are riddled with tension, conflicts, crises and fraud such that it is difficult to use them as a barometer of the people’s choice. This in effect is facilitating the recession of the euphoria of the second wave of democratization in Africa as argued by Large & Sisk
(2006, p. 26).
Mention could be made of countries such as Liberia, Zimbabwe, Cote d’Ivoire,
Malawi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea, Nigeria and among others that have recorded high incidence of violence, human casualties and human rights abuses as a result of electoral politics.
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Fukuda-Parr and Messineo (2012) argue that human security is an important concept not to be ignored as a significant discourse in contemporary debates about the world order. Its value added in the security field is that, it focuses attention on human beings and integrates non-military mechanisms as means to security. For that reason, human security is closely related to human development and human rights (Romm, 1993).
The issue of human security has become a developmental mantra across the globe since the famous UNDP Report of 1994 particularly within the context of the
Millennium Development Goals (Henk, 2005). The promotion of human security began in the early 1990s by the UNDP as a concept embracing not only freedom from war and violence (or personal security), but also incorporating individual’s basic needs for survival (Quinn, 2008). This was because; the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) in its annual Human Development Report drew attention to the widespread conflict and violence. It also identified the underlying poverty and underdevelopment as root causes of human insecurity.
The UNDP-HDR Report questioned the traditional state-centric concept of security and argued that, there was a need for a new approach based on a comprehensive concept of human security embracing economic and social rights (freedom from poverty, hunger, disease, violence and environmental degradation), and political and cultural rights (freedom to exercise basic human rights and freedoms and cultural identity).
Human security, it argued, corresponds to the right of individual to “freedom from fear and freedom from want” (Akokpari, 2012). The former referred to conditions such as conflicts, violence and crime that caused fear and deprived people of the stability in life; while the latter refer to deprivations such as the lack of employment,
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education, housing, health care, sanitation and others which undermined dignified life and consequently affects the enjoyment of fundamental human rights. As a corollary to the above assertion, Large & Sisk (2006), see the concept of human security as emphasizing the protection of people from grave threats to their lives, safety from harm and violent conflict, and empowerment against such social threats as disease or crime (p. 67).
Ghana has conducted several successful elections since 1992, but the country continues to face many threats of widespread violence due to the recurrent nature of micro-level electoral violence and the existence of vulnerabilities such as political patronage, politics of exclusion, winner-takes-all electoral system and ethnic cleavages (Debrah, 2001). While these factors have been used to explain the causes of electoral violence, issue framing by political elites and its connection to electoral violence have not been adequately examined (Agyemang, 2013).
Violence recorded during elections in Ghana since 1992 has been less as compared to other countries in the sub-region (Jockers, Kohnert & Nugent, 2009). However, to ignore the root causes of these pockets of violence may not augur well for the security of the people since violence has human rights implications. The dimension of electoral politics in Ghana since the inception of the Fourth Republic has created widespread election fatigue leading to popular disinterest in and cynicism towards politics (Amankwaah, 2013).
Over the past two decades, four regions namely Northern, Brong-Ahafo, Ashanti and
Greater Accra have been most commonly cited as flashpoints for election-related violence in the country (Ayee, 2001).
Also, Gyimah-Boadi (2009), asserts that Greater Accra is the region with the second highest incidence of electoral violence in Ghana’s electoral history for the past one
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and half decades. Constituencies such as Ningo-Prampram, Tema Central, Okaikwei
Central, Ablekuma West, Weija Gbawe including the Odododiodio record electoral violence in almost every general election in Ghana. Agbogbloshie, a polling centre in the Odododiodioo constituency is of no exception.
Extreme partisan misconduct characterized by assaults and destruction of shops and properties has been prevalent in Agbogbloshie for quite a long time. Many people in the area are under constant threat due to this development. Human security remains a mirage for most of the inhabitants in Agbogbloshie simply because there is persistent looting of shops and violent clashes between members of the two opposing dominant parties resulting in human casualties and loss of lives during election years (Kumah-
Abiwu, 2017).This thesis sought to address the problem of electoral politics in
Agbogbloshie where people have experienced the full range of human insecurity issues since 1992
1.2 Statement of the Research Problem
The deepening of democratic governance was expected to mitigate the continent’s conflicts. Despite efforts by states in Africa to consolidate democratic rule, electoral conflict remains an obstacle to the consolidation of democratic institutions for many states especially in Sub-Sahara and Eastern Africa (Reilly & Reynolds, 1999).
Even in stable political environments, elections can fall victim to conflict and violence (Sisk, 2008).
Although, a problem that is global in scope, electoral conflict and its root causes, profiles and intensities differ in each country context (Schatzberg, 1993). The case is not different in Africa as already mentioned. Jastad (2008) contend that, in much of
Africa, electoral politics, which is central in democratic politics, seem to create or
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exacerbate conditions for conflict and violence which considerably threaten human security.
Since the coming into 1992, elections have become an essential component of
Ghana’s democracy, and thus constitute a vital part of the democratization process
(Ahenakwa, 2013).
Although claimed to be in the league of successful countries in the area of election management, outcome and the democratic project in Africa, Ghana since the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1992, has experienced recurrent violence during elections at many polling centres (Bob-Milliar, 2014). A striking feature in the body politic in Ghana which is the recurring violence during electioneering period remains the greatest concern to many a people in Ghana.
Lack of civility and normlessness has characterized electoral politics in most constituencies in Ghana for the past two decades. Ghana is on the slippery slope to the final stage of conflict onset (Ayee, 2001). This is because, elections in Ghana since
1992 have been fraught with inter-party and intra-party tensions, organized thuggery evident in electoral violence at Asawase, Huni-Valley, Shama Junction and other constituencies (Nsia-Pepra, 2016). The rhetoric of official and unofficial party spokespersons has become more belligerent. Political discussions degenerate into deranging invectives and shouting matches to intimidate opponents. All in one way or another have resulted into violence creating atmosphere of insecurity in many constituencies in Ghana.
Electoral merchants or better still political barons have hijacked the electoral process marginalizing the people, discountenancing their voices and choices and steadily sliding the Fourth Republic on the path of systemic collapse (Agbaje & Adejumobi,
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2006). A change of government in itself results in a change of several aspects of national life most especially in the economic sector. Members of the party in power tend to have considerable authority and power over even the choice of place to set up business ventures while non-members are disadvantaged. The repercussion is the creation of a sense of disunity and factionalism in every locality. This also makes different political parties and leaders often put allegations against one another culminating in violent clashes with massive human rights abuses.
In the case of the Greater Accra Region, violence during elections has created atmosphere of insecurity among the people especially in the business districts.
Peoples’ shops, properties, houses and other valuables have been destroyed in the name politics and election.
Agbogboshie is one of the political communities in Accra that is noted for violent clashes during elections since the inception of Ghana’s Fourth Republic. Frempong
(2017) argues that the 2016 general elections did not record much violence in the area unlike the previous elections. He further posited that the 2012 general elections recorded four critical incidents which included among other things voter intimidation, tearing of opponent posters, exchange of insults, and obstruction of political opponents from campaigning, looting of peoples’ shops and other violent related acts.
This trend in Agbogbloshie exerts considerable impact on human security with a lot of human rights implications.
This has necessitated an empirical study to investigate electoral politics in
Agbogbloshie, the manner in which human security is threatened, the human rights implications of human insecurity in the area and offer suggestions as to how the problem could be appropriately addressed.
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1.3. Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to examine the manner in which electoral politics affect human security in Ghana and thereby undermining human rights.
1.4. Objectives of the Study
The specific objectives that guided the study were to:
1) Explore the political culture of Agbogbloshie in the Greater Accra
Region.
2) Determine the causes of incessant violence in Agbogbloshie during
general elections since 1992.
3) Determine the ramifications of electoral violence in the area.
4) Assess state response to the situation in the area.
1.5 Research Questions
To be able to accomplish the goal of the study, the research was guided by the following questions:
1) How does electoral politics affect human security in Agbogbloshie in the
Greater Accra Region?
2) What is the political culture of Agbogbloshie?
3) What have been the causes of incessant violence in Agbogbloshie during
general elections since 1992?
4) What are the ramifications of electoral violence in the area?
5) How has the state responded to the situation in the area?
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1.6. Significance of the Study
The research is important to intended readers, the electorate, political parties and human rights organizations in the following ways:
In the first place, the findings of the work provide input to human rights activists in their fight against human rights abrasions in the society. It would also provide data to human rights policy formulators on the impact of electoral politics on human security as a human right.
The findings can help educate and enlighten the general public on the importance and necessity of both political and human rights education in Ghana.
The study has enhanced the academic experience of the researcher and further contributed to knowledge in the field of conflict, human rights and peace studies.
1.7. Limitation of the Study
There exist volumes of work on electoral politics and other fields in a correlational manner. However, it seems there has not been much work on electoral politics, human security and human rights in that connection most especially within the context of the
Fourth Republic of Ghana. This posed a little challenge to the study as there was not enough secondary data in that regard for the literature review for the study.
The study was also restricted to the subjective views, opinions and perceptions of the research participants. The repercussion is that important and needed information for the study may not be given or misrepresented by the respondents because of the sensitive nature of the topic under study.
Another challenge encountered by the researcher was language barrier during the collection of the field data. The dominant languages of most of the participants were
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Dagaare, Konkomba and Anlo which were entirely foreign to the researcher.
Nevertheless, with the help of an interpreter, the problem of language barrier was addressed.
The researcher further encountered difficulty in the data collection. Some of the interviewees did not give room for enough time for the interview as expected by the researcher due to work schedules. However, data saturation was achieved with the little time given.
1.8. Delimitation of the Study
Even tough, the emphasis of the study was on electoral politics and human security in
Ghana since the inception of the Fourth Republic yet the study covered only
Agbogbloshie, a commercial district on the Korle Lagoon of the Odaw River, near the center of Accra, with the aim of enhancing understanding of the impact of electoral politics on human security which has implications on human rights in Ghana.
Agbogbloshie as the study area was purposively selected not necessarily because of geographical proximity, time and financial restraints. It was because the choice of a study area rather than covering a whole country is a prerequisite for thesis writing at the Master of Philosophy level, which was a delimitation of the research.
Moreover, the study did not cover all aspects of human rights but rather some specific rights related to human security such as civil, political, social, and economic rights.
The identity by names of victims of human rights abuse as a result of electoral politics in the study area which has put them into a state of insecurity were further not revealed in the analysis.
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1.9. Organization of the study
The study was organized into five main chapters. Chapter One covered the introductory part of the study. This included the background information of the research work, problem statement, research objectives and questions as well as significance of the study among others.
The second chapter also discussed the review of related relevant literature. It was concerned with reviewing relevant and related literature on electoral politics and human security within the Ghanaian context taking into consideration the period from the Fourth Republic to the present era. Chapter Two further looked at the theoretical framework that informed the study.
The research methodology and other issues related to data collection methods and analysis procedures were discussed in the third chapter. Chapter Three also covered the population, instrumentation, sample, sampling techniques as well as ethical considerations. Chapter Four included presentation of data and analysis of the data collected from the field. The chapter also looked at the findings and the discussion of the findings. The last chapter contains the summary of findings, recommendations and conclusions of the findings of the study.
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CHAPTER TWO REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
2.0 Introduction
This chapter presents a review of the literature related to the study. The review of the relevant literature is in three parts. The first section discussed some basic concepts related to the study such as electoral politics, security, human security and human rights. The second section also looked at the nexus between human security and human rights and further considered in detail electoral politics in Ghana since 1992.
The third section explored the manner in which electoral politics affects human security within the context of human rights. The theoretical framework that informed the study is also examined in this chapter.
2.1 The Concept of Electoral Politics
Steiner (1960) emphasized that states with markedly different political systems have termed political participation the vital human right (p. 67). According to Teshome
(2008), in the absence of political participation, all others fall to a perilous existence
(p. 124). Electoral politics is the most visible and symbolic form of political participation. Periodic, free and fair elections are essential for the achievement of effective democracy. The free, fair and transparent elections reflect the will of the people, which provide the basis of the authority of the government. Jarstad & Sisk
(2008) contend that the study of electoral politics is an interesting topic due to its practical applications.
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Sartori (1999) in the quest to define electoral politics emphasized that a real political sociology calls for a simultaneous exploration of how political parties are conditioned by the society and how the society is conditioned by the party system.
Drawing from the view of Sartori, Curtice (2002) also stated “The study of electoral politics renders an understanding of how government’s policies and political parties’ strategies about elections operate and how people behave in the process” (p. 79).
According to the democratic theory, the health of a democracy depends on the existence of a potentially informed and active citizenry (Hayward, 1987). By working for, and voting for candidates who represent their views, and by making their views known to elected leaders, citizens could collectively translate their various policy preferences into government action.
Mayhew (1971), sees electoral politics as a participatory play in governing process through elections in which both voters and politicians want to achieve power, in order to control the behavior of others through force, threats, or withholding of resources.
The study also involves the investigation of how citizens interact with each other on the basis of party orientations and systems (Curtice, 2002, p. 8).
In the view of Sartori (1999), the ordinary man is expected to take an active part in the governmental affairs, to be aware of how decisions are made, and to make his views known and this can be properly achieved through electoral politics. On this premise,
Hayward (1987) asserts that the main element of electoral politics is voting. The act of voting gives a concrete example of the individual citizen responding to stimuli, making decisions, and finally either acting or choosing not to. In this way, electoral politics strengthens democracy in which power over significant authoritative decisions in a society is distributed among the people of the country (Verba & Nie,
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1987, p. 62). In electoral politics, a high voting turnout among the citizens is considered to be a significant indicator of the health of the political system, because political participation is assumed to be essential to the proper functioning of the democracy (Hayward, 1987, p. 9).
Curtice (2002), averred that electoral politics have different dimensions of socio- political nature, tenants-landlords relations and parties’ electoral ambitions. Electoral politics is thus concerned with the distribution of advantages and disadvantages among people based on their interests (Verba &Nie, 1987). In the third world societies, political parties often used influential people to win elections and these influential people in turn used political parties to get power within their constituencies over the administrations from top to bottom for the fulfillment of their own interests
(Hayward, 1987, p.99). In urban and rural areas of especially developing countries, citizens have different wants and needs which are acquired by “arguments, persuasion, threats, flattery and other forces”. Citizens are constantly interacting with each other, and since the satisfaction of many of a person’s needs depends upon the relationships established with others, the preferences and interests of some individuals will inevitably come into opposition with the preferences and interests of others. This opposition of preferences and interests may result in competition or conflict.
Mayhew (1971) emphasized that elected politicians gain office from the votes of a certain number of people in their respective constituencies. In this regard, they owe their election to the votes, campaign funds, party work, and efforts of those who elected them as their elected representatives. They enjoy their work and desire to remain in office. Hence, they pay attention to those who played a role in putting them on that position. The stronger the support, the greater will be the obligation by the politician to the supporters. In considering factors of electoral politics, Erikson,
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Luttbeg & Tedin (1980) noted that socio-economic status, religion, family influence, and the state of the national, local and provincial affairs affect political attitudes.
However, the people’s conscious feelings about the parties, issues and candidates are the most immediate determinants of voting behavior.
On the basis of this, it could be inferred that electoral politics and political process both have direct relation with each other. In electoral politics, people are mostly concerned with critical issues that affect life such as war and peace, prosperity and depression, corruption and “good” governance (Curtice, 2002, p. 74).
Electoral politics is also concerned with all issues concerning elections and is based on wide range of factors such as political system, political parties, interest groups, military and bureaucracy (Erikson, Luttbeg & Tedin, 1980). They further noted that historical, social, psychological and other ecological factors exert considerable effect on the electoral process of states especially in sub-Sahara Africa. The discussion above provides input in understanding how electoral politics can affect human security and thereby undermining human rights.
2.2 The Notion of Security and Human Security
Peoples & Williams (2014) stated “It is impossible to make sense of world politics without reference to security” (p. 49). Every day, people somewhere in the world are killed, starved, tortured, raped, impoverished, imprisoned, displaced, or denied education in the name of security. The concept of security saturates contemporary societies all around the world; it litters the speeches of politicians and pundits; newspaper columns and radio waves are full of it; and images of security and insecurity flash across television screens and the internet almost constantly (Alston,
2004, p.127). All these make security a fascinating, often deadly, but always
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important topic. Burgess and Gräns (2012), noted that for some analysts, security is like beauty: a subjective and elastic term, meaning exactly what the subject in question says it means; neither more nor less.
In the more technical language of social science, security is often referred to as an
‘essentially contested concept’, one for which, by definition, there can be no consensus as to its meaning (Alkire, 2003, p. 56).
According to Buzan (1991), there have been various interpretations of security and as such, the term has been understood to be synonymous with the accumulation of power. It has been regarded as a commodity, and power as the means of achieving it.
The term is frequently used to help raise consciousness of the importance of particular issues, which are then so labeled in the minds of the population at large. However, security is seen an ‘essentially contested concept,’ one on which no consensus exists.
This conceptual vagueness makes it difficult to find a common ground for discussion
(Harutyunyan, 2014, p. 88).
Similarly, Newman (2010) contend that there is no generally accepted definition of security. This is because security is a social phenomenon and does not lend itself to common understanding since definitions of the phenomenon is often approached from different perspectives. This renders security a cross-cutting, multi-dimensional and polysemous concept, which has over the last five decades been the subject of broad and rich debate.
This assertion of the multifaceted view of the concept of security is further supported by Schäfer (2013), who asserted that “Redefining 'security' has recently become something of a cottage industry and that, such efforts, however, are more concerned with redefining the policy agendas of nation-states than with the concept of security
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itself” (p. 102). Often, this takes the form of proposals for giving high priority to such issues as human rights, economics, the environment, drug traffic, epidemics, crime, or social injustice, in addition to the traditional concern with security from external military threats.
Such proposals are usually buttressed with a mixture of normative arguments about which values of which people or groups of people should be protected, and empirical arguments as to the nature and magnitude of threats to those values. Relatively little attention is devoted to conceptual issues as such.
In an effort to define the concept, Newman (2010) claims that security as a concept has two related meanings. The argument was that the concept has political dimension and at the same time could be seen as sets of relations that people enter into as they engage themselves in the production of their means of livelihood (p. 203). From the political lens, security is seen as the capacity of a ruling group to use state power to protect its interests or values from external threats, and to maintain order internally with minimal use of violence. The capacity of the ruling groups to protect its interest is determined by whether the state and government as its main agency are weak or strong. Externally, ruling groups of weak state show a low capacity to protect their interests; and internally, force or violence is used frequently to maintain order. By contrast, ruling groups of strong states show a high capacity to ward off external threats to their interests, and internal order is maintained with a minimal use of state violence.
In the same vein, Schäfer (2013) is of the view that security is not an independent concept. It is always related to individual or societal value systems. Every actor talking about security assigns different meanings to the term. Based on the
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assumptions of the realist theory of international relations that security is the dominant concern for states, that force is the major instrument through which governments preserves their unity as they interact with one another, security is achieved once threats to security can be prevented or at least managed.
Contrary to realist theory, social constructivism perceives security as resulting from the interactions of various actors, with social values and identities shaping these relations. Security is accordingly inter-subjective; constituted by a process of interaction and negotiation. Once the perception of security has changed, and the fear of one another is overcome, security is achieved (Nef, 2006, p. 22).
In an attempt to define security, Schäfer (2013) says that the term can be seen as both objective and subjective (p. 41). In the objective lens, security is the absence of threat while in the subjective lens, it the absence of fear. The emphasis is that security is achieved once both components exist.
On the contrary, Buzan (1991) claimed that security is taken to be about the pursuit of freedom from threat and the ability of states and societies to maintain their independent identity and their functional integrity against forces of change, which they see as hostile. The bottom line of security is survival, but it also reasonably includes a substantial range of concerns about the conditions of existence. Buzan identified three levels of security namely individual or human security, national security and international security. It could be inferred that security is the absence of anything that threaten the survival of the state and the people. Since it appeared in the pages of the 1994 Human Development Report of the United Nations Development
Programme, the term human security has come to stand for a fundamentally new way of thinking about international security, one that challenges traditional, state-centric
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conceptions of security and puts the individual person regardless of citizenship at the centre of security (Blake-Wilson, Nystrom, Hopwood, Mikkelsen & Wright (2003)).
Like the notion of security, Thomas (2000) argued that there is no single consensus definition of human security, which in itself is a source of criticism of the concept as lacking a common definition and therefore ambiguous. Levac, Colquhoun & O'Brien
(2010), stated “Academic institutions have developed research and degree programs in human security yet the concept is a contested one” (p. 19). As scholarly attention has grown in intensity, the concept of “human security” has lost clarity, and its soundness and applicability has been argued about in recent academic analyses and polemics (Paris, 2001, p. 44).
Before then, Romm (1993) had averred that the concept of human security which originated in the many debates about ‘collective security’ around the end of the Cold
War expands the scope of analysis and policy in multiple directions. On the contrary,
Gasper (2010) contend that a large literature has emerged challenging, defending, or explaining the meaning and the added value of the concept. Gasper claimed that the concept has become increasingly widely used since the mid-1990s.
While initially used primarily with reference to state policies and the search for new international security and development agendas after the end of the Cold War, it is increasingly being used in policy advocacy by civil society groups on a broader range of contemporary issues from civil war to migration to climate change (O’Brien,
2010). This means that the concept has gained recognition and attention in policies of states in the international community with the demise of the Cold War.
Human security has been described as a new paradigm, and as a Copernican
Revolution (Blake-Wilson, Nystrom, Hopwood, Mikkelsen & Wright, 2003).
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It refers simultaneously to goals, to a set of measurable conditions, to policy instruments, to an expression of values and of principles, and to a way of thinking about, talking about, and acting in a world populated by humans who relate to each other along various lines of social, political, cultural, and economic organization.
It is involved in articulating the human condition in terms of the real, the
(un)desirable, the (un)achievable, and the (in) intolerable. Blake-Wilson, Nystrom,
Hopwood, Mikkelsen & Wright (2003) further contended that those who employ the term seem keenly aware that human security, in addition to redefining security, involves a rethinking of the rights, responsibilities and role of the state, as well as of the system of states or international community of which it is a part.
Fukuda-Parr and Messineo (2012) noted that the notion of human security is an imperative concept not to be overlooked as a significant discourse in contemporary debates about the world order. This is because; it opens up new lines of analysis and gives voice to new actors. In the introduction to their volume “Human Security: A critical review of the literature”, Fukuda-Parr and Messineo (2012) emphasized that human security is a concept that identifies the security of human lives as the central objective of national and international security policy. It contrasts with, and grew out of increasing dissatisfaction with, the state-centered concept of security as an adequate conceptual framework for understanding human vulnerabilities in the contemporary world and military interventions as adequate responses to them. It could be inferred in this regard that the value added by human security in the security field is that it focused attention on human beings and integrated non-military mechanisms as means to security.
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As a corollary to this assertion, Burgess and Gräns (2012) are of the view that human security can no longer be understood in purely military terms. Rather, it must encompass economic development, social justice, environmental protection, democratization, disarmament, and respect for human rights and the rule of law (p.
40). In an address at a United Nations Security Council (UNSC) meeting in 2006,
Kofi Annan emphasized that gross abuses of human rights, the large-scale displacement of civilian populations, international terrorism, the AIDS pandemic, drug and arms trafficking and environmental disasters present a direct threat to human security, forcing the United Nations to adopt a much more coordinated approach to a range of issues. Drawing on the emphasis of Annan, Gasper (2010) also highlighted that human security, in its broadest sense, embraces far more than the absence of violent conflict. This view is further supported by Gomez (2011), who claimed that human security relates to much more than security from violence and crime.
The concept of human security encompasses human rights, good governance, access to education and health care and ensuring that each individual has opportunities and choices to fulfill his or her potential. In this regard, every step in this direction is also a step towards reducing poverty, achieving economic growth and preventing conflict.
Even though Jolly and Ray (2006) supported this assertion that human security goes beyond conventional paradigm of security in more ways than one, they however claimed that under various explanations, the concept of human security has been addressed within the rubric of two fundamental components: freedom from fear and freedom from want.
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Gasper (2010) further averred that freedom from want, freedom from fear, and the freedom of future generations to inherit a healthy natural environment constitute the interrelated building blocks of human and therefore national security.
In a more elaborate manner, Rothschild (1995) asserted that human security has a multifaceted dimension:
“The concept of human security extends downwards “to the security of groups
and individuals; upward, “to the security of international systems;
horizontally, from military security to political, economic, social,
environmental, or ‘human security; and in all directions “upward so
international institutions, downwards to regional or local government,
sideways to non-governmental organizations, to public opinion and the press,
and to the abstract forces of nature or of the market”. (p. 98).
By focusing on the individual, Fukuda-Parr and Messineo (2012) are of the view that the concept must necessarily include all aspects of human rights including the need for meeting basic needs and the demands of political and social freedom.
According to Gasper (2010), Frene Ginwala, a one-time South African political leader claimed that “thinking about security broadened from an exclusive concern with the security of the state to a concern with the security of people. Along with this shift came the notion that states ought not to be the sole or main referent of security.
People’s interests or the interests of humanity, as a collective, become the focus”. In this way, security becomes an all-encompassing condition in which individual citizens live in freedom, peace and safety and participate fully in the process of governance.
They enjoy the protection of fundamental rights, have access to resources and the
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basic necessities of life, including health and education, and inhabit an environment that is not injurious to their health and well-being.
Newman (2010) also posited that human security is normatively attractive, but analytically weak. Through human security lens, anything that presents a critical threat to life is a security threat, whatever the source. Newman argued that to understand the concept of human security is to consider the broad approach of the concept. On the contrary, Harrison (2013) contended that the broad approach to human security which includes social and economic afflictions has attracted the greatest degree of criticism in this regard. Critics have argued that the broad approach is so inclusive in considering potential threat to human safety. This in effect renders the concept meaningless. Harrison (2013) further contended that the concept does not allow scholars or policy makers to prioritize different types of threat as it confuses sources and consequences of insecurity, and that it is too amorphous to allow analysis with any degree of precision.
The Commission on Human Security (2003) also defined human security as:
“…to protect the vital core of all human lives in ways that enhance human
freedoms and human fulfillment. Human security means protecting
fundamental freedoms that are the essence of life. It means protecting people
from critical (severe) and pervasive (widespread) threats and situations. It
means using processes that build on people’s strengths and aspirations. It
means creating political, social, environmental, economic, military and
cultural systems that together give people the building blocks of survival,
livelihood and dignity.” (Fostering Human Security, para. 3).
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This definition as proposed by the Commission on Human Security re-conceptualizes it in a fundamental way by incorporating three essentials into it.
In the first place, the reconceptualization by the Commission has moved away from traditional, state-centric conceptions of security that focused primarily on the safety of states from military aggression, to one that concentrates on the security of the individuals, their protection and empowerment.
Moreover, attention has been shifted to a multitude of threats that cut across different aspects of human life and thus highlighting the interface between security, development and human rights. Finally, the reconceptualization has succeeded in promoting a new integrated, coordinated and people-centered approach to advancing peace, security and development within and across nations.
In the words of Tadjbakhsh and Chenoy (2007), the simplest definition of human security is the “absence of insecurity and threats” (p. 114). To be secure is to be free from both fear (of physical, sexual or psychological abuse, violence, persecution, or death) and from want (of gainful employment, food, and health). Human security therefore deals with the capacity to identify threats, to
avoid them when possible, and to mitigate their effects when they do occur.
It means helping victims cope with the consequences of the widespread insecurity resulting from armed conflict, human rights violations and massive underdevelopment.
This broadened use of the word “human security” encompasses two ideas: one is the notion of “safety”that goes beyond the concept of mere physical security in
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the traditional sense, and the other the idea that people’s livelihoods should be guaranteed through “social security” against sudden disruptions (Tadjbakhsh
& Chenoy, 2007, p. 43).
According to Gómez et al (2012), the General Assembly (GA) of the United Nations in 2012 adopted a common definition of the concept. The Assembly broadened the scope of human security analysis and policy from territorial security to the security of people. The 2012 General Assembly (GA) Resolution stresses the role of Member
States in identifying and addressing widespread and cross-cutting challenges to survival, livelihood and dignity of their people. In other words, threat(s) to and values under threat in people’s lives are the key starting point of a human security pursuit.
Drawing from the above views, the notion of human security in the context of this study has its focus on the security of human lives at the expense of the augmentation of military capacity of the state. Advocates of human security are divided between
those who are content with a narrow definition, focusing exclusively on factors that perpetuate violence and those for whom a broad definition which encompasses issues of human rights and underdevelopment is to be preferred
(Harutyunyan, 2014, p. 90).
Proponents of a broad definition argue that instead of lamenting the lack of workable definitions, research should be concerned with the way in which the definitions insisted on by security studies circumvent political, moral and ethical concerns in order to concentrate on relations of power. In this perspective, the lack of an agreed-upon definition is not a conceptual weakness
but represents a refusal to succumb to the dominant political agenda.
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A broad definition is therefore critical to transforming the ethos and engaging in the “political” act of raising questions that are peripheral to security studies.
This approach encourages comprehensive measures which can be appliedto issues that affect the everyday lives of people. For these advocates, human security provides a language and rationale for taking into account the concerns of the majority of humanity; these concerns may be subjective, but it is nonetheless the subjective sense of the security of individuals that in the last analysis is of paramount importance. If security is ultimately a feeling, then human security must be a felt experience (Harutyunyan, 2014).
Drawing from the central argument of both broad and narrow perspectives of the concept, it could be emphasized that the objective of human security is to safeguard the vital core of all human lives from critical pervasive threats, in a way that is consistent with long-term human fulfillment. On the issues of safeguarding human security, Alkire (2003), noted that human security is deliberately protective. It recognizes that people and communities are fatally threatened by events well beyond their control; a financial crisis, a violent conflict, AIDS, a national policy that undercuts public and private investments in health care, a terrorist attack, water shortages, chronic destitution, or pollution in a distant land.
According to Edelman (2001), any threats are far more destructive if they come as a surprise. The damage and deaths of an earthquake can be minimized by producing earthquake resistant buildings; the impoverishing effects of a financial crisis can be mitigated if counter-measures are put in place in advance; early warning systems can reduce the effect of famine. Yet many of these preparations require threats to be
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acknowledged, before they occur (or at the very least, as they occur). The human security approach urges institutions to offer protection which is institutionalized, not episodic; responsive, not rigid; preventative, not reactive. In this way, people will face inevitable downturns “with security (Sen, 2000).
2.3 Theoretical Framework
2.3.1 Theories of Electoral Violence
There are various theories that seek to explain the root causes of electoral violence.
Notable among these theories include the Institutional Functionalism Theory of
Electoral Violence, the theory of Electoral Authoritarian Regimes, The Structural
Theory of Electoral Violence and the Theory of Big Man Politics.
Two theories were used in the study to understand the root causes of recurrent electoral violence in the study area. These are the Structural Theory of Electoral
Violence and the Theory of Big Man Politics.
2.3.1.1. Structural Theory of Electoral Violence
The structural theory of electoral violence postulates that the political economy of the state is the causal factor of electoral violence. Society and politics are organized in a manner that generates conflict. Biegon (2009) noted that where the state is organized in such a way that significant elements of the population are excluded from meaningfully participating in and benefiting from the states’ economic and political life, such segments are bound at some point to resort to violence to reverse the effects of exclusion. The exclusion of some elements of the population weakens the solidarity
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between the members of the state and further creates a feeling of denigration which later results in violence during national elections. This usually transpires in a state where there is massive discrimination and sidelining and manifestation of social stratification.
To Biegon (2009), where there exist competitive multiparty elections between the marginalized and the unmarginalised, the stakes of winning an election are definitely raised to a point that violence is a real outcome in the event of disappointment for either group. Vallings and Torres (2005) emphasized that, the stakes are even raised higher where it is assumed that the possibility that resources will be directed to a particular group is directly related to whether the politician who controls those resources is from that group. In such a situation, those in power will seek to retain it at all cost including resorting to foul means.
On the other hand, if those outside power have long been excluded from mainstream state political power and economy, they will seek to attain it at all cost including violence. These situations normally arise when the electoral system is tilted towards the concept of winner takes all such as in the case of Ghana. Here the party that wins the elections is constituted to form the government, have control over the country’s resources to rule the people while the defeated parties are left out of the governance system.
According to Sisk (2008), when parties are quite certain of loss or exclusion in an electoral contest, especially when they expect to be minorities for a very long time, the certainty of outcomes is also a strong causal driver of violence. When a strongly insecure party or faction expects to be systematically excluded from
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political power, they may as well turn to violence to either prevent their exclusion or to prevent the election process.
However, the theory suffers from/a deficit in the use of the theoretical perspective is that it failed to consider also the role of the unmarginalised in causing electoral violence. Amankwaah (2013) argued that for the purpose of continual enjoyment of state resources, the included segment of the population would seek to ensure that their party remains in power. Any progress of the excluded would be seen as threat to their status. In this regard, the included would therefore rely on state power to tilt the electoral processes to their advantage leading to popular misunderstanding and further resulting in clashes between both the included and the excluded. The end result of such development is violence with massive human rights abuses.
2.3.1.2. The Theory of Big Man Politics
The theory of big man politics as propounded by Sahlins (1963) emphasized that electoral violence is caused by big man-client loyalty. Big man politics is a system of clientelistic exchanges where the big man (as patron) provides goods for clients who give loyalty in return. Aside the broad base of clients, the big man also controls a dedicated structure of clients with a major duty of serving the big man as violence provocateurs to influence electoral processes and outcomes (Omobowale & Akanle
2017).
A client violence provocateur may have some primary career as cover. However, when duty demands, he deploys his violence capabilities and resources to the services of the big man. This usually happens in a state where there is economic decline coupled with the presence of weak state institutions that cannot manage the very real grievances of the populace. The section of the populace who are seeking for survival
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form strong alliances with the big men in the political arena precisely candidates of election and further help them at all cost to either retain their seats or win election.
Where there is certainty of losing election, these clients resort to violence as a means of jeopardizing the whole electoral processes. This accounts for the prevalence of electoral violence in developing countries especially countries in Eastern and sub-
Sahara Africa.
The structural and big man politics theories may explain why electoral violence is prevalent in African and Asian countries. Most African countries have weak political institutions with high unemployment and poverty level. Sisk (2008), observed that a common cause of election violence is that the stakes of winning and losing valued political posts in many situations, and especially in conditions of high scarcity and underdevelopment is incredibly high. By implication, in a community or a state where a section of the people feel that they are marginalized and excluded from participating in decision making process, they may easily resort to violence to press home their demands. Lack of access to socio-economic and political resources which could enhance peoples’ participation can fuel electoral violence.
This normally happens when marginalized groups perceived that, they are systematically and structurally excluded from the benefits of the state and there is no possibility of overcoming such phenomenon (Adzomadi, 2015).
The main criticism of the Big Man Politics Theory is that it failed to consider the rationality of man. Omotola (2010) argued that human beings are rational and that if grave consequences of actions are ascertained, people sometimes shun such acts despite the financial benefits they may gain. The theory only looked at money or other benefits from the “big man” to the client as the causal core of electoral violence in the state. However, Luckham (2003) emphasized that there are a lot of drivers or causes
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of electoral violence in national electoral politics and that looking at only big man- client loyalty as a sole driver of electoral violence could be highly contestable and arguable (p. 95).
2.4. The Evolution of Human Security
Blake-Wilson, Nystrom, Hopwood, Mikkelsen & Wright (2003) stated “In order to fully appreciate the significance of human security, particularly the way in which this
“new paradigm” quickly gathered attention and widespread support in many academic and policymaking circles, it is necessary to understand the context in which it emerged” (p. 20). Dedring (2004) posited that despite the arguments about the idea of
“human security,” there is little disagreement about the genesis of this new norm (p.
69). A number of descriptive accounts have brought out the beginnings of the novel approach to security within the preparation and publication of the UNDP Human
Development Reports.
Burgess and Gräns (2012) also asserted that though the term was not used, human security was at the heart of the purpose of the United Nations. In the aftermath of the horrors of World War II, the framers of the 1945 United Nations’ Charter were motivated by the need for nations to act collectively to protect freedom and dignity of individuals and recognized the tension between the individual and the state.
Moreover, states were required to respect human dignity and fundamental freedoms as human rights.
The international conventions on human rights established these norms. The concept of human security was elaborated on the basis of empirical research conducted after the end of the post-Cold war period. According to Dedring (2004), the explicit
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invocation and presentation of “human security” as the new referent for contemporary international relations took place in the 1994 Human Development Report.
In support of this assertion, Henk (2005) noted that the issue of human security became a developmental mantra across the globe after the famous UNDP Report of
1994 particularly within the context of the Millennium Development Goals.
According to Quinn (2008), the promotion of human security began in the early 1990s by the UNDP as a concept embracing not only freedom from war and violence (or personal security), but also incorporating individual’s basic needs for survival (p.
112). This was because; the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in its annual Human Development Report drew attention to the widespread conflict and violence. It also identified the underlying poverty and underdevelopment as root causes of human insecurity.
Dedring (2004) emphasized that Mahbub ul Haq, the first team leader for the UNDP reports and principal author of the seminal 1994 was the intellectual father behind the conception of the term “human security.” Human security was highly captured in the report and this new emphasis helped shape the direction of the subsequent reports filling in the missing elements in a complete overview (p. 86).
The startling success of the UNDP Human Development reports as alternative to the traditional national security focus allows the observer to take the cue from the intellectual treasure emanating from the UNDP efforts since the early 1990’s (Alkire,
2003).
Dedring (2004), further noted that although, ul Haq’s definition was not the definitive standard, nevertheless, it is most suitable to establish the general boundaries of this new idea. In the new understanding of security, ul Haq equated security with the
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security of individuals. He further suggested that a new concept of security needed to be fashioned that was grounded in the lives of the people, not in the weapons of the country.
Drawing from the above assertion, Quinn (2008) also averred that the report questioned the traditional state-centric concept of security and argued that, there was a need for a new approach based on a comprehensive concept of human security embracing economic and social rights (freedom from poverty, hunger, disease, violence and environmental degradation), and political and cultural rights (freedom to exercise basic human rights and freedoms and cultural identity).
The 1994 Human Development Report (HDR) highlighted two major components of human security: ‘freedom from fear’ and ‘freedom from want’ (Gasper & Gomez, p.
20).These freedoms, which form the preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, are part of the four human freedoms that President Franklin D. Roosevelt famously referred to in a speech in 1941. He was advocating a world founded on: freedom of speech and expression, freedom of worship, freedom from want and freedom from fear.
According to the Commission on Human Security (2003), the HDR identified the human security approach in the promotion of human security across the globe. The human security approach requires understanding of particular threats experienced by particular groups of people, as well as the participation of those people in the analysis process. Alkire (2003), emphasized that threats to human security can exist at all levels of development. They can emerge slowly and silently or appear suddenly and dramatically.
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Central to the approach is the idea that people have ‘the right to live in freedom and dignity, free from poverty and despair… with an equal opportunity to enjoy all their rights and fully develop their human potential’ (Gasper &Gomez, p. 97)
2.4.1. Phases of Human Security
According to the Commission on Human Security (2003), human security brings together the ‘human elements’ of security, rights and development (Fostering Human
Security, para. 4). As such, it is an inter-disciplinary concept that displays the following characteristics:
• people-centered
• multi-sectoral
• comprehensive
• context-specific
• prevention-oriented
As a people-centered concept, human security places the individual at the ‘centre of analysis.’ Consequently, it considers a broad range of conditions which threaten survival, livelihood and dignity, and identifies the threshold below which human life is intolerably threatened. Human security is also based on a multi-sectorial understanding of insecurities. The 1994 Human Development Report (HDR) was more specific, listing seven essential dimensions of human security:
• Economic
• Health
• Personal
• Political
• Food
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• Environment
• Community
However, Gasper and Gomez (2013) contend that this list is neither comprehensive nor definitive, and the UN Charter refers more flexibly to ‘fundamental freedoms”.
The emphasis was that security entails a broadened understanding of threats and includes causes of insecurity relating for instance to economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community and political security. In support of this argument, Gasper and Gomez (2013) outlined a number of threats which cause human insecurity. This is shown in the table below.
Table 1: Possible Types of Human Security Threats
Type of Security Instances of Main Threats
Economic security Persistent poverty, unemployment
Food Security Hunger, famine Health Security Deadly infectious diseases, unsafe food, malnutrition, lack of access to basic health care
Environmental Security Environmental degradation, resource depletion, natural disasters, pollution
Personal Security Physical violence, crime, terrorism, domestic violence, child labor
Community Security Inter-ethnic, religious and other identity based tensions
Political Security Political repression, human rights abuses
Source: Gasper and Gomez (2013)
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2.5. Human Security and Human Rights: The Nexus
Estrada-Tanck (2013), noted “The notion of human security, constructed and advocated for in the international arena, offers an interesting opportunity to further analyze its relationship to human rights, another concept which enjoys strong international relevance, largely in the legal terrain (p. 51). In the quest to broach analysis on the interconnectedness of human security and human rights, it is imperative to have a clear understanding of what is meant by ‘human rights’. This preliminary inquiry is crucial because, Douzinas (2007) posited that over the years, human rights have been the subject of a multiplicity of discourses, practices, and struggles by scholars from diverse backgrounds to achieve particular objectives.
From the philosophical standpoint, Shestack (1998) claimed that human rights are a set of moral principles whose justification lies in the province of moral philosophy. In view of this, human rights are regarded as moral rights or claims by individuals, which may or may not have been recognized by a particular legal system. Donnelly
(2003) contend that human beings are born equal in dignity and rights. These are moral claims that are inalienable and inherent in all human individuals by virtue of their humanity alone. However, human rights are seen from the legal perspective as a set of claims by individuals who have been recognized and legitimized by any particular legal system (Donnelly, 2007). From this standpoint, it could be inferred that the basis of these legal rights is the consent of the governed, that is, the consent of the subjects of the rights as asserted by Sidanius, Pratto,Van Laar,& Levin (2004).
Symonides (2002) defined human rights as “the inherent dignity and inalienable rights of all members of the human family recognizing them as the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world” (p. 17). His argument was that a peaceful world is the
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one founded on justice and this will only be possible when human dignity is given full prominence.
The Office of the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights (UNHCHR,
2014) also viewed human rights as universal values and legal guarantees that protect individuals and groups against actions and omissions primarily by state agents that interfere with fundamental freedoms, entitlements and human dignity. Human rights are also fundamental rights and freedoms that all humans possess regardless of nationality, age, sex, origin, religion, language, etc (Donnelly, 2003).They include civil, political, social, cultural and economic rights, most importantly the right to life, security, equality and freedom of expression. Human rights are recognized and protected by international treaties and conventions, as well as national laws
(Douzinas, 2007).
Donnelly (2013) contend that the idea of human rights brings to light the issue of right holder and the duty-bearer. The right holder is the individual or group of individuals in the state who are supposed to be treated with dignity whereas the duty bearer is commonly seen to be the state that is responsible for the ratification of human rights covenants. In this regard, states have it as a duty to respect, protect and fulfill human rights. Respect for human rights primarily involves not interfering with their enjoyment. Protection is focused on taking positive steps to ensure that others do not interfere with the enjoyment of rights (Commission on Human Security, 2003).
Donnelly (2013) further posited that the fulfillment of human right requires states to adopt appropriate measures, including legislative, judicial, administrative or educative measures, in order to fulfill their legal obligations.
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In referring to the relationship between human security and human rights, the
Commission on Human Security (CHS), a group of experts co-chaired by Amartya
Sen and Sadako Ogata in 2003 reported that human rights constitute the foundation for human security:
“Human rights and the attributes stemming from human dignity constitute a normative framework and a conceptual reference point which must necessarily be applied to the construction and putting into practice of the notion of human security. In the same manner, without prejudice to considering the norms and principles of international humanitarian law as essential components for the construction of human security, emphasis should be made that the latter cannot be restricted to situations of current or past armed conflict, but rather is a generally applicable instrument”. (Fostering Human Security, para. 9).
Also, Kofi Annan in his address at a Security Council meeting dated October 16, 2006 said this:
“..anyone who speaks forcefully for human rights but does nothing about
human security and human development or vice versa undermines both his
credibility and his cause. So let us speak with one voice on all three issues”.
This statement of Annan (2006) implies that there is a complementarity between human security and human rights. In this regard, it could be emphasized that human security in a way is embedded in human rights.
In support of this assertion, Sen (2000) noted that human rights and human security ideas are complementary. To Sen, security is about priorities which are also within listed rights, despite beliefs in indivisibility. The argument is that rights are a format
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for entrenching basic priorities and as such, human security constitutes one of the basic priorities of life.
Contrary to the views of Annan and Sen, Howard-Hassman (2012) posited that human rights and human security may be competing discourses, despite arguments by some scholars that they are not. The argument raised by Howard-Hassman is that human security approaches often undermine human rights. She further contend that even though human security approaches have helped in identifying new threats to human rights, neglected groups, new duties, new instruments; nevertheless it confuses by the repetition of what is already well covered by human rights regime.
As a counter argument, Estrada-Tanck (2013) opines that there is a working relationship between human security and human rights in that both have a common objective, thus the recognition and protection of human dignity at the background.
However, Estrada-Tanck noted that in order to comprehend the connections between human security and human rights, it is necessary to refer to the strategic importance of respect for human rights in the maintenance of international peace and security in general which is the core objective of the Charter of the United Nations. International human rights norms define the meaning of human security in a simplified manner.
Article 28 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is of crucial importance from this point of view. This article states that:
“Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized”.
This article stipulates that everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights recognized in the Declaration can be realized. Individual security must be the basis for national security, and national security grounded in individual
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security must be the basis of international security. National security and international security cannot be achieved without respect for individual security in the form of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The inference is that conflicts cannot be prevented or peace maintained in a world of wanton violations of human rights.
Another point of connection may be found in looking at human security under the light of legal rights as recognized by International Law, in a similar way to the human rights based approaches that have been suggested in relation to development, especially in relation to economic, social and cultural rights (Alston, 2002, p. 57).
In line with emphasis on focusing on human rights implementation, Owen (2002), noted that the connection between human security and human rights under this perspective, would also contribute to the possibility of constructing public policies with a human rights-based approach, which include the aspect of prevention and attention to risks and situations of vulnerability. Estrada-Tanck (2013) averred that in whichever of its conceptions, the fact is that human security plays a key function in international and national institutional arrangements, frequently related to the legal dimension of human rights.
The evolution of human rights has had a great influence on the development of modern International Law, and in this context it can be observed that human security, in the same way than human rights, is human centered, as opposed to State-focused.
Thus, it is possible to conclude that both constructs, human security and human rights, serve common purposes and are therefore “mutually reinforcing”.
Thomas (2000), also opines that while most human security ideas relate to human rights, they do not adopt a human rights-based approach when measuring levels of
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human security. Human security and human rights share common values, they overlap and coincide in their interest of placing human beings at the center of concern. Human rights have a normative basis expressed through a strong legal architecture, while human security is more of an orienting notion, a unifying or transformative concept that contributes to the interpretation of such normative legal framework.
However, the relevant intersecting point between human security and human rights which is at the same time the distinctive characteristic that sets them apart as different notions, is precisely the element of risk or vulnerability (Estrada-Tanck , 2013, p. 12).
In this sense, it does not seem appropriate when answering the question of which human rights should enter under the human security umbrella, to observe that only a limited set of rights, those “basic rights” directly related to “survival, livelihood and dignity”, should be considered within human security.
2.6. Security as Right
Harutyunyan (2014) emphasized that when looking at states’ obligations within the international legal order, it could be observed that there are various international human rights instruments which refer to security. Human security has also been considered as “an emerging right”, which would consist of the individual’s claim to the protection against the seven types of threats correlated to the categories of insecurities identified by the 1994 UNDP Report (Estrada-Tanck, 2013, p. 52).
According to the report of the International Commission on Intervention and State
Sovereignty (2001) “The International Human Rights Regime (the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
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Rights (ICESCR)) recognize the right to security in one way or another (Ensuring
International Security, para. 3). The International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR) acknowledges the “right to liberty and security of person”. Article 9 states that:
“Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. No one shall be
subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention.No one shall be deprived of his
liberty except on such grounds and in accordance with such procedure as are
established by law”.
The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) also recognizes “the right of everyone to social security, including social insurance” and prescribes the widest possible protection and assistance by the State to the family, which is the natural and fundamental group unit of society, particularly for its establishment and while it is responsible for the care and education of dependent children.
Article 9 of the Covenant states that:
“The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of
everyone to social security, including social insurance”.
Article 10 of the ICESCR also obliges states to grant special protection to mothers during a reasonable period before and after childbirth and mentions that during such period working mothers should be accorded paid leave or leave with adequate social security benefits. These aspects of the right to security were originally conceived since the 1948 UDHR, which affirmed that “everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person” (Article 3), and that “everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and
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international co-operation (Mack, 2002). Human security is also given prominence as a right by Article 22 of the UDHR. This Article states that:
1. Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well- being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.
2. Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection.
Drawing from the provisions of the International Human Rights Regime, Estrada-
Tanck (2013) concluded that there is legal basis to affirm that security is a human right, but limited to the right of personal security and the right to social security, as well as a certain notion of a right to international security as set forth in Article 28 of the UDHR.
2.7. Understanding Political Culture
Schafer (2013) contend that political culture has been and remains an important concept for many political scientists, and it will probably always be so (p. 12).
Aristotle, Charles-Louis Montesquieu, Alexis de Tocqueville, and other great students of politics sought to understand and explain political culture even when they did not use the term. In political-cultural studies, it has been common to focus on identifying the political attitudes, values, beliefs, and ideologies that are associated with and help explain the behaviours of certain individuals, groups, organizations, and institutions,
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and to study how the latter in turn contribute to the development of the former
(Elazar, 1994).
In the opinion of Bluwey (2011), every political community assumes distinctive attitudes, sentiments and cognition that condition the behaviour of public officials and the attitudes of the people towards the entire political system and their values and esteem for their leaders and institutions (p. 90). These distinctive sentiments and cognitions are not mere isolated facets of political behaviour. He however noted that, these attitudes, sentiments and cognition are deeply rooted in the history and common experiences of the people and together, they fit into a set of values that are mutually reinforcing in the arena of political behaviour.
On the contrary, Pye (1965) averred that the concept of political culture suggests that the traditions of a society, the spirit of public institutions, the passion and the collective reasoning of its citizenry and the style and operating codes of its leaders are not just random products of historical experiences. Instead, they fit together as part of a meaningful whole and constitute an intelligible web of relations. For the individual, political culture provides controlling guidelines for political behaviour and, for the collectivity; it gives a systematic structure of values and rational considerations which endow public institutions and organizations with a pattern of coherent and predictable modes of behaviour. Contrary to the view of Pye (1965), Tepperman (1979) sees political culture as the pattern of beliefs and assumptions ordinary people have towards the world, as these pertain to politics.
Almond and Verba (1965) also claimed that every political system is embedded in a particular pattern or orientation to political actions. On this premise, they defined political culture as the distinctive political values, beliefs and patterns of behaviour
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associated with a political community. In other words, political culture is the totality of the political attitudes, values, feelings, knowledge and skills possessed by members of the political community. It is reflected in the ideology, the attitudes of the people towards public officials and institutions, the national conception of public duty and the esteem in which the people uphold the political system.
Hayward (1987) argues that if politics poses the question of “who gets what, when, where, and how,” then political culture supplies a big part of the answer. He similarly sees political culture as the shared values and beliefs of a group or society regarding political relationships and public policy and this answers the question of how human beings are going to live together. Hayward (1987) claimed further that political culture answers the question of “who gets to do what with and to whom under what circumstance”. It also answers the question of “who decides, who has authority, and who has power in a group, organization, institution, or other social unit in society”.
For the scholar of political behaviour, political culture provides structure and meaning to all activities, perceptions and motivations that take place in the political sphere in the same way as the sociologist uses general culture to analyze the factors that produce coherence and integration in a society (Bluwey, 2011, p. 90).
Almond and Verba (1965) identified three basic aspects of political culture which consists of; the affective, the cognitive and the evaluative. The affective encompasses the feelings and emotions of the people toward the political system, its institutions, leaders and values. The cognitive, however, comprises the knowledge and information the people possess about the political community; its history, heroes, symbols, present condition and future aspirations, expressed in the policies of the leaders while the evaluative embodies the value judgments of the people about the performance and general credibility of the system and its leaders.
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Bluwey (2011) points out that political culture can be learned and that the learning process runs continuously from infancy through adolescence into adulthood. It can also be created by individuals or groups in adapting to new situations or in meeting the challenges of cultural conflict or social change. Revolutionaries invariably create new cultures as they substitute their cherished ideology for the one they have overthrown. Similarly, great political upheavals such as war or a sudden social or economic collapse do challenge and may overwhelm aspects of the existing political culture.
2.7.1 Types of Political Culture
Political change, including revolution, is invariably preceded by a weakening or challenging of the existing political culture (Bluwey, 2011, p. 91). Political culture can itself be a source of change when countries and organizations are conceived as being composed of contending political subcultures (Thompson, Ellis & Wildavsky,
1990). Almond and Verba (1965) identified three basic kinds of political culture namely; parochial, subject and participant political culture and further noted that these cultures are congruent with traditional, authoritarian and democratic systems respectively.
They associated the parochial political culture, first, with the African tribal societies and the generality of societies ruled by absolute monarchs. In their view, political authority in these societies emanates from tradition and custom. There is no differentiation of roles and the same person combines in himself the roles of the spiritual and political leader. Such societies are both simple and traditional which is hardly affected by modernity. The second type of societies dominated by the parochial political culture is those that are predominantly rural and in which
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government penetration is minimal. This may not be due solely to poor communication and a general lack of modernity but rather it is caused by the type of economic activity that is predominant among the people. A determination of the parochial political culture is the aspects. In a parochial political culture, the people as a whole have neither deep knowledge nor intense feelings about the institutions, leaders and processes of the state.
A second typology which is the subject political culture is associated with the authoritarian system of rule. In this type of political culture, the people are generally passive but loyal to the rulers. They have knowledge and some measure of feelings and emotions towards the general political system and they may be even aware of how decisions and actions affect them. On the contrary, individuals in this type of political culture do not know the role they can play as political actors or how they can affect the decisions and actions of the rulers by making use of the input channels.
Awareness of the input channels may be present but the people may be scared of the ramifications of pressing for their demands.
Contrary to the two types of political culture, the participant political culture which is also associated the democratic system of government manifests the three aspects of political culture. There is widespread citizen participation in politics and a low evaluation of public officials arid the average citizen feels capable of acting as an independent agent to stake his claims on the society.
Almond and Verba (1965), however, warned that there is no pure type of political culture in the sense that no political community exhibits only one of the three types.
On the contrary, in every political community, the three types of political culture
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prevail. It is therefore possible to identify a predominant type out of the admixture of the three in a given political community.
2. 8. Electoral Politics and Human Security in Africa
Akokpari (2012) noted that a number of African countries have successfully organized competitive multi-party elections, since the 1990s, which have led to the displacement and replacement of long serving dictators by democratically elected governments (p. 2). He further added that elections held throughout the continent during the1990s were largely free from violence and hardly created conditions of insecurity. Because of this development, electoral politics generated euphoria for countries, many of whom have either never experienced elections or in the case of the one-party dominated systems, have never tasted competitive multi-party elections. By and large, the elections were orderly and led to peaceful transitions.
However, the political climate of many countries in the continent changed in the early
2000 (Akokpari, 2012, p. 5). A good number of elections, beginning from the 2000s, were not only marked by contestations but also by violence and in most cases generated an environment of conflict and insecurity. The prevalence of such violence reflected a confluence of factors, including the intensification of the competition for access to the state, perceived as a channel of accumulation. This perception raised the stakes to an unprecedented level during elections as vanquished parties went every length to stake a claim to the spoils.
Mention could be made of countries such as Liberia, Zimbabwe, Cote d’Ivoire,
Malawi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea, Nigeria and among others where the scale of violence, human rights abuses and human casualties has been high portray electoral politics as a source of insecurity (Teshome, 2008).
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In support of this assertion, Koko (2013) in his article “Understanding election-related violence in Africa-patterns, causes, consequences and a framework for preventive action” also emphasized that since the re-introduction of multiparty politics in Sub-
Saharan Africa in the early 1990s, electoral competition for state power has become the norm and many states there have since held more than three successive elections.
Even though, these states had successful elections, there were a lot of electoral contentions and minor violence creating atmosphere of insecurity for many of their citizens most especially minors and the less privileged.
Since the Arab Spring in 2011, several North African countries have also held multi- party elections. While the frequency of elections and the advancements in the quality of democracy across the continent has generated a sense of optimism for multiparty politics, this development has been closely accompanied by another, much more worrying trend, of election-related violence (Adejumobi, 2000, p. 14). This trend not only poses a threat to peace and security on the continent, but also risks undermining the long-term sustainability of these democratization processes.
In the time period 2012–2013, over 20 national elections and two constitutional referendums were scheduled in Africa (Nordic Africa Institute, Policy Notes
2012/13). In several of these elections, violence is anticipated to play a prominent role. Electoral victory is a matter of life and death in a region characterized by poverty and adversity. Incumbent regimes are determined to hold on to the state while the opposition, located outside government, is keen to wrestle it.
The result is for the extension of this contestation beyond the ballot box and on to the streets which exerts considerable impact on human security with a lot of human rights implications.
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In the past few years, very violent elections have occurred in countries such as Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, Nigeria, and Zimbabwe (Luckham, 2003, p. 2). A more common scenario has been low-intensity violence, widespread coercive intimidation of both candidates and voters including harassment, imprisonment and assassinations; violent riots and clashes between supporters or security elements of the competing political parties; and attacks on local party headquarters and party symbols. Countries that have displayed such characteristics during elections include Cameroon, Democratic
Republic of Congo, Liberia, Equatorial Guinea, Gambia, Guinea, Madagascar, Sierra
Leone, Senegal and Uganda (Akokpari, 2012, p. 7). The coup d’états staged during and prior to the elections in both Guinea Bissau and Mali in April 2012 are other examples of election-related incidents.
Election-related violence is not limited to physical violence but includes other coercive means, such as the threat of violence; intimidation and harassment which also provoke atmosphere of insecurity (Koko, 2013).The right to security and freedom from assault are undermined in these instances.
2.9. Overview of Elections in the Fourth Republic
Frempong (2012) contend that from such a slippery start, the strides that Ghana has taken in electoral politics since 1993 are impressive. Above all, from the all-time low voter turnout of 9% in the parliamentary election which the opposition boycotted, elections have been receiving between 60% and 80% voter turnout; an indication of mass participation. Frempong (2012) further noted that a myriad of factors have accounted for this success story which included among other things the innovative constitutional provisions; effective electoral management by the Electoral
Commission (EC) and related constitutional bodies; consensus building among
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political actors; the crucial roles of civil society organizations and the media, as well as mass participation in the electoral process.
Ghana’s Fourth Republic spans from the period 1992 to 2016 covering seven successive national elections. Bob-Milliar (2014) contend that though the 1992
Constitution of Ghana provides for a multiparty democracy, the National Democratic
Congress (NDC) and the New Patriot Party (NPP) have since 1992 emerged as two dominant parties under the Fourth Republic, creating a de facto two-party system.
These two main political parties have remained highly competitive in every single general election conducted under the Fourth Republic (Bob-Milliar, 2014). Such intense electoral competitions managed to push the 2000 and 2008 presidential elections respectively to a runoff and in the 2012 elections, it was the “do or die” posturing of the competition that led to the results of the election being challenged in the Supreme Court for a period of eight months (Morrison, 2004). Indeed, the two parties have dominated the political scene both at the presidency and the parliamentary level, leaving insignificant representation for any other party. No incumbent seeking re-election lost in any of these elections other than the last election which was held in 2016.
The NPP won the 2016 general election with 53.9% of the total valid votes counted while the incumbent NDC polled 44.4% (EC-Ghana 2016). In numerical terms, the
NPP garnered 5,716 026 votes, the NDC obtained 4 713 277 votes, while four other minor parties and an independent presidential candidate shared l.8% of the valid votes cast (EC-Ghana 2016).
The NPP secured 169 out of the 275 parliamentary seats, an almost two-thirds majority in Parliament, while the NDC garnered 106 seats.
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2.10. Electoral Politics and Human Security in Ghana
Ghana has been framed by the international community as a unique bastion of democracy and peace on the African continent (Morrison, 2004, p. 14). Nevertheless, the country has come from a military regime like many of its democratic African counterparts and is still prone to some of the problems faced by her more turbulent neighbours (Osei, 2013).
Gyimah-Boadi (2009) asserts that Ghana’s early 1990s transition to democratic rule had been highly flawed. In fact, it was denigrated as “transition without change” for a number of reasons, including the fact that some provisions of the 1992 Constitution appeared to have been tailored to enable the departing military ruler to retain some of the autocratic powers it wielded under military rule; “permanent transitional” provisions had been inserted in the 1992 Constitution giving blanket immunity to Flt
Lt Rawlings and his AFRC and PNDC governments.
Violence recorded during elections in Ghana since 1992 has been less as compared to other countries in the sub-region (Jockers, Kohnert & Nugent, 2009). However, to ignore the root causes of these pockets of violence may not augur well for the security of the people since violence has human rights implications. Lack of civility and normlessness has characterized electoral politics in most constituencies in Ghana for the past two decades. The dimension of electoral politics in Ghana since the inception of the Fourth Republic has created widespread election fatigue leading to popular disinterest in and cynicism towards politics (Amankwaah, 2013, p. 6).
Over the past two decades, four regions namely Northern, Brong-Ahafo, Ashanti and
Greater Accra have been most commonly cited flashpoints for election-related violence in the country (Ayee & Gyekye-Jandoh, 2014). Also, Gyimah-Boadi (2009) asserts that Greater Accra is the region with the second highest incidence of electoral
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violence in Ghana’s electoral history for the past one and half decades. Constituencies such as Ningo-Prampram, Tema Central, Okaikwei Central, Ablekuma West, Weija
Gbawe including the Odododiodioo record electoral violence almost during every election in Ghana. The rhetoric of official and unofficial party spokespersons has become more belligerent. Political discussions degenerate into deranging invectives and shouting matches to intimidate opponents. All in one way or another have resulted into violence creating atmosphere of insecurity in many constituencies in
Ghana.
Electoral merchants or better still political barons have hijacked the electoral process marginalizing the people, discountenancing their voices and choices and steadily sliding the Fourth Republic on the path of systemic collapse (Agbaje & Adejumobi,
2006). Electoral politics in this way threaten the effort to make human security a primacy in Ghana.
2. 10.1 Causes of Electoral Violence in Ghana
When an election process is alleged to be partial or corrupt, its political legitimacy is met halfway (Ayee & Gyekye-Jandoh, 2014, p. 13). This may motivate stakeholders involved to go outside the laid down institutional norms to achieve their objectives which may spark the occurrence of electoral violence (Adzomadi, 2015). Electoral violence denotes any random or organized act that seeks to determine, delay, or otherwise influence electoral processes through threat, verbal intimidation, hate speech, disinformation, physical assault, forced ‘protection’, blackmail, destruction of property or assassination (Gyimah-Boadi, 2009, p. 5).
Morrison (2004) also defined electoral violence as “all forms of organized acts or threats – physical, psychological, and structural – aimed at intimidating, harming,
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blackmailing a political stakeholder before, during and after an election with a view to determining, delaying, or otherwise influencing an electoral process.” (p. 15). It could be seen from the viewpoint of Morrison that electoral violence is political violence that targets political opponents during electoral process. Gyima-Boadi (2009) contend that election violence occurs not just at election time, but in periods leading to and after elections, such as registration and counting of ballots. A critical analysis of this assertion brings the inference that electoral violence can be physical and coercive intimidation as well as psychological and the inducement of fears by one of the contending parties to gain an undue advantage over the rest in an electoral processes. Physical electoral violence manifests where harm is caused to anybody, premise, and materials either involved directly in the electoral processes or not
(Ahenakwa, 2013).
According to Adzomadi (2015), the causes of electoral violence could be classified into two; namely the process and structural factors. The process as the name denotes means the violence that occurs during the electoral cycle. The process or internal factors could also be called the triggers of electoral violence because they go into the very nature of the entire electoral processes.
Therefore, if the electoral processes or internal factors are not professionally handled, they could lead to the eruption of electoral violence since elections are by their very nature competitive of ideology and struggle for political post. The process factors that trigger electoral violence include inter alia: contested and unfit legal frameworks for elections; ineffective and mistrusted dispute resolution mechanisms, lack of trust in electoral management bodies; technical problems, which as a consequence may favour particular political actors; hate speeches during election campaigns and mismanagement of appeals.
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The structural or the external factors are those existing socio-economic problems that serve as the remote causes of electoral violence. They are always underlying social issues which result in election violence and these factors may include existing community conflicts or violence. The structural or external factors include existing violence among ethnic, religious, organized crime, violence against women, terrorism, guerrilla fighting, tensions in the society for instance latent conflicts including segregation, discrimination, and other factors like unemployment, corruption, poverty and illiteracy.
Adzomadi (2015) further noted that a common cause of election violence is the stakes of winning and losing valued political posts. This always takes place especially in conditions of high scarcity, poverty and inequality. When winning a state office is the key to livelihood not just for an individual, but for his or her entire clan, faction, or even ethnic group, parties and candidates often refuse to contemplate the consequences of failure. Studies of election related violence often highlight the perpetuation of highly personal or patronage politics or a system in which politicians are gang -like ‘bosses’ that control resources (such as access to jobs and income) and dispense public services such as housing, health care, or lucrative government contracts (UNDP 2009).
Electoral violence could also be sparked by the certainty of outcome of elections
(Adzomadi, 2015). Koko (2013) contend that when parties are quite certain of defeat or exclusion in an electoral contest, especially when they expect to be ‘permanent minorities’ (to lose not just once, but again and again due to patterns of identity voting), the certainty of outcomes is also a strong causal of violence.
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2.11. The Promotion of Human Security as a Human Right in Ghana
The adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 established a common standard of achievement for all peoples and nations. This important step was the international response to a critical need of strategies for averting violations of the dignity of the human person and for ensuring the supremacy of human rights and freedoms through their protection by the rule of law (Schäfer, 2013).
Ghana as a member of the United Nations has endorsed many human rights treaties and declarations and incorporated their main provisions into national legislation. The rights of the people have been given prominence and further enshrined in chapter five of the 1992 constitution. Moreover, the1992 Constitution provided for the creation of a peculiar mechanism, the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice
(CHRAJ), in addition to existing state institutions in order to enhance the scale of good governance, democracy, integrity, peace and social development by promoting, protecting and enforcing fundamental human rights and freedoms and administrative justice for all persons in Ghana. Fundamental human rights in Ghana, as in any other country, are based on some values including; fairness, respect, equality of persons and dignity (Gyimah-Boadi, 2004).
Commitment to protecting and promoting human rights is quite high in contemporary
Ghana. Statutory bodies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) involved in human rights claimed that both public awareness of human rights and the government’s commitment to protecting human rights have grown tremendously since the restoration of constitutional rule in 1992 (CHRAJ report, 2012).
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This positive assessment is confirmed by the human rights reports published annually by the United States Embassy in Ghana. Since 1992, there has been a steady improvement in the human rights record of the country (Gyimah-Boadi, 2004).
Several new legislative Acts aimed at improving general enjoyment of human rights have been passed in recent years. Among them are the Domestic Violence Act (2007); the Disability Act (2006); Whistle Blowers’ Act (2006); Human Trafficking Act
(2005) and the Juvenile Justice Act, (2003). Others are the Criminal Code (repeal of
Criminal Libel and Seditious Laws) Act, (2001) and the Children’s Act (1998). Ghana has also ratified or signed most United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) human rights treaties.
Despite these developments, the picture is still far from perfect as there are intermittent systematic human rights violations in the Ghanaian society (Gyimah-
Boadi, 2004). The Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice
(CHRAJ) report of 2006 draws attention to several instances of violations throughout the country. Violations highlighted include detention of new mothers and their babies by hospital authorities because of their inability to settle medical bills; the denial of quality health-care delivery service to several sections of the population; and the inaccessibility of quality education for many children. The report also highlights the persistence of child labour and the physical and psychological abuse of alleged witches.
According to the Ghana 2016 Human Rights Report, most serious human rights problems were excessive force by police, including torture that resulted in death and injuries; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; trafficking in persons; and exploitative child labor, including forced child labor.
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Other human rights problems included rape by police; prolonged pretrial detention; assault and harassment of journalists; corruption in all branches of government; violence against women and children, including female genital mutilation/cutting; societal discrimination against women, persons with disabilities, persons with
HIV/AIDS, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex individuals; politically motivated and vigilante violence. All these pose threat to the security of people in the country. The government in response to these developments took steps to prosecute and punish officials who committed abuses, whether in the security forces or elsewhere in the government, but impunity remained a challenge.
Martin and Owen (2013) averred that the promotion of human rights is one of the main means to achieve a peaceful society. In this regard, national governments should sponsor and empower human rights institutions and agencies to embark on intensive human rights education. This in effect will equip the citizens to stand up for their rights in any instance of abuse. The Commission on Human Rights and
Administrative Justice (CHRAJ), the National Commission on Civic Education
(NCCE) and a number of NGOs are doing well with respect to citizens‟ education on human rights (Frempong, 2012).
2.12. Conclusion
This chapter discussed literature on electoral politics and human security. It brought to limelight how violence as a result of electoral politics affects human security and thereby undermining human rights. It has been argued that Ghana, although claimed to be in the league of successful countries in the area of election management, outcome and the democratic project in Africa, continues to experience recurrent
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violence during elections at many polling centres since the inception of the fourth in
1992.
It has also been argued that the concept of human security which originated in the many debates about ‘collective security’ around the end of the Cold War expands the scope of analysis and policy in multiple directions. It could be said that, in all the related literature searched, the authors agreed that there is no generally accepted definition of human security as it is multifaceted.
The literature also revealed that the causes of electoral violence could be classified into two; namely the process and structural factors. It has also been revealed that security is a human right and that there is a working relationship between human security and human rights in that both have a common objective, thus the recognition and protection of human dignity at the background.
Ghana as a member of the United Nations has endorsed many human rights treaties and declarations and incorporated their main provisions into national legislation.
There are structures and institutions put in place to promote and safeguard human security as human right in Ghana. In spite of these developments, the picture is still far from perfect as it is perceived that there exist intermittent systematic human rights violations in the Ghanaian society.
Electoral politics has been the bedrock of Ghana’s democracy. However, it is seen as one of the major causes of violence in the society which undermine human rights. It is based on this premise that, there was the need to undertake the study to gain insight into the manner in which electoral politics affect human security and thereby undermining human rights.
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CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
3.0. Introduction
This chapter presents the general approach and specific techniques adopted to address the objectives of the study. These included the research approach and design, data collection instrument and procedure, the target population, site selection, selection of participants, sample size and sampling procedure, sources of data as well as method of data analysis. This chapter also looks at the profile of the study area. The chapter began with a brief discussion of the philosophical assumptions underpinning the study. It further looked into the strengths and weaknesses of the approach adopted.
The chapter concluded with the problems encountered during data collection.
3.1. Research Approach
Creswell and Clark (2017) stated, “Research is all about gathering data in the quest to find the truth about an issue, event or a phenomenon” (p. 3). According to Lokesh
(2009), research approach connotes the various steps to be adopted in solving a research problem such as, the manner in which the problem is expressed; the definition of terms; the choice of subject for investigation; the validation of data gathering tool; the collection of data, analysis and interpretation of data and the processes of inference and generalization.
“All research is based on some underlying philosophical assumptions about what constitutes 'valid' research and which research method(s) is/are appropriate for the development of knowledge in a given study” (Bryman, 2008, p. 87).
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In order to conduct and evaluate any research, it is important to know what these assumptions are. The qualitative approach was adopted for the study. Baškarada
(2014), observed that the qualitative research paradigm has increasingly served as a unique option for knowledge sharing and academic debate over the years. In qualitative research, different knowledge claims, enquiry strategies, data collection methods and analysis are employed (Creswell & Creswell 2017). Qualitative data sources include observation and participant observation or fieldwork, interviews, questionnaires, documents and texts.
According to Berg et al (2004), the qualitative research approach is mostly concerned with quality of information. Qualitative methods attempt to gain an understanding of the underlying reasons and motivations for actions and establish how people interpret their experiences and the world around them (Elo & Kyngas, 2008). Qualitative methods provide insights into the setting of a problem, generating ideas and/or hypotheses. In other words, qualitative approach aims at a complete, detailed description of what is observed (Creswell & Creswell, 2017).
Qualitative methods are generally associated with the evaluation of social dimensions.
The method provides result that is usually rich and detailed; offering ideas and concepts to inform a study. The motivation for adopting qualitative research, and not quantitative research, comes from the observation that, if there is one thing which distinguishes humans from the natural world, it is the ability to talk (Myers, 1997).
Qualitative research methods are designed to help researchers comprehensively understand people and the social and cultural contexts within which they live.
Cooney (2010), refers to qualitative research as “a form of social enquiry that focuses on the way people interpret and make sense of their experience and the world in
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which they live” (p.11). Cooney further asserted that researchers use the qualitative approach to explore the behaviour, perspectives, experiences and feelings of people and emphasize the understanding of these elements. In a more elaborate explanation,
Cooney claimed that researchers use this approach to adopt a people-centred, holistic and humanistic perspective to understand human lived experiences without focusing on the specific concepts. The researcher focused on the experiences from the participants’ perspective to achieve the emic perspective. The researcher was involved and immersed in the study.
Bryman (2008) stated ‘The qualitative approach rests on interpretivism as the philosophical assumption which regards reality as a complex social construction of meanings, values, and lived experience and can, therefore, be better understood through people’s interpretive or meaning–endowing capacities rather than through our sensory observation and experience of the world as believed by the positivists’(p. 15).
Berg (2004), Creswell (2007) and Domegan and Fleming (2007), argue that human learning is best researched by using qualitative data. To them, it is proper to select that paradigm whose assumptions are best met by phenomenon being investigated.
Qualitative approach also provides understanding of an event since it is the function of personal interaction and perception of those in that event, and the description of the processes that characterize the event.
However, several criticisms have been leveled against the use of the approach. A major limitation as argued by critics is that qualitative approach is non-representative and generates results that cannot be generalised beyond the cases investigated. Critics of this approach argue that it takes time to build trust with participants that facilitates full and honest self-representation. In this vein, short term observational studies are at
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a particular disadvantage where trust building is concerned. This constitutes another setback of the qualitative approach.
Merriam and Grenie (2013), claims that although the research process in qualitative research is inductive, nevertheless qualitative research inherently moulds or changes existing theory. This is because; data is analyzed and interpreted in light of the concepts of a particular theoretical orientation. Findings are usually discussed only in relation to existing knowledge. The choice of qualitative methods for the study was influenced primarily by the quest to understand the “voice of interest from the participants’ perspective,” and not just from the researcher’s as posited by Merriam and Grenie (2013, p. 19).
3.2. Research Design
A research design is a master plan outlying the method and procedure for collecting and analyzing the needed information. Creswell (2007), averred that a good research design ensures that the information obtained is relevant to the research problem, and that it is collected by objective and economical procedures. The study sought to explore the impact of electoral politics on human security in the study area since
Ghana’s Fourth Republic. It adopted the case study design within the phenomenological interpretative paradigm to explore the nexus between electoral politics and human security in the study area.
Epistemologically, phenomenological approaches are based on a paradigm of personal knowledge and subjectivity, and emphasize the importance of personal perspective and interpretation (Flick, 1998). Cooney (2010), defined case study as an in-depth, detailed study of an individual or a small group of individuals resulting in a narrative description of behaviour or experience.
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Similarly, Yin (2017) emphasized that case study focuses on individual or small group. This enables the researcher to conduct a comprehensive analysis from a comparison of cases. Flick (1998), argued that case study research is not used to determine cause and effect, nor is it used to discover generalizable truths or make predictions. Rather, the emphasis in case study research is placed on exploration and description of a phenomenon. The case study design which mostly requires in-depth interview was chosen for the study because it provides a depth of understanding which cannot be achieved from a structured questionnaire. They are powerful for understanding subjective experience, gaining insights into people’s motivations and actions, and cutting through the clutter of taken-for-granted assumptions and conventional wisdom (Yin, 2017).
3.3. Selection of Study Area
Agbogbloshie, a suburb near the Central Business District of Accra was purposively selected for the study. The selection of Agbogbloshie as the study area was influenced by a number of factors. First, the area was selected for the study because of the recurrent electoral violence recorded in every election since 1992.
The selection of Agbogbloshie was also influenced by the heterogeneous nature of the population in the area. Residents come from every region of Ghana as well as neighbouring West African States.
Finally, the area was selected because of geographical proximity. The above mentioned reasons informed the purposeful selection of Agbogbloshie as the study area for the research.
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3.4. Profile of the Study Area
Agbogbloshie is a suburb in Accra. It is located within the Accra Metropolitan Area
(AMA) in the Greater Accra Region. Agbogbloshie covers a total land area of 31.3 hectares. It is linked to the Central Business District of Accra less than a kilometer by road (Grant, 2009).
The origin of the settlement can be traced back to the Non-aligned Movement
Conference of 1991. There was a decongestion exercise in Accra in preparation for the conference. This was to address what was seen at the time as the major problem of hawkers (Bain, 2011). The City Council removed many of these hawkers to the edge of Agbogbloshie, adjacent to the Abossey main road, in what was intended to be a temporary move. The 1994 ethnic conflicts in the northern part of the country among the Konkomba, Nanumba and Dagombas contributed to the slum of the area. Many fleeing this conflict came to Accra and chose Agbogbloshie as a home because of the yam market (Bain, 2011).
The town has an estimated population of 81,405 out of the entire population of
1,965,086 of the Accra Metropolis with females constituting 51.9 percent while males formed 48.1 percent (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010 PHC).
Politically, the town falls within the Odododiodioo Constituency. The economic activities of the people of Agbogbloshie is skewed towards metal scrap business and trading activities. The metal scrap business is mainly done by the men while women are into the trading of foodstuffs. The town has a recycling site and further serves as the “headquarters” of Greater Accra Scrap Dealers Association. The recycling site lies on a flat ground along the bank of the Odaw River, and adjacent the Korle Lagoon,
Accra. There are two major informal recycling sites in Agbogbloshie. The main
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recycling site is close to the South Industrial area at the right bank of the Odaw River.
The other recycling site is at the south of the Korle Lagoon. Adjacent to the recycling site is a slum known as Old Fadama which is also nicknamed “Sodom and Gomorrah” by a section of the Ghanaian public.
3.5. Sample Size and Technique
Research sample could be defined as a finite part of a statistical population whose properties are studied to gain information about the whole (Huberman & Miles,
2002). According to Retzer (2003), sample is a selection of a small subset of a population of a study (p. 13). The concept of sample arises from the inability of the researcher to test all the individuals in a given population (Mason, 2002). He further posited that sample must be representative of the population from which it was drawn and it must have good size to warrant statistical analysis.
Levy & Lemeshow (2013), contend that the main function of the sample is to allow the researcher to conduct the study to individuals from the population so that the results of their study can be used to derive conclusions that will apply to the entire population. It is much like a give-and-take process. Huberman & Miles (2002) stated
“The population “gives” the sample, and then it “takes” conclusions from the results obtained from the sample” (p. 23). According to Creswell (2007), sampling strategies are determined by the purpose of the research project. Patton (2002), stated “Samples in qualitative research are usually purposive” (p. 38). This means that, participants are selected because they are likely to generate key information on the topic under study.
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A total of 12 respondents were selected for the study. The purposive and snowballing types of non-probability sampling techniques were employed for the selection of participants for the in-depth interview.
According to Berg et al (2004), purposive sampling comes from the word “purpose”.
Patton (2002) noted that in purposive sampling, participants for a study are selected based on the goal of the topic under study (p. 189). Purposive sampling technique was employed in order to target those perceived to have some key information about the topic under study. The purposive sampling procedure aided the researcher to sample views from different categories of people who could provide the needed information.
Thus, research participants were selected through purposeful sampling, because it is a leading strategy in qualitative research that produces rich information (Lincoln &
Guba, 2011).
Snowball sampling is a useful choice of sampling strategy when the population that is of interest to the researcher is hidden or hard-to-reach. Flick (1998), stated “Snowball or chain sampling is a sampling technique in which the researcher locate one or two key individuals; and then ask them to name other likely informants” (p. 71). Bryman
(2008), defines snowballing as a sampling technique in which participants are selected based on referrals. Even though, both sampling techniques are types of non- probability sampling technique, nevertheless, there exists a difference between the two. With purposive sampling technique, participants are selected based on some benchmarks whereas with snowballing, participants are selected based on referral.
Several criticisms have been leveled against the use of snowball in modern social science research as a sampling technique. Wohlin (2014), argued that it is impossible to determine the possible sampling error and make statistical inferences from the
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sample to the population. In this vein, snowball samples should not be considered to be representative of the population being studied. The idea of snowballing became another option for the researcher when data saturation was not achieved especially after interviewing seven respondents.
The researcher in this case fell on the fifth, sixth and seventh respondents who made reference to other respondents who appeared to be victims of violence in one way or another as a result of electoral politics during the 2012 and 2016 elections.
In all, twelve (12) respondents comprising two police personnel and ten (10) respondents in the study area were interviewed. The police personnel were selected purposively. Some of the people in the study area were victims of riots and violence during election years.
3.6. Selection of Respondents
The purpose of the study was to examine the manner in which electoral politics affects human security in the study area and thereby undermines human rights. In this regard, the selection of respondents was directly influenced by the main objective of the study. The researcher laid down some benchmarks to qualify as a participant.
These included:
(a) Respondent must have been in the area for a minimum of ten years and above.
(b) Must have witnessed incidences of electoral violence in the study area
(c) Must have been a victim or known personally a victim of violence as a result of
electoral politics.
The purpose of the benchmarks was to select respondents with requisite knowledge and information about electoral violence in the study area.
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3.7. Sources of Data
The researcher relied on two main sources of data for the study. Primary data was collected in the form of interviews recording during the fieldwork. Secondary data was collected and gleaned from journals, books, newspaper publications and articles on human security, elections in Ghana, electoral politics in Africa, human rights and human rights promotion in Ghana. Electronic sources such as Sage publications,
JSTOR, Google Scholar and other website materials related to the study were exploited.
3.8. Research Instrument
Patton (2002), argued that qualitative study begins with the assumption that the standpoint of others is significant, knowledgeable, and therefore should be able to be made overt. The instrument used in the data collection was interview-guide.
Hesse-Biber (2013), noted “Interview guides can be helpful to researchers who are conducting semi-structured in-depth qualitative interviews” (p. 29). Similarly, Mason
(2002), opined that qualitative interviews offer a means of collecting in-depth information about a topic and limits the number of questions posed by the researcher.
This is to enable the participant to have ample time to deliberate on the topic at length and without feeling rushed.
The interview-guide consisted of semi structured questions. This decision was influenced by the assertion of Berg (2004) that closed and open-ended and flexible questions are likely to get more detailed responses; and therefore, provide better access to interviewees’ views, understandings, experiences, perceptions and interpretations of events. The interview was conducted on one-on-one basis (face-to- face) with the assistance of an interpreter. Participants in the study area were
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interviewed in their homes, work places and business centres (stores). However, the police officials were interviewed at their offices. The interview times were made to last for not more than thirty minutes.
3.9. Method of Data Generation
Gill (2008), contend that there are a variety of methods of data collection in qualitative research. These include: focus group discussions (FGDs), observations, textual or visual analysis (eg. from books or videos) and interviews (individual or group). However, the most common methods used, particularly in social science research, are interviews and focus groups.
Having considered the purpose of the study and the research questions posed, it became obvious that face-to-face interview with participants was most appropriate.
This was influenced by the contention of Yin (2017) that in many situations the use of a research interview rather than, say, a questionnaire can be an indicator of the greater importance attached to the research topic. The use of face-to-face interviews could be justified on the premise that, it is far more resource-intensive since it requires the researcher to elicit information from respondents on a one-to-one basis. Besides, participants are more willing to talk in an interview than the case would be if they were asked to write or fill out a questionnaire (Patton, 2002). Respondents feel free to ask for explanation of questions in interviews when they do not understand the questions that are asked.
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3.9.1. Interview
Denscombe (1998) asserted that even though interview is not an easy option, yet have long been used in research as a way of obtaining detailed information about a topic or subject.
Often, interviews are used where other research instruments are inappropriate. They are often likened to a conversation between two people, though a competent researcher knows that he or she requires more than this: he or she require orchestrating, directing and controlling to varying degrees. Denscombe viewed interview as a method of data collection that involves a set of assumptions and understandings about the situation which is not normally associated with a casual conversation (p. 10).
Merriam and Grenier (2013), defined interview as a controlled situation in which one person, the interviewer poses a series of questions to another person, the respondent
(p. 54). Some instances in which the use of interview could be efficient include the need to know what people are thinking and, the need to explore the reasons and motivations for the attitudes and opinions of people. Otchie (2015), strongly emphasized that there is an element of specificity in the use of interview:
“It is meant for a specific purpose, specific individual and specific group of
respondents. It is a means through which the rationale for the interviewee’s
responses could be ascertained, and enhances the verification of the reliability
of the responses when the interviewer asks probing or follow-up questions”.
(p. 44).
The interview was semi-structured. In this regard, more or less open and closed ended questions were brought to the interview situation in the form of an interview-guide.
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The rational for the choice of the semi-structured interview was to gain an understanding based on textual information obtained; and also, the level of depth of understanding that the researcher intended to pursue.
3.10. Method of Data Analysis
Lincoln and Guba (2011) posited that the process of data analysis is essentially a synthetic one in which the constructions that emerged have been shaped by the researcher. Banerjee & Chaudhury (2010), asserted that the purpose of analyzing data is to obtain usable and useful information. The analysis, irrespective of whether the data is qualitative or quantitative, may; describe and summarize the data, identify relationships between variables, compare variables and forecast outcomes (p. 8).
Similarly, Hesse-Biber (2010) is of the view that, the goal of qualitative analysis is to analytically reduce data by: producing summaries, abstracts, coding, and memos; finding ways to the display data (matrices, frequency counts, etc.) and finally drawing conclusions and testing their validity (p. 13).
Marshall and Rossman (2016), viewed data analysis as the process of bringing order, structure and meaning to the mass of collected data. It is a messy, ambiguous, time consuming, creative, and fascinating process. To them, qualitative data analysis is a search for general statements about relationships among categories of data. Hitchcock and Hughes (1995) who took this definition a further step asserted that qualitative analysis refers to "…the ways in which the researcher moves from a description of what is the case to an explanation of why what is the case is the case." (p. 10).
Data collected from both categories of respondents were analyzed manually, making summaries of the views of respondents, and supporting these with relevant quotations.
The interviews were structured according to themes in order to have a direct reflection
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on the research objectives. Thus, data was analyzed using thematic narratives
(verbatim quotes).
Data was generated through digital recording; and were then given serial numbers to enable easy identification for scoring. Having transcribed the data, an inductive approach was used to organize the data into various themes and categories based on the research questions and the objectives of the study. The inductive approach tends to ensure that themes are effectively linked to the data (Patton, 1990, p. 43).
Data analysis was organized under themes derived from the data and the research questions that guided the entire study. A theme captures something important about the data in relation to the research questions; and represents some level of patterned response or meaning within the data set. Thematic analysis is a method for identifying, analyzing and reporting patterns (themes) within data (Braun & Clarke,
2006, p. 27).
Thematic analysis is considered the most appropriate for any study that seeks to discover using interpretations. It provides a systematic element to data analysis and therefore, allows the researcher to associate an analysis of the frequency of a theme with one of the whole content. This is to confer accuracy and intricacy and enhance the research’s whole meaning. In this regard, thematic analysis gives an opportunity to understand the potential of any issue more widely (as cited in Ibrahim, 2012, p. 53).
By inductive approach, the data went through the process of reduction, transcription, data display and verifying by the use of comparison, memos, codes and categorization.
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3.11. Member Checking
In the quest to reduce the potential for researcher bias and ensure exactness of the data gathered during the interview, there was the need to conduct member checking. Birt et al (2016) were of the view that the trustworthiness of results is the bedrock of high quality qualitative research. Member checking, also known as participant or respondent validation is a technique for exploring the credibility of results. Member checking is defined as the sharing of interview transcripts, analytical thoughts, and/or drafts of the final report with research participants to make sure they and their ideas were being represented accurately (Patton, 2002, p.21). Birt et al (2016) also viewed member checking as the method of returning an interview or analyzed data to a participant for purposes of data clarification (p. 16). In member checking, data or results are returned to participants to check for accuracy and resonance with their experiences. Member checking is used to validate, verify, or assess the trustworthiness of qualitative results (Doyle, 2007, p. 78).
The interviews were conducted in three different languages namely English, Twi and
Dagaare. The researcher handled the interviews in English and Twi while an interpreter was hired to assist in the interview in the Dagaare language. This was because Dagaare was foreign to the researcher. In spite of this development, all interviews were transcribed personally by the researcher to ensure that no data were lost.
In some instances during the transcribing, the researcher identified some vagueness and gaps. Some of the interviewees especially those familiar with Twi and English were contacted again via phone calls to make clear or deepen responses. Clarification and confirmation on issues and themes that were brought up during interview were pursued.
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3.12. Trustworthiness
Lincoln and Guba (2011 proposed four criteria that should be considered by qualitative researchers in pursuit of a trustworthy study. These include, credibility, transferability, confirmability and dependability. In addressing credibility, investigators attempt to demonstrate that a true picture of the phenomenon under scrutiny is being presented (Shenton, 2004). Credibility also deals with the focus of the research and a confidence in how well data and processes of analysis address the intended focus. The researcher employed the following measures in ensuring credibility of the study: In the first place, research participants were taken through the same main question in line with the goal of the study. Also, the participants were interviewed to the point at which data saturation was achieved. Moreover, interviews were audio-recorded and transcriptions were made of each interview thereafter.
Shenton (2004), stated “In addressing the issue of dependability, the positivist employs techniques to show that, if the work were repeated, in the same context, with the same methods and with the same participants, similar results would be obtained”
(p. 9). According to Lincoln and Guba (2011), dependability answers that question
“Could we repeat our findings in the same context with same subjects? (p. 62).
Shenton (2004), posited that in order to address the dependability issue more directly, the processes within the study should be reported in detail, thereby enabling a future researcher to repeat the work, if not necessarily to gain the same results (p. 9).
Dependability in this study was achieved through an in-depth description of the methodology and approach used in conducting the study.
Data was also organized in themes and sub-themes. For the purpose of conducting an audit trail all relevant materials such as the instrument, transcriptions, interpretations, documents and findings were kept safely for verification by my supervisor.
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Another criterion, which is confirmability deals with steps taken to demonstrate that findings emerged from the data and not the researcher’s own predispositions
(Shenton, 2004). It also refers to neutrality of the data rather than neutrality of the researcher. In other words, if the research is confirmable, it should be able to find conclusions grounded in data. Miles and Huberman (1994), consider that a key criterion for confirmability is the extent to which the researcher admits his or her own predispositions. Confirmability was ensured by audit trail of the verbatim descriptions as well as impressions and decisions made along the research path.
The last criterion of Lincoln & Guba’s proposal which is transferability deals with the extent to which the findings can be transferred to other settings/groups (INTREC,
2017). To allow transferability, the researcher provided sufficient detail of the context of the fieldwork for a reader. This is to enable a reader to decide whether the prevailing environment is similar to another situation with which he or she is familiar and whether the findings can justifiably be applied to the other setting (Shenton,
2004). For the purpose of transferability, the researcher provided a detailed description of the study area, the participants ‘background and the methodology adopted.
3.13. Ethical Consideration
Instances were provided to show that the best interests of participants were considered. An informed consent from participants with clear explanation of procedure was sought. Also, all participants were told that they had the liberty of not answering any question that could somehow cause emotional dissatisfaction.
Moreover, participants were made aware of their right to withdraw from the study at any point in time. Participants’ safety was assured and confidentiality of responses
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was ensured. They were informed that recordings would be available and accessible only to the researcher and the supervisor for academic purposes. Moreover, questions were posed to participants in a way that the privacy of participants was not invaded.
3.14. Challenges of Fieldwork
It is a fact that every research work comes with its peculiar challenge (s). The researcher encountered a number of challenges in course of data collection. A major challenge was the withdrawal of some of the participants since they were told they could withdraw at any given time. The researcher inferred from their actions that they wanted to be given “something” or material reward. In some cases, some of the respondents constantly asked for incentives when they realized that it was a research study. They might have thought that the researcher would get remuneration in one way or another somewhere.
Also, despite booking interview appointments with respondents, some of the interviewees did not give room for enough time for the interview as expected by the researcher due to their work schedules. They were of the view that they have always been interviewed by researchers on different issues and yet, nothing positive has happened to them as individuals and even to the Agbogbloshie community.
Another challenge encountered by the researcher during the collection of the field data was language barrier. The dominant language of the respondents was Dagaare or
Dagombe which was entirely foreign to the researcher. Nevertheless, with the help of an interpreter, the problem of language barrier was addressed.
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Furthermore, the interviewees were most of the time not available to be interviewed even though, interview sessions were booked. This brought financial pressure on the researcher because of the cost of series of journeys made for data collection.
Finally, the researcher initially intended to use focus group discussion but later discarded the idea. This was because, the researcher found it difficult to get respondents who were willing to spend some time for the discussion. Most of the potential respondents contacted were of the view that, they could not make time for the group discussion because of the nature of their job schedules. This necessitated the researcher to rely on only face-to-face interview as the method for data generation.
3.15. Conclusion
This chapter discussed the general approach and specific techniques that were adopted to address the objectives of the study.
These included the research setting, the reasons for the choice of the study area and how the study was carried out. Primary data was collected from twelve (12) respondents comprising ten (10) participants and two police officials with the aid of an interview-guide. Respondents were sampled through purposive and snowballing types of non-probability sampling techniques. The method of data analysis was also captured in the chapter. Ethical issues concerning the study and the challenges encountered in the field work were also considered in the chapter.
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CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.0. Introduction
This chapter presents the results obtained from the review of related literature as well as the interviews conducted in the study area in order to answer the research questions posed in the study. The purpose of this study was to examine the manner in which electoral politics affect human security in Ghana; and hence, undermining human rights. The research questions to a large extent, provided a framework for the study.
The research sought to address the following objectives:
1) explore the political culture of Agbogbloshie in the Greater Accra Region.
2) determine the causes of incessant violence in Agbogbloshie during general
elections since 1992.
3) determine the ramifications of electoral violence in the area.
4) assess state responses to the situation in the area.
Data was collected from two (2) police personnel (a constable and an inspector) and ten (10) participants with the aid of an interview guide. There were two sets of interview guides- one set was administered to respondents to ascertain their perceptions on the topic under study; and to assess state response from police personnel in the study area.
Data collected from the research participants were transcribed and coded after careful scrutiny of the responses. It was prudent to understand the data in order to successfully manage data, merge related data drawn from different notes, and identify patterns or relationships.
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Data was analyzed and categorized into various themes. Several themes and patterns came out in coding the copious data. Themes that were dominant or kept on occurring were; political influence, violation of right to life, torture, abuse of right to work, abuse of property right as well as ineffective and inefficient security personnel. The study focused on the experiences and views of participants of the study area with emphasis on how their security is affected as a result of electoral politics.
4.1. Findings Related to Research Questions
4.1.2. Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
Even though demographic data of respondents was not part of the objectives of the study, it however became expedient that such data be obtained. This is because, the demographic data to a large extent, helped the researcher to comprehend how characteristic the participants were to the target population and the depth or richness of information they provided. At the start of the interview, participants in the study area were asked to provide their basic demographic information such as sex, age, ethnic background and number of years spent in the area by the research team.
4.1.3. Ages and Gender of Respondents
Out of the 12 respondents, three (3) were females and nine (9) were males. The two police personnel were males. The researcher set a range for the ages of the respondents which is presented in the table below.
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Table 2: Average Age of Participants
Age Range Frequency
18-25 3
26-30 2
31-40 5
41+ 2
Total 12
Source: Fieldwork, 2019
The table above indicates that three (3) of the respondents were between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five (18- 25). Two (2) of the participants were between the ages of twenty-six and thirty (26-30). Five (5) were between the ages of thirty-one and forty (31-40) while two (2) participants were between the ages of forty-one and above
(41+). From the age distribution, it appears that the population of the study area is youthful. According to Eron, Gentry & Schlegel (1994) violence is prevalent in communities that have youthful population because the youth is perceived to be agents of violence in the society. This could explain the reason why electoral violence is prevalent in the area.
4.1.4. Ethnic Background of Respondents
Ethnic backgrounds of respondents were also asked to ascertain the nature of the population in the study area. Out of the ten (10) respondents, seven (7) were
Dagombas while each of the remaining three (3) were Akuapim, Anlo and
Konkomba. This explains the heterogeneous nature of the residents in Agbogbloshie.
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Even though, the population is heterogeneous nevertheless it was revealed that
Agbogbloshie is dominated by the Dagombas from the northern part of Ghana.
The ethnic conflicts in the northern part of the country in the 1990s (Dagomba, Gonja,
Nanumba against the Konkomba, Gonja-Nawuri) influenced the migration of internally displaced persons into the area.
4.1.5 Number of Years Spent in the Area
The researcher asked the number of years respondents have lived in the area because, it was one of the prerequisite for selected. The number of years was categorized into four: from five to nine (5 – 9), ten to fourteen (10 – 14), fifteen to nineteen (15 – 19) and twenty years and above (20 +). Out of the ten (10) respondents, four (4) have lived in the area between five to nine years (5 – 9) while two each of the remaining six have been in the area between ten to fourteen (10 – 14), fifteen to nineteen (15 –
19) and twenty years and above (20 +) in that order. This implies that, majority of the participants in Agbogbloshie, have lived in the area for a long period of time.
Table 3: Depicting Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
Gender Male Female
Frequency (7) (3)
Ethnicity Dagomba Akuapim Anlo Konkomba (1) Frequency (7) (1) (1)
Numbers of 5-9 10-41 15-19 20 and above years spent
Frequency (4) (2) (2) (2)
Source:Fieldwork,2019
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To understand the reason behind reoccurring electoral violence in any area, Agbaje and Adejumobi (2006) argue that one needs to take into consideration the political attitudes, values, beliefs, and ideologies that are associated with the people under study.
On this premise, three (3) different but related questions were asked to ascertain the political culture of the study area.
Research Question 5: Have you voted in this constituency before? If yes, how many times?
4.2. 1. Responses on Voting Issues
This question sought to determine the level of involvement of the participants in elections. The researcher was of the perception that the number of times a respondent voted since 1992 would go a long way to determine the experience and the knowledge in electoral activities. Out of the ten (10) respondents, six (6) claimed to have voted in the constituency while four (4) said that they have not voted in the constituency. Five
(5) respondents out of the six claimed to have voted in the area twice while a partiticipant claimed to have voted on three occasions. The inference is that a preponderance of the population are ingrained in politics.
4.2.2. The Political Culture of Agbogbloshie.
Collier and Vicente (2012) noted that in order to understand why violence breaks out before and after election, one needs to understand the political environment; how people respond to political issues in the area under consideration. Bluwey (2011) stated “Every political community assumes distinctive attitudes, sentiments and cognition that condition the behaviour of public officials and the attitudes of the
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people towards the entire political system” (p. 89). According to Bluwey (2011), these distinctive sentiments and cognitions are not mere isolated facets of political behavior.
They are deeply rooted in the history and common experiences of the people and together, they fit into a set of values that are mutually reinforcing in the arena of political behaviour.
The researcher operationalized political culture to mean the reaction of the people in the area to political issues. Four (4) options were given which were: highly interested, interested, indifferent and highly indifferent.
Eight (8) respondents subscribed to the idea that people in Agbogbloshie are highly interested in politics and political issues while two (2) claimed that people there are interested in politics.
One of the participants, a thirty-three year old shop owner in response to this question said;
“We live and do everything here with politics. I have come to realize that
politics is everything here. Majority of the people are supporters of the two
dominant parties in Ghana; and all of them have their reasons for their party
inclinations” (Source: Field Interview, 2019).
Another participant in a similar vein, asserted that since he came to the area for about a decade and half, he has realized that the policies of governments have had considerable impact on the business owners forcing many to align themselves with political parties. If you are not a member of the dominant parties, you stand the risk of losing a business location when either of the two parties come to power.
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4.2.3. The winner-takes-all module characterizing the political system in Ghana.
This question was asked to assess how respondents perceive the political system of
Ghana with regards to the winner takes all.
The researcher also wanted to ascertain the views of the people on whether the system could be one of the drivers of prevalent electoral violence in the country. Adejumobi
(2000) emphasized that the extent to which a system is regarded as free and inclusive may determine the possibility of post electoral conflict. Violence often occurs when elections are zero -sum-event and losers excluded from participating in governance.
Sisk (2008) also observed that a common cause of election violence is the possibility of either winning or losing valued political posts in many situations, and especially if conditions of high scarcity and underdevelopment is incredibly high. By implication, in a community or a state where a section of the people feel that they are marginalized and excluded from participating in decision the making process, they may easily resort to violence to press home their demands.
In a similar vein, Adzomadi (2015) argued that lack of access to socio-economic and political resources which could enhance peoples’ participation can fuel electoral violence. This normally happens when marginalized groups perceive that, they are systematically and structurally excluded from the benefits of the state and there is no possibility of overcoming such phenomenon.
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4.2.4 Respondents’ View on the Winner Takes All Module
Four (4) options were provided which were “strongly agree”, “agree”, “disagree” and
“strongly disagree”. Out of the ten (10) respondents, seven (7) strongly disagreed that the system encourages healthy competition among political parties while three (3) agreed that the system in no way brings about healthy competition among parties.
None of the respondents agreed that the winner takes all module characterizing the political system encourages healthy competition among political parties in any way.
A respondent in a further elaboration of response to this question said:
“Because of this system, party supporters here are always locked up in
misunderstanding during elections. When one of the two dominant parties
wins elections, followers of that party take charge of vantage points in the area
for their business activities and there is nothing anybody can do because their
party is in power and as such they have strong backing from the incumbent
government” (Field Interview, 2019).
Similarly Mrs. D claimed that her shop was ceased years ago without any reason when a new government assumed the reins of government. She said that the followers of that party noticed she was not in support of the new government so she was penalized for that. The issue was taken up yet no reparation or settlement was made up to this day.
It was revealed through the interview that the people of Agbogbloshie are very active in political matters. Their reaction to political issues and policies of government is overwhelming. It was revealed through the responses that Agbogbloshie is associated with the participant political culture as highlighted in the literature review. The participant political culture is characterized by the widespread citizen participation in
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politics and a low evaluation of public officials arid the average citizen feels capable of acting as an independent agent to stake his claims on the society. The understanding of the political culture of the area is necessary for considering the appropriate measures to either curb the trend of electoral violence or reduce the rate to the barest minimum.
4.3.0. Causes of Electoral Violence
Achieving and creating a peaceful environment before, during and after elections has been a major setback in the electoral politics of the third world countries (Akokpari,
2012, p. 4). Ghana which has won the accolade of being the gateway of democratic governance in Sub-Saharan Africa is not an exception as she faces peculiar electoral related acrimony, fear and violence which are threatening the democratic prospects and consolidation of the country (Agyemang, 2013). Electoral violence is that political violence that aims at the electoral process. It is geared towards winning political competition or power through violence, subverting the ends of the electoral and democratic process. A myriad of factors are responsible for the outbreak of violence during elections. These are discussed below as revealed by respondents.
4.3.1 What in your opinion is/are the cause(s) of persistent violence during elections in Agbogbloshie?
This question sought to determine the causes of incessant violence in the area since
1992 as a result of electoral politics. The literature revealed that the underlying causes of electoral violence could be classified into two; namely the process and structural factors. The process as the name denotes means the violence that occurs during the electoral cycle.
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The process or internal factors could also be called the triggers of electoral violence because they go into the very nature of the entire electoral processes.
Therefore, if the electoral processes or internal factors are not professionally handled, they could lead to the eruption of electoral violence since elections are by their very nature competitive of ideology and struggle for political post. The process factors that trigger electoral violence as identified by Adzomadi (2015) include inter alia: contested and unfit legal frameworks for elections; ineffective and mistrusted dispute resolution mechanisms, lack of trust in electoral management bodies; technical problems, which as a consequence may favour particular political actors; hate speeches during election campaigns and mismanagement of appeals.
The structural or the external factors are those existing socio-economic problems that serve as the remote causes of electoral violence. They are always underlying social issues which result in election violence and these factors may include existing community conflicts or violence. The structural or external factors include existing violence among ethnic and religious groups, organized crime, violence against women, terrorism and guerrilla fighting. It also includes tensions in the society created by latent conflicts, segregation, discrimination, and other factors like unemployment, corruption, poverty and illiteracy.
Stewart (2001) argued that the stakes of winning elections are often seen as opportunities to engage in corruption and economic rent -seeking. This in turn leads to highly factionalized politics often along religious, sectarian or ethnic lines, or along party divides where control of the state leads to the reinforcement of class divisions or along lines of social difference. The above view re-echoes the issues of
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exclusion, marginalization and discrimination as basis of electoral violence as observed by some of the structural theories.
In the view of Gyima-Boadi (2009), election violence occurs not just at election time, but in periods leading to and after elections, such as registration and counting of ballots. A critical analysis of this assertion brings the inference that electoral violence can be physical and coercive intimidation as well as psychological and the inducement of fears by one of the contending parties to gain an undue advantage over the rest in an electoral processes. The causes of incessant violence in Agbogbloshie before, during and after general elections as revealed by respondents are discussed below:
4.3.1.0. Political Influence
A range of divergent views were received from the research participants on the causes of the incessant violence before, during and after elections in the area. Nevertheless, the dominant response to the above question was the influence of politicians on the youth who are mostly supporters of the two dominant political parties in Ghana. The study revealed that a major cause of electoral violence in Agbogbloshie is political influence. This could thus be understood in the context of the theory of big man politics as propounded by Sahlins (1963). An important question to ask is “how does this theory manifest itself as a cause of violence?”
According to the respondents, the youth who are the perpetrators of electoral violence in the area have backing from the big men who are into politics. The politicians incite them to engage in acts of violence most especially when there are signs of losing valued political post. One of the participants in response to this question had this to say:
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“Agbogbloshie has gotten a bad name in Ghana because of what has been
happening every election year and during elections. Most of the “boys” have
aligned themselves with political parties specifically the NDC and NPP. You
would realize that anytime there is going to be general elections in Ghana they
would become wild. On the day of elections, I don’t know how but when they
get to know that their parties are on the verge of losing, they distort the voting
process with fighting and even when they are arrested, you would see them on
the street within some few days because a politician has gone to bail them.
This makes them very powerful to do what they like”.
Another respondent, Mr. J in a similar vein said that the youth must be cautioned because they allow politicians to use them for the small money they give them.
Mr. J claimed that because of the harsh economy of Ghana and the need for survival, youth in Agbogbloshie have sided with politicians in the constituency to do their bidding. The fear of losing political office by the incumbent and the unbridled desire of the opposition to capture or win elections force each party to distort the voting process with fighting through the youth.
Seven (7) out of the 10 respondents mentioned the influence of the youth by politicians as one of major causes of electoral violence which has become a phenomenon each election time in Agbogbloshie.
Mr. V, who has been a scrap dealer in the area for almost one and half decades, likewise said that because a preponderance of the youth have no better jobs to fetch them adequate money for good living, they give in to be influenced by politicians who usually give them pittance. This statement of Mr. V supports the assertion of
Amankwaah (2013) as revealed in the literature that economic and social deprivation
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and poverty engender despondency and desperation and invariably call for coping and survival strategies of various kinds, including those that are questionable.
Thus for a pittance, youth and others in the not too favourable circumstances are induced to break custom and law rather than listen to reason. Consequently, they indulge in behaviour risky to themselves and their neighbours because with very limited prospects, there is not much to live for anyway. The disagreement between supporters of these two dominant parties is a recipe for chaos.
4.3.1.1. The Dagbon Chieftaincy Conflict and the Politicization of the Conflict
The Dagbon chieftaincy conflict and the politicization of the conflict also emerged from the primary data as a cause of electoral violence in Agbogbloshie. Out of the eight (8) respondents who were from the northern part of Ghana, six (6) claimed that the root cause of the unending electoral violence in the area is as a result of the assassination of the Ya-Na and the politicization of the crisis. This supports what was revealed by the literature that electoral violence could be caused by external factors.
The structural or the external factors are those existing socio-economic problems that serve as the remote causes of electoral violence. They are always underlying social issues which result in election violence and these factors may include existing community conflicts or violence.
Mr. O, a thirty-three old tricycle driver, in explanation to the above cause had this to say:
“Majority of the Dagombas here in “Korle Ano” fled to this place because of
the crisis and insecurity in the north as a result of the assassination of Ya-Na.
Nevertheless, we have not experienced the peace that made us come here.
There must be confusion and violence in this place anytime election
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approaches. I think this place is very popular in Ghana because of this trend.
The assassination of Ya-Na has been politicized by both the NDC and NPP
which has created disunity among even the Dagombas in the area. People fight
during election because when their party wins, they could either revenge or
silence the other gate”.
Another participant, a businessman had this to say when asked about the causes of electoral violence in the area:
“The death of the paramount chief of Dagbon is the reason why the “boys”
have been fighting every now and then. Agbogbloshie, especially Konkonsa
area boys have nothing doing than acts of violence. Disorder is prevalent in
this place. We see and hear people tortured every blessed week. The Ya-Na
did not die a sick person and the Andanis were not happy about the fact that
the Ya-Na was assassinated during the time of the NPP. NPP killed Ya-Na and
the Andanis rallied behind the NDC to assume the reins of government so as
to avenge them. Even though, all of us are Dagombas but the two gates are not
free with each other. Anytime there is election, each gate try to manipulate the
electoral process in their favour because of this issue and the end result is
violence”.
A study undertaken by Ahiave in 2013 on the Dagbon chieftaincy conflict revealed that the conflict became politicized way back into time when the Abudus, led by B.A.
Yakubu, aligned themselves with the Progress Party (PP) forcing the Andanis to align themselves with the National Alliance of Liberals (NAL). It was further revealed in his study that the two main political parties (NDC and NPP) having taken side in the Dagbon chieftaincy crisis, support and incite one gate against the other and
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shield perpetrators of crime in their camps. Other instances of political influence in the conflict were that the main political parties manipulate the people and ride on their support to power.
4.3.1.2. Installation of Area Chief in Agbogbloshie
The literature revealed that structural factors are also responsible for the outbreak of violence during elections. They are the underlying social issues which cause electoral violence in the society. Another cause of the incessant violence in the area as revealed by respondents is the installation of chief in “Konkomba”, an area in Agbogbloshie.
Local chieftaincy matters have been politicized. Respondents revealed that a new government is often associated with the installation of a new chief in the Konkomba area. The quest to win elections which makes people manipulate the electoral process is as a result of the fact that when a new government comes, there will be installation of a new chief who is obviously among the supporters of the new government. The chief in this area is responsible for overseeing the daily activities in the area.
The real problem is not about the installation of the chief but rather the identity by way of family or tribal background of the chief as well as the discrimination that is associated with it. According to the respondents, when the chief is a Konkomba, the
Konkombas in the area are empowered to engage in acts of violence whereas if the chief is a Dagomba the Dagombas are also empowered to do the same thing. This is because no punishment would be meted out to them.
A respondent, Mrs. L in an elaboration to this factor had this to say:
“The people here are facing a great challenge due to this internal chieftaincy
issues in this part of Agbogbloshie. Whenever there is a new government, the
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old chief is demoted for a new one to be installed. Because of this, members of
the opposition try at all cost to win the election so as to install a chief from
their own side. We are just tired of this because it always cause fear and panic
especially to women in the area because of misunderstanding and violence that
usually accompany the demotion and installation of the area chief. People
have been losing their precious lives owning to this and the state has not done
anything about it. This is not fair and I don’t think this issue should remain
unresolved”.
4.3.1.3. Retaliation
Some of the respondents also cited the quest to retaliate as a cause of electoral violence in the area. Majority of the respondents attested to the fact that the incessant violence witnessed before and during elections in the area have some elements of retaliation as one of the bases. According to the information by respondents, supporters of incumbent government inflict stress on members of the opposition parties. This affliction takes the form of economic domination through the taking over of vantage point for business activities, confiscation of properties and other forms of oppression.
A respondent had this to say when asked to explain succinctly after raising this point.
“If Nana could help solve this issue of serial retaliation here in Agbogbloshie,
we will not forget him for life. I saw with my eyes when the NDC assumed the
reins of government in 2008 and how its supporters here made life unbearable
for the NPP supporters. The difficulties they went through might have created
in them the desire for retaliation. Likewise when the NPP also came to power,
they treated the supporters of the NDC the same. This tendency of retaliation
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has been the reason why supporters of both parties try to manipulate the
electoral process so as to avenge themselves”.
4.3.1.4 Poor Electoral Security and Management
Another cause of electoral violence identified by respondents is the nature of electoral security and management. Data generated revealed that the weak security apparatus makes it difficult to create a peaceful condition for a violent-free election. Five out of the 10 respondents claimed that they have high level of displeasure at the operations of security personnel during registration exercises prior to elections.
Respondents revealed that security personnel are somehow to be blamed for electoral violence in the area. They sometimes deviate from their assigned duties and abuse their power by allowing their friends and relatives to vote at the expense of those who forwent their sleep. This in turn creates misunderstanding, resulting in violence.
Respondents revealed that the case was even worse during the biometric registration.
One of the respondents, Mr. P had this to say about the poor electoral security and management:
“They say that this place is chaotic because of what happens during general
elections but we must also know that the root cause of the violence is the poor
management and security during elections. They say that Dagombas find it
difficult to understand things but the truth is that, they make us difficult to
understand certain things. Why should I come here early to wait for voting to
commence and then cast my ballot early so that I can go and do other things
and before you realized it has not reached your turn after prolong waiting.
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This is what has been happening during voting time in this area. “Di
musrima”. Sometimes in the course of the voting process, “machomen” would
come for the ballot boxes to a place nobody knows. This is not something new
here and the state must respond to this as soon as possible. I can tell you with
all confidence that there is poor security and electoral management in this area
and this is one of the reasons why there is misunderstanding and violence in
Agbogbloshie”.
4.4. Effects of electoral violence on the people
The study also sought to find answers to the effects of electoral related violence in the study area. The costs associated with electoral violence are high (Collier & Vicente,
2012, p. 12). Electoral violence may have several consequences both for voters and the broader political system. Agyemang (2013) emphasized that even in situations in which the human death toll remains low, election violence may have a critical impact on the electoral process, the outcome of the elections and their perceived legitimacy.
In response to this question, respondents recounted the ramifications of the incessant electoral violence in the area which are discussed below. The responses were coded and grouped them into themes.
4.4.1. Loss of life through murder
It was revealed through the primary data that lives are lost anytime there is violence in the area. This constitutes violation of the right to life. In line with this, it was revealed by the findings that stabbing and strangling were prevalent means through which lives are lost. Data gathered revealed that about six lives have been lost since the previous three elections. This is a serious issue that must be attended to without any inch of delay.
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Mr. M and Mrs. W described their experiences in the 2016 general election as to how a man was murdered with a broken bottle within few minutes in the wake of violence at Agbogbloshie Arena area. According to them, Arena is a polling centre that is noted for persistent electoral violence characterized by massive destruction of shops and houses as well as loss of human lives. Mr. M describing his experience of witnessing loss of a life had this to say.
“I was here on the day of the election and in the evening before the counting
of the ballot papers something happened that created fear and panic in me. A
Dagomba man was stabbed with a broken bottle and his intestines gushed out.
They rushed him to Ridge hospital but before they could get there he died.
Loss of lives is inherent in the incessant violence during elections in
Agbogbloshie and the government should pay attention to this, for we are all
Ghanaians”.
The right to life is seen as the supreme right as it constitutes the basis for the enjoyment of all other human rights. The international regime of human rights places much premium on the respect and protection as well as promotion of the right to life.
No derogation of this right is permitted even in times of public emergency or war.
According to Otchie (2015), Article 69 (1) of the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights, Article 4 (1) of the American Convention on Human Rights, and the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights only prohibit the arbitrary deprivation of life, without defining which type of killing would be non- arbitrary. However, Article 2 of the European Convention of Human Rights is more precise, as it only prohibits intentional deprivation of life unless it results from the use of force which is no more than absolutely necessary in defense of any person
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from unlawfully taken for the purpose of quelling a riot or insurrection, and in order to effect a lawful arrest or to prevent the escape of a person lawfully detained.
The 1992 constitution of Ghana clearly prohibits the denial of the right to life and further specifies conditions under which such denial may not be punished by the law.
Article 13 of the 1992 Republican Constitution of Ghana states that:
(1) No person shall be deprived of his life intentionally except in the exercise of
the execution of a sentence of a court in respect of a criminal offence under
the laws of Ghana of which he has been convicted.
(2) A person shall not be held to have deprived another person of his life in
contravention of clause (1) of this article if that other person dies as the result
of a lawful act of war or if that other person dies as the result of the use of
force to such an extent as is reasonably justifiable in the particular
circumstances.
(a) for the defence of any person from violence or for the defence of property; or
(b) in order to effect a lawful arrest or to prevent the escape of a person
lawfully detained; or (c) for the purposes of suppressing a riot, insurrection
or mutiny; or
(d) in order to prevent the commission of a crime by that person.
This article implies that there can be no justification for the loss of lives which is inherent in the incessant electoral violence in Agbogbloshie. The loss of life through murder has no legal basis.
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4.4.2. Destruction of Shops
Another dominant response that emerged from the interview concerning the ramifications of electoral violence in the area was the destruction of shops. The primary data revealed that anytime violence breaks out during elections, people’s shops are destroyed. About eight (8) people representing 80% of the entire respondents alluded to the fact that they have witnessed such incidence before. Mr. F, a thirty-three year old shop owner in an attempt to explain his response to this effect had this to say:
“I have been here for quite a long time, almost fifteen years. This thing has
continued every time there is election. In 2008, by that time I had not opened
my shop but was doing some business around and I witnessed the destruction
of a shop which belonged to one of the supporters of one of the two dominant
political parties in Ghana. In fact, it was very terrible. It happened in the
evening, about 6:15 pm when the results of the election have been declared. I
cannot tell exactly what might have transpired before that, but it might have
been that his shop was destroyed out of vengeance or retaliation by members
of the opposition party”.
Another respondent, Mrs. L recounted her experience as this:
“As for destruction of shops in Agbogbloshie due to electoral violence it is
common. I don’t know whether this problem could be solved amicable
because both the NPP and the NDC has promised to deal with it but nothing
has been done so far. Shop owners are living in fear most especially when
election is approaching. If I am to talk about this, time may not permit me to
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say it all. I have witnessed the destruction of shops here in Arena all in the
name of elections”.
Respondents argued that the clash between supporters of the two dominant parties is the root cause of this phenomenon. Symonide (2000) emphasized that violence actually comes with economic cost as people may lose their properties. The loss of shops or business ventures has traumatizing effect on the people or victims.
4.4.3. Increase in Robbery
Another effect of electoral related violence in Agbogbloshie as identified by respondents is the increase in robbery. Six (6), representing 60% of the respondents cited increase in robbery activities as one of the effects of electoral violence in the area. Agbogbloshie is a commercial centre and has different classes of people from diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds. According to respondents, because of mass disturbance that is borne out of the violence, people from both the area and far indulge in looting of shops and massive robbery. In response to this question, Mr. P had this to say:
“If there was a time that robbery was common in this area then I would say it
was during the 2012 general elections. I am much aware that anytime there is
election related violence in Agbogbloshie people take advantage to steal from
the shops around but last seven years own was worse. What I witnessed
personally was the looting of Auntie……..’s shop. We were all here and we
heard people screaming and it was like danger was looming so we fled for our
lives. This woman out of fear ran away without locking her shop properly and
before we came, back all her items were stolen. Even though the case was
reported to the police, we did not make any headway. This is what we have
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been experiencing every election year but my question is why do we live in
our own country and suffer like this because of political parties? My cousin’s
shop was looted on 6th December, the eve of the 2016 elections. What usually
happens is that majority of the shops here are closed from 6th to 8th of
December in every election year. This is because of fear of violence. She
closed her shop on the eve of the election but she received a surprised call that
thieves have ransacked her shop. The case was reported and it was in the
hands of the police for almost six months yet the perpetrators were not
tracked. What shop owners go through in Agbogbloshie is unbearable and this
has forced many to go to Kantamanto and other areas in Accra”.
4.4.4. Torture
Another notable effect of electoral violence that respondents in Agbogbloshie identified was torture. Fifty percent (50%) of the respondents mentioned torture as a ramification of the incessant electoral violence in the study area. According to these respondents, the clashes between supporters of the NPP and the NDC always lead to injuries and bodily sufferings. On the issue of torture, a respondent in the name of Mr.
L, a Dagomba had this to say:
“They say that we the Dagombas like “zab-li” but I must be frank that it is not
so. What we don’t like is cheating and dishonest behaviour. If you strike, we
will also strike. I have been tortured before in this area and it was during the
2012 general elections when a man from the Arena area slapped me without
any reason. They might have started the disturbance from Sikings and I was
here unaware. In fact, it was painful but I did not want to retaliate. However,
when our boys saw that, they also beat him mercilessly. He was wounded but
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that was his own lot. Time may not permit me to tell you all that goes on here
during elections. When fighting breaks out here because of elections, it is then
that you will know that this place is not a good place to stay. I have seen with
my own eyes blood gushing out of somebody’s head. He was hit with a stone.
The man was probably an NDC supporter from Sikings. As for the Arena area
and the area close to the yam market it is worse. Clashes between the
supporters of both parties result in the infliction of injuries on themselves.
Something must be done about all these inconveniences”.
The International Human Rights Regime (IHRR) frowns on torture even as a means of self defence. They desire to make more effective the struggle against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment throughout the world.
Article 1 of the 1984 United Nations Convention against Torture defines torture as any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.
Torture is a barbaric violation of the right to physical and mental integrity, and presents a direct attack on the core of the human personality (Otchie, 2015, p.
75). It was, therefore, abolished from criminal procedure during the Age of
Enlightenment, and is prohibited, without exception even in emergency situations by present international law, both treaty based and customary.
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Article 5 of the UDHR, Article 7and 10 of the ICCPR, Article 3 of the ECHR, Article
5 of the ACHR, and Article 5 of the ACHPR all speak against torture in one way or another. In the same vein, Article 15 (1 and 2) of the 1992 constitution of Ghana which speaks about respect for human dignity states that:
(1) The dignity of all persons shall be inviolable.(2) No person shall, whether
or not he is arrested, restricted or retained, be subjected to -(a) torture or
other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment;(b) any other
condition that detracts or is likely to detract from his dignity and worth as
a human being.
4.5.0 Electoral Politics and Human Security
Election is seen as a viable mechanism for consummating representative government.
It is one of the most important means people can take part in decisions that affect their lives and hold their elected representatives accountable for results. The essence of elections in democratic dispensation of modern states cannot be overemphasized.
On the contrary, conflicts and violence with massive human rights abrasions which have been a defining feature of electoral politics in the third world has retarded political development. This section is the main purpose of the study. It discussed how electoral politics affect human security in the study area.
4.5.1. How does electoral politics affect human security in the area?
Respondents were given clarification concerning the operational definition of human security. The researcher made it clear to participants that human security in this context means the absence of conflict, victimization and violence in the society which
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makes people live without any fear. With this clarification, respondents understood the question with ease which enabled them to give out the needed information.
According to the 1994 UNDP report on human security, the notion of human security defines people as targets of security threats. The report identified a number of possible and visible areas of human security threats. These included economic, food, health, environment, personal, community and political. This range of insecurities was redefined into two main areas, namely “freedom from fear” and “freedom from want”
(Akakpori, 2012). The former referred to conditions such as conflicts, violence and crime that induced fear and deprived people of the stability in life, while the latter referred to deprivations such as the lack of employment, education, housing, medical care, sanitation, etc, which undermined dignified life. The dominant responses on this question are discussed below.
4.5.1. Creation of Fear and Panic
A significant number of the respondents claimed that the incessant electoral violence in the area creates fear and panic among the people. Eighty percent alluded to the fact that they are always put under fear and anxiety during elections due to the frequent clashes between supporters of the two major political parties, the NPP and the NDC.
The tendency for social violence to peak around election time suggests that elections may have a way of sustaining and even increasing the intensity of existing conflicts and this could create fear for the people concerned. According to the respondents, the varying quantities of criminal activities in the area before, during and after elections constantly put people especially shop owners and head porters under fear. Election is equated to nothing but danger. This is because violence that often breaks out during election time results in human rights abrasions such as loss of lives, torture, loss of
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properties, displacement of people and many more. Mr. L describing how electoral violence in the area creates fear and panic had this to say:
Anytime we are running into election, I become very worried. The things that
have been happening in this place because of elections are very fearful. What I
normally do is that, I will send my wife and kids to my hometown a week
before the election time while I remain and keep the shop. You can find out
from all the people here, how we are living in fear and panic. If I can ask you a
question, how will you feel if you see people die out of violence? “)ye
atsietsie”. We are always living in fear. What even pains me is that these
leaders that we have been voting for are living comfortably in their big
mansions and flashy cars while we voters are living in fear and panic always.
It is only in this place that I have seen people die simply. We are all worried
about this situation because it puts us into constant fear.
Another respondent recounted her experience which was in line with the creation of fear and panic in the area:
Just right at the back of my house, there is a certain young man who is into
computer repairing. This incident happened last two years. One faithful
Saturday morning, a misunderstanding broke out between some of the area
boys here who were probably Konkombas. This young man was unconcerned
and was doing his job in his shop and before we realized they have invaded his
shop with their fighting. This guy’s forehead was cut with a knife in trying to
put them out of his shop. Living here is not secured because anything can
happen to you. We are living in fear most, especially the women folks.
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The creation of fear and panic among the people in the study area is a hindrance to the achievement of the 16th goal of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal which emphasized peace, justice and strong institutions. The prevalence of fear in the society adversely affects national development. This is because individuals are robbed of peace which will enable them to contribute meaningfully to national development.
Gasper (2010) averred that freedom from want, freedom from fear, and freedom of future generations to inherit a healthy natural environment constitute the interrelated building blocks of human and national security. Therefore if people live in fear in the society, it constitutes a significant threat to human security.
4.5.2. Displacement of People
Another theme which emerged in finding out how electoral politics affect human security is displacement of people. Six out of the ten respondents, claimed that electoral violence in the area is associated with the destruction of houses and shops which makes people homeless.
A respondent revealed that during the 2008 general elections, four shops were destroyed. According to this respondent, most of the shop owners sleep in their shops together with their wives and children in order to protect their shops from any act of robbery. When their shops are vandalized, they are forced to find another place to sleep and this comes with a lot of inconveniences. This could also threaten their health. Another respondent in the name of Mr. P claimed that the Konkonsa area in
Agbogbloshie has witnessed the destruction of a lot of houses as a result of electoral politics. Much emphasis was made on the 2008 general election. According to the participants, there was intermittent violence in Agbogbloshie which lasted for about six days after the election and this resulted in the displacement of people because
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several houses were destroyed. These houses were mainly made of wood which made them easy to be destroyed.
The displacement of people is one of the threats to human security. This is because the deprivation of housing undermines dignified human life. The quality of life of the individual is reduced when he or she does not have anywhere to lay his head. This is a significant threat to human security as posited by Burgess and Grans (2012).
4.5.3. Threat to Economic Life Due to Loss of Job
Another common view expressed by the respondents in connection with electoral politics and human security is loss of job. This constitutes a grave threat to the economic life and well-being of the individual. According to four of the respondents, because of the winner takes all module which characterize the political system of the country, shop owners and other businessmen and women in the study area lose their jobs when there is turnaround in government. Vantage points for business activities are taken away from these people upon the realization that they do not belong to the new party in power. Respondents indicated that sometimes, it could go to the extent of taking over of shops with no settlement. A respondent narrating his experience about this trend had this to say:
Everything in this place is politicized. Sometimes you don’t even know what
to do. Even though we are all Ghanaians but those who belong to either the
two dominant political parties are treated better at the expense of those who do
not belong to any political party. I have been in the scrap business for about
eight years. I started from the Arena area but in 2016 when a new government
came to power, we were forced to leave the place. It was not that they wanted
to do any renovation there or put up any structure but they wanted to give that
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space to their own people. Business here is a bit strategic and where you
position yourself most of the time determines the outcome of your business.
Business was booming where I was before I was sacked. Some of my
colleagues who were having kiosks and containers were likewise asked to
remove. Mr….., a friend of mine’s kiosk was destroyed by a team from the
AMA in 2017 because he refused to remove his kiosk from the place after two
weeks of caution. All these have politics as the basis. The truth is that people
have been losing their jobs in this place because of discrimination we face on
political grounds.
The literature revealed that human security is an all-encompassing condition in which individual citizens live in freedom, peace and safety and participate fully in the process of governance. They enjoy the protection of fundamental rights, have access to resources and the basic necessities of life, including health and education, and inhabit an environment that is not injurious to their health, well-being and economic progress. Loss of job based on political grounds constitutes a threat to the security of the individual.
This is because the individual is robbed of employment with no decent source of income. Lack of employment breeds poverty which deprive the individual of dignified life hence, a threat to human security. Unemployment also constitutes a hindrance to the realization of the United Nations Sustainable Development goal of no poverty.
Poverty eradication is only possible if more people, especially young people, have stable and productive employment. The security of the individual is enhanced when he or she has a decent source of income.
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4.5.4. Creation of General Instability in Agbogbloshie
Another theme which emerged that cannot be left in oblivion is the issue of instability. Respondents claimed that the area has not experienced relative peace for a long time all because of electoral politics. Five out of the ten respondents mentioned categorically that the period before, during and after general elections in the area since the inception of the Fourth Republic has been marked by utmost instability. Mr. S described Agbogbloshie as a place of turmoil because of electoral politics. Another participant similarly described the area as a place of turbulence. These respondents claimed that human security in the area is questionable because the individual is not safe to live his or her normal life because of electoral violence.
Mrs. W, in response to the question “How does electoral politics affect human security in the area?” had this to say:
I will say there is no peace in this area. We, especially the women folk are
under constant fear because of the instability that is created by electoral
politics. Sometimes the disturbance could take about a week. Sleep would
vanish from our eyes. The situation is even compounded when you have a
baby. In fact, we are really suffering. Sometimes when violence breaks out,
you could be in your room and before you realize people would pounce on
you. I remember in 2012 when two young men broke one side of our house.
They were fighting all because of elections. There is insecurity in
Agbogbloshie and we would like to call on the government to recognize our
plight and come to our rescue.
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Gómez and Gasper (2013) contend that when there is absence of freedom from fear which is characterized by conditions such as violence and instability that induce fear and deprive people of stability, human security is threaten.
4.5.5. Discrimination and victimization based on political grounds
Political discrimination and victimization is another theme that emerged from the responses on electoral politics and human security. Five out of the ten respondents mentioned the issue of discrimination meted out to traders in the study area on political grounds. According to respondents, politics has been the bedrock of daily activities in Agbogbloshie. Individuals who are supporters of the government in power are given preferential treatment at the expense of the others who are not. This usually reflects in areas such as location of sites for trading activities, asking people to remove their containers from their usual places, confiscation of shops and wooden houses and other acts of discrimination. Discrimination and victimization do not secure the individual in the society.
The literature revealed that human security entails the protection of fundamental freedoms that are the essence of life. In other words, human security emphasizes the creation of political, social, environmental, economic, military and cultural systems that together give people the building blocks of survival, livelihood and dignity.
Discrimination destroys the hope and aspirations of the individual. It further deters the individual from reaching the targeted height in extreme cases. In this way, discrimination and victimization meted out to people in the study area based on political affinities is a potential threat to human security. This is because it defeats the objective of human security which seeks to safeguard the vital core of human lives
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from critical pervasive threats, in a way that is consistent with long-term human fulfillment.
4.5.5.1. The State of Human Security in Agbogbloshie.
Research question 12: Do you think human security is absent in Agbogbloshie.
This question was asked to ascertain the views of respondents as to whether there is
“freedom from fear” and “freedom from want” (human security) in the study area.
Respondents were given two options which were “yes” and “no”. All the ten respondents representing 100% said yes to the above question, claiming that there is no human security in Agbogbloshie because of electoral politics. Responses on this question revealed the volatile condition and fragile situation of the area.
According to these respondents, politics has created factions between the people which militate against their unity and cohesion. Political discrimination and intimidation as well as violence before, during and after elections have affected business activities, rendered people homeless, resulted in the death of loved ones and constantly putting people under fear and panic. This is an impediment to both human security and national development that must be given state attention.
4.6.0. Ways in Which the Absence of Human Security Threaten Human Rights of the People.
The literature revealed by Gomez (2011) emphasized that human security relates to much more than security from violence and crime. The concept however encompasses human rights, good governance, access to education and health care and ensuring that each individual has opportunities and choices to fulfill his or her potential. In this regard, every step in this direction is also a step towards reducing poverty, achieving
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economic growth, preventing conflict and in the end promoting human rights. The researcher on this premise intended to investigate into the ways in which the absence of human security in the area poses a threat to the fundamental human rights of the people. Respondents were asked “How does the above question threaten human rights of the people of Agbogbloshie? The findings of the study revealed that the absence of human security in the area poses a threat to the enjoyment of the fundamental human rights of the people in diverse ways. Responses on this question are highlighted below.
In the first place, the right to life which is considered to be the supreme right is threatened. Respondents indicated that the incessant electoral violence in the area poses a significant threat to their lives. A respondent emphasized that three lives were lost during the 2012 general elections in both Arena and Konkonsa areas. Another respondent, Mr. P claimed that he lost a friend in the wake of the violence after the
2008 elections.
According to three of the eight respondents who brought up the issue of threat to life, the atrocities that characterize electoral violence in Agbogbloshie makes living in the area very dangerous. The right to life is a supreme right that must be respected by both state agencies and individual members of the state. The right to life offers protection from physical violence against an individual, torture and inhuman treatment which undermine human dignity. It cannot be taken away under any circumstance not even in time of war or public emergency. The right to life is safeguarded by the International Bill of Human Rights and other human rights treaties.
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Articles (3), 69(1) and (4) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on
Human and People’s Rights respectively enjoins state parties to respect and promote the right to life under all conditions. For instance, article 3 of the UDHR states:
“Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person”.
The 1992 constitution of Ghana also offers protection to the right to life. However, the constitution stipulates the conditions under which the right to life of the individual could be taken away which in anyway does not involve electoral violence. Article 13 states that:
(1) No person shall be deprived of his life intentionally except in the exercise of the
execution of a sentence of a court in respect of a criminal offence under the
laws of Ghana of which he has been convicted.
(2) A person shall not be held to have deprived another person of his life in
contravention of clause (1) of this article if that other person dies as the result
of a lawful act of war or if that other person dies as the result of the use of
force to such an extent as is reasonably justifiable in the particular
circumstances.-(a) for the defence of any person from violence or for the
defence of property; or
(b) in order to effect a lawful arrest or to prevent the escape of a person lawfully
detained; or
(c) for the purposes of suppressing a riot, insurrection or mutiny; or
(d) in order to prevent the commission of a crime by that person.
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The incessant electoral violence in Agbogbloshie since the inception of the Fourth
Republic which has resulted in the loss of several lives and the creation of fear and panic among the people poses a threat to the life of the people.
Furthermore, the study revealed that the absence of human security in the area threatens the economic rights of the people. Six, representing 60% of the respondents in the study area claimed that electoral politics which most at time manifest in violence consequently affect their rights to work and own property. The destruction of shops and displacement of people result in loss of jobs and this constitutes a hindrance to the development and well-being of the individual. Economic rights are listed in
Articles 22 to 26 of the UDHR, and further developed and set out as binding treaty norms in the ICESCR. These rights provide the conditions necessary for prosperity and well-being. According to Jemal (2014), economic rights encompass the right to property, the right to work, which one freely chooses or accepts, the right to a fair wage, a reasonable limitation of working hours, and trade union rights. Insecurity in the society does not allow the individual to go about his or her daily activities.
Electoral violence which creates fear and panic in the area makes people close their shops and absent themselves from work for some time. This is an encroachment on the right to work which go a long way to affect the economic well-being of the individual.
One particular controversial right which can be considered as both an economic and civil right is the right to property. It definitely belongs to the classical concept of human rights as exemplified by John Locke’s famous triangular of life, liberty, and possessions, as well as by various domestic bills of rights of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Otchie, 2015, p. 99). On the international level, the right to property is guaranteed by the International Human Rights Regime. The UDHR,
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ICESCR, ACHR and the ACHPR all enjoin state-parties to offer protection to the right to property. Article 17 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 1 of the First Additional Protocol to the European Convention of Human Rights, Article
21 of the American Convention on Human Rights, and Article 14 of the African
Charter of Human and Peoples’ Right stipulate that the right to individual property must be upheld by state-parties. The 1992 constitution of Ghana also guarantees the right to own property. Article 18 states that:
(1) Every person has the right to own property either alone or in association
with others.
(2) No person shall be subjected to interference with the privacy of his home,
property, correspondence or communication except in accordance with law
and as may be necessary in a free and democratic society for public safety
or the economic well-being of the country, for the protection of health or
morals, for the prevention of disorder or crime or for the protection of the
rights or freedoms of others.
According to respondents, when there is a change of government, supporters of the new government in power sometimes take over the shops and wooden houses of the supporters of the previous government. This has been the trend in the study area since the inception of the Fourth Republic. The researcher is of the view that the confiscation of shops and houses amount to a threat to the right of the people to own property.
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4.7.0. State Response to the Situation
The researcher is of the view that national development cannot be achieved without human security and the promotion of human rights. There is therefore the need for the state to identify human security threats and address them appropriately. This section presents the reaction of the state to the recurrent electoral violence in the study area since 1992.
Every member of the society has the right to protection. The state that ratifies international human rights treaties has a responsibility to protect all members of the
State. The 1992 constitution of Ghana states in an unambiguous term that “All has a right to be protected in the enjoyment of life, liberty and property”.
The right to life is considered as the supreme right without which all other human rights cannot be enjoyed. There is therefore the need for the protection of the individual against human rights abuse. The protection of the individual by the state is the function of the law enforcement agencies. These include inter alia the police, the military, the prison service, and the courts. According to Ahiave (2013), the police and the military have been used in conflict and electoral violence prevention efforts in
Ghana over the years. They are deployed to protect lives and property whenever conflicts explode or threaten to explode over entrenched positions or disputes over valuable but scarce resources. State response to the situation as revealed by respondents are presented and analyzed below.
First and foremost, respondents claimed that there have been intermittent police interventions. Police officials are deployed to restore order in the area anytime violence erupts. The Ghana Police Service (GPS) is a major agent in ensuring social order and enforcement of law in the country. The law enforcement duty of the Police
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involves increasing demand for governance and to ensure the safety of the citizens.
Respondents claimed that police personnel have been coming to the area to restore order anytime there is electoral violence; nevertheless, their activities have not contributed in any significant way to help curb the trend. A respondent described the police as inefficient and ineffective in handling matters of electoral violence in
Agbogbloshie. It was revealed that sometimes, in the wake of violence after elections, when the police are called upon to help, they do not show up and even sometimes, they would come after the incidence when people have been already injured and shops destroyed.
Moreover, the study revealed that the military are also involved in restoring order and stability in the area. Seven out of the ten respondents highlighted on the activities of the military in the area. According to these respondents, military personnel are sometimes deployed into the area a week before and after general elections so as to forestall electoral malpractices which lead to violence. The state does this as a way of ensuring the principle of the responsibility to protect as enforced by the United
Nations on behalf of members of state parties. According to the principles outlined by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), a protection mission should be organized and deployed specifically to actively prevent large-scale violence against civilians in circumstances such as uprisings and electoral violence. It could be realized that the state has not relaxed in handling the problem of incessant electoral violence in Agbogbloshie. The researcher is of the opinion that the area needs more attention with regards to security. Proper security structures should be laid to prevent the high incidence of electoral violence with its concomitant human rights abrasions.
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4.7.1. Challenges of the Security Agencies
The law enforcement agencies in the third world especially sub-Sahara Africa, is bedeviled with a myriad of hurdles in carrying out their functions. The researcher interviewed two police officials (a constable and an inspector) to find out how the police service as a state institution in charge of the maintenance of law and order and the protection of the people has responded to the situation so far.
A major challenge that was revealed through the study is political influence and interference. Both two police officials claimed that supporters of the two main political parties have strong backings from both constituency and national leaders of the parties. These supporters are sometimes incited to engage in electoral malpractice especially upon the realization of possible electoral defeat.
According to one police official, politicians have been interfering in the affairs of the police in attempt to handle the perpetrators of electoral violence. Police personnel,
Mr. Q had this to say when lamenting on the issue of political influence and interference:
“I will not deny that this place has gain bad recognition because of electoral
violence. We have been doing our best in handling the situation. Even though,
it is not an easy thing because the people here are very troublesome especially
on matter of politics and elections. A major challenge we encounter so far is
political interference. Supporters of the NPP and NDC are the only people
who have been fighting in the area. Politicians have sided with them because
they also do their biddings. I have been here for about six years and what has
been happening is that when a perpetrator is arrested, politicians would
maneuver their way out through higher authorities in the police service to have
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him released. This empowers them to do more and there is nothing we can do
beyond this point, for we also take orders from our superiors”.
Another challenge encountered by the police service in dealing with electoral violence in the study area that was revealed by the study is non-co-operation on the part of the public. The police work hand-in -hand with the people. However, when the public refuse to cooperate with them, it makes their work a daunting one. Public co- operation has been identified by the Police as an essential criterion for improvement in the quality of their operations (Agbemabiesse, 2011). The people’s part in the attainment of the desired objectives of the Ghana Police Service is of supreme importance. Co-operation from the public should be in the form of provision of the right kind of information on crime, perpetrators of electoral malpractices and violence as well as criminal activities. The contribution of the public to police activities may also extend to areas such as donations to reduce the burden on the government.
4.7.2 Public Perception of State Response to the Situation
Public opinion is an important element in political administration. The essence of the views of the public on national issues is far reaching. Omotola (2010) asserts that public opinion puts the government on its toes through the constructive criticisms it offers. On this premise, the researcher asked another but related question on the response of the state to the situation. “What is your opinion about state response to the situation?
Four options were provided which were very “appropriate”, “good”, “bad” and “very bad”. Out of the ten respondents, six claimed that state response has been very bad while four representing 40% also claimed that state response has been bad. None of the ten respondents claimed that state response has been either very appropriate or
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good. The inference drawn from these responses is that the people of Agbogbloshie expect the state to adopt or lay-up adequate structures even if not to forestall, reduce to the barest minimum the incidence of electoral violence in the area.
4.8.0 Measures to Curb the Trend
A study of such nature could not be complete without looking at the ways and means to prevent or abate to the barest minimum the high incidence of electoral violence in the area. In this vein, the researcher inquired from respondents about the measures to curb the trend. A range of views were given by the participants which are presented and discussed in themes below:
4.8.1. Political Education
A major theme that emerged from respondents on the measures to curb the trend of electoral violence in the area is political education. Respondents were of the view that there should be intensive political education of the public to enlighten them on the importance of political unity and the need to accept electoral results. Supporters of the two dominant parties must be oriented on the ramifications of electoral violence on national development and the essence of political cohesion in the Ghanaian society.
This must be the responsibility of both the electoral commission and political parties since the electoral processes revolve entirely around them. Respondents were of the view that when supporters of political parties come to appreciate the fact that members or supporters of the various political parties are all Ghanaians, and that, we are to be united to fight for the common good of Ghana, the thought of electoral malpractice which leads to violence would not occur in the minds of perpetrators of electoral violence.
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4.8.2. Peaceful Resolution of the Dagbon Chieftaincy Conflict
Peaceful resolution of the Dagbon chieftaincy conflict came up as one of the measures that must be put in place to curb the recurrent electoral violence in Agbogbloshie. Six out of the ten respondents suggested that the government together with the national house of chiefs should work hard to ensure a peaceful resolution of the conflict.
Respondents claimed that there is the need to depoliticise the conflict since this could even constitute the first step toward the peaceful resolution of the conflict. A respondent, Mr. C, said that the resolution of the conflict must not be left to the government entirely since it cannot resolve the conflict peacefully owning to the intractable nature of the conflict. In this regard, the government must throw its weight behind the traditional rulers and the Dagbon people themselves to resolve the matter.
When the conflict is finally resolved amicably, members of both gates would not indulge in electoral malpractice so as to ensure electoral victory in order to either revenge or silence the other gate.
4.8.3. Effective and Impartial Electoral Management Body
Another theme that emerged from the responses on the measures to curb the trend of electoral violence in the study area is effective and impartial electoral management body. Five respondents suggested that the electoral commission should be fair, firm, transparent and credible to all other stakeholders in the electoral system. Respondents argued that, in other for the other stakeholders to have trust and confidence in them, they should demonstrate high level of neutrality by creating equal level playing grounds for all. In addition, the electoral commission should not favour candidate or political party so as to avert any suspicion which could result in violence.
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According to a keynote address delivered by Dr. Mohamed Ibn Chambas on 7th
September, 2016 at the Kofi Annan International Peace Keeping Centre, contestants disappointed by electoral outcomes often claim they have been robbed of their win.
In some cases, they may indeed have been fraudulently excluded from power. In other cases, they may have misunderstood the process. Most often, allegations of fraud are convenient excuse for poor performance. In any case, real or perceived fraudulent outcomes can spark violence, orchestrated by parties and candidates, or carried out by their supporters or fringe elements. In this regard, the electoral commission must be highly impartial and effective in carrying out its constitutionally mandated functions. The researcher also supports the idea of an effective and impartial electoral management body as one of the measure that could help prevent the incessant electoral violence in the study area.
4.9. Conclusion
This chapter presented the analysis of the data gathered from the primary and secondary sources. This was done in line with the objectives of the study. The data gathered have well been analyzed, interpreted and discussed by the researcher in the attempt to find answers to the arduous task of the study. The chapter began with the demographic data of respondents even though it was not part of the research objective. It ended with measures to help curb the trend of incessant electoral violence in the study area. The chapter revealed that electoral violence occurs when there is human security threats. The summary of the findings, conclusion of the study and recommendations are discussed in the last chapter.
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CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION
5.0 Introduction
The main purpose of the study was to examine the manner in which electoral politics affect human security in Ghana; and thereby undermining human rights. The specific objectives were to: explore the political culture of Agbogbloshie in the Greater Accra
Region; determine the causes of incessant violence in the area during general elections since 1992; determine the ramifications of electoral violence in the area, finally assess state response to the situation in the area.
The qualitative paradigm was adopted for the study. Twelve respondents were sampled through purposive and snowballing types of non-probability sampling techniques. Primary data was collected with the aid of interview-guide; and analyzed using thematic narratives (verbatim quotes). This chapter highlights the summary of the findings, conclusions and recommendations. It concludes with suggestions for further studies.
5.1. Summary of Findings
The entire study was divided into five chapters. Chapter One sets the basis of argument of the study by presenting the problem from continental and national perspectives on the ramifications of electoral politics on human security and its implications on the rights of the people. The chapter also identified the gap in global, continental and national research works on the issue of electoral politics and how this study has been positioned to address the gap in the existing work. The chapter provided the justification, goal and scope of the study- which focused chiefly on the manner in which electoral politics affect human security in Agbogbloshie.
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Chapter Two explained the two theories that informed the study- the structural theory of electoral violence and the theory of big man politics as propounded by Biegon
(2009) and Sahlins (1963) respectively. Concepts such as electoral politics, security, human security and human rights were also considered. Other major issues discussed under this chapter included a review of the evolution of human security, the nexus between human security and human rights, phases of human security, security as right, political culture, electoral politics in Africa and Ghana which were gleaned from the works of scholars in the field of democracy, politics, security, human security and human rights.
The third chapter dealt with the research setting, the reasons for the choice of the study area and how the study was carried out. Primary data was collected from twelve
(12) respondents comprising ten (10) participants and two police officials with the aid of an interview-guide. Respondents were sampled through purposive and snowballing types of non-probability sampling techniques. The method of data analysis was also captured in the chapter. Ethical issues concerning the study and the challenges encountered in the field work were also considered in the chapter. The forth chapter focused on the presentation and analysis of primary data.
5.1.1. The Main Findings of the Study
The study answered the five research questions that were asked in the chapter one.
The findings of the study are presented below:
a. The study revealed that the people of Agbogbloshie are ingrained in politics.
Their reaction to political issues and policies of government is overwhelming.
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Politics drives the life of the people. It could be seen that Agbogbloshie is
associated with the participant political culture as highlighted in the literature
review. b. It was also revealed by the study that both process and structural factors are
responsible for the recurrent electoral violence in the study area since the
inception of the Fourth Republic. This confirms what was revealed by the
literature about the causes of electoral violence as asserted by Adzomadi
(2015). The process factors which are also called the immediate factors
include inter alia: poor security and management; chieftaincy dispute in the
study area; the desire to retaliate and political influence. A structural factor
which constitutes one of the bases of electoral violence in the study area is the
Dagbon chieftaincy conflict and the politicization of the conflict. The
assassination of Ya-Na which is claimed to have been politicized by the two
dominant political parties has created disunity among the people in the area.
Anytime there is election, members of the two gates try to manipulate the
electoral process in their advantage because of this issue and the end result is
violence. Each gate would do everything to win election because with that
prospect, they could either revenge or silence the other gate. c. An important finding of the study is that electoral politics adversely affects
human security in the study area. Evidence to support the above assertion
include; creation of fear and panic, loss of jobs due to looting and destruction
of shops, confiscation of private properties, discrimination based on party
grounds as well as displacement of people especially head porsters. d. The study further found that the ramifications of electoral violence in
Agbogbloshie go a long way to affect the lives of the inhabitants. There are a
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whole range of human rights abuses as a result of the recurrent electoral
violence. These include; loss of lives; torture; increase in robbery; destruction
of shops and other properties. The recurrent electoral violence in the study
area undermines the enjoyment of fundamental human rights.
e. Moreover, the study found that the state has not been silent in responding to
the situation. The law enforcement agencies specifically the police and the
military have been relied upon by the state to maintain order in the study area
during elections and when electoral violence erupts. However, the study found
that state response to the persistent electoral violence in Agbogbloshie since
1992 has been bad. The inference drawn by the researcher is that the people of
Agbogbloshie expect the state to adopt or lay-up adequate structures even if
not to forestall, abate to the barest minimum, the high incidence of electoral
violence in the area.
f. Finally, the study revealed that the Police Service as a law enforcement
agency is plagued with myriad of challenges in dealing with the situation.
These include political interference and non-co-operative attitude of the
people in the study area.
5.2. Conclusions
The following conclusions were drawn from the study:
Since the inception of the Fourth Republic, there has been the conduct of seven general elections in Ghana which have been successful, free and fair. However, the country continues to face many threats of widespread electoral violence. This is due to the recurrent nature of micro-level electoral violence and the existence of vulnerabilities such as political patronage, politics of exclusion, winner-takes-all
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electoral system and ethnic cleavages. The dimension of electoral politics in Ghana since 1992 has created widespread election fatigue, leading to popular disinterest in and cynicism towards politics.
Human security remains a mirage in Agbogbloshie because of the impact of electoral politics. The study underscores the fact that the incessant electoral violence in the study area before, during and after general elections results in massive human rights abrasions creating an atmosphere of insecurity.
The state has not relent in addressing the problem of recurrent electoral violence in the area as police and military personnel are deployed into the area a week before and after elections to forestall the incidence of violence, and to restore order anytime violence erupts. The researcher beliefs that if the state adopts pragmatic approaches in resolving or addressing both the structural and process factors leading to the recurrent electoral violence in the area, there will be sustainable peace which would augment human security in Agbogbloshie.
5.3 Recommendations
The study has explored the manner in which electoral politics affect human security in
Agbogbloshie. It threw light on the causes of the recurrent electoral violence in the area since 1992; and how the absence of human security affects the enjoyment of fundamental human rights. In the light of the findings of the study, the following recommendations are put forward:
In the first place, the study recommends that the government through the national house of chiefs and other stakeholders should endeavour to settle amicably the
Dagbon chieftaincy conflict with immediate effect. In bringing peace to Dagbon,
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government should institute, resource and empower a committee to resolve the cultural aspect of the chieftaincy conflict. The peace process should also incorporate other organizations such as the National Peace Council, the Christian Council and other civil societies. The work of these organizations will help bring sustainable peace in Dagbon which would go a long way to either stop or abate the recurrent electoral violence both in Dagbon and Agbogloshie.
The study also identified poor security and electoral management as one of the major causes of the recurrent electoral violence in the area. On this premise, the study suggests that there should be adequate security in the area weeks into and after general elections. In this regard, enough security officials should be deployed into the area during election time. The researcher is of the opinion that the presence of more military and police personnel in the area could scare perpetrators of electoral violence which would deter them from indulging in any irregularity which could lead to misunderstanding and violence.
Also, the state must put some stringent measures to debar politicians from interfering in the operations of the Police Service. It emerged that perpetrators of electoral violence in the study area have backings from politicians which empower them to carry out these acts of violence. The researcher suggests that politicians must not be given the latitude to interfere in the affairs of the Police. Those found to have destroyed people’s properties must be prosecuted to deter others. Police officials in the study area should not succumb to the personal interests of politicians so as to condone with acts of violence during elections. The culture of impunity where perpetrators of electoral violence are unpunished should not be promoted by the police and the government.
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Furthermore, the people of Agbobloshie should be given massive exposure to anti- electoral violence campaign which could increase a sense of local empowerment to resist and counteract electoral violence. The state must provide long term mass and civic education on elections and democracy. The National Commission for Civic
Education (NCCE) mandated by the 1992 Republican Constitution to provide civic education should be equipped enough to execute this mandate. Adequate funds and logistics that are needed for effective and efficient civic education on democracy and elections should be released. In this way, supporters of the two dominant political parties would be enlightened on the need to accept electoral results and the consequences of electoral violence on the political development of Ghana in general and national development as a whole.
Moreover, there should be a comprehensive approach in addressing the immediate factors responsible for the persistent electoral violence in the area. The installation of chiefs in Agbogbloshie should be detached from national politics. Respected civil society organizations and traditional or clan leaders, need to be involved in building confidence and encouraging respect and tolerance. Such networks are important for identifying potential areas of tension and individual trouble makers in the electoral area. Adequate measures must be put in place to prevent discrimination meted out to people in the area on political grounds. The researcher is of the view that this would go a long way to ease electoral tension and vengeance among the people.
Finally, the study recommends that the general public should assist police officials by co-operating with them. One of the factors affecting police officials in Agbogbloshie in dealing with issues of electoral violence as revealed by the police officials was lack of cooperation from the public. There is therefore the need for the public to support the police in their operations. A better way to gain the support of the citizens is to
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educate the public to increase consciousness of their operations. The public should also provide the right kind of information on perpetrators of electoral violence in the area to the police to make operations and service delivery easier. In addition to this, the public should recommend and report responsible acts of bravery and outstanding service of Police officers to top officials for a reward in order to inspire officials to work hard.
5.4 Suggestions for Further Research
Based on the findings and conclusion on the study, the researcher hereby put forward the following suggestions for further studies.
To begin with, the study only focused on Agbogbloshie, one of the polling centres in
Accra that is noted for recurrent electoral violence since 1992. The researcher therefore suggests that there should be a replication of the study in other polling centers, constituencies and even regions in Ghana so as to ascertain the validity of a study of this kind and make the findings more generalized.
Moreover, it is realized that there is massive public education each election year on the electoral processes and system as well as the need to have violent free elections.
Nevertheless, there sometimes occurs incidence of violence in some of the constituencies and polling centres despite this development. The study suggests that further studies be conducted on the effectiveness of public education in the fight against electoral violence in Ghana. Critical issues such as how public education is carried out and what makes the goal of such education not achieved must be covered by the study.
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In addition to the above, the security agencies such as the police personnel and the military have been unrelenting in the fight against electoral violence which poses a threat to the political development of Ghana. It appears that despite their honest effort, the country continues to face many threats of widespread violence before, during and after elections. The study therefore suggests that studies be conducted on the challenges of the security agencies in Ghana especially the Police Service in dealing with issues of not only electoral violence but the maintenance of law and order in the society in general.
Finally, respect for the rights and freedoms of the individual constitute the first step towards the achievement of human security. The researcher is of the view that a society permeated by the respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms goes a long way to secure the individual. Effective protection of human rights therefore requires the collaboration of the major stakeholders. This means that the improvement and proper development of human rights cannot be totally effective when it is left on the shoulders of some few State designated institutions. Families, members of the society and religious bodies have to support the efforts of human rights institutions in the fight against violence in the society. Research is required to look into the awareness of human rights of the people and also the effectiveness of these collaborative agencies in the promotion and protection of human rights in Ghana.
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142 University of Education, Winneba http://ir.uew.edu.gh
APPENDIX
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR PARTICIPANTS IN THE STUDY AREA
CENTRE FOR CONFLICT, HUMAN RIGHTS AND PEACE STUDIES
UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION, WINNEBA
INTRODUCTION
This is an academic exercise which seeks to explore the political culture of
Agbogbloshie and further determine the causes of persistent violence in the area before, during and after general elections since Ghana’s Fourth Republic. The purpose for this interview is to find out how electoral politics affect human security and its concomitant human rights issues. Your co-operation is therefore highly needed to empower the success of the study.
All responses will be kept confidential. This means that your responses will only be shared with research team members specifically, my supervisor and the Centre for
Conflict, Human Rights and Peace Studies. We will also make sure that any information we include in our report does not identify you as a respondent.
Please note that you are not obliged to talk about anything you do not want to and as such, you may withdraw from the interview at your own will. Thank you for the acceptance to participate in this research.
Yours Sincerely,
…………………..
Peter Arkoh
143 University of Education, Winneba http://ir.uew.edu.gh
Centre for Conflict, Human Rights and Peace Studies
University of Education, Winneba
E-mail: [email protected]
Tel: 0543806658
Participant’s Statement of Acceptance
I have read/the content of this letter has been read to me in a language that I understand and that I agree to participate willingly in the study and agree to have the interview recorded.
Participant’s Signature………………………………………….
Date………………………………………………………………
Section A- Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
1. Sex Male ( ) Female ( )
2. Age (a) 18- 25yrs ( ) (b) 26-30yrs ( )
(c) 31-40yrs ( ) (d) 41yrs and above ( )
3. What is your ethnic background? ……………………………..
4. How many years have you spent in this area?
(a) 5 - 9yrs (b)10 - 14yrs (c)15 – 19yrs (d) 20yrs and above
144 University of Education, Winneba http://ir.uew.edu.gh
Section B- On Political Culture
5. Have you voted in this constituency before?
(a.) Yes ( ) (b.) No ( )
6. How many times have you voted in general elections since 1992?
(a) 2 times ( ) (b) 3times ( ) (c) 4times ( ) (d) 5 -7 times ( )
7. What is the political culture of the people in this area?
(a) Highly interested ( ) (b) Interested ( )
(c) Indifferent ( ) (d) Highly Indifferent ( )
8. The winner-takes-all module characterizing the political system of Ghana encourages healthy competition among parties?
(a) Strongly Agree ( ) (b) Agree ( )
(c) Disagree ( ) (d) Strongly Disagree ( )
Section C- On Electoral Violence
9. What in your opinion is/are the cause(s) of persistent violence during elections in
Agbogbloshie?
10. What, in your opinion are the effects of electoral violence on the people?
Section D- On Electoral Politics and Human Security
11. How do electoral politics affect human security in the area? (Note: Human
Security in this context means the absence of conflict, victimization and violence in the society which makes people live without any fear).
145 University of Education, Winneba http://ir.uew.edu.gh
12. Do you think human security is absent in Agbogbloshie
(a) Yes ( ) (b) No ( )
13. How does the above question threaten human rights of the people of
Agbogbloshie?
Section E- State Response to the Situation
14. What has the state done about the persistent violence in the area before, during and after general elections?
15. What is your opinion about state response to the situation?
(a) Very Appropriate ( ) (b) Good ( )
(c) Bad ( ) (d) Very Bad ( )
16. What in your opinion, could be done to curb the menace of electoral violence in
Agbogbloshie?
146 University of Education, Winneba http://ir.uew.edu.gh
APPENDIX
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR POLICE OFFICIALS
UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION, WINNEBA
SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES
CENTRE FOR CONFLICT, HUMAN RIGHTS AND PEACE STUDIES
INTRODUCTION
This is an academic exercise, which seeks to explore the political culture of
Agbogbloshie and further determine the causes of persistent violence in the area during general elections since 1992. The main reason for this interview is to find out how electoral politics affect human security in the area and its human rights implications. Your co-operation is therefore highly needed to empower the success of the study.
All responses will be kept confidential. This means that your interview responses will only be shared with research team members precisely my supervisor and the external supervisor. We will also make sure that any information we include in our report does not identify you as the respondents.
Please note that you are not obliged to talk about anything you do not want to and as such, you may withdraw from the interview anytime at will. Thank you for the acceptance to participate in this research.
1. What in your opinion is/are the cause(s) of persistent violence during elections
in Agbogbloshie?
2. How does electoral politics affect human security in Ghana?
147 University of Education, Winneba http://ir.uew.edu.gh
3. How does the absence of human security undermine human rights?
4. What has the institution done about this trend over the years?
5. Do you think the institution have failed in some way in responding
appropriately to the situation?
6. What are the challenges encountered in handling this problem?
7. In your candid opinion, how do we curb the menace of electoral violence in
Agbogbloshie?
148 University of Education, Winneba http://ir.uew.edu.gh
APPENDIX
GLOSSARY OF TECHNICAL WORDS
These are Dagaare and Akan words. For the purpose of clarification, the initial of every language is added to indicate the linguistic origin of the words; with Ak for
Akan and D for Dagaare.
Atsietsie (Ak): Something that is very worrisome
Di musrima (D): It makes me worried
Nkwasiesem (Ak): very absurd
Zab-li: Violence
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