Contesting Cuba's Past and Future

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From the Choices Program www.choices.edu Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future

Acknowledgments

Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future was developed by the Choices CHOICES for the 21st Century Education Program with the assistance of the for the 21st Century research staff of the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Education Program Studies, scholars at Brown University, and other experts in the field. We wish to thank the following researchers for their April 2008 invaluable input:

Director James G. Blight Susan Graseck Professor (Research) Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Curriculum Editor Andy Blackadar Philip Brenner Professor of International Relations Director of the United States Foreign Policy Field, School of International Service Curriculum Writer American University Sarah Kreckel Michael Bustamante Curriculum Writer Project Manager, U.S. Policy Toward a Cuba in Transition Sarah Massey Brookings Institution janet Lang Office Manager Adjunct Assistant Professor (Research) Anne Campau Prout Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

Outreach Coordinator Adrián López Denis Jillian McGuire Postdoctoral Fellow in International Humanities The Cogut Center for the Humanities, Brown University

Professional Development Director Julia E. Sweig Mollie Hackett Nelson and David Rockefeller Senior Fellow for Latin America Studies Director of Latin America Studies Council on Foreign Relations Staff Associate Jessica de la Cruz Esther Whitfield Assistant Professor of Comparative Literature, Brown University Videographer/Editor Julia Liu We wish to thank Philip Benson, International Baccalaureate history teacher, and Kelly Keogh, a social studies teacher at Normal Community School, Normal, Illinois, for their The Choices for the 21st Century Education Program develops contributions. curricula on current and historical international issues and offers Cover photo courtesy of Koldo Cepeda. workshops, institutes, and http://flickr.com/photos/koldoc/ in-service programs for high school teachers. Course materials All maps by Alexander Sayer Gard-Murray. place special emphasis on the importance of educating students We wish to thank the United States Institute of Peace for its in their participatory role as support of Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future. The opinions, citizens. findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed are The Choices for the 21st Century those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Education Program is a program of United States Institute of Peace. the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future is part of a continuing series on at Brown University. international public policy issues. New units are published each Barbara Stallings academic year and all units are updated regularly. Director, Watson Institute for International Studies Visit us on the World Wide Web—www.choices.edu Contents

Introduction: Cuba without Fidel 1 Part I: Colonization and Independence 2 Cuba under Spanish Rule 2 The Struggle for Independence 5 The Cuban Republic 7 Part II: The Cuban Revolution 11 Patria o Muerte (“The Fatherland or Death”) 13 Revolutionary Reforms 18 Changes Brewing 22 Part III: The Special Period and Cuba Today 25 No es facil (“It’s not easy”) 25 Cuba Today 33 Options in Brief 37 Option 1: Safeguard the Revolution 38 Option 2: Build a New Economy 40 Option 3: Embrace Political Freedom 42 Supplementary Resources 44

Th e Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m is a program of the Watson Institute for Inter- national Studies at Brown University. Ch o i c e s was established to help citizens think constructively about foreign policy issues, to improve participatory citizenship skills, and to encourage public judgement on policy issues. The Watson Institute for International Studies was established at Brown University in 1986 to serve as a forum for students, faculty, visiting scholars, and policy practitioners who are committed to analyzing contemporary global problems and developing initiatives to address them. © Copyright April 2008. First edition. Choices for the 21st Century Educa- tion Program. All rights reserved. 1-60123-024-9.

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Introduction: Cuba without Fidel

n February 19, 2008, Fidel Castro an- important in recent years. Additionally, people Onounced to Cuba and to the world that are increasingly frustrated by the government’s he would not be a candidate for Cuba’s presi- constantly changing economic strategies. dency. The Cuban National Assembly elected Today, life for most people in Cuba is not Fidel’s brother Raúl as president on February easy. Wages are low and the economy suffers 24. It was a momentous occasion, ending the from periodic shortages of essential goods. The nearly fifty-year reign of one of the longest government controls the press and the unions, serving leaders in the world. Fidel had not and frequently censors art and literature. been the acting president since 2006, when Those who oppose government policies and he was admitted to the hospital for emergency push for democratic reforms are often im- intestinal surgery and handed power over prisoned. Thousands of Cubans have left the to Raúl. But he continued to exert influence island over the last five decades. Today, more within the government during that time pe- than one million Cuban immigrants and their riod. Now formally out of office, it is unclear descendants live in the United States alone. whether the aging leader, more than eighty years old, will continue to direct government At the same time, many Cubans are proud policy. of gains their country has made over the last fifty years. They are guaranteed free health Fidel Castro’s absence from government care and education. Students from around has renewed international attention on Cuba. the world come to study in Cuba’s medical It has also highlighted the diverging views that schools. Many of Cuba’s social indicators, such outsiders have of Cuba and its history, par- as infant mortality rate and life expectancy, ticularly since the mid-twentieth century. The rival those of industrialized countries and are 1959 revolution, led by Castro, fundamentally much better than those of other developing changed Cuba’s government, economy, and countries. society. The revolution has meant different things to different people. While it brought Cuba has undergone profound changes in opportunities and advances that were long the last two decades, and many people both denied to many Cubans, others lost property, within Cuba and around the world wonder jobs, and the positions they held in Cuban what will happen on the island in the com- society. ing years. In these readings and the activities that accompany them, you will be asked to Cubans also have very different opinions step into the shoes of ordinary Cubans on about their country and its history, and this the island and consider Cuba’s future in the affects how they think about the future. Many post-Castro era. The readings trace Cuba’s issues that have been important throughout history from the country’s pre-colonial past to Cuban history are gaining new significance as its most recent economic, social, and political Cubans think about a Cuba without Fidel Cas- changes. You will be asked to consider impor- tro. For example, the involvement of foreign tant questions: Should Cuba continue along countries in Cuba, which has long been a con- the path started by Fidel Castro? How should troversial issue in Cuban politics, has become Cuba relate to its neighbors and the rest of the even more pressing in the past few decades world? What values will be most important as the country opens itself up to tourism and to Cubans in the coming years? What should foreign investment. Problems of racism and Cuba’s future be? racial discrimination have also become more

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Part I: Colonization and Independence

n early Cuban history, the island was an in- In 1494, on a second trip, the Spanish Itegral part of the surrounding region, which spent three months exploring the island and included other Caribbean islands and parts of looking for gold. But Cuba lacked significant what is today Florida, Mexico, and Central and mineral riches and so the Spanish did not South America. Within this region, there were return to the island for the next fifteen years. numerous indigenous communities that trav- Instead, they established settlements on a eled freely from one island or area to another. nearby island, present-day Hispaniola, which Various groups migrated from Florida, Mexico, had abundant gold deposits and a large in- and other Caribbean islands to populate Cuba digenous population that the Spanish could throughout the island’s early history. enslave to work in the gold mines. Historians know very little about the early inhabitants of Cuba. For hundreds of What happened when the Spanish returned? years, most people believed that the Spanish By 1508, the Spanish colonial population conquest had completely wiped out Cuba’s was too large for Hispaniola alone to support. indigenous population. In some cases, vari- Furthermore, the Spanish colonists’ brutal ous groups intentionally promoted this idea. treatment of the indigenous population had For example, during the colonial period, created a labor shortage. Cuba, so close to many settlers claimed that there were no more Hispaniola’s shore, was an obvious choice for indigenous people so that they could freely Spanish expansion. confiscate indigenous lands (at that time there After preliminary explorations, the Span- were laws protecting indigenous people and ish began to settle in eastern Cuba in 1511. their lands). Most people believed this myth Spanish troops killed scores of people as well into the twentieth century. In recent they attempted to subdue the indigenous years, many researchers have confirmed that population. Word of Spanish brutality spread indigenous communities still exist in some and much of the organized resistance in the isolated parts of the island, and many Cubans western part of the island either surrendered are descended from indigenous ancestors. immediately or fled before the Spanish ar- At the time of the Spanish arrival at the rived. Nevertheless, rebellions, led by fugitive end of the fifteenth century, the Ciboneys and indigenous communities on the coasts and in the Taínos were Cuba’s main inhabitants. the interior, continued for most of the sixteenth century. When did Europeans first come to Cuba? Christopher Columbus visited Cuba twice Cuba under Spanish Rule in the 1490s. On the first trip, he and his men The Spanish settled Cuba slowly, gradu- spent five weeks on the island, observing the ally creating settlements across the island. The lush landscape and the bountiful species of island was initially less important than other plant and animal life. Spanish colonies in the region because only a small amount of gold was ever found in Cuba. It is certain that where there is such “ marvelous scenery, there must be How did Spanish settlers treat much from which profit can be Cuba’s indigenous population? made.” The indigenous population numbered —Christopher Columbus, 1492 between 75,000 and 200,000 people when the Spanish arrived. Although the Spanish government created laws to protect indigenous

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future 3 communities, in practice Spanish colonists helped transform Cuba into one of the largest used Cuba’s inhabitants as expendable slave sugar producers in the world. In the 1770s, labor. They sent many indigenous men to work Cuba produced only 3.2 percent of the total in the island’s few gold mines. They forced amount of Caribbean sugar. By 1862, Cuba others to work the land, tend livestock, and be produced nearly one-third of all sugar in the the porters and house servants of the Spanish world market. colonists. To remain competitive, the sugar industry The Spanish robbed indigenous com- needed more and more land for large sugar munities of their lands and banned them estates and mills. As the nineteenth century from practicing their native religions. The progressed, other parts of Cuba’s economy overpopulation of European livestock such shrunk in order to accommodate this new as pigs, cattle, and goats ravaged the land and industry. Sugar farmers cut down forests on destroyed indigenous crops. Tens of thousands vast amounts of Cuban land and converted of indigenous people died of malnutrition, many cattle ranches and tobacco farms to suicide, abuse, and disease. By the mid-1550s, sugar plantations. Sugar became the country’s less than fifty years after the Spanish arrived dominant export crop. Cubans began import- in Cuba, the indigenous population was esti- ing goods like dried meat and timber—goods mated at fewer than three thousand people. which the country had previously exported. By the middle of the nineteenth century, well over half of Cuba’s total export earnings came Why did Cuba become important to Spain? from sugar. Although Cuba did not provide gold, it did become a strategically important island for the Although sugar forced some industries to Spanish. At the end of the sixteenth century, shrink, it also led to development in other sec- Spain’s European rivals began sending pirate tors. The growth of the sugar industry helped fleets to the Caribbean to prey on Spanish trea- modernize the transportation system, as sugar sure ships and shipping routes. Cuba became cane needed to be transported from the fields indispensable as a safe port for the Spanish to the mills and then to cities and ports. Build- Empire. ers constructed new roads and, in the 1840s, laid hundreds of miles of railroad track. New Cuba became even more valuable to Spain technologies used in sugar production, such as in later years, after the massive expansion of steam power, spread to other industries. Cuba’s sugar industry. The sugar industry and other related sectors demanded an enormous amount of labor. How did sugar affect Cuba? With few indigenous people left, plantation Cuba’s sugar industry was initially quite owners turned to the African slave trade to small. In the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- fulfill their needs. turies, the island had a handful of sugar plantations, but these plantations were unable to compete with the wealthy sugar estates on How did Cuban landowners other Caribbean islands. The French colony treat African slaves? of St. Domingue (present-day Haiti) was Enslaved Africans had lived in Cuba since particularly successful in the world market, the Spanish first arrived on the island, but producing more sugar than any other island in until the growth of the sugar industry, Cuba’s the region. small economy had a limited need for African slaves. Unlike other booming slave economies This all changed in 1791, when the main the Caribbean, Cuba’s involvement in the jority slave population in St. Domingue rose slave trade only began in earnest at the end of up in revolt, burning plantations and forcing the eighteenth century. French colonists off the island. Many of these French colonists fled to Cuba, where they

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as artisans, priests, military officers, doctors, and lawyers, and some even owned slaves and were quite wealthy. Others, primarily runaway slaves and their descendants, lived as fugitives in Cuba’s inaccessible eastern interior. Some joined indigenous communities and lived in palenques, protected villages completely independent of colonial society. Racial discrimination, which had existed Library of Congress. Used with permission. with Used Congress. of Library Workers on a sugar cane field in Santiago Province, in Cuba throughout the colonial period, in- late nineteenth century. tensified in the nineteenth century. After the St. Domingue rebellion, white Cubans became increasingly fearful of slave rebellions. They Of the approximately one million African were also anxious to protect the institution of slaves brought to Cuba over more than 350 slavery because they believed it was vital to years, almost 80 percent arrived between 1790 the country’s economic success. and 1867. Despite an 1817 treaty in which the Spanish government pledged to end the slave What was the relationship between trade, the trade in Cuba did not completely Cuba and the United States in end until slavery itself was abolished on the the nineteenth century? island in 1886. Many U.S. leaders had long been inter- Many of Cuba’s enslaved people worked ested in acquiring Cuba. This interest grew on farms in rural Cuba. Plantation owners stronger in the 1820s after the United States often abused and overworked their slaves. obtained Florida. Cuba, so close to U.S. ship- Malnutrition, abuse, and disease contributed ping routes off the coast of Miami, became a to an extremely high mortality rate; in the U.S. national security issue. Many Americans nineteenth century, most enslaved Africans believed Cuba should become part of the died within seven years of arriving in Cuba. United States. Some plantation owners used mutilation and even death as forms of punishment. At the [I]f an apple, severed by the tempest same time, many Cuban slave owners freed “ from its native tree, cannot choose their old and sick slaves, and even allowed but to fall to the ground, Cuba, slaves to buy their own freedom. forcibly disjoined from its own unnatural connection with Spain, Who were Cuba’s free people of color? and incapable of self-support, can As Cuba’s slave population grew in the gravitate only towards the North nineteenth century, the population of free American Union....” blacks and mestizos (people of mixed race), —John Quincy Adams collectively known as free people of color, (as secretary of state), 1823 also grew dramatically, increasing from 54,000 in 1792 to 153,000 in 1841. Cuba’s population Many wealthy Cubans were sympathetic of free people of color was far greater than that to U.S. ideals and values. Many sent their of any other colony in the region. children to the United States for schooling and some even became naturalized U.S. citizens. Many free people of color lived and At the same time, some Americans settled worked in Cuba’s large towns and cities. in Cuba, running businesses and conducting For much of Cuba’s early history, they lived trade. alongside whites. Some held professional jobs

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Over the course of the nineteenth century, took place in nineteenth-century Cuba. Some the United States and Cuba developed strong were slave rebellions. Most of these rebellions economic ties as well. By 1859, nearly half of were small, violent, and related to local prob- all Cuban trade was with the United States, lems. They took place in plantations across making the United States, not Spain, Cuba’s the island throughout the century, sometimes main trading partner. U.S. markets bought the related to regional revolts but oftentimes not. majority of Cuba’s sugar and provided Cuban Other revolts were more widespread and markets with food, manufactured goods, and involved enslaved people, free people of color, other supplies. and whites. Finally, some wealthy white Cu- Many Americans believed that acquiring bans led movements to have Cuba annexed by Cuba was the next stage of U.S. expansion. the United States. They believed that annexa- Numerous U.S. presidents offered to buy tion would allow them to continue slavery, Cuba from Spain, but the Spanish government which was still prevalent in the United States refused. Rather than lose Cuba to another colo- at the time. nial power or to Cubans themselves, the U.S. The Spanish authorities responded to government decided to support Spain until it these revolts with overwhelming force. With could be convinced to hand Cuba over to the excellent spy networks across the country, United States. they often found out about revolts before they occurred and either executed or exiled the leaders. Many white Cubans who were loyal The Struggle for Independence to Spain also formed volunteer armies that Despite the fact that all of Spain’s colonies patrolled the country and violently repressed in Central and South America were indepen- any uprisings. dent by 1825, Cuba remained under Spanish control until the end of the nineteenth century. This was not for lack of trying on the part of a What was the result of the Ten Years War? number of groups: throughout the 1800s there The Ten Years War was the first wide- were rebellions and planned revolts through- spread Cuban revolt that successfully out the island. Many were led by Cuba’s threatened Spanish rule. Most Cubans today people of color. These groups fought not only view this war as the start of the country’s war to end Spanish rule in Cuba but also to abol- for independence from Spain. But by 1878, ish slavery. Many Cubans began to see Spanish after ten years of fighting and with more than rule as costly, oppressive, and unnecessary. fifty thousand soldiers and civilians dead, neither side had gained any advantage. Al- At the same time, many white Cubans and though the war and peace settlement initiated recent Spanish immigrants were reluctant to the gradual emancipation of enslaved Cubans, support Cuban independence. They depended Spain ultimately retained control of Cuba. on the sugar industry and were fearful of un- controllable slave rebellions. The war devastated large parts of Cuba’s economy. Unemployment grew dramati- The Spanish were also unwilling to let cally, wages declined, and the cost of living Cuba become independent. Cuba was one of increased. Many small farmers lost their the last colonies in the waning Spanish empire lands and migrated to the cities where they and the Spanish government was determined were unable to find work. Spanish-born elites to hold onto the island at whatever cost. Spain owned much of Cuba’s trade, finance, industry, placed Cuba under martial law for much of the and manufacturing sectors. These elites were nineteenth century. unwilling to hire Cubans after the war, and many companies actively encouraged Spanish What groups revolted in the workers to immigrate to Cuba. The Cuban-born nineteenth century? workforce became increasingly displaced in its There were different types of revolts that home country.

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The war also hurt parts of the sugar indus- What happened in the 1895 try, particularly small farms and mills. In areas war for independence? hardest hit by the war, production declined Many Cubans seeking independence from and many landowners faced bankruptcy. Spain lived in exile in the years after the Ten Large plantation owners and U.S. investors Years War, planning a new rebellion. In April took advantage of this situation and bought 1895, they made their move. Forces led by José up large amounts of land. U.S. businesses also Martí (see box), Antonio Maceo, and Máximo put money into other parts of Cuba’s economy, Gómez, among others, landed in ports along modernizing the sugar, tobacco, and mining the eastern portion of the island and joined industries. By 1896, U.S. businesses had $50 a rebellion that had begun there in February. million (the equivalent of $1.2 billion today) They called not only for independence but worth of investments in Cuba. for fundamental social change and an end to Cuba’s economy improved somewhat by injustice. Many rebel leaders and soldiers were the late 1880s, largely because of increased people of color and the rebels enjoyed wide- trade with the United States. By 1890, ap- spread popular support. proximately 94 percent of Cuba’s sugar exports The Spanish were quick to respond. went to U.S. markets. Although this trade In 1896, the Spanish commander, General breathed new life into Cuba’s economy, it also Valeriano Weyler, created “reconcentration” made Cuba dependent upon the whims of camps to cut off the supply networks support- U.S. trade policy. When the U.S. government ing rebel forces. Spanish troops forced entire increased taxes on Cuban sugar in 1894, the populations of towns and villages to leave Cuban economy again plunged into recession. their homes and live in these heavily guarded Economic uncertainty and high colonial taxes camps, which had inadequate food, hous- led many Cubans to support the next phase of ing, and sanitation. Malnutrition, abuse, and the Cuban war for independence, which began disease killed tens of thousands of Cubans in in 1895. the camps. Spanish forces also attacked the countryside, burning villages and crops and

Cuban Exiles and José Martí Many Cubans, including veterans of the Ten Years War, intellectuals, and ordinary workers, went into exile after the Ten Years War rather than continue to live under Spanish rule. Most lived in exile communities in Latin America, Europe, and the United States. They continued to promote their vision of Cuba Libre, a free Cuba. They believed that independence would only be achieved through armed struggle and that a new war for liberation was inevitable. José Martí was one of these exiles, expelled from Cuba by the Spanish in 1871. Martí, born in Havana in 1853 to Spanish parents, was an activist, poet, journalist, and skilled speaker. He spent his exile travelling around the world and by the 1880s had emerged as a major force among Cuban exiles. Martí believed that Cuban independence was a process rather than a single event. He warned that the Cuban independence movement needed to be highly organized or it risked being overwhelmed by U.S. involvement. Martí promoted the idea of national sovereignty (the right of Cubans to rule themselves without outside interference) and argued that Cubans had to be careful not only to gain independence from Spain but to retain independence from all foreign powers. Martí also promoted racial equality and believed that independence was only the first step in a longer process to eliminate social and economic injustice. In 1895, Martí landed in Cuba with the rebel forces but was killed in fighting six weeks later. Today he is universally celebrated as a national hero among Cubans.

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power, was making its move in Cuba. Regardless of its motivations, the U.S. government was aware that the rebels were close to winning the war in 1898.

It is now evident “that Spain’s struggle in Cuba has become absolutely hopeless.” —Assistant Secretary of State William R. Day, confidential memorandum, March 26, 1898 Library of Congress. Used with permission. Library of Congress. Cuban soldiers in the war for independence, 1899. On April 25, 1898, the U.S. government declared war on Spain (in the Unit- confiscating or killing livestock. Their actions ed States, it is known as the Spanish-American drove even more Cubans to join the rebel War). Within months, U.S. forces had defeated cause. the Spanish, signed a peace treaty with Spain Fighting continued for two more years. But (Cuban leaders were not invited to the peace by 1898, the Spanish troops were demoralized talks), and dashed Cuban hopes for immediate and General Weyler had resigned. The Span- independence. ish began trying to negotiate peace with rebel leaders. The rebels refused to compromise, knowing that they had overwhelming popular The Cuban Republic support. Many believed that the rebel army Cubans today do not look positively on would be victorious by the year’s end. But the the U.S. intervention in 1898, but at the time, course of fighting changed when the United some rebel leaders welcomed U.S. involve- States decided to enter the war in April 1898. ment. Before entering the war, the United States had pledged not to take over Cuba and many Cubans believed that the United States What was the result of U.S. would help Cubans secure their freedom. military involvement in Cuba? Instead, the United States influenced Cuban Historians disagree about what motivated domestic affairs for the next half century. the United States to get involved in Cuba. Many believe it was a combination of factors. Some argue that most Americans at the What was the Platt Amendment? time wanted to enter the war either for hu- The U.S. military occupied Cuba for the manitarian reasons—to save Cubans from the next four years, replacing Spain’s military rule brutality of the Spanish—or to help Cubans with that of its own. U.S. personnel allowed gain independence. Others claim that the U.S. Spanish administrators and officials to keep government wanted to protect U.S. businesses their government jobs. They prevented rebel and property in Cuba. Still others contend that leaders from enacting any social or economic the United States, hoping to become a global

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reforms, such as land redistribution, that 17 to 11, the Cuban constitutional convention would change Cuba’s class structure. incorporated the Platt Amendment into Cuba’s To ensure that the United States would new constitution. A year later, U.S. forces left continue to have power and control over Cuba the island. after the occupation, the U.S. government forced Cubans to accept the Platt Amendment What happened to Cuba’s into their new constitution. This amendment economy after the war? gave the U.S. government the right to over- Much of Cuba’s economy was in shambles see Cuba’s finances, to intervene in domestic at the end of the war. The Spanish had re- affairs, and to lease three ports to the U.S. moved most Cubans from their lands during Navy. (One of them, Guantánamo naval base, the war and production had declined dra- remains under U.S. control to this day.) matically. Both the Spanish and the rebels had ravaged the land and many Cubans who returned home did not have the money to [T]he United States may exercise the restore their lands. As they had done after the right to intervene for the preservation “ Ten Years War, U.S. investors bought up large of Cuban independence, [and] amounts of inexpensive Cuban land. By 1905, the maintenance of a government U.S. citizens and companies owned 60 percent adequate for the protection of life, of rural property in Cuba while Cubans owned property, and individual liberty....” only 25 percent. —Article III, Platt Amendment, 1901 Foreign businesses also invested lots Many Cubans were outraged. They knew of money in other parts of Cuba’s economy. that the Platt Amendment would limit the Foreign companies bought up Cuban railroads, sovereignty and independence of their new mines, utilities, manufacturing plants, and government. But the United States refused to sugar mills. British, Spanish, French, and Ger- remove its occupying forces until the amend- man businesses all invested heavily in Cuba’s ment was passed. In June 1901, by a vote of economy, but none came close to investments made by the United States. By the mid-1920s, U.S.-owned sugar mills produced 63 percent of Cuba’s total sugar crop. Steady demand and high U.S. investment helped the sugar industry expand rapidly, taking land and workers from other areas of the economy.

How did sugar make the Cuban economy vulnerable? Thanks largely to U.S. investment and increased world demand during World War I, Cuba’s sugar industry boomed. By 1925, Cuba’s share of worldwide Library of Congress. Used with permission. Library of Congress. American General Wood and U.S. occupying forces leaving Cuba, sugar production was a May 20, 1902. staggering 23 percent, mak-

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The Partido Independiente de Color and the Rebellion of 1912 Great numbers of people of color had participated in the war for independence, and they believed that they too would experience immediate benefits in postwar Cuba. But the pace of change was slow, particularly for Afro-Cubans. They faced discrimination in employment and in admission to universities, and many were excluded from politics because they were illiterate and therefore could not vote. In 1907, a number of prominent Afro-Cubans formed the Partido Independiente de Color (PIC), the first black political party in the Western hemisphere. The PIC called for full racial equality, social reform, and an end to discrimination, particularly within government. The party was very popular among people of color across the country, poor and middle class alike. White Cubans saw the PIC as racist and believed it was a threat to the country’s unity. In 1911, the Cuban government passed a law prohibiting the creation of political parties formed along racial lines and banned the PIC. (This law is still in effect today.) In response to the ban, PIC leaders organized an armed protest in 1912. The Cuban army responded with brutality. Cuban forces massacred thousands of Afro-Cubans within a matter of weeks. Many of the white soldiers who repressed the rebellion had fought side by side with PIC members during the war for independence. To many, this violence highlighted the deep racial divisions that continued to exist in Cuban society.

ing Cuba the largest producer and exporter the Cuban government was a major employer of sugar in the world. But Cuba’s increasing of Cubans. A succession of leaders, some reliance on this one crop made the economy elected and some taking power by force, vulnerable to problems like bad harvests, expanded the government, providing jobs for low prices, and increased competition on the family, friends, and supporters. Corruption world sugar market. If the sugar industry had a within the government was widespread. Many bad year, the Cuban economy suffered dramat- officials accepted bribes and skimmed money ically as a result. from public funds. Most were only in power Sugar brought great benefits to Cuba’s for a few years and took as much as they could economy, generating high profits and em- while they were there. ployment. But most Cubans did not share in Because holding public office ensured a this economic growth. Many of Cuba’s sugar good income, politicians did everything they workers worked only during the harvest— could to get and maintain power. Candidates about three months each year—and struggled often fixed elections and others led coups to to make ends meet during the rest of the year. take over the government. Many others struggled to find any work at all The United States was often involved in the early years of independence. Foreign in Cuban domestic politics in the first few businesses encouraged Spanish immigration decades of independence. Sometimes the U.S. and often refused to hire native Cubans. These government tampered with elections to ensure businesses also hired cheap contract labor that a U.S.-friendly candidate came to power. from Haiti, Jamaica, and other Caribbean coun- Other times, Cuban politicians requested assis- tries to work on sugar and tobacco plantations. tance from the U.S. government to help solve Many Cubans were forced to rely upon the domestic political disputes. Some Cuban lead- government to provide jobs for them. ers used U.S. involvement or the threat of U.S. involvement as a way to maintain their own How was government corruption a problem? hold on power. U.S. troops intervened militar- In the first few decades of independence, ily in Cuba three times in the first two decades

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ited the amount of Cuban sugar sold in the United States to protect U.S. farmers. Frustrated Cubans aimed much of their discontent at the government, led at that time by President Gerardo Machado. Machado had come to power in 1924 on a platform of reform, but by the middle of his second term, his government had become infamous for violently repressing the people. Machado created a secret police to monitor, torture, and imprison

© Hulton-Deutsch Collection/CORBIS. Used with permission. or execute thousands of The police arrest a suspected opponent of Machado’s regime in Havana in people who opposed his the 1930s. government. But opposition groups in Cuba did not back down. Across the country, of the twentieth century, occupying Cuba from strikes increased, as did bombings, sabotage, 1906 to 1909, again in 1912, and from 1917 to and assassinations of government targets. 1922. Instead of troops, U.S. President Frank- lin Roosevelt sent a special ambassador in How did Cubans respond to May 1933, hoping to mediate the conflict and government corruption? prevent the overthrow of the government. Many Cubans were frustrated with the Negotiations had not gotten far when a gen- corruption and incompetence of the govern- eral strike broke out in Havana that August, ment. They believed that government officials halting all economic activity in the city. The were not focused on improving the lives of the U.S. government, fearful that a full revolution people but on enriching themselves. was imminent and hoping to avoid military There were a number of armed revolts intervention, withdrew its support of the in the early decades of independence. Most Cuban government. Within days, the army had of them were protests against fraudulent overthrown the government and Machado had elections, but others addressed larger social fled the country. concerns such as racial discrimination (see In Part I of the reading, you have seen how box on page 9). Calls for reform grew through- Cubans experienced Spanish colonialism, the out the 1920s. Varying demands included an important role that sugar played in Cuba’s end to government corruption, repeal of the economy, and the roots of Cuba’s relationship Platt Amendment, and land reform. National- with the United States, as well as the coun- ism (a strong devotion to one’s people and try’s long history of rebellion and revolution. country) spread across the country. Cubans The protests of the 1930s were an important increasingly expressed their dissatisfaction turning point in Cuba’s political history. They with the U.S. presence in Cuba. signalled the Cuban people’s growing desire The world economic depression hit Cuba for change, a desire that would continue to hard in the late 1920s and 1930s. This was gain momentum over the coming decades. compounded by new U.S. restrictions that lim-

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Part II: The Cuban Revolution

or a brief period in the 1930s, Cuba political, social, and economic reforms that Fseemed poised for reform. A military coup, Cubans wished to see. This constitution was led by Fulgencio Batista in September 1933, one of the most progressive in Latin American made Ramón Grau San Martín president of history. Batista won the presidency by a wide Cuba. Grau and his government dedicated margin in elections called later that year. themselves to social, economic, and political Despite the new constitution, the govern- reforms that would alleviate the sufferings of ment corruption of previous years returned in the people. For example, Grau required foreign full force when Batista left office in 1944. A businesses to hire more Cubans, put a number succession of scandals and weak, corrupt lead- of foreign sugar mills under government con- ers left Cubans thoroughly disillusioned with trol, gave women the right to vote, and began a their government and with democracy in gen- program of land reform. But many in Cuba did eral. In 1952, Batista led a coup and took over not support the new government, viewing it as the government again. Most Cubans raised either too radical or not radical enough. little protest and Batista’s forces made sure to smother any opposition immediately. Who was Fulgencio Batista? The United States, realizing that Grau’s How were most Cubans living in the 1950s? government might threaten U.S. influence in Although there was little public protest Cuba, refused to recognize the new govern- when Batista took over the government in ment. This further weakened public support in 1952, many Cubans were frustrated. Despite Cuba for the regime. Instead, the U.S. govern- living in a country with the second highest ment began supporting Fulgencio Batista, average per capita income in Latin America, a powerful colonel in the Cuban army, and many Cubans lived in poverty. A series of eco- convinced him to lead a coup against Grau’s nomic recessions in the 1950s added to their government. hardships. In 1958 alone, unemployment more Grau’s reform government collapsed in than doubled to 18 percent. Wages steadily 1934. With U.S. support, Batista created a declined, thousands of beggars roamed the government of his own, ruling through puppet streets of Havana, and an underworld of crime, presidents rather than assuming power him- drugs, and prostitution flourished. At the same self. Batista focused his energy on maintaining time, there was widespread corruption in the control and stability and put nearly every Batista regime. In 1957, a local newspaper branch of government under the control of the disclosed that twenty members of Batista’s army. His government ruthlessly repressed all government had Swiss bank accounts total- strikes, demonstrations, and other forms of ling more than $1 million ($7.5 million today) government opposition. As a way of support- each. Batista also gave millions of dollars to ing Batista, the United States repealed the Platt groups that might oppose the government, Amendment. The U.S. and Cuban govern- including unions, churches, and reporters, in ments negotiated a new agreement that gave order to keep them under his control. the United States a lease on the property of the As the decade progressed, frustrations Guantánamo base but ended all formal U.S. reached a peak. Movements sprang up across involvement in the Cuban government. the country in opposition to Batista. Some At the same time, Batista instituted numer- wanted to achieve political change through ous reforms to improve the lives of the poor negotiations, while others believed that only and working classes. In 1940, he organized a armed struggle would lead to meaningful constitutional convention and delegates wrote change. a new constitution that enshrined many of the

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What was the 26th of July Movement? tor and revolutionary named Ernesto “Che” On July 26, 1953, a group of about 150 Guevara and began planning their next attack students and young radicals led an assault on on the Batista regime. the Moncado Barracks, a military post in the eastern city of Santiago. Government soldiers How did the opposition overthrow Batista? easily defeated the attack, and in the days that In Cuba, opposition to Batista continued followed, more than one hundred of the rebels to grow. Workers, students, professionals and were arrested and tortured or executed by even members of the military joined move- government troops. Although the attack was ments to remove Batista from power. More and a failure, the boldness of the group attracted more, opposition groups came to the deci- national attention, particularly for its young, sion that armed struggle was necessary. As charismatic leader, a man named Fidel Castro. the opposition grew more violent, so did the Castro was a lawyer and led the defense response of the government. Batista’s military of his group at their trial. He connected the police were brutal, arresting and torturing struggles and goals of his group, which later scores of opposition members. At times, the became known as the 26th of July Movement violence was indiscriminate, terrorizing many (M-26-7), to Cuba’s rebellions in the nine- who were not even involved in the opposition teenth century. When asked to name who was movement. behind the attack, Castro replied that José In 1956, Castro and about eighty others Martí was the group’s “intellectual author.” At from the M-26-7 returned to Cuba, sailing from his own trial, he gave an impassioned speech Mexico on a small boat called the Granma. highlighting the country’s inequality and con- Ambushed by Batista’s forces when they ar- demning Batista. rived, the rebels fled into the mountains of the The courts sentenced him to prison along Sierra Maestra and led their guerrilla attack with his brother Raúl and the group’s other from there. Batista created detention camps, leaders. Two years later, Batista granted them similar to the Spanish reconcentration camps amnesty and they left Cuba for Mexico. There, in the 1890s, and cleared peasants out of the the group joined up with an Argentine doc- mountains in order to isolate the rebels. Any- one found in these cleared lands was assumed to be a member of the guerrilla army and was shot or bombed on sight. This tactic pushed many peasants to support the rebels. In the cities, opposition groups were essential for funneling supplies and financial support to the rebels. Over the next two years, the M-26-7 slowly gained more and more territory in the east. At the same time, others in the M-26-7 joined opposition forces in the © Bettmann/CORBIS. Used with permission. M-26-7 rebels at a secret base in the Sierra Maestra mountains, 1957. Fidel cities conducting other Castro is standing in the center, his brother Raúl is kneeling in front of him, forms of sabotage. Bomb- and Che Guevara is second from the left. ings, arson, kidnappings,

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Batista led one last offensive against the Images. Used with permission. Hulton Archive/Getty Cheering crowds in Havana holding the flag of the rebels in the east that summer. Within a matter 26th of July Movement on January 1, 1959. of months, most of his troops had deserted or defected to the rebels. In December of that year, the U.S. government sent representa- undemocratic leadership position Castro held tives to negotiate with Batista. They hoped to for close to five decades. convince him to resign to prevent the whole government from being overthrown. Batista refused. Overwhelming popular support for What were the goals of Cuba’s new leaders? the rebels forced him to leave the country on In speeches and publications, the M-26-7 December 31, 1958. Within days, Fidel Castro emphasized Cuban nationalism. They pro- entered Havana and began directing Cuba’s moted an interpretation of Cuban history in new government. which Cubans were locked in a centuries-long struggle for independence from foreign rule, whether Spanish or American, and exploita- Patria o Muerte (“The tion by foreign companies. The revolution, Fatherland or Death”) they promised, would finally allow Cubans Fidel Castro would lead Cuba’s govern- to control their own destiny. Cuba’s leaders ment for the next four and a half decades, and were also concerned about the inequality that the communist party that he helped build existed within Cuban society. They especially continues to lead Cuba today. According to wanted to improve the standard of living of the Cuban government, the Cuban revolution poor Cubans. was not a single event or transfer of power, but At the same time, Cuba’s new leaders did rather a set of principles, ideals, and policies not have a clear plan when they came to pow- that began in 1959 and continues to the pres- er. In the first few months after Batista fled the ent. country, it was unclear to many observers how Many observers have argued that the revo- the new government would go about achieving lution has endured for so long partly because its goals. The U.S. government in particular of the charisma, or strength of personality, was concerned about how this new govern- of Fidel Castro. Although there is dissent ment might affect U.S. economic interests in in Cuba, for many, Castro symbolizes ideals Cuba. Although the era of formal U.S. involve- such as Cuban independence and sovereignty. ment in Cuban domestic affairs had ended in The revolution provided a powerful sense of 1934 with the repeal of the Platt Amendment, dignity, pride, and national culture to much of the U.S. government had maintained a great Cuba’s population. For many, this justified the deal of influence in Cuba throughout the 1940s and 1950s.

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Until Castro came to power, the The government began by taking ownership “ United States had such an irresistible of large amounts of land with the Agrarian influence in Cuba that the U.S. Reform Act of 1959. This law limited the size ambassador was the country’s second of individual landholdings, and all land in personage, sometimes even more excess of this amount was nationalized (to important than the Cuban president.” nationalize is to bring under government con- —Earl Smith, former U.S. Ambassador trol). Owners were not compensated for their to Cuba, 1960 land. Government measures particularly at- U.S. trade agreements still strongly in- tacked foreign ownership in Cuba. When fluenced Cuba’s economic policies, and U.S. foreign firms refused to meet the demands of businesses still controlled large parts of Cuba’s workers or the Cuban government, the gov- economy. U.S. officials were unsure what to ernment threatened to nationalize them. U.S. make of Castro’s government and the revolu- business owners were particularly opposed to tion. the Agrarian Reform Act, as many still owned large amounts of land in Cuba. Tensions What were the early reforms between the Cuban and U.S. governments ran of the revolution? particularly high over this issue in 1960, and In May 1959, the government issued the by the end of that year, all U.S.-owned proper- first of a series of economic, political, and ties and businesses had been nationalized by social reforms aimed at reorganizing Cuban the Cuban government. society. One of its top priorities was to bring Throughout the early 1960s, the govern- large parts of the economy under state control. ment passed laws nationalizing more land and

What is the difference between socialism and capitalism? Socialism is an economic system in which the community or the state controls the production and distribution of resources in order to increase social and economic equality. Generally in socialist systems, the state or community—rather than individuals—owns resources such as land and businesses. Communism is a political stage after socialism without social classes, property ownership, or even government. Communism has never been achieved by any state in the mod- ern world. Socialist economic systems have occurred in both democratic and authoritarian states. Capitalism is an economic system in which resources are all or mostly owned by individuals and operated for profit. Production and distribution of goods is left up to individuals or market forces such as supply and demand. During the Cold War, the United States acted on the belief that the world was divided into two camps: governments supportive of communism and those supportive of capitalism. For a while, it believed that all communists took orders from and acted on behalf of the Soviet Union, which was seen as a mortal enemy to the United States. Many within capitalist countries were also opposed to socialism because the property rights of individuals who owned land or businesses in socialist countries were threatened by the socialist system. For example, when Cuba became a socialist economy, U.S. investors were forced to turn over their land and businesses to the Cuban government. Although countries are often classified as socialist or capitalist, in practice most economies are not purely socialist or capitalist. For example, the United States is considered a capitalist country. At the same time, there are programs, such as Medicare and welfare, in which the U.S. government distributes resources to the elderly and to the poor.

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future 15 businesses, including both local and foreign- owned sugar mills, hotels, banks, railroads, and other industries. The government took control of these businesses and began to play a much more active role in directing Cuba’s economy. The government also sought to increase trade with the Soviet Union, and in 1960 established diplomatic relations with the So- viets. In the midst of the Cold War, this move greatly troubled U.S. officials. In January 1961, Castro visiting with Soviet Premier Nikita the United States broke relations with Cuba. Khrushchev (center) and other officials in Moscow, 1963. Cuba-U.S. relations continued to worsen over the next few years. adequate enthusiasm for the revolution risked How did the Cuban government being labeled as enemies. deal with dissent? Although the leaders of the revolution In a revolutionary process, there are initially enjoyed widespread popular support, no neutrals, there are only partisans as the months passed, some opposition began “ of the revolution or enemies of it.” to grow. —Fidel Castro, 1960 Many criticized the government for its treatment of former government officials. According to official government figures, Upon taking power, the revolutionary gov- by the mid-1960s, Cuba’s jails were filled with ernment removed all of Batista’s supporters more than 20,000 political prisoners. from positions of power. Cuba’s new leaders Many other Cubans chose to leave the imprisoned and executed scores of former country altogether. In some instances, the government and military officials without Cuban government even encouraged this, pre- trial, often broadcasting the executions on ferring that dissidents leave the island rather television. Many observers, both at home and than actively oppose the regime from within. abroad, condemned the government for the In the 1960s, more than half a million Cubans severity of these punishments and the lack of emigrated. Many chose to settle in the United legal process. States while others left for countries in Europe Some Cubans were also unhappy with the and Latin America. The vast majority were socialist course the government had embarked white and middle class. Many were former upon. Even some members of Cuba’s revolu- managers, technicians, and professionals who tionary government did not agree with Castro’s had been replaced by revolutionaries when turn towards socialism and the Soviet Union. their businesses were nationalized. Many émi- Many officials left or were forced out of the grés believed that their time abroad would be government. Dissent sprang up across the short-lived, confident that the new government country, not only among wealthy Cubans most would fail due to opposition on the island and negatively affected by the economic reforms, from the United States. but also among some poor and working class communities. How did the U.S. government The Cuban government had little patience respond to the Cuban revolution? for dissenting opinions. It designated anyone Most of U.S. animosity towards the Cuban who was anti-socialist as an opponent of the government came from the Cuban govern- revolution. Even Cubans who did not show ment’s takeover of U.S. property in Cuba.

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cessful invasion is known as “The Victory” in Cuba. Despite the failure of the Bay of Pigs, the U.S. government continued to make plans to overthrow Fidel Castro. In early 1962, the CIA began a program called Opera- tion Mongoose, aimed at overthrowing Cuba’s government.

The United “States will help

© Manolo Casanova/CORBIS. Used with permission. the people of Cuba Cuban exiles on an unidentified base in the Caribbean planning an attack overthrow the against the Cuban government. This picture was taken shortly before the Bay of Pigs invasion, April 1961. Communist regime from within Cuba and institute a new regime Cuba’s growing relationship with the Soviet with which the United Union also troubled the U.S. government. U.S. States can live in peace.” fears grew in mid-1960, when Cuba and the —Operation Mongoose, February 1962 Soviet Union signed the first of a number of military agreements. Throughout the early 1960s, CIA opera- Even before these arms deals, the U.S. tives and U.S.-backed Cuban exiles attempted government had begun planning operations to a number of plots to destabilize Cuba’s gov- overthrow Castro’s government. U.S. leaders ernment. The CIA directed its attacks at both wished to avoid direct intervention in Cuba. economic and political targets. Operation Instead, they hoped to support opposition both Mongoose included acts of sabotage within within Cuba and within the exile community Cuba as well as political maneuvers to isolate in the United States to depose Castro. Cuba internationally. The CIA also funded opposition groups in Cuba and in the United On April 14, 1961, CIA-sponsored air raids States to violently oppose the government. As on Cuban airports killed several people. Two part of Operation Mongoose, in February 1962 days later, Castro declared that Cuba was a so- the U.S. government instituted an economic cialist country (see box on page 14). The next embargo, halting all trade with Cuba. (The day, a group of fourteen hundred Cuban exiles, embargo is still in effect today.) It actively en- trained and supported by the CIA, landed at couraged U.S. allies to do the same. The U.S. the Bay of Pigs on the south central coast. Led military also conducted a number of naval by a number of former Castro government exercises near Cuban shores, aimed at intimi- officials, these exiles hoped to spark a country- dating the Cuban government. A separate CIA wide rebellion against the government. Within program drew up plans to assassinate Fidel seventy-two hours, Cuban forces had soundly Castro (see box on page 17). defeated the invasion. The Cuban government, announcing its fear of further U.S. involvement, increased its political repression What was the October Crisis? and arrested as many as 200,000 suspected Relations between the United States and dissidents across the island. Today, this unsuc- Cuba deteriorated throughout 1962. U.S.

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attempts to destabilize Cuba were met with The discovery led to a tense standoff be- growing hostility on the island. The Cuban tween the United States and the Soviet Union, government became increasingly convinced bringing the world to the brink of nuclear war that a U.S. invasion was imminent. Castro in what became known as the October Crisis in believed that he needed to strengthen Cuba’s Cuba. (It is called the Cuban missile crisis in defenses to protect Cuba from the United the United States.) Castro believed that stand- States. The Cuban government turned to the ing up to U.S. aggression was worth the risk of Soviet Union for support. a nuclear attack on Cuba. The Soviets, for their part, hoped to increase their military capabilities in the The installation of these weapons Western hemisphere. The Soviet government “ was nothing other than an act of increased its shipments of weapons to Cuba legitimate self-defense on the part throughout 1962. In October of that year, U.S. of the Republic of Cuba against the reconnaissance pilots found evidence of nucle- aggressive policy which the United ar missile installations in Cuba. States has been pursuing against our

Poisoned Divesuits and Exploding Cigars A former bodyguard of Fidel Castro has estimated that, since 1959, there have been more than 630 attempts on Castro’s life. The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency initiated and supported a number of assassination attempts in the 1960s, but claims that it has not been involved in any since then. A number of Cuban exiles in the United States, many belonging to groups previously funded by the CIA, have also been very active in trying to bring down Castro’s government.

We were pretty (lousy) terrorists, “let me tell you.... We had come to the conclusion that the only hope for the Cuban people lay in the physical elimination of Fidel Castro.” —José Basulto, a Cuban-American exile involved in a number of terrorist acts in the 1960s. He now leads the group Brothers to the Rescue, a nonviolent Cuban-American opposition group.

Various unsuccessful plots included poisoned food, bombs, and exploding cigars. Other plans that the CIA considered included a plot to infect the inside of Castro’s scuba diving suit (he was known to be an avid diver) with a fungus that would cause a debilitat- ing skin disease, or to place a brightly colored seashell filled with explosives at the bottom of

© Bettmann/CORBIS. Used with permission. the sea where he liked to dive. The CIA some- Fidel Castro reading a newspaper article about an times worked with people close to Castro, like attempt on his life while in New York, 1963. Earlier in the day, when asked about the incident he said, government officials or former girlfriends, and “I sleep well and don’t worry at all.” also elicited help from members of the mafia.

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country since the very triumph of the equipment, the Cuban military became the Revolution.” most skilled and experienced in all of Latin —Fidel Castro in a communication with America. Soviet advisors also assisted with the UN Secretary General, November 1962 economic planning and training government officials and workers. In the end, Soviet leaders, without consulting the Cuban government, removed the weapons in exchange for the removal of cer- Revolutionary Reforms tain U.S. missiles in Europe and U.S. promises Economic change was at the heart of the not to invade Cuba. revolutionary government’s plans for Cuba. Reliance on sugar and trade with the United States during the first half of the century had What was Cuba’s relationship led to very little variety in Cuba’s economy. with the Soviet Union? The country depended primarily on sugar and After the October Crisis, the relationship other agricultural exports, and had very few between the Cuban government and the Soviet industries. The revolutionary government’s Union became distrustful and uneasy. The main goal was to diversify and industrialize Cuban government felt betrayed by the Soviet Cuba’s economy so that it no longer depended withdrawal and believed that Cuba was now on just one crop or trading partner. even more vulnerable to attack by the United States. How did the government At the same time, Cuba depended on its change Cuba’s economy? alliance with the Soviet Union. Cuba’s chang- In the early 1960s, the government charted ing relationship with the United States had a radical economic course. Hoping to move dealt a serious blow to the Cuban economy in away from sugar, it poured all of its resources the 1960s. As relations soured between Cuba into developing new industries and training and the United States, Cuba lost its primary new professionals. But without the income source of investment, trade, and finance. Cuba generated by sugar exports, the government did not have access to necessary food imports, could not afford to import any goods and the fuel, money to invest in new industry, and the economy plunged into recession. technical expertise or materials necessary to fix aging U.S. machines and technology. Sup- The government changed its policies in port from the Soviet Union was vital to meet 1963, hoping to ease the economic crisis by Cuba’s economic needs. turning once again to sugar. According to this new plan, the sugar industry would generate Throughout the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s income which could then be used to develop Cuba and the Soviet Union signed a num- specific industries. The Cuban government ber of economic agreements that allowed ambitiously announced that in 1970, Cuba’s the Soviet Union, in some ways, to replace sugar industry would yield ten million tons, the economic support the United States had far more than any other harvest in Cuban previously provided. The Soviets supplied history. In the years leading up to 1970, huge Cuba with inexpensive fuel and bought sugar amounts of labor and resources were redirect- at high prices to help Cuba’s economy. They ed to the sugar industry from other parts of the also provided Cuba with large loans to finance economy. The goal of ten million tons became industrialization and trade. By the mid-1970s, a source of national pride for the revolutionary approximately 45 percent of all Cuban trade government. Cuba’s leaders promoted the har- was with the Soviet Union. vest as proof that Cubans could take control of The Soviet Union also provided Cuba with their own history against all odds. But despite a great deal of technical support and military the mass mobilization of Cuba’s workforce training and aid. With Soviet training and towards this goal, the harvest fell short, total-

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future 19 ing 8.5 million tons. This was greater than any reduced unemployment dramatically. Nearly other harvest in Cuba’s history, but still short all Cubans who wanted to work had jobs or of the goal. Furthermore, the economy was were provided with unemployment compen- once again in decline, largely because so many sation by the government. The government resources had been taken away from other sec- also provided all workers with social security, tors and put towards the harvest. accident insurance, sick leave, education, and Following this decline, the government free health care. The government increased the once again shifted directions, attempting to minimum wage and put caps on the maximum lessen somewhat the role of the state in the wage, aiming not only to help the poor but to economy. Soviet advisors came to Cuba to limit the incomes of the wealthy. help the government draw up budgets and Although these new policies improved the economic strategies. Cuba began to rely even lives of many workers, they created little in- more on trade agreements with the Soviet centive for workers to work hard. New laws in Union and other Eastern European countries. the 1960s also took away financial incentives These countries wanted Cuban sugar, and the for workers such as paid overtime, bonuses, industry regained its important status in the and differences in wages. Developed primarily Cuban economy. By the mid-1970s, the sugar by Che Guevara, these policies aimed to create industry was booming in Cuba again, thanks in a “new man” in Cuba. This “new man” would large part to high world prices. After a harvest not need financial incentives to work hard. of 4.3 million tons in 1972, the yield increased Instead, his love and belief in the revolution to 7.8 million tons in 1979 and sugar made up would be enough to increase his productivity approximately 80 percent of Cuba’s exports. at work. The government began to pay workers the same wage regardless of effort, skill, or time. The government also strongly encour- How did government policies aged workers to volunteer after work in social affect Cuban workers? campaigns to improve things like health and By the late 1960s, the government was education. Rather than increasing productiv- the only employer of Cuban workers. After ity, the policies caused worker morale and the nationalization policies of the mid-1960s, productivity to plummet. the government controlled all legal economic activity except for small farms, which were still private. Government agencies placed workers in various sectors of the economy, and government policy determined everything from worker wages to days allowed for sick leave. One of the government’s primary economic aims was to reduce inequality among the Cuban people. Cuba’s leaders made a number of changes aimed at improving the standard of living of workers. In the early 1960s, © Gilberto Ante/Roger Viollet/GETTY. Used with permission. © Gilberto Ante/Roger Viollet/GETTY. despite economic ups and Fidel Castro talking with farm workers during the ten million ton harvest in downs, the government 1970.

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The utter failure of this policy was made clear in a series of worker strikes across the country in 1970. As a result, the government changed policies in the early 1970s, reinstating financial incentives and allowing wages to be aligned somewhat with supply and demand rather than completely determined by the government. The government also issued new incentives, providing outstanding workers with

access to scarce goods like © Bettmann/CORBIS. Used with permission. televisions, refrigerators, A giant billboard declaring 1964 as the “Year of the Economy.” To the left, it and cars. states “Greater Production at Less Cost.”

What social changes religious practice. The Catholic Church in did the government make? Cuba opposed the revolution and the govern- One of the chief goals of the government ment restricted the practice of Catholicism in was to make major changes in the standard particular. of living of the Cuban poor. In the first nine The government put a great deal of re- months of 1959 alone, the government passed sources towards improving education. One of approximately 1,500 new laws. Many of the government’s first projects was a campaign these were aimed at improving quality of life. to end illiteracy. In 1961, the government Among other things, the government reduced mobilized thousands of educated citizens to housing rents and utility rates, increased go into the countryside and teach illiterate wages, and abolished legal discrimination. Cubans how to read. The government took The government put more and more facets control of all levels of education, making of Cuban life under state control. It determined all religious and private schools public, and everything from funeral arrangements for each created an adult education system. Schools citizen to the number of shirts each person promoted the values and history of the revolu- could buy every year. The government issued tion. Education became nearly universal and monthly ration cards that determined a basic by 1979, almost 95 percent of Cubans were minimum amount of food that the government literate, a thirty point jump in twenty years. would provide at very low cost for each citi- The government also focused on improv- zen. All goods were sold in government stores, ing the health care system. Although free where Cubans often had to wait in long lines. quality health care had existed in many of The government also took control of certain Cuba’s cities prior to 1959, the government sections of the population. It classified drug now aimed to expand these services to the dealers, prostitutes, and homosexuals as social rest of the country. It also worked towards deviants and sent them to be rehabilitated eliminating malnutrition, mainly through in military-run work camps. Traditionally a food ration cards. Growth of the health care Catholic country, Cuba was officially athe- system was slow in the 1960s, due largely ist from 1959 to 1992, which means that the to economic crises and because many doc- state rejected religion and frowned upon tors had emigrated after the revolution. In the

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1970s, as the economy recovered, the health The Cuban government created a number sector began to make gains. Life expectancy of organizations to ensure that Cuba’s popula- increased from 57 years in the mid-1950s to 74 tion was adhering to revolutionary principles. years in the mid-1980s. By the early 1980s, the It organized a national militia of tens of major causes of death in Cuba were the same thousands of people to help build support for as in highly industrialized countries. As was the regime and to intimidate domestic op- the case in the education sector, government position. It also organized Committees for the policies did much to improve the delivery of Defense of the Revolution (CDRs) on every health services, particularly for rural Cubans. street and in every apartment, farm, and factory. CDRs were responsible for monitoring the local population and identifying any possible How did the government “enemies of the revolution.” An enemy might implement these changes? be someone who spoke out against the govern- Power in Cuba’s government has been ment, who maintained contact with relatives concentrated in relatively few hands for much who had emigrated overseas, or who was not of the last fifty years, with many top officials sufficiently involved in volunteer campaigns. holding a number of government, state, and By the late 1970s, approximately 80 percent of communist party positions. Castro became the adult population was a member of a mass prime minister in 1959, and although there organization such as a CDR. was a separate president until the mid-1970s, Castro quickly became the undisputed leader The government exerted its influence both of the revolutionary government. He identified through control and through censorship. It his brother Raúl as his successor. No elections outlawed strikes and reorganized the unions were held from 1959 to 1976. so that they supported the state. By the middle of 1960, all media was state-run. Starting in 1961, the government censored art, litera- Elections will be held at the ture, scholarship, music, theater, and cinema. appropriate time.... Now the people “ Everything had to support the revolution. want revolution first and elections Because so many artists and intellectuals were later.” afraid of being censored by the government, —Che Guevara, April 1959 self-censorship further limited freedom of expression. The departure from many democratic principles led critics to argue that Castro had At the same time, many areas of Cuban betrayed the original goals of the revolution. culture flourished under the revolution. For example, the government devoted resources In the early years, many observers noted towards developing the country’s sports that Castro behaved as if he were single- teams and athletes. It hoped to promote both handedly managing the country. He travelled physical fitness and a positive image of Cuba’s constantly, visiting factories, farms, schools, revolutionary government worldwide. All citi- hospitals, and homes around the entire coun- zens were required to participate in athletics try. He became infamous for his hours-long and the country won numerous international speeches, given at large public rallies, on awards for sports such as baseball, boxing, radio and television, and in person in infor- volleyball, and cross country. Even with mal settings throughout the country. In these censorship, Cuban art, particularly cinema, speeches, he passionately praised the gains of ballet, music, poetry, and fiction, also achieved his government, warned the Cuban people to widespread international recognition. be vigilant against enemies of the revolution, and urged patience for the better future that would come. What was Cuba’s new foreign policy? Many observers have described revolutionary Cuba as a little country with a big

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country’s foreign policy. From the early 1960s, technicians, and workers, and their absence the Cuban government decided it needed a contributed to Cuba’s economic troubles. pro-active foreign policy. This was partly because U.S. policies had the potential to isolate Cuba from other countries in the region and Changes Brewing around the world. Cuba’s leaders were also Although Cuba’s economy boomed in the eager for social revolutions to occur in other mid-1970s, a severe drop in sugar prices later poor countries. Cuba’s foreign policy aimed in the decade led to a series of recessions. As both to promote revolutions abroad and to Cuba’s economy declined, it could no longer maintain diplomatic relations with as many make payments on its loans. At the same time, countries as possible. the Soviet Union, also suffering an economic crisis, withdrew some of its financial support These two desires often came into con- of Cuba. flict. Throughout the 1960s, Cuba actively supported revolutionary movements in Latin In order to pay its debt, Cuba’s government America and Africa, providing advisors, redirected its spending. It began to put money troops, and supplies. This support angered towards paying the debt, and spent less on im- many governments that felt threatened by ports such as food, fuel, and medical supplies. these movements. They believed that Cuba’s Cuba’s population immediately felt the reper- actions threatened their sovereignty. For most cussions of these changes. Goods suddenly of the decade, every country in Latin America became unavailable and food rations declined. except Mexico suspended political and eco- Quality of life suffered dramatically. nomic relations with Cuba. At the same time, Cuba won the admiration of many poor coun- What was the Mariel boatlift? tries for standing up to the United States and In the late 1970s, the Cuban govern- repressive regimes around the world. In 1969, ment participated in negotiations to improve the Non-Aligned Movement, with ninety-six relations with the Cuban-American exile com- member nations from throughout much of the munity. The government hoped to improve developing world, elected Cuba as its chair. relations with moderate Cuban Americans in The Cuban government also actively as- order to undermine support for Cuban-Amer- sisted the populations of other poor countries. ican groups that still led attacks against the The government claimed that its involvement Cuban government. In 1979, the government overseas was a source of national pride and decided to allow Cuban Americans to visit the connected the struggles of Cubans with the island. Prior to this, the government had not struggles of poor people around the world. allowed people to return once they left, and Cuba deployed thousands of citizens overseas many émigrés had not seen their relatives on to work in and advise other countries in fields the island for twenty years. such as health, education, and construction. In 1979 alone, more than 100,000 Cuban It also deployed troops and military advi- Americans came to Cuba. They brought not sors to poor countries in Africa, Asia, and only great deals of money, but also magazines, Latin America. In the early 1980s, there were consumer goods, and stories that painted a about fifteen thousand civilians and thirty- picture of life that was very different from five thousand military personnel working what most Cubans had ever experienced. in more than twenty countries around the As the economic crisis worsened in 1980, world. (In relation to Cuba’s population, this many on the island became increasingly des- military deployment was larger than that of perate to improve their lives. In April 1980, the United States at the height of the Vietnam ten thousand Cubans flooded the Peruvian em- War.) At the same time, many of those working bassy in Havana seeking asylum. Within days, overseas were some of Cuba’s best managers, Castro announced that anyone who wanted to leave Cuba was free to go. At the same time,

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What was the Rectification of Errors campaign? Cuba had undergone a number of significant changes during the 1970s. In 1976, a new constitution created legislative assemblies for local, provincial, and national government. Beginning in the late 1970s, the government also implemented reforms to liberalize, or reduce the government’s role in the economy. The

© Bettmann/CORBIS. Used with permission. government began allow- Thousands of Cuban émigrés packed onto the deck of a ship travelling from ing businesses to hire their Mariel Harbor in June 1980. The U.S. Coast Guard escorted this and many own employees directly. other boats making the journey to Florida. It also allowed business managers to keep some of their profits to reinvest in U.S. President Carter said that the United their workers or in their businesses. Prior to States would accept any Cuban who wanted to this, all profits had belonged to the state. In immigrate. 1980, the government also legalized small, pri- In what became known as the Mariel boat- vate farmers’ markets. After providing the state lift, more than 125,000 Cubans left the island with the necessary amount of produce, farmers between April and October 1980 (many from could now sell their surplus goods in private the port of Mariel, just west of Havana). Most markets with unregulated prices. This not only of them travelled to the United States in small allowed farmers to supplement their incomes, boats that Cuban Americans captained south but also made it easier for many Cubans to from Miami. At the end of April, close to one obtain a variety of fresh fruits and vegetables thousand boats were making the trip to Cuba outside of government stores. daily. The Cuban government forced Cuban The economic crisis that led to the Mariel Americans to transport not only their friends boatlift eased somewhat in the early 1980s, and relatives but also people that it had clas- particularly after the Soviets increased the sified as "undesirable" from its jails, detention price they paid for Cuban sugar. But this centers, and mental hospitals. development pushed Cuba into an even closer In October 1980, the U.S. and Cuban economic relationship with the Soviet Union. governments negotiated an end to the migra- By the mid-1980s, more than 85 percent of tion. To many critics outside of Cuba, Mariel Cuba’s trade was with the Soviet trading bloc, was proof that Cubans did not support Castro’s and sugar remained the country’s main export government. But unlike the earlier waves of good. migrants, most of the Mariel migrants left Cuba In the mid-1980s, the Cuban government more for economic opportunity than because decided to change its economic strategy once of their political views. again. A number of factors contributed to this decision, including the economic difficulties of the early 1980s and the instability in Cuban society signalled by the Mariel boatlift.

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In 1986, the government instituted a existed among Cubans of different classes and program called the Rectification of Errors. between rural and urban communities. The goal of this campaign was to increase the These gains were heralded as “triumphs role of the state in the economy. The govern- of the revolution” by the Cuban government. ment claimed that the economic reforms of the In many ways, these successes set Cuba apart 1970s had created corruption. Inequality had from the rest of Latin America and from devel- also increased in Cuban society. The govern- oping countries around the world. At the same ment banned the private farmers’ markets. It time, many critics contested the positive image also removed financial incentives and again that the government promoted. Some argued called on workers to be motivated by a desire that the government had targeted its resources to support the revolution and the country. As towards improving specific indicators, such it had in the 1960s, labor productivity plum- as infant mortality or literacy, and that these meted as workers became less motivated to statistics masked other problems that existed. work hard. Another recession wracked Cuba’s Others claimed that the Cuban government economy from 1986 until the end of the de- could not have achieved these successes cade, partly due to these new measures. without the significant financial support of the Soviet Union. Still others have argued that the What gains had Cubans made cost of these benefits, in the form of political by the mid-1980s? repression, was too great. Overall, the Cuban government struggled In some ways, the government obscured to sustain economic growth over the first thirty problems that continued to exist throughout years of the revolution. Despite the govern- the revolutionary period. For example, race ment’s plan to diversify the economy, sugar and racism became taboo subjects in Cuban was still the country’s primary export and Cu- politics. After attacking discrimination in the ban trade still depended on one main trading early 1960s, the government claimed to have partner. Some industrialization had occurred, solved the problems of discrimination and but most of the new industries were ineffi- racial inequality. About 37 percent of Cuba’s cient, producing low quality goods. population is of Afro-Cuban or mixed descent. Many observers argued that the revolu- But although the Afro-Cuban population had tionary government’s primary achievement made gains by the 1980s, there were still some had not been economic growth but improving gaps. For instance, Afro-Cubans tended to access to basic goods and services for large live in poorer neighborhoods in low quality portions of Cuba’s population. By the mid- housing. Afro-Cubans and women were also 1980s, there was free universal health care underrepresented in the national government throughout the island, free education from and the ruling communist party. primary to graduate school, and universi- In Part II of the reading, you have explored ties located in every province. The country’s the significant changes that the revolutionary infant mortality rate was comparable to the government made to Cuba’s society, economy, rates in rich countries, the health sector had political system, and foreign policy. Although eradicated most infectious diseases, and there the country made many gains after 1959, the were more doctors per capita than any other government struggled with a number of issues. country in the world. The government ensured Most importantly, it had trouble sustain- that nearly all Cubans were employed or paid ing Cuba’s economic growth. In the coming compensation. The government was also suc- decades, the country’s economic woes would cessful in reducing some of the inequality that threaten not only Cuba’s government but the revolution itself.

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Part III: The Special Period and Cuba Today

n December 8, 1991, the Soviet Union a growing economic crisis. The government Odissolved, ending its thirty-year support hoped to make a number of economic reforms of Cuba and putting the survival of Cuba’s that would ease the crisis without endangering regime in jeopardy. Cuba lost its primary trad- the country’s socialist principles or the social ing partner, its provider of aid, assistance, and gains Cuban people had made over the previ- cheap oil, and its chief foreign ally. Many ob- ous thirty years. In many ways, the reforms servers noted that this crisis was similar to the of the 1990s drastically changed the shape of early 1960s when the United States and Cuba Cuban society. severed relations. Many observers did not believe that No es facil (“It’s not easy”) Castro’s government would survive the As the Soviet Union collapsed, the Cuban decade. For the first time since achieving economy plummeted. Between 1989 and 1993, independence from Spain, Cuba was truly Cuba’s economy shrank by almost 35 percent. independent from the influence of any su- Imports declined by 75 percent, and export perpower. Many believed that the Cuban earnings dropped from 5.4 billion pesos in government would crumble within a matter of 1989 to 1.1 billion pesos in 1993. With dramat- years or even months without Soviet support. ically shrinking foreign reserves, the Cuban In 1990, Fidel Castro told the country government was unable to import economic to prepare for a “special period in a time of essentials such as fuel, machinery, and goods peace.” He told Cuba’s people to prepare for necessary for industry, as well as things like increasing shortages of essential goods and food and medicine. Hundreds of factories

Cuba and International Trade in the 1990s Although the U.S. embargo had been in place since 1962, Cuba did not experience the full impact of this policy until the early 1990s. Before the Cuban revolution, the United States had been a logical trading partner for Cuba. Transportation was inexpensive because the countries were so close together, and there was high demand in U.S. markets for Cuban raw materials such as sugar. The U.S. economy also produced a wide variety of products, which meant that Cuba could get the majority of its imports from a single country. When the United States and Cuba broke relations in the 1960s, the Soviets stepped in to cushion the loss. Soviet markets were farther away but the Soviet government subsidized the cost of transporting Cuban imports and exports. But when the Soviet Union disintegrated in the 1990s, Cuba was on its own and found itself unable to import the goods it needed, and with no markets for its exports. In the 1980s, trade with Eastern Europe had accounted for more than 80 percent of all Cu- ban trade. When that trade ended, the Cuban government realized it would need to diversify its trading partners. This meant building relationships with a number of different countries, which could be a long and complicated process. There were no easy or quick solutions to help ease the economic crisis. It was also unlikely that Cuba would find partners that would trade on such fa- vorable terms as the Soviets had. This was particularly problematic for Cuba’s energy needs. The Soviet Union had provided about 90 percent of the oil and petroleum used in Cuba, all at below- market prices. Much of Cuba’s economic disruption in the 1990s was caused by the rapid decline in oil imports from the Soviet Union.

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closed, tens of thousands of workers lost their Today we cannot speak of the pure, jobs, and wages declined sharply. Life became “ ideal, perfect socialism of which we increasingly difficult for all Cubans. Unem- dream because life forces us into ployment skyrocketed, goods disappeared concessions.” from the shelves, and many went hungry as —Fidel Castro, 1993 the government rationed the food that was available. One of the main sectors that the gov- To address this crisis, the government ernment targeted for foreign currency was aimed to restructure Cuba’s economy. In the tourism. This was a major shift in government short run, the primary goal of the so-called policy. Before 1959, Cuba had been flooded “special period” was survival, both of the gov- with rich U.S. and European tourists who fed ernment and of the Cuban people. an industry of crime, prostitution, and gam- bling. Some neighborhoods and beaches had been reserved for tourists only. After 1959, Cu- What economic changes did the ba’s government largely discouraged tourism, government make in the special period? arguing that Cuba should be for Cubans alone. One of Cuba’s biggest problems in the But during the special period, tourism became 1990s was a lack of foreign currency, which a necessary evil. Foreign tourists brought is necessary for foreign trade. Without for- foreign currency, which the government eign currency, the government could not buy desperately needed. Cuba quickly became the the imports it needed to run its economy, eighth most popular tourist destination in the nor could it import necessary goods such as Western hemisphere. Revenues from tourism medical supplies and food. So the government increased from $530 million in 1993 to $1.8 directed most of its economic reforms towards billion in 1998. By 1996, tourism had replaced increasing its foreign currency. These reforms sugar as the country’s most important source mixed elements of capitalism with the gov- of income. ernment’s socialist policies. The changes also loosened the government’s control over parts The government also allowed foreign of the economy. firms to invest in Cuba for the first time since the early 1960s. The government promoted investment in sectors like mining, oil extrac- tion, utilities, and tourism. Foreign firms could not fully own companies in Cuba, but they could participate in joint ven- tures (economic projects in which these firms and the Cuban government would work together). The government also created a number of free-trade zones where manufacturing firms could export their products without taxes. By 1999, foreign investment in Cuba totalled more than four billion dollars and came from Adalberto Roque/GETTY. Used with permission. Adalberto Roque/GETTY. more than sixty countries. Cubans wave to European tourists aboard an Italian cruise ship in 1995. This was the first tourist ship to dock in Havana since 1959.

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Why did the government out of paper. Power outages and water short- legalize the U.S. dollar? ages were common. In 1993, homes in Havana To make foreign investment easier, in had water for only eight hours each day. 1993 the government legalized the use of U.S. The dwindling food supply was also a dollars as currency in Cuba. The government major problem. Much of the agricultural sector passed this measure reluctantly, fearing that declined, as the government was unable to the widespread use of dollars would erode the import fertilizers, animal feed, tools, seeds, country’s socialist values. Prior to 1993, the and replacement parts for machinery. Tractors dollar was used only on the black market, an rusted in the fields and farmers slaughtered illegal, informal trading network. Anyone in their animals because there was no way to feed possession of dollars risked imprisonment. But them. There were shortages of eggs, milk, and in the early 1990s, the government recognized meat throughout the decade. The sugar indus- that the use of more foreign currency within try also suffered dramatically, and the harvest Cuba would benefit the economy. The govern- shrank from 8.1 million tons in 1991 to a ment opened new dollar-only stores where fifty-year low of 3.3 million tons in 1995. The Cubans and tourists with foreign currency government cut the monthly ration cards to could buy a variety of goods that were not amounts that would provide food for just two available elsewhere. The government placed weeks or less. Experts estimated that by 1994, high taxes on all dollar purchases. each Cuban had lost an average of twenty When the government legalized the dollar, pounds in weight. it also allowed Cuban exiles to send remit- Additionally, for the first time since 1959, tances (money) to their friends and family a significant number of Cubans were unem- on the island. Once the dollar became legal, ployed. The government could no longer remittances rose from about 50 million dol- provide jobs for every worker. Many Cubans lars in 1990 to as much as 700 million dollars began to participate in illegal activities, sell- in 2000. These remittances became one of the ing goods and services outside of government main sources of foreign currency for the gov- control. The black market flourished as people ernment. They also strengthened relationships found new ways to access goods that they between Cubans on the island and Cubans could no longer buy in government stores. abroad. Most importantly, they allowed many Cubans to survive the harshest living conditions experienced since 1959. Every day, almost every Cuban I “ know does something illegal just to get by. They may buy black market What was life like during the special period? coffee or shoes for their kids, call in For most Cubans, life during the special sick at work so they can have time period was a daily struggle. With limited fuel to shop for food, swipe supplies from imports, public transportation was greatly the office to use at home, or get their reduced and Cubans were forced to wait hours toilet fixed by a plumber working for buses and taxis. Bicycles and horse-drawn illegally. They might be...staunch wagons became commonplace in city streets. supporters of the revolution, but they Everything took a long time—getting to and break the law as a matter of course.” from work, waiting in line to shop, scroung- —Resident of Havana, 1990 ing to find necessary goods and supplies that were no longer widely available. Many people Above all else, Cubans needed access to struggled to earn enough money to feed their dollars. Cuban pesos alone were no longer families, let alone to buy other essential items enough to buy everything one needed. Even such as soap, diapers, clothes, or pencils and those who had jobs often worked illegally paper. State services struggled to operate as for dollars on the side. Most of these illegal hospitals ran out of medicine and schools ran activities were forms of self-employment,

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foods, and could only employ members of their own families. The government required all businesses to pay steep fees to obtain licenses before they could open. Private businesses were also subject to un- announced visits from government inspectors who would fine owners for any violations of these laws. Additionally, the government taxed all private enterprise. This was the first time the govern-

Stephen Ferry/GETTY. Used with permission. Stephen Ferry/GETTY. ment had taxed its citizens Because fuel was scarce during the special period, many Cubans depended since the early 1960s and on bicycles for transportation. many Cubans resented the change in government policy. such as selling fruits and vegetables on the street or opening one’s home as a restaurant. These restrictions made it very difficult Many Cubans became involved in the tourism for small businesses to stay afloat. Many found industry, earning dollars as waiters, taxi driv- ways to get around the laws in order to make ers, informal tour guides, street performers, or money. Observers noted that for every govern- prostitutes. ment restriction, there was a matching, often illegal, survival strategy to get around it. For example, paladar owners often had hidden Why did the government legalize rooms with extra tables, served items that did some forms of self-employment? not appear on their official menus, and in- The government tolerated many of these il- vented fictional cousins to work as waiters and legal activities because it knew that they were waitresses. necessary for the survival of many people. In 1993, the government decided to make more than one hundred forms of small, private busi- The system is set up such that it nesses legal in order to better regulate them. “ obliges us to lie.... In order to survive, This list included activities such as driving everyone is forced to become a taxis, renting out rooms, programming com- criminal.” puters, and styling hair. The government also —Owner of a paladar, 2001 legalized farmers’ markets and home-based restaurants known as paladares. By 1995, At various points during the 1990s, the more than 200,000 Cubans had licenses for government led mass arrests of anyone en- these types of jobs. gaged in illegal activity. The police often These activities were not without their demanded receipts from shoppers and licenses costs. The government placed many restric- from businesses to prove legality. Violators tions on how private businesses could operate. were fined or imprisoned. Nevertheless, illegal For example, families who rented rooms in activity persisted. Many continued to run their their homes could not serve meals to guests. businesses illegally to avoid government taxes Paladar owners could only serve twelve and restrictions. Others hustled for dollars on customers at a time, could only serve certain the street. Corruption and stealing, especially

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future 29 by government workers with access to goods many. Cubans became disenchanted with the that could be sold on the black market, were revolution itself. Some have argued that the widespread. Cuban government’s greatest achievement had been meeting people’s basic needs, providing things like food, employment, education, and How did dissent grow during health care. When the government became the special period? unable to meet these needs, popular support For many people, meeting the basic needs began to weaken. of their families day after day took all of their time. Most people had little energy to spend For its part, the government attempted actively opposing the government. Neverthe- to renew feelings of nationalism to maintain less, as life got harder in Cuba, dissatisfaction popularity. In speeches and slogans, govern- among the population began to grow. The gov- ment officials emphasized sacrifice, heroism, ernment’s inability to ease the crisis frustrated and courage in the face of hardship.

The United States and Cuba in the 1990s Although relations between Cuba and the United States had eased somewhat in the late 1970s under President Carter, the U.S. government increased its pressure on the Cuban government in the 1990s. This was partly due to the successful lobbying of Cuban-American organizations. On the one hand, the U.S. government wanted to tighten the trade embargo and squeeze Cuba in order to facilitate democratic change. The U.S. government hoped that by increasing misery and discontent in Cuba, the people would rise up and overthrow the Castro government. At the same time, it hoped to isolate Cuba internationally by putting pressure on other nations to limit their relations with Cuba. Throughout the 1990s, the U.S. Congress passed a series of measures to toughen policy towards Cuba. The Cuban Liberty and Democracy Act of 1992 and the Libertad Act of 1996 both listed stringent repercussions for companies and governments doing business with Cuba. Both acts provided U.S. financial support for pro-democracy groups in Cuba and in Cuban exile communities. The Libertad Act also stipulated that the U.S. trade embargo would not be repealed until a transition government, with neither Castro brother in power, was established in Cuba. These laws had a mixed effect. U.S. threats and intimidation had some influence in limiting the involvement of some companies and governments in Cuba. This consequently slowed Cuba’s economic recovery and prolonged the suffering of the people. At the same time, countries around the world condemned the U.S. government for these laws. Many argued that the United States was imposing its own laws on businesses from other countries, which is a violation of international law. As a result, beginning in 1991, the UN General Assembly has voted yearly to condemn the U.S. embargo against Cuba. An incident in 1998—in which the U.S. Coast Guard found a young Cuban boy named Elián González floating near the coast of Florida and brought him to Miami—also sparked controversy within the United States about the Cuban-American community and U.S. policies towards Cuba. Some argue that U.S. legislation, in fact, made change in Cuba more difficult. With fresh memories of prior U.S. interventions, the Cuban government increased its repression of dissidents. The government labelled opposition with ties or suspected ties to the United States as treasonous and gave out harsh prison sentences. The Cuban government also claimed that the U.S. embargo was the cause of much of the suffering of the special period. To deflect criticism of itself, the government often blamed the constant shortages of goods and money on the United States rather than on its own economic policies.

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We are alone—all alone—in this many as one thousand migrants left each day, “ ocean of capitalism that surrounds almost all headed for the United States. The us.” U.S. government, afraid of a repeat of the 1980 —Fidel Castro, 1991 Mariel boatlift, revoked its policy of automatic asylum. The U.S. Coast Guard began intercept- The government connected the country’s ing would-be immigrants and sending them to current problems to past struggles for inde- the U.S. naval base in Guantánamo. Within a pendence. The special period was portrayed month, more than 21,000 Cubans were living as one more instance in which Cuba had to in makeshift tents at the base. struggle to survive as an independent nation. The crisis finally subsided in late Septem- Many Cubans, especially the younger gen- ber. The Cuban government agreed to do its eration, no longer saw any point in struggling. best to prevent illegal migration from the is- Many believed that there were no opportuni- land in return for a U.S. pledge to grant 20,000 ties in Cuba and began to look elsewhere. In visas to Cuban immigrants each year. A year the early 1990s, the government loosened later, the Cubans detained in Guantánamo— travel restrictions, partly to allow potential about 30,000 people—were allowed to enter dissidents to leave the country. Thousands the United States. migrated, mostly headed for the United States. U.S. immigration from Cuba increased from What were the effects of the special period? a few hundred people in 1990 to nearly four By the late 1990s, the economic crisis thousand in 1993. had eased. To be sure, the government had achieved its primary aim. The Cuban people Why did the U.S. government restrict had survived the crisis and the Castro govern- Cuban immigration in 1994? ment had endured. But this survival came at a The U.S. government welcomed illegal high cost. Cuban migration because it believed that mass migration was evidence of the failure of the We have gone down this road Castro government. Many Cubans grew in- basically because it was the only creasingly desperate and some even hijacked “ planes and boats headed to the United States. The U.S. government granted these migrants automatic asylum. In the summer of 1994, frustration in Cuba peaked. A series of attempted hijackings led to the deaths of a number of Cuban officials and a riot against the police sprang up in Havana. In mid- August, Castro announced that anyone who wanted to leave Cuba was free to go. Immediately, hundreds upon hundreds took to the

sea in anything capable of © Najlah Feanny-Hicks/CORBIS. Used with permission. floating, including inner Family members wave goodbye as their relatives head to Florida on a make- tubes and rafts. Often, as shift raft, August 1994.

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alternative for saving the revolution.” tion and lack of medicines. School attendance —Fidel Castro, 1995 dropped as education was no longer the only means by which one could secure a well-pay- Many of the principles on which the ing job. The proportion of students continuing government had based its revolution began their education after high school also declined. to erode. Although the government put many Economic inequality increased markedly resources towards maintaining free and high during the special period. Above all, a per- quality health care and education in the son’s economic situation depended on his or 1990s, the special period had taken its toll. her ability to access dollars. Those who earned In 1993, UNICEF estimated that 50 percent of dollars or who were sent remittances from Cuban infants aged six to twelve months were relatives abroad were relatively well-off while malnourished. Disease and infections from those who only earned pesos fared the worst. parasites became widespread due to malnutri-

Cuba and the Cuban-American Community Over the years, thousands of Cubans have left the island to live in countries across Europe, Latin America, and North America, particularly the United States. In 2008, there were more than one million Cubans and their descendants living in the United States, more than in any other country besides Cuba. Many live in southern Florida and New Jersey. Although the Cuban-American community has a reputation for uncompromising, anti-Castro politics, it is actually host to a diverse array of politics and opinions about the Cuban revolution and U.S.-Cuba relations. Some Cubans migrated to the United States for explicitly political reasons in the years after 1959. These early migrants were primarily middle-class and wealthy white Cubans. Many refer to themselves as “exiles” because they argue that they were forced out of Cuba by Castro’s policies. This generation tends to express strong anti-Castro sentiments. Some were instrumental in the 1980s and 1990s in forming organizations to work for regime change in Cuba both by lobbying the U.S. government for harsher Cuba policies and by working for change on the island. There have also been some groups and individuals who have committed terrorist acts against Cuba. The majority of Cuban Americans are more moderate in their politics. Many recent Cuban migrants left the island primarily in search of economic opportunities in the United States. Recent migrants have tended to be poorer and more representative of Cuba’s population in terms of race. Most of them left Cuba in the 1980s and 1990s and thus lived for many years under the revolutionary government. Many retain strong links with their families remaining in Cuba and send back remittances. While most hope for changes on the island, they tend to not be as strongly anti-Castro as the older generation. Despite the U.S. embargo, Cubans on the island have built strong relationships with their relatives living abroad. These ties became essential for many who depended on remittances during the special period. At the same time, many on the island are fearful about what Cubans abroad will do once both Castro brothers are no longer in power. Many older Cuban Americans still demand payment for the properties they used to own on the island. Many others in the older generation have vowed to return to Cuba once Fidel is gone. But all of the homes and property that these émigrés used to own in Cuba are now used for other purposes. Many on the island are also concerned that the return of these émigrés, many of whom now support American values such as private property and a smaller role for government, might threaten other changes brought about by the revolution such as free health care and education.

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Many left their government jobs in order The tourist industry in Cuba also added to to earn dollars in the private sector, particu- racial inequality. There was a widespread per- larly in the tourist industry. Professionals left ception that tourists preferred lighter-skinned their jobs as doctors, teachers, and engineers Cubans as workers in hotels and restaurants. to work as waiters, taxi drivers, or cashiers in Businesses that catered to tourists often dis- tourist shops. A hotel bellhop could often earn criminated against Afro-Cubans when hiring ten times the monthly salary of a brain sur- for these positions. geon, and a waiter, in two weeks, could earn Tourism created other inequalities in Cu- the yearly salary of a doctor. ban society. In a policy similar to those of the Inequality led to other problems in Cuba. 1950s, the government prevented most Cubans Petty crime, including robbery, muggings of from entering tourist hotels, clubs, or even tourists, and cattle rustling increased during certain beaches and neighborhoods. the 1990s. Corruption among state employees was also widespread. Before 1990, we would share the “ hotels with the foreigners. They Why did racial inequality increase would pay in dollars and we would during the special period? pay in pesos. There were never any Racial inequality also increased during the problems. But now we can’t even 1990s. Afro-Cubans, in general, had a more look in the windows without the difficult time accessing dollars than white Cu- police giving us a hard time.” bans during the special period. For example, —Resident of Havana, 1998 although many Afro-Cubans had emigrated in the 1980s and 1990s, overall most Cuban Police would often ask for identification exiles were white and so most Cubans receiv- from those found within tourist areas, particu- ing remittances were also white. Racism and larly people of color. Fearful of the possible discrimination, which had existed in some negative influence of foreigners, the govern- form throughout the revolutionary period, also ment also encouraged ordinary Cubans not to intensified in the 1990s. Overall, Afro-Cubans interact with foreigners (many continued to do became disproportionately poor during the so, both legally and illegally). The government special period. did this partly to protect what it believed were the values of the revolution but also to ensure that all foreign currency was spent in government-owned businesses. The presence of foreigners in Cuba fueled a great deal of resentment. Tour- ists in Cuba had access to foods, clothing, transportation, and places that many Cubans did not. The government, strapped for cash, spent money restoring sections of Havana frequented by tourists while other parts of the city fell into decay. Between 1993 and 1996, more than 5,300 city buildings in Havana collapsed due to old age and neglect. Many Cubans were frustrated © Najlah Feanny-Hicks/CORBIS. Used with permission. by the clear differences between their own With few resources put towards maintenance, many of Cuba’s buildings have collapsed or fallen into disrepair. This lives and those of the foreigners visiting has added pressure to an ongoing housing crisis that forces their country. families to live in cramped, intergenerational households. This picture was taken in Havana in August 1994.

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This is my Havana, “ the Havana you don’t know. The Cuban capital after midnight. Enjoy it if you’re foreign, struggle if you’re from here....” —Lyrics to Cuban hip hop song La Habana Que No Concoes (“The Havana You Don’t Know”) by Papá Humbertico

In many ways, the reforms of the special period © Les Stone/CORBIS. Used with permission. directly threatened the Baseball has been Cuba’s national sport since 1920. First played on the island very parts of Cuban soci- at the end of the nineteenth century, baseball has provided a long-lasting, ety that the government positive link between Cubans and Americans. For example, in a form of claimed it was trying to “baseball diplomacy,” the Baltimore Orioles went to Havana in 1999 to play against the Cuban national baseball team. Cuba lost the game but won in a protect. second game held later that year in Baltimore.

Cuba Today period’s reforms. The government wanted By 2000, the special period had officially to discourage private and self-employment. ended. Since 2003, the economy has expe- In 1996, it placed new, higher taxes on self- rienced high growth rates, largely fueled by employed workers and stopped granting tourism, which grew by nearly 20 percent new licenses for a number of different self- each year between 2000 and 2005. But life employed activities. The government began to continues to be difficult for ordinary Cubans. crack down more harshly on those who vio- Shortages of food, housing, and transportation lated the laws for private businesses. The state still plague the country. Economic inequality also began to criticize self-employed workers continues to exist and Cubans, on average, ex- as the “new rich.” In 2004, the government re- perience a lower standard of living than they moved forty activities from the list of possible did before 1991. forms of self-employment, arguing that they The special period left a clear mark on were no longer necessary now that the state Cuban society. The struggles of the 1990s high- was able to provide those services again. lighted the sharp contradictions between the Legal private enterprise has declined dra- government’s revolutionary language and the matically over the last decade. For example, reality of life in Cuba. Many Cubans are disil- the number of licensed paladares decreased lusioned and in recent years there have been from more than fifteen hundred in 1996 to more incidences of organized opposition to fewer than two hundred in 2003. Most legal the government. Others continue to leave the small businesses in Cuba today are so heavily island in search of opportunity elsewhere. regulated and taxed by the government that they must charge high prices only affordable How did the government change its to foreigners and the very rich. Most Cuban economic policies in the late 1990s? workers who had been self-employed in the As the economy began to recover in the 1990s have either been reenlisted into govern- mid-1990s, the government passed a series ment jobs or have been forced to carry on their of new laws to reverse many of the special businesses illegally.

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These new laws coincided with other We must reject the myth that we government efforts to bring many parts of “ Cubans have to live without rights the economy back under stricter government in order to support our country’s control. For example, in 2004 the government independence and sovereignty.” prohibited the use of dollars in Cuba. Any- —Oswaldo Payà, leader of the one with foreign currency must now transfer Varela Project, 2002 their money into a currency called the CUC, which is taxed by the government. In theory, By 2002, the project had accumulated the government now regulates all transactions more than eleven thousand signatures on peti- of foreign currency, but in practice, many still tions from across the island. But rather than transfer their dollars on the black market in entertain the suggestions of the Varela Project, order to avoid government taxes. the government counterattacked. It proposed In recent years, the government has also to amend the Cuban constitution in order to made significant changes to the sugar industry. make Cuba’s socialism irrevocable. In 2002, Between 1989 and 2002, sugar production in the government held a national vote in which Cuba declined by 56 percent and the country it reported that 99 percent of voters supported dropped from the third to the tenth largest the measure. At the same time, it began to cane producer in the world. Nevertheless, crack down on dissidents, particularly mem- at the turn of the century, the sugar industry bers of the Varela Project. In March 2003, the employed nearly 20 percent of all Cuban work- government arrested seventy-five dissidents, ers. There is a Cuban saying that “without activists, and journalists, charging that they sugar, there is no country.” Sugar has been an had accepted money and support from James integral part of Cuban life since the days of Cason, head of the U.S. Interests Section in Spanish rule. But in 2002, as the world price Havana. (Because Cuba and the United States for sugar dropped, the government decided do not have diplomatic relations, the U.S. to scale back sugar production significantly Interests Section represents the U.S. govern- in order to increase efficiency. The government in Cuba.) Fifty of those arrested in the ment transferred approximately 50 percent so-called Cason Affair were members of the of the land used in sugar production to other Varela Project. Charged with treason, these crops and closed nearly half of all sugar dissidents were given harsh sentences ranging mills. Despite government-sponsored training from six to twenty-eight years in prison. programs, many former sugar workers have struggled to find new jobs. Who are Cuba’s important trading partners today? What was the Varela project? The Cuban government’s treatment of The late 1990s also witnessed some of the political dissidents has long been a sore point most significant political opposition in Cuba among many of its trading partners. In addi- since the early 1960s. According to the Cuban tion to periodic mass arrests, the government constitution, citizens can suggest new laws will not allow human rights groups such as if ten thousand or more voters sign a petition Amnesty International and Human Rights in favor of these laws. In 1998, a number of Watch to send fact-finding missions to Cuba. pro-democracy activists initiated a movement It is the only country in the world to deny the to force the government to hold a national Red Cross access to its prisons. The govern- vote on a number of issues. This movement, ment also has expelled foreign journalists from known as the Varela Project, proposed reforms the country on various occasions. including free speech, free assembly, multi- Cuba’s trade partners in the European party elections, more private employment, and Union and Canada have put pressure on Cuba freedom for political prisoners. to release political prisoners and begin making democratic changes. Nevertheless, many

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future 35 of these countries continue to trade with Cuba. sending remittances to Cuba (many continue In 2006, Canada and the Netherlands alone to do so illegally). purchased nearly 40 percent of all Cuban The U.S. government claims that Cuba exports. Cuba has also increased its trade with still owes billions of dollars for the land and China, and China has made large investments businesses of U.S. citizens that were nation- in Cuba’s nickel industry. But Cuba’s most alized in the 1960s. The Cuban government important trade partner in recent years has has worked out debt repayments with every been Venezuela. Venezuelan President Hugo country it owes for the nationalizations except Chavez is a strong supporter of Fidel Castro the United States. The U.S. government has and has negotiated a number of preferential said that it will not lift the trade embargo until trade agreements with the Cuban government. there is a transitional government in Cuba that Venezuela provides the bulk of Cuba’s crude is committed to repaying this debt. oil in return for Cuban support in Venezuelan services such as public health and education. The Cuban government claims that the Most often, this support takes the form of Cu- U.S. government owes $25 billion for harm ban doctors, nurses, and teachers who are sent inflicted on Cuba by U.S.-sponsored terror- to work for the Venezuelan government. ism and the embargo. To this day, the Cuban government claims that it remains fearful of a U.S. invasion. This fear has grown in the What is the relationship like between years since the U.S. invasion of Iraq. In addi- Cuba and the United States today? tion, in 2003 the U.S. government established In 2001, the U.S. embargo was slightly the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba relaxed when the U.S. government passed leg- and the following year appointed a “Cuba islation permitting Cuba to purchase food and transition coordinator.” In 2004 the Cuban medicines from U.S. producers. This decision government led a national mobilization test, was largely due to successful appeals by many calling up reserve military personnel and test- U.S. businesses that wished to trade with ing military procedures and equipment. The Cuba. It was the first time Cuba and the United U.S. government has continued to express its States had engaged in commercial relations in interest in regime change in Cuba, particularly almost forty years. Today, U.S. producers pro- since July 2006. vide about 4 percent of all Cuban imports.

Nevertheless, the relationship between the How has leadership changed since 2006? Cuban and U.S. governments is still fraught In late July 2006, Fidel Castro was admit- with problems. Most importantly, the U.S. ted to the hospital for emergency intestinal trade embargo is still in place. Although Cuba surgery. On July 31, he named his brother can buy certain goods from the United States, Raúl the temporary president of Cuba until he U.S. businesses can not purchase any goods recovered. For the next year and a half, Fi- from Cuba. The U.S. government still spends del stayed behind the scenes, writing regular at least $80 million each year on programs to articles for Granma, the Cuban Communist destabilize the Cuban government, includ- Party’s daily newspaper. Many international ing providing money to exile organizations, observers believed that Fidel’s absence would support to dissidents and families of political result in the collapse of Cuba’s revolutionary prisoners in Cuba, and funding for anti-Castro government, but little changed in Cuba over TV and radio channels (called TV Martí and that period. Radio Martí) broadcast from southern Florida. In recent years, the U.S. government has placed more restrictions on the relations of These have truly been very difficult Cuban Americans with Cubans on the island, “ months, although with the opposite further limiting Cuban émigrés from visiting or effect that our enemies expected, those who dreamed chaos would

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erupt and Cuban Socialism would up part of the UN’s Universal Declaration on end up collapsing.” Human Rights and which are legally binding. —Raúl Castro, July 2007 Cuban officials argue that these agreements simply formalize the rights that Cubans have In February 2008, Fidel Castro announced enjoyed since 1959. Critics have called on the that he would not run for the presidency in Cuban government to adhere to the agreements the coming election. In a message published in and release all political prisoners. Granma, Castro told the public that he would Some restrictions on the island have also continue to write articles and to “fight as a sol- been loosened recently, but many believe that dier in the battle of ideas.” Later that month, Raúl’s presidency will not be very different the National Assembly elected Raúl as Cuba’s from his brother’s. Thus far, life has continued next president. much as it did under Fidel. Since Raúl took power formally, Cuba has signed two human rights agreements that make

n the coming days, you will have an opportunity to consider Ia range of alternatives for Cuba’s future. As you do, keep in mind what you have learned from the reading. You should strive to put yourselves in the shoes of ordinary Cubans and consider how their history might shape their views of the future. Most Cubans today are more concerned with improving their day-to-day lives than with abstract political ideas such as "socialism" and "capitalism." You should think about what kinds of changes will make life better for the Cuban people. The three viewpoints, or options, that you will explore are written from the perspective of Cubans on the island. Each is based on a distinct set of values and beliefs about the appropriate economic system, political structure, and social priorities for Cuba. Eventually, you will be asked to create an option about what direction Cuba should take, as if you were a Cuban thinking about the future of your country. You may borrow heavily from one option, combine ideas from several options, or take a new approach altogether.

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Options in Brief

Option 1: Safeguard Option 3: Embrace the Revolution Political Freedom Our history has been one of foreign domi- Throughout Cuba’s history, the Cuban nation and influence. We must not risk our people have fought ceaselessly for freedom. sovereignty or the advances we have made Yet each time we are on the verge of achiev- over the last fifty years for false promises of ing it, a new repressive government comes material gain. Today, we have adjusted to the to power and prevents ordinary Cubans from end of our relationship with the Soviet Union, determining the fate of the country. We must we have new trade partners and alliances, our build a new Cuba that is based upon respect economy has improved markedly, and we can for human rights and on the right of people safely return to the values and policies that en- to dissent. With political freedom should abled our success after 1959. Our government also come more economic freedom. We must has not yet steered us wrong; our survival in continue to fight for the freedoms promised the face of ongoing hostility from the United by José Martí more than a century ago. Our States, the world’s superpower, is a testament struggle for independence is not over. to that.

Option 2: Build a New Economy The Cuban people have suffered enough in the defense of socialism. The government must be more responsive to the needs of the people. At the same time, significant economic reform coupled with political reform could bring our country to its knees. We must not give the United States any opportunity to threaten the sovereignty that we fought so hard to achieve. We must remain united behind a strong government that can implement some capitalist reforms while at the same time limiting inequality and corruption and protecting our revolution.

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Option 1: Safeguard the Revolution

e in Cuba are approaching a critical juncture. Events that threaten to topple Wour government and erase our revolutionary gains have been building since 1991. Our very independence is at risk. The U.S. government has already made plans for our country’s future. We must remain united to retain our sovereignty!

For too long our fate has been determined by non-Cubans. Our history has been one of foreign domination and influence. We must not risk our sovereignty or the advances we have made over the last fifty years for false promises of material gain. Poor countries around the world have suffered from globalization; Cuba’s experience would be no different.

Cuba was a success story until the late 1980s when we lost our major trading partner. The 1990s were difficult years in which we were forced to make adjustments to survive. The temporary economic reforms brought inequality and corruption into our country. Today, we have adjusted to the end of our relationship with the Soviet Union, we have new trade partners and alliances, our economy has improved markedly, and we can safely return to the values and policies that enabled our success after 1959. We must bring our economy back under full state control and rely on our leaders to protect the gains of the revolution. There is no need for private business when the state is capable of running all sectors of the economy in the best interests of the Cuban people. Now, more than ever, we must remain unified behind a strong government. Allowing free expression and dissenting opinions creates division and weakness. We must recognize that we can only depend upon ourselves. The days of dependence and compromise are over. Our government has not yet steered us wrong; our survival in the face of ongoing hostility from the United States, the world’s superpower, is a testament to that.

Lessons from History

Cuban history is a story of foreign domina- to the betterment of the Cuban people. Since tion and the subordination of the interests of the 1960s, Cuban gains in health, educa- Cuban people in favor of foreigners and for- tion, economic equality, and in ending racial eign powers. We Cubans fought long and hard discrimination have been the envy of rich and for our independence from Spain. In the end, poor countries alike. But dependence on the the United States stepped in and our country Soviet Union was our weakness. After sur- became a playground for rich, foreign busi- viving the crisis of the 1990s, we know that nessmen and the mafia. Fidel Castro and the the only way to protect our sovereignty and M-26-7 freed us from the shackles of foreign survive in a hostile world is to depend on our- imperialism and committed the government selves and the revolution.

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What policies should we pursue?

• The Cuban government should continue • Cuba should build strategic relationships to undo the reforms of the special period and with a few nations like Spain, Venezuela, and bring the Cuban economy back under full state China, who do not threaten our sovereignty. control. The government should end self- We must steer clear of relationships with rich employment and take a firm stance against countries who believe they have the right to corruption and illegal activity. dictate our domestic policies. • Cuba should place strict restrictions on • The Cuban government should continue foreign investment, require foreign businesses to promote the values of the revolution by to hire workers through the government, and providing things like free health care and edu- limit the number of tourists that enter the cation, and by committing itself to ending the country each year. problems of the special period like inequality • Cuba should maintain a centralized, one- and discrimination. party government. We must rely on our leaders to know what is best for our country. This will also protect us from minority interest groups who are supported by the United States and who wish to overthrow the revolution.

Arguments for Arguments against

1. Bringing the economy back under 1. If the government limits foreign state control will help reverse growing class investment and tourism, our economy will and racial divisions. It will also help to lack the hard currency we need to import protect the gains we have made in health necessities such as food, machinery, and care and education that have earned us the supplies. This will slow our economic admiration of countries around the world. growth and lower the standard of living. 2. Limiting foreign involvement in our 2. The government will not be able country will keep Cuba for the Cuban people to afford social services without the and will not allow it to become a playground badly needed revenues from taxes on for rich Western tourists and businesspeople. private and foreign businesses. 3. Maintaining our country’s 3. Pursuing strategic trade relations political unity will protect us from U.S. will put us at risk of becoming dependent involvement in our domestic affairs. on only one or two countries. 4. Without democratic changes and a commitment to human rights, Cuba will continue to antagonize other nations and will not have the international support it needs to counter any hostility from the United States. 5. Preventing political reform denies the Cuban people their rights and does not give them the ability to determine their own destiny. 6. The Cuban people will continue to suffer if the government does not make changes to the economy.

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Option 2: Build a New Economy

he Cuban people have suffered enough in the defense of socialism. A purely Tsocialist country cannot exist in the world today without endangering the survival of its people. The Cuban people cannot endure without food and they cannot obtain food without economic opportunity. We must be willing to reform our socialist economy in order to allow our people not only to survive but to prosper in Cuba.

The government must be more responsive to the needs of the people. Cuba’s present economic growth is not enough. We have one of the most highly educated workforces in the world, and yet people are still forced to participate in illegal activities to survive. The government must ensure that the Cuban people have opportunities to improve their lives. We must open ourselves up to more foreign investment and improve relations with rich nations that can help boost our economy. At the same time, significant economic reform coupled with political reform could bring our country to its knees. In the 1990s, we watched the Soviet Union, our former ally against global capitalism, collapse under the strain of major political and economic changes. It took Russia ten long years to recover. Our people cannot endure that kind of dislocation and we cannot risk showing weakness in the face of continued U.S. hostility. We must not give the United States any opportunity to threaten the sovereignty that we fought so hard to achieve. We must remain united behind a strong government that can implement some capitalist reforms while at the same time limiting inequality and corruption and protecting our revolution.

Lessons from History

Throughout our history, our people and again in 1994. In the past, political have struggled for economic opportunity. divisions have also made us vulnerable to Before 1959, we suffered first when the foreign intervention. We know that the United Spanish and then foreign businesses refused States is eager to exploit any opportunity to to hire Cuban workers. The revolution has become involved in Cuba’s domestic affairs brought us many things but we know that the and will provide assistance to any group people still strive for opportunity. Stifling that expresses any sort of dissatisfaction economic opportunity breeds discontent with our government. If our country and our and opposition and, in periods of severe revolution are to endure, the people must economic disruption, mass protest and have opportunities to better their lives. migration. We saw this most clearly in 1980

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What policies should we pursue?

• Cuba should allow limited foreign in- • The Cuban government should continue vestment to create jobs and help diversify the to play a role in the economy and make sure economy. that the gains from economic growth are dis- tributed evenly among all Cubans. • The Cuban government should again allow small, private businesses such as • Cuba should maintain a strong, central- paladares and farmers’ markets, as well as ized, one-party state. This will help us protect self-employment. This sector should be well- the gains of the revolution while our country regulated in order to prevent corruption and undergoes major economic changes. illegality. The government should seek to tax • Cuba should allow Cubans living abroad this sector effectively in order to provide funds to invest in the economy. This will strengthen for other important government programs. links with our relatives overseas. • Cuba should release all political prisoners in order to build better relationships with important trading partners, such as the EU, that are concerned about human rights.

Arguments for Arguments against

1. Providing economic opportunity 1. Capitalist economic reforms will reduce public frustration and will will increase inequality and limit discontent, protest, and migration. poverty in Cuban society. 2. Economic reform enacted by a 2. Allowing foreigners to own strong government will improve the businesses in Cuba but not allowing standard of living without threatening Cubans to do the same is unfair and will the gains of the revolution like health foster discontent among the population. care, education, and economic equity. 3. Releasing political prisoners will 3. Building closer relationships show the international community that with powerful countries in Western it can influence Cuba’s domestic affairs. Europe will deter any U.S. attempts This threatens our sovereignty. to destabilize or invade Cuba. 4. Cuba’s undemocratic government and its violations of human rights will continue to be sore points among many of our trading partners and will create further discontent among the population. 5. Taking this capitalist route violates our history and disgraces the revolution. 6. We’ve tried economic reforms in the past and they have never solved our country’s major economic problems.

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Option 3: Embrace Political Freedom

hroughout Cuba’s history, the Cuban people have fought ceaselessly for freedom. Yet each Ttime we are on the verge of achieving it, a new repressive government comes to power and prevents ordinary Cubans from determining the fate of the country. Our government speaks of sovereignty, but sovereignty does not just mean freedom from foreign influence. It means the right of the people to participate in their nation and society, and the policy decisions of the government.

For too long have we suffered under a regime that silences and imprisons us. We must build a new Cuba that is based upon respect for human rights and on the right of people to dissent. We must build a political system that will allow the expression of the diversity that exists within Cuba. Political freedom is also necessary if we want to become full members of the international system. With an open political system, we can cultivate better relationships with European countries, nations that have long advocated for our freedoms and human rights. It might even be possible to improve relations with the United States. With political freedom should also come more economic freedom. We Cubans suffer while our government flip-flops from one economic policy to the next. We should have the freedom to determine our own economic destinies. We should be free to own property and start our own businesses.

The revolution brought us many things, but it did not make Cuba for Cubans. We have never truly had a say in our destiny nor the ability to transform our own realities. Instead, we just follow the policies that others dictate to us. We must continue to fight for the freedoms promised by José Martí more than a century ago. Our struggle for independence is not over.

Lessons from History

Our political repression began with the poor for the last five decades, unable to afford Spanish in the sixteenth century, and contin- basic goods and sometimes even unable to ued in the twentieth century with America’s afford food. Thousands upon thousands have puppet governments and then with Castro and been imprisoned by our repressive govern- the communist party. We have yet to achieve ment. We have been silenced for too long. If such basic rights as freedom of expression, as- our history has taught us anything, we know sembly, and movement. We Cubans know that that the struggle is not over. socialism has not worked. We have remained

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What policies should we pursue?

• The country should hold elections in • The state and foreign companies should which there are multiple candidates from dif- not have a monopoly on business in Cuba. Cu- ferent political platforms for each position. ban people should have the right to start their • Cuba’s government should ensure own businesses and contribute their skills political rights of all of its citizens, including and education to the economic growth of the freedom of association, freedom of speech, country. This will earn the government money freedom of the press, and freedom of religion. in taxes that then can be put toward things like health and education. • Cuba should strive to build stronger economic relationships with countries around • Cuban people should be allowed to own the world. This means opening ourselves up property. to foreign investment and tourism in order to • Cuba should strive to reunify Cuban promote economic growth. families by reconciling Cubans on the island • Cuba should take steps to improve rela- with Cuban emigrants in the United States and tions with the United States in order to end elsewhere. This includes allowing Cuban ex- the embargo. This will include asking our iles and émigrés to return to live on the island. allies to continue to pressure the U.S. government. It will also depend on the willingness of the U.S. government to repair relations with us.

Arguments for Arguments against

1. Multiparty elections will allow 1. Capitalism and globalization the expression of alternative viewpoints have increased poverty and misery and will lead to better representation in countries around the world; they of the people in Cuba’s government. will do the same in Cuba. 2. Pursuing political reforms will 2. Economic reforms will create massive remove international hostility and inequality in Cuban society. Without opposition to Cuba’s government. It will government control of the economy also allow Cuba to pursue trade relations there is no way to protect the poor. with powerful countries, possibly 3. Significant political reform coupled with including the United States, which economic reform will lead to instability in will be a boon to Cuba’s economy. Cuban society, as it did in Russia. It will also 3. Cubans are hard workers. Allowing make Cuba vulnerable to foreign intervention. the people to own their own property 4. Opening our political system will and businesses will create incentives allow the United States to manipulate and strengthen the economy. our media and intervene in our domestic affairs. This threatens our sovereignty. 5. Allowing Cuban émigrés to return to Cuba will displace those who stayed behind and were loyal to the revolution. 6. These reforms will end a revolution that has brought our people so much over the last fifty years. We shouldn’t be so quick to discard it.

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Supplementary Resources

Books World Wide Web Bethel, Leslie (ed.). Cuba: A Short History http://www.granma.cu/ingles/index.html (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, English version of Granma, the official 1993). 172 pages. newspaper of the Cuban Communist Government. Blight, James G. and Brenner, Philip. Sad and Luminous Days: Cuba’s Struggle http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/country_ with Superpowers after the Missile Crisis profiles/1203299.stm (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield BBC country profile for Cuba. Includes Publishers, Inc., 2002). 324 pages. timelines, video clips, and links to articles.

Brenner, Philip, Marguerite Rose Jiménez, John http://www.desdecuba.com/generationy/ M. Kirk, and William M. LeoGrande (eds.). The blog of a Cuban woman in Havana, A Contemporary Cuba Reader: Reinventing available in English, Spanish, and German. the Revolution (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2008). 413 http://www.pbs.org/wnet/wideangle/shows/ pages. cuba/index.html Website for the PBS Wide Angle Chávez, Lydia (ed.). Capitalism, God, and a documentary "Victory is Your Duty" about Good Cigar: Cuba Enters the Twenty-First Cuban boys training to be boxers. The film Century (Durham, NC: Duke University gives a good portrait of life in Cuba today. Press, 2005). 253 pages. Website includes the entire film (about 45 minutes) as well as interviews, timelines, photos of political posters, and links to Gleijeses, Piero. Conflicting Missions: Havana, other resources. Washington, and Africa, 1959-1976 (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2002). 552 pages. http://memoria.fiu.edu/memoria/voices.htm Website of the Cuban National Reconciliation Task Force on Memory, Sweig, Julia E. Inside the Cuban Revolution: Truth, and Justice, made up of scholars Fidel Castro and the Urban Underground and activists from both Cuba and the (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Cuban émigré community and held in Press, 2002). 254 pages. Miami and Mexico from 2001 to 2003. The site includes numerous primary sources from activists on the island as well as the task force report and links to a variety of other Cuba-related websites.

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ ■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Our units are always up to date. Are yours? Our world is constantly changing. So CHOICES continually reviews and updates our classroom units to keep pace with the changes in our world; and as new challenges and questions arise, we’re developing new units to address them. And while history may never change, our knowledge and understanding of it are constantly changing. So even our units addressing “moments” in history undergo a continual process of revision and reinterpretation. If you’ve been using the same CHOICES units for two or more years, now is the time to visit our website - learn whether your units have been updated and see what new units have been added to our catalog.

CHOICES currently has units addressing the following: U.S. Role in a Changing World ■ Immigration ■ Terrorism Genocide ■ Foreign Aid ■ Trade ■ Environment Cuba ■ Nuclear Weapons ■ UN Reform Middle East ■ Iraq ■ Russia ■ South Africa India & Pakistan ■ Brazil ■ Iran ■ Mexico Colonialism in Africa ■ Weimar Germany ■ China U.S. Constitutional Convention ■ New England Slavery War of 1812 ■ Spanish American War League of Nations ■ FDR and Isolationism Hiroshima ■ Origins of the Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis ■ Vietnam War And watch for new units coming soon: Westward Expansion ■ Human Rights

Teacher sets (consisting of a student text and a teacher resource book) are available for $20 each. Permission is granted to duplicate and distribute the student text and handouts for classroom use with appropriate credit given. Duplicates may not be resold. Classroom sets (15 or more student texts) may be ordered at $9.75 per copy. A teacher resource book is included free with each classroom set. Orders should be addressed to: Choices Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies Box 1948, Brown University, Providence, RI 02912 Please visit our website at . Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future explores Cuba’s history from the country’s pre-colonial past to its most recent economic, social, and political changes. Students recreate the discussions Cubans on the island are having about their future. Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future is part of a continuing series on current and historical international issues published by the Choices for the 21st Century Educa- tion Program at Brown University. Choices materials place special emphasis on the importance of educating students in their participatory role as citizens. Teacher Resource Book

Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future Tea C her

esource Book R esource Teacher R esource Book esource Book R esource esource Book Teacher R esource Book Teacher

Teacher Resource Book Acknowledgments

Outreach Coordinator Adrián López Denis Jillian McGuire Postdoctoral Fellow in International Humanities The Cogut Center for the Humanities, Brown University

The Choices Approach to Current Issues ii Note To Teachers 1 Integrating This Unit into your Curriculum 2 Reading Strategies and Suggestions 3 Day One: José Martí and His Legacy 4 Day One Alternative: The Dance of the Millions 15 Day Two: Operation Carlota 18 Optional Lesson: The Special Period 30 Day Three: Role-Playing the Three Options: Organization and Preparation 36 Day Four: Role-Playing the Three Options: Debate and Discussion 45 Day Five: Cuban Government 49 Day Five Alternative: Cuban-American Experiences 56 Assessment Using Documents 68 Key Terms 73 Issues Toolbox 74 Making Choices Work in Your Classroom 75 Assessment Guide for Oral Presentations 77 Alternative Three Day Lesson Plan 78

w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ TRB Contesting Cuba’s ii Past and Future The Choices Approach to Current Issues Choices curricula are designed to make complex international issues understandable and meaningful for students. Using a student-centered approach, Choices units develop critical thinking and an understanding of the significance of history in our lives today—essential ingredients of responsible citizenship. Teachers say the collaboration and interaction in Choices units are highly motivating for students. Studies consistently demonstrate that students of all abilities learn best when they are actively engaged with the material. Cooperative learning invites students to take pride in their own contributions and in the group product, enhancing students’ confidence as learners. Research demonstrates that students using the Choices approach learn the factual information presented as well as or better than those using a lecture-discussion format. Choices units offer students with diverse abilities and learning styles the opportunity to contribute, collaborate, and achieve. Choices units on current issues include student readings, a framework of policy options, suggested lesson plans, and resources for structuring cooperative learning, role plays, and simulations. Students are challenged to: •recognize relationships between history and current issues •analyze and evaluate multiple perspectives on an issue •understand the internal logic of a viewpoint •identify and weigh the conflicting values represented by different points of view •engage in informed discussion •develop and articulate original viewpoints on an issue •communicate in written and oral presentations •collaborate with peers Choices curricula offer teachers a flexible resource for covering course material while actively engaging students and developing skills in critical thinking, deliberative discourse, persuasive writing, and informed civic participation. The instructional activities that are central to Choices units can be valuable components in any teacher’s repertoire of effective teaching strategies. The Organization of a Choices Unit Introducing the Background: Each Choices •Deliberation: After the options have been curriculum resource provides historical back- presented and students clearly understand ground and student-centered lesson plans that the differences among them, students enter explore critical issues. This historical founda- into deliberative dialogue in which they tion prepares students to analyze a range of analyze together the merits and trade-offs of perspectives and then to deliberate about pos- the alternatives presented; explore shared sible approaches to contentious policy issues. concerns as well as conflicting values, inter- Exploring Policy Alternatives: Each Choices ests, and priorities; and begin to articulate unit has a framework of three or four diver- their own views. gent policy options that challenges students For further information see . understand and analyze the options through a Exercising Citizenship: Armed with fresh in- role play and the dialogue that follows. sights from the role play and the deliberation, •Role Play: The setting of the role play var- students articulate original, coherent policy ies, and may be a Congressional hearing, a options that reflect their own values and goals. meeting of the National Security Council, Students’ views can be expressed in letters to or an election campaign forum. In groups, Congress or the White House, editorials for the students explore their assigned options and school or community newspaper, persuasive plan short presentations. Each group, in turn, speeches, or visual presentations. is challenged with questions from classmates.

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Fidel Castro’s decision to step down as the •Alternative Study Guides: Each section leader of Cuba after nearly fifty years didn’t of reading has two distinct study guides. The come exactly as a surprise. Cuba, often at cen- standard study guide helps students harvest ter stage in international affairs, found world the information in the readings in prepara- attention focused on it again. What will Cuba’s tion for tackling analysis and synthesis during future be without Fidel? classroom activities. The advanced study The debate highlights the diverging views guide requires the student to tackle analysis that outsiders have of Cuba and its history, and synthesis prior to class activities. particularly since Castro came to power. Often •Vocabulary and Concepts: The reading in overlooked in the debate, Cubans also have Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future addresses very different opinions about their country subjects that are complex and challenging. and its history, and this affects how they think To help your students get the most out of the about the future. Contesting Cuba’s Past and text, you may want to review with them the Future helps students step into the shoes of “Key Terms” found in the Teacher Resource ordinary Cubans and consider Cuba’s future in Book (TRB) on page TRB-73 before they begin the post-Castro era. The readings trace Cuba’s their assignment. An “Issues Toolbox” is also history from the country’s pre-colonial past to included on page TRB-74. This provides ad- its most recent economic, social, and politi- ditional information on key concepts. cal changes. A central activity helps students •Assessment: A documents-based exercise recreate the discussions Cubans on the island (TRB 68-72) is provided to help teachers assess are having about their future. students’ comprehension, analysis, evalua- Suggested Five-Day Lesson Plan: The tion, and synthesis of relevant sources. The Teacher Resource Book accompanying Con- exercise is modeled closely on those used by testing Cuba’s Past and Future contains a the International Baccalaureate Program. The day-by-day lesson plan and student activities. assessment could also be used as a lesson. The lesson plan opens with an investigation •Primary Source Documents: Materials into the history and legacy of Cuban hero are included as parts of lessons throughout the José Martí. Teachers can also choose to take a Teacher Resource Book. look at economic statistics and the “dance of the millions” in 1920. On Day Two students •Additional Resources: Further resources look at Cuba’s role in Angola and how Cuba’s can be found at . An optional lesson introduces students to The lesson plans offered in Contesting Cu- literature, music, and other artistic expression ba’s Past and Future are provided as a guide. as a way of understanding the special period. Many teachers choose to adapt or devote ad- The third and fourth days of the lesson plan ditional time to certain activities. We hope that involve students in a simulation in which they these suggestions help you in tailoring the unit act as advocates for the three options or take to fit the needs of your classroom. on the role of Cuban citizens. On the fifth day students consider, using evidence, whether Cuba is a democracy. An alternative lesson examines Cuban-American memoirs. You may also find the “Alternative Three-Day Lesson Plan” useful.

w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ TRB Contesting Cuba’s 2 Past and Future Integrating This Unit into your Curriculum

Units produced by the Choices Education Current Issues: Even at the moment of his Program are designed to be integrated into a departure, Castro told Cubans he would con- variety of social studies courses. Below are a tinue to be “a soldier in the battle of ideas.” few ideas about where Contesting Cuba’s Past Leaders in Latin America express admiration and Future might fit into your curriculum. for the achievements of the Cuban revolution. Teachers should note that the Spanish- Nevertheless, life for most people in Cuba is American War and the Cuban missile crisis not easy. Cuba’s change of leadership, its his- each have a Choices curriculum devoted to torical relationship with the United States, and them. These two topics are covered more the large number of Cubans living abroad sug- briefly inContesting Cuba’s Past and Future. gest that more change is inevitable. Will Cuba change rapidly like the former Soviet Union did, will it evolve more slowly like China, or World History: When the battle lines of will it take a different path altogether? the Cold War extended beyond Europe in the 1950s, the Caribbean and Central America increasingly became a region of superpower Political Science/Government: Why do confrontation. Cuba, in particular, emerged transitions of government vary from case as an international flashpoint and an object to case? Students can consider how Cuba’s of almost obsessive concern for many U.S. historical tradition of change and governance policymakers. might affect it in the coming years. Curriculum about Cuba helps students Additionally, students will examine the gain a broader understanding of the country role leadership styles play in national stew- that has often occupied the attention of the ardship. Cuba’s leaders have had a profound world since 1959. Besides offering an over- effect on their country. Why are some execu- view of Cuban history, the unit focuses on the tives more successful than others? What is legacies of Cuba’s relationships with Spain, the relationship between leadership and the the United States, and the Soviet Union. Al- citizenry? though most recognize Cuba’s role in the Cold War, recent research suggests that Cuba often Economics: Cuba’s shift from a capitalist to marched to its own drum, and not that of the socialist economy illustrates the challenges of Soviet Union. Today, nearly twenty years after a command economy, and introduces students the end of the Cold War, Cuba clings to its to the consequences of economic decision- revolutionary ideals and remains in confronta- making. Students also consider how economic tion with the United States. policy affects everyday life and how Cuba’s heavy reliance on sugar affected the country’s development.

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s TRB Past and Future 3 Reading Strategies and Suggestions

This unit covers a range of issues over a 4. Since studies show that most students long period of time. Your students may find are visual learners, use a visual introduction, the readings complex. It might also be difficult such as photographs, an internet site, or a for them to synthesize such a large amount of short film to orient your students. information. The following are suggestions to 5. Be sure that students understand the help your students better understand the read- purpose for their reading the text. Will you ings. have a debate later, and they need to know the information to formulate arguments? Will stu- Pre-reading strategies: Help students to dents communicate with students in Cuba or prepare for the reading. other states about these topics over the internet? Will they create a class podcast or blog? 1. You might create a Know/Want to Know/Learned (K-W-L) worksheet for students to record what they already know about Cuba Split up readings into smaller chunks: and what they want to know. As they read Assign students readings over a longer period they can fill out the “learned” section of the of time or divide readings among groups of worksheet. Alternatively, brainstorm their cur- students. rent knowledge and then create visual maps in which students link the concepts and ideas Graphic organizers: You may also wish to they have about the topic. use graphic organizers to help your students 2. Use the questions in the text to intro- better understand the information that they are duce students to the topic. Ask them to scan given. We have included three organizers for the reading for major headings, images, and this unit, located on TRB-8, TRB-22, and TRB- questions so they can gain familiarity with the 39. Students can complete the organizers in structure and organization of the text. class in groups or as part of their homework, 3. Preview the vocabulary and key con- or you can use them as reading checks or quiz- cepts listed in the back of the TRB with zes. students.

w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ TRB Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future 4 Day One José Martí and His Legacy

Objectives: sider what makes someone a national hero. Students will: Explore the history and Write student ideas on the board. Have stu- legacy of José Martí. dents give a few examples of national heroes and the qualities or actions that made them Consider contested interpretations of his- heroes. tory. 2. Forming Small Groups—Divide the Analyze the writings of Martí. class into groups of 3-4. Distribute handouts Identify geographical landmarks related to to each group. Each group should read and the reading and Martí’s life. follow the instructions. (Note: Teachers could also choose to give each group only one of the Required Reading: handouts and have groups report back to the Before beginning the lesson, students class in jigsaw fashion.) should have read the Introduction and Part I 3. Sharing Conclusions—After about thirty of the student text (pages 1-10) and completed minutes, call on students to share their find- “Study Guide—Part I” (TRB 5-6) or “Advanced ings. Why do students think Martí is a Cuban Study Guide—Part I” (TRB-7). national hero? What reasons can they give for different political groups arguing about Martí’s Note: legacy? Colored pencils might be helpful for each 4. Making Connections—Ask students to group as students fill in their maps. Have stu- consider the significance of the white rose in dents read all the directions carefully before Martí’s poem. Can they think of political sym- beginning the exercise. bols of significance from their own or another country? Can they think of another historical figure whose legacy is contested? Ask students Handouts: why they think people argue about the mean- “The Life and Travels of José Martí” ing of the past. What reasons might there be to (TRB-9) for each group (A Powerpoint file of argue about Cuba’s past? this map is available for download at .) Ask students to consider this quotation: “Timeline of José Martí’s Life” (TRB-10) “Who controls the past controls the future. for each group Who controls the present controls the past.” —George Orwell, 1984 “I Cultivate a White Rose” (TRB-11) for each student Ask students to explain the quotation in their own words. Who might want to control “Two Political Writings of Martí” (TRB-12) the past or future? Do students agree or dis- for each student agree with Orwell? “Remembering José Martí” (TRB 13-14) for each student Homework: Students should read Part II (pages 11- In the Classroom: 24) of the student text and complete “Study 1. Focus Question—Write the question Guide—Part II” (TRB 19-20) or “Advanced “Why is José Martí a national hero to many Study Guide—Part II” (TRB-21). Cubans?” on the board. Ask students to con-

1. What happened to the indigenous population when the Spanish arrived in Cuba?

2. List three ways the sugar industry affected Cuba by the middle of the nineteenth century. a.

3. Why were many Americans interested in acquiring Cuba in the 1820s? Give two reasons.

a. b.

4. Fill in the chart below about the independence movements in Cuba.

Revolts and Rebellions, Ten Years War, War for Independence, 1800-1868 1868-1878 1895-1898

What were the goals?

What were the results?

5. How did the Spanish respond to the rebellions in the 1895 war for independence?

w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ TRB Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future Name:______6 Day One

6. List four reasons historians give for U.S. involvement in Cuba’s war for independence. a.

7. Complete the following sentence in your own words:

The Platt Amendment gave the U.S. government...

8. What was the PIC?

9. Cuba’s share of worldwide sugar production in 1925 was 23 percent. Why was this a problem for Cuba?

10. Many of Cuba’s governments in the early twentieth century suffered from a similar problem. What was it, and how did Cubans eventually respond in the 1930s?

Problem:

Cuban response:

1. What motivated Spain to colonize Cuba?

2. In what ways did U.S. citizens and companies gain land and interests in Cuba? List the events that made that possible and how property was gained as a result of the event.

3. On the whole, do you think the sugar industry helped or hindered Cuba in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries? Explain with evidence.

4. Why is José Martí important to Cubans?

5. What were the different ethnic groups living in Cuba by the nineteenth century?

Instructions: In the boxes below, summarize the major ideas for each period Struggle for Independence (the first one is done for you as an ex- major topics: ample). Next, answer the questions about 1. 3. sugar, race relations, and connections to the United States during the period. 2. 4. Finally, consider the extra challenge question at the bottom. What happened with the sugar industry during this period?

Spanish Rule major topics: What happened with race relations during this 1. Cuba useful as safe port for Spanish period? Empire, but little gold. 2.

3. How was the United States connected to Cuban events in this period? 4.

What happened with the sugar industry during this period?

Cuban Republic major topics: 1. 3. What happened with race relations during this period? 2. 4.

What happened with the sugar industry during this period?

How was the United States connected to Cuban events in this period? What happened with race relations during this period?

How was the United States connected to Cuban events in this period?

Extra challenge: How might Cubans’ differing understandings of this history affect their views of the present, and of a future without Fidel?

Instructions: On the map below record major events and travels in the life of José Martí. Refer to the timeline for information. Circle the countries where Martí lived, and note what he did and the dates he was there. Draw lines to indicate his travels. Mark them with dates as well. You may want to use different colored pencils. Abuja NIGERIA Algiers Porto Novo Paris Niamey BELGIUM NETHERLANDS Lome BENIN FRANCE TOGO ALGERIA NORWAY Accra GHANA U. K. MALI Madrid BURKINA London Gibraltar SPAIN Rabat Abidjan SAO TOME & PRINCIPE IVORY COAST Bamako MOROCCO Dublin LIBERIA Lisbon GUINEA MAURITANIA Nouakchott IRELAND Monrovia PORTUGAL Dakar Conakry Freetown SENEGAL SAHARA SIERRA LEONE WESTERN Canary Islands THE GAMBIA GUINEA BISSAU Praia CAPE VERDE OCEAN FRENCH GUIANA ATLANTIC SURINAME GUYANA BRAZIL Paramaribo PUERTO RICO PUERTO Georgetown Caracas VENEZUELA Santo DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Domingo Bogota Prince Port-au- THE BAHAMAS HAITI COLOMBIA PERU Quito New York Kingston Ottawa CUBA Panama City NICARAGUA HONDURAS JAMAICA PANAMA Managua ECUADOR Havana Tegucigalpa Washington D. C. Washington BELIZE San Jose San Salvador COSTA RICA COSTA CANADA Belmopan EL SALVADOR Guatemala City GUATEMALA Mexico City MEXICO UNITED STATES OF AMERICA UNITED STATES

Timeline of José Martí’s Life

1853 José Martí born in Havana. His father is a sergeant in the Spanish army. 1857 Martí’s family moves back to Spain. 1859 Martí’s family moves back to Cuba. Martí founds his own newspaper, La Patria Libre. He publishes one issue, 1869 and writes about politics. Spanish colonial authorities arrest him. 1870 He is sentenced to hard labor, but is freed and deported to Spain. 1871 In Spain Martí publishes “Political Prison in Cuba.” 1874 Graduates from a Spanish University. Moves to Mexico to be with his family. 1875 Works as teacher and journalist in Mexico City. Enters Cuba under a false name, but leaves for Guatemala after two months. 1877 Becomes a professor in a university and gets married. 1878 Moves to Havana with his pregnant wife. 1879 Arrested for plotting against Spain and is deported to Spain. Moves to New York City. He becomes president of the Cuban Revolutionary 1880 Committee of New York. Martí goes to Venezuela but returns to New York after publishing an article 1881 that upsets Venezuelan political authorities. While in New York, he publishes his first poems and writes for newspapers in Mexico, Uruguay, and Argentina. He also writes for English and Span- 1882 ish magazines and newspapers in New York. Works for the Uruguayan government in New York. Establishes reputation as speaker and organizer of Cubans living in the United States. 1885 Martí publishes his only novel. Establishes a school for black Cubans and Puerto Ricans living in New York. 1889 Becomes a diplomatic representative for Argentina and Paraguay in New York. Publishes “Simple Verses,” a second collection of poems. Resigns from his 1891 diplomatic and newspaper positions so that he can concentrate on working for Cuban independence. At a meeting in Florida he helps form and is elected leader of the Cuban 1892 Revolutionary Party. Travels to Haiti, Dominican Republic, Jamaica and around the United States raising support for Cuban independence. 1893-1894 Continues his travels in the region in support of Cuban independence efforts. Martí helps write “The Montecristi Manifesto” which lays out the goals of 1895 Cuban rebel forces. He returns to Cuba and is killed fighting Spanish troops on May 18.

Instructions: José Martí is well-known for his poetry. Some say that he wrote the poem below for a friend who had turned him in to the secret police. Read the poem silently to yourself. Mark words or phrases that you think are important or have questions about. Then read the poem aloud with your group. Martí wrote this poem in Spanish. If anyone in your group can read Spanish, he or she can read it aloud to your group as well. Answer the questions below and be prepared to report back to the class. I Cultivate a White Rose Cultivo Una Rosa Blanca I cultivate a white rose Cultivo una rosa blanca In July as in January En julio como en enero, For the sincere friend Para el amigo sincero Who gives me his hand frankly. Que me da su mano franca.

And for the cruel person Y para el cruel que me arranca who tears out the heart with which I live, El corazón con que vivo, I cultivate neither nettles nor thorns, Cardo ni ortiga cultivo, I cultivate a white rose. Cultivo una rosa blanca.

1. What is the narrator of this poem doing?

2. Why might Martí have chosen the word “cultivate” instead of the word “grow”?

3. What does the second stanza of the poem tell us about the narrator of the poem?

4. A symbol is something that represents something else, often a larger idea or concept. For example, the cross is a symbol of Christianity; a flag is a symbol of a country. What symbol does Martí use in this poem? What might it represent? Could it represent more than one thing?

Extra Challenge: Besides being in a different language, how does the Spanish version of the poem sound (and look) different from the English version?

Instructions: José Martí is also well-known for his political writings. Fidel Castro has cited Martí more than any other Cuban in his speeches. At the same time, those opposed to Castro frequently cite Martí’s writings and ideas and claim Martí wouldn’t have supported Castro’s government. Read the selections below silently to yourself. Mark words or phrases that you think are important or have questions about. Work with your group to answer the questions below each selection. Be prepared to report your answers back to your class.

1. Letter to Manuel Mercado, May 18, 1895, the day before Martí was killed ...I am in daily danger of giving my life for my country and duty, for I understand that duty and have the courage to carry it out—the duty of preventing the United States from spreading through the Antilles [Caribbean islands including Cuba], and from overpowering with additional strength our American lands [Martí means all of the countries of the Americas]. All I have done thus far, and all I will do, is for this purpose.... I have lived inside the monster and know its guts; and my sling is the sling of David. 1. What does Martí see as his duty?

2. What do you think the monster is that Martí says he has lived inside?

2. The Third Year of the Cuban Revolutionary Party: The Spirit of the Revolution and Cuba’s Duty to America, April 17, 1894 …The responsibility of our goals will give the Cuban people the stability to achieve freedom without hate and to direct their enthusiasms with moderation. A mistake in Cuba is a mistake in America [meaning all of the countries of the Americas], a mistake in present day humanity. Whoever rebels with Cuba today, rebels for all time. Since Cuba is our sacred homeland, it requires special thought; serving it in so glorious and difficult a time, fills a man with dignity and nobility. This wor- thy obligation fortifies us with strength of heart, guides us like a perennial star, and will shine from our graves like a light of eternal warning. …the Cuban Revolutionary Party is entering its third year of life, firm and compassionate, convinced that the independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico is not only the means of assuring both islands of the decent well-being that free men ought to have in their legitimate work, but also that this is the one historic event essential to save the threatened independence of a free Antilles, a free America, and the dignity of the North American republic. Weaklings, show respect. Great men, march on! This is a task for the great. 1. What goal does Martí express in this selection?

2. What words does Martí use to describe Cuba and serving Cuba?

Extra challenge: Which of these writings would you guess that Fidel Castro quoted in one of his speeches? Explain.

Instructions: Following Castro’s assumption of power in Cuba, José Martí became a hotly contested historical figure. Below are three selections fromThe New York Times that describe how this contest played out over a statue in Central Park in New York City. Read the selections below silently to yourself. Mark words or phrases that you think are important or have questions about. Work with your group to answer the questions below each selection. Be prepared to report your answers back to your class.

1. The New York Times, July 29, 1956 New Statue for City: Monument of Cuban Patriot to Go Up in Central Park The Parks Department has accepted an offer of the Cuban government to erect an equestrian statue of José Martí, Cuban patriot, author, and poet. It will be erected in the plaza in Central Park, at the head of the Avenue of the Americas and Central Park South. The bronze monument will face south and will be between the statues of Bolivar, the Venezuelan liberator, and San Martín, the hero of Argentina. It will be a gift to the Cuban Government from Anna Hyatt Huntington, sculptor, who has estimated her work will take more than two years to complete. 1. How is Martí described in this passage?

2. How long does the sculptor think it will take to finish her work?

2. The New York Times, January 29, 1960 Ceremony Here for Cuban Hero Erupts into Riot Over Castro A riot raged for thirty-five minutes on Central Park South at the Avenue of the Americas yesterday afternoon as pro-Castro and anti-Castro Cubans disputed the right to honor the birthday of José Martí, Cuba’s national liberator. Three persons were injured and twelve arrested, six from each side, before police riot squads could disperse the demonstrators. To save forty anti-Castro Cubans, some of them women and children, from the fury of the mob, the police commandeered a bus, evicted four passengers and transported the beleaguered group to Ninetieth Street and Fifth Avenue. Mostly the rioting consisted of fist fights and free-for-alls, with the participants screaming angry imprecations in Spanish. The Castro supporters yelled “assassins, murderers,” and the anti-Castro group replied “Communists” and “godless blackguards.” In one case, a group grabbed a man, beat him and attempted to throw him under the wheels of an automobile going west on Central Park South. …A month ago, the Twenty-sixth of July Movement, a pro-Castro group with headquarters at the Belvedere Hotel, applied for a permit to hold a birthday meeting at the statue. The request was denied on the ground that only the pedestal has been erected; the statue has yet to be put up or dedicated. Then the pro-Castro group read that a permit had been granted to an anti-Castro group, the White Rose Organization, to place a wreath at 3 P.M. The white rose was a symbol used by Martí. 1. What is cause of the dispute in New York?

2. What words would you use to describe the demonstration?

3. The New York Times, May 19, 1965 Martí Statue Unveiled After 7-Year Wait The José Martí statue that has been at the center of pro-Castro controversy was quietly unveiled at a simple ceremony yesterday morning. ...The 18-foot-tall bronze equestrian statue atop a 19-foot marble pedestal is just inside Central Park at Avenue of the Americas and Central Park South. It depicts the moment that the

Cuban liberator was hit by a Image courtesy of Wikimedia. Spanish bullet 70 years ago The statue of José Martí in New York City. today. As the dedication ended a broad-shouldered Cuban— tie askew and in need of a shave—quietly placed a single white rose at the base of the pedestal and swiftly left. He wouldn’t give his name. 1. How much longer did it take to put up this statue than expected?

2. Why do you think the Cuban man put a white rose at the foot of the statue? Is he supporting one side of the dispute?

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s TRB Past and Future Day One - Alternative 15 The Dance of the Millions

Objectives: 3. Sharing Conclusions and Discus- Students will: Analyze and graph eco- sion—Ask groups to share their findings and nomic data. compare answers with the other groups. What did the data tell them about Cuba’s economy Weigh the risks and benefits of a mono- in 1920? What reasons can students give for export economy. why Cuba relied so much on sugar? Work collaboratively with classmates. Tell students that 1920 was known as the “dance of the millions” in Cuba because of the Required Reading: unprecedented money that came into the Cu- Before beginning the lesson, students ban economy in the first half of the year. When should have read the Introduction and Part I sugar prices fell, fortunes were lost as fast as of the student text (pages 1-10) and completed they had been made. Many Cuban mill own- “Study Guide—Part I” (TRB 5-6) or “Advanced ers, unable to repay loans, were bought out by Study Guide—Part I” (TRB-7). U.S.-based individuals or businesses. Compare Cuba’s experience to another Handouts: country or city’s economic reliance on a single “Cuban Sugar in 1920” (TRB 16-17) for crop or export item. You might consider Saudi each group Arabia and oil, Ireland and potatoes, fish- Students may find colored pencils for ing in the U.S. northwest, textiles in the U.S. graphing and copies of the previous night’s south, or the auto industry in Michigan. How reading helpful. did the economic situation affect the political situation in these areas? What are the risks of relying heavily on a single good? Can there be In the Classroom: benefits? 1. Focus Question—Put the following Ask students if governments should try to question on the board. “Why do prices rise guard against uncertain economic markets and and fall?” Have the class brainstorm; record rapidly rising or falling prices. What kinds of their ideas. things can governments do? Are there policies 2. Working in Groups—Divide the class that should be avoided? Why? Do students into groups of 3-4 students and distribute the believe that small countries can avoid the risks handouts to each group. Groups should work that come with economic volatility or chang- through and discuss the questions pertaining ing demand? to each set of data. Have one member of each group record their group’s responses on the worksheet. Homework: Students should read Part II (pages 11- Emphasize to students that the graphs they 24) of the student text and complete “Study are making need not be overly precise. Rather Guide—Part II” (TRB 19-20) or “Advanced they should roughly indicate trends. Empha- Study Guide—Part II” (TRB-21). size the importance of labeling the graphs clearly.

Instructions: With your group, review each chart and answer the questions that accompany it. Be prepared to share your findings with the rest of the class.

Chart 1 Price of Percent Percent Month Sugar, in U.S. Change from Change in Cents per Previous Price for Chart 1 shows the Pound Month* Year** prices paid for Cuban January 12 - - sugar during the months February 9 -25% -25% of 1920. Sugar made up between 70 and 90 per- March 10 -16% -21% cent of Cuba’s exports April 1 13 30% 8% in the early twentieth April 15 18 38% 50% century. Sugar has May 22.5 21% 88% played a dominant role June 17.5 -22% 45% in Cuba’s economy for July 12.5 -29% 4% much of its history. August 11 -12% -8% September 8 -27% -33% October 6.75 -16% -43% November 4.75 -30% -60% December 3.75 -21% -68%

Chart 2 Index of Percent Percent Month Commodity Change from Change in Prices Previous Prices for Chart 2 is a weighted Month* Year** index of German com- January 100 - - modity prices in 1920. February 131 31% 31% (An index is a math- March 147 12% 47% ematical tool used by April 146 -0.6% 46% economists to represent many prices with one May 142 -2.7% 42% number.) The index is June 149 4.6% 49% based on sixty-seven July 144 -3.4% 44% goods including food August 146 1.3% 46% products, textiles, and September 144 -1.4% 44% minerals. October 149 3.4% 49% November 152 2.0% 52% December 156 2.6% 56%

*Difference (in percent) between month’s price/index and the previous month’s price/index. **Difference (in percent) between month’s price/index and January’s price/index.

Questions: 1. For each month of 1920, graph the information in column four (Percent Change in Price(s) for Year) of both charts. Focus on general trends, not precisely graphing the numbers. Be sure to label your graph.

Months Percent change in price(s) for year

2. Economic volatility refers to sharp and unpredictable fluctuations in market prices. Which market was more volatile in 1920, Cuban sugar or the group of German commodities? Explain.

3. If you had to earn a living in 1920, would you prefer to be selling the sixty-seven German commodities or Cuban sugar? Explain.

4. Cuba was a mono-export economy based mostly on sugar. What do you think the risks and benefits of such an economy might be?

w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ TRB Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future 18 Day Two Operation Carlota

Objectives: dents that they are going to use primary and Students will: Review the role of sources secondary sources to try to answer the focus in examining historical questions. question. Interpret a political cartoon and under- Remind students that historians question stand its historical context. the reliability of sources when doing research. Here are a few questions that historians and Explore the ideology and motivations for students should ask: Cuban foreign policy in the 1960s and 1970s. 1. Does the source contain facts or opin- Assess the different political interpreta- ions? tions of the Cuban role in Angola. 2. Is the source biased? (Many, if not most, Analyze primary source documents and sources have a bias, but can still be useful in weigh evidence. understanding events.) 3. Who has written or created the source? Note: Cuban foreign policy is a contested sub- 4. Is the source reliable? ject. Historians have only begun to explore Challenge students to keep these questions Cuba’s role in Angola. The issue remains con- in mind as they examine the sources on the troversial and many questions are unresolved following pages. due to a scarcity of reliable sources. 3. Examining Operation Carlota: Divide the class into groups of 3-4. Give each group Required Reading: the handouts and ask them to complete the Before beginning the lesson, students worksheet. should have read Part II of the student text 4. Identifying Perspectives: After the (pages 11-24) and completed “Study Guide— groups have finished, call on students to iden- Part II” (TRB 19-20) or “Advanced Study tify the political perspective of the cartoon by Guide—Part II” (TRB-21). Wright. Which documents support Wright’s perspective? Which do not? Ask students to Handouts: summarize, in a short phrase, the different “Overview: Operation Carlota” (TRB-23) Angolan, Cuban, South African, and U.S. motivations in this conflict. “Cartoon Analysis: Identifying a Point of View” (TRB-24) Ask students to identify sources that contradict each other. Which contradictions do “Using Sources to Answer Questions about they find interesting or important? Tell them History” (TRB 25-28) that contradictory sources indicate to histori- “Perspectives of Cuban Involvement in ans that they need to cross-check information Angola” (TRB-29) with other sources, look for additional evidence, and consider the origin and author of In the Classroom: the source for bias. 1. Focus Question: Write the question “Were Cuban military forces sent to Angola at Homework: the request of the Soviet Union?” on the board. Students should read Part III (pages 25- 2. Using Sources: Review with students 36) of the student text and complete “Study the role of primary and secondary sources in Guide—Part III” (TRB-37) or “Advanced Study answering questions about history. Tell stu- Guide—Part III” (TRB-38).

1. In 1940 Batista won elections by a wide margin. Why were Cubans frustrated and disillusioned with him by 1953?

2. a. What was the 26th of July Movement?

b. Who was its leader?

c. How did Batista respond to the M-26-7?

3. List two goals of the Cuban revolution. a.

4. a. What was the Agrarian Reform Act?

b. Why were U.S. business owners opposed to it?

5. In the early 1960s the CIA attempted to overthrow the Castro government. Name the two main attempts. a. b.

6. Why did Cuba develop a strong economic relationship with the Soviet Union?

7. In the chart below list the main policy changes the revolutionary government implemented.

Economic

Social

Foreign Affairs

8. What are CDRs?

9. List three causes of the Mariel boatlift. a.

10. What was the Rectification of Errors campaign?

11. Fill in the chart below, showing positive and negative changes in Cuban society and economy in the 1980s.

positives existing in 1980s negatives existing in 1980s

a. a.

b. b.

c. c.

d. d.

1. What did Castro mean when he called José Martí the “intellectual author” of the 26th of July Move- ment? What does this say about Castro’s understanding of Cuban history?

2. Why was there opposition to the revolution, both in Cuba and abroad?

3. How did the United States attempt to bring down Castro and his government?

4. How did the Soviet Union assist Cuba during the Cold War?

5. Describe the economic and social changes Cuba’s revolutionary government imposed.

6. What does the sentence “Cuba is a little country with a big country’s foreign policy” mean?

Instructions: Use your reading to fill in the boxes. First write the goals of the revolution. Then on the top of each grey box, list the major reforms or changes the revolution brought in each category. On the bottom, indicate the effects of those changes for Cuba.

Summarize the goals of the Cuban revolution:

Economy Social Structures

reforms/changes reforms/changes effects of changes effects of changes

Politics Foreign Policy

reforms/changes reforms/changes effects of changes effects of changes

Introduction: Some have described Cuba as a little country with a big country’s foreign policy. After 1959, Cuba’s foreign policy had two major goals. First, Cuba wanted to ensure that the Cuban revolution and Castro’s leadership would continue. It sought good relations with as many countries as it could around the world in order to obtain international support for Cuba’s revolutionary government. This was a challenge because of continuous U.S. efforts to isolate Cuba both diplomatically and economically. Cuba depended on the Soviet Union for economic and military support, but often dis- agreed with Soviet policies. One reason for the disagreement was that Castro believed that the Soviet Union did not give enough support to revolutionary socialist movements worldwide. A second goal of Cuban foreign policy was to promote socialist revolutions around the world. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, Cuba actively supported revolutionary movements in Latin Ameri- ca and Africa, sending advisors, troops, and supplies. One famous example took place in November 1975. After ruling Angola for nearly four hundred years, Portugal granted Angola independence in 1974 and left the country with no government. Cas- tro decided to send Cuban forces to Angola to help the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), one of the political-military groups vying for control of Angola, repel an invasion led by the South African military. The Cubans called this “Operation Carlota.” Carlota was the name of an enslaved Cuban who had died in a revolt in 1843. In addition to the South Africans, the MPLA was also fighting two guerilla movements supported by the United States, France, and South Africa for control of Angola. The apartheid government of South Africa saw the MPLA—a black nationalist, independence movement—as a threat to white rule in South Africa. The United States hoped to prevent the MPLA, whose leaders had some socialist ideas, from taking power because it believed the MPLA was allied with the Soviet Union (USSR) in its Cold War struggle against the United States. The civil war in Angola took place away from the eyes of most journalists and reporters. In addition, the foreign countries involved in Angola wanted their role there to be kept quiet. Castro had made the decision to send forces to Angola in secret after consulting with only a few of his advisers. The exact nature of U.S. involvement was a secret because of the involvement of the CIA. South Afri- ca denied being in Angola for well over a month after invading. For these reasons, it is a challenge to investigate the history of international intervention in Angola. Even professional historians note the scarcity of primary sources about this period. As you try to discover the history of events in Angola, you will face some of the same challenges as professional historians.

Instructions: International issues are often the subject of political cartoons. Cartoons not only reflect the events of the times, but they often offer an interpretation or express a strong opinion about these events as well. This cartoon by Don Wright appeared in December 1975 in The Miami News. Answer questions about the cartoon below. Tribune Media Services. . Reprinted with permission. Tribune Don Wright.

Questions 1. Who and what is depicted in the cartoon?

2. What is happening in the cartoon?

3. What political point of view about Castro does the cartoonist express?

Instructions: Below is a collection of sources from Angola, Cuba, the Soviet Union, South Africa, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In 1975, many believed that Castro was following orders from the Soviet Union when he sent troops to Angola. Use the sources below to test this idea and discover more about the conflict in Angola. As you read, mark what you believe is the most important line in each excerpt. Try to identify what the source tells us about the conflict in Angola in 1975. Look for sources that agree with each other and ones that disagree with each other. Fill out the chart “Cuba in Angola” with your group members and be prepared to discuss your findings with your classmates.

1. The Second Declaration of Havana, crease Cuba’s stature in the nonaligned world speech by Fidel Castro, and help to force the major socialist powers February 4, 1962 to tolerate a considerable measure of Cuban The duty of every revolutionary is to make independence and criticism. the revolution. It is known that the revolution will triumph in America [meaning all of Latin 4. Meeting between Soviet Foreign America] and throughout the world, but it is Minster Kosygin and Fidel Castro, not for revolutionaries to sit in the doorways June 1967 (recollections of Soviet of their houses waiting for the corpse of impe- interpreter Oleg Darusenkov) rialism to pass by.… The Kosygin visit was bad from the start. For this great humanity has said “enough!” He was badly received. There was no mass ral- and has begun to march. And their great march ly. The Cubans told Kosygin that they believed will not be halted until they conquer true he did not want one. But that was a pretext independence…. Kosygin did not accept. It was common for there to be mass rallies for major state visitors. 2. Fidel Castro, January 15, 1966 Kosygin and Fidel talked for seven hours The imperialists are everywhere in the without a break, though there were others world. And for Cuban revolutionaries the present with Fidel. The conversation was battleground against imperialists encompasses very hard. Fidel was critical of Soviet policies the whole world…. And so our people under- across a large panorama of issues—for ex- stand…that the enemy is one and the same, ample, he accused us of abandoning the Arabs the one who attacks our shores and our terri- in the Middle East War. Kosygin then asked tory, the same one who attacks everyone else. Fidel to stop the support of liberation move- And so we say and proclaim that the revolu- ments in Latin America. The Soviet Union, he tionary movement in every corner of the world said, did not approve of these activities. Then can count on Cuban fighters. Kosygin and Fidel had a tough argument over whether real revolution has to emerge from the lower levels—from the armed struggle. Kosy- 3. “Che Guevara’s African Adventure,” gin expressed the view that revolution cannot U.S. Department of State document, be exported as the Cubans were evidently April 19, 1965 attempting to do. He said these efforts are not Cuba’s African strategy is designed to pro- only doomed to failure, but they inevitably vide new political leverage against the United bring undesirable reactions. States and the socialist bloc…. The Cubans doubtless hope that their African ties will in-

5. Letter to the Cuban government, of a democratic and progressive Angola in the Agostinho Neto, leader of the MPLA future. (Popular Movement for the Liberation Comrades, accept our revolutionary of Angola), January 26, 1975 greetings and convey the good wishes of the Dear Comrades, combatants of the MPLA and of the new An- Given the situation on the ground of our gola to Prime Minister Fidel Castro. movement and our country, and taking into account the results of the exploratory trip of the 6. Agostinho Neto, official Cuban delegation, we are sending you November 12, 1975 a list of the urgent needs of our organization. In the name of the people of Angola, We are confident that you will give it immedi- before Africa and the world, I proclaim the ate consideration. independence of Angola [from Portugal]. The establishment, organization and maintenance of a military school for cadres. We 7. Agostinho Neto, January 9, 1976 urgently need to create a company of security Just because the Soviet Union supplies us personnel, and we need to prepare the mem- with weapons, it doesn’t mean we’ve become a bers of our military staff. satellite. We have never been one. We’ve never We need to rent a ship to transport the asked Moscow for advice on how to set up our war material that we have in Dar es Salaam to state. All the major decisions in our country Angola. The delivery in Angola, if this were are taken by our movement, our government, a Cuban ship, could take place outside of the and our people. territorial waters. Weapons and means of transportation for 8. Rand Daily Mail [A white South the Brigada de Intervençion that we are plan- African newspaper], February 13, ning to organize, as well as light weapons for 1976 some infantry battalions. In Angola, Black troops—Cubans and Transmitters and receivers to solve the Angolans—have defeated White troops in problem of communication among widely military exchanges. Whether the bulk of the dispersed military units. offensive was by Cubans or Angolans is im- material in the color-conscious context of this Uniforms and military equipment for war’s battlefield, for the reality is that they 10,000 men. won, and are winning, and are not White; and Two pilots and one flight mechanic. that psychological edge, that advantage the Assistance in training trade union leaders. White man has enjoyed and exploited over 300 years of colonialism and empire is slipping Cooperation in the organization of schools away. White elitism has suffered an irrevers- for the teaching of Marxism (to solve the prob- ible blow in Angola and Whites who have lems of the party). been there know it. Publications dealing with political and military subjects, especially instruction manu- als. 9. The World [A black South African newspaper], February 24, 1976 Financial assistance in this phase of es- Black Africa is riding the crest of a wave tablishing and organizing ourselves. We also generated by the Cuban success in Angola.... urge that the Communist Party of Cuba use Black Africa is tasting the heady wine of the its influence with other countries that are its possibility of realizing the dream of “total friends and allies, especially from the Socialist liberation.” camp, so that they grant useful and timely aid to our movement, which is the only guarantee

10. Agostinho Neto, February 1976 troops with antitank weapons to help the An- Our independence will not be complete golan patriots resist the invasion of the South until South Africa is liberated.... The struggle African racists…. is not over with the liberation of Angola. 15. “Soviet Military Policy in the Third 11. U.S. President Gerald Ford, World,” U.S. National Intelligence March 11, 1976 Estimate, October 21, 1976 I firmly oppose military adventurism Cuba is not involved in Africa solely or such as the Soviet Union and Castro’s Cuba even primarily because of its relationship with undertook in moving into Angola and the the Soviet Union. Rather, Havana’s African Soviet Union supplying $200 million worth of policy reflects its activist revolutionary ethos military hardware and Castro’s Cuba provid- and its determination to expand its own ing some 12,000 military personnel to support political influence in the Third World at the one of the three factions in Angola that were expense of the West (read U.S.). contesting who or what group ought to be the ruling faction in the country of Angola. 16. Jonas Savimbi, leader of UNITA The United States, at my direction, felt (National Union for the Total that the other two groups more nearly repre- Independence of Angola), sented the majority of the people in Angola. September 25, 1976 We tried to help those other two factions, the Agostinho Neto came to power in Angola FNLA [National Front for the Liberation of through the Soviet tanks and not through peo- Angola] and the UNITA [National Union for ples’ choice. His decisive element of gaining the Total Independence of Angola]. The Soviet power was the regular army from Cuba made Union and Castro were in favor of the MPLA. up of 20,000 men who are still keeping Neto in power against the will of the people, against 12. Fidel Castro, March 15, 1976 the effective and active guerrillas of UNITA, If black Africa forms an all-African army to and even against growing dissatisfaction of settle accounts once and for all with apartheid the MPLA.... In Angola, UNITA is fighting for because of South Africa’s decision to continue African freedom against Soviet imperialism. to occupy one inch of Angola, the responsibility will be South Africa’s.... 17. Fidel Castro, April 3, 1977 We have helped our Angolan brothers, first In Africa…we can inflict a heavy defeat to of all in response to a revolutionary principle, the entire policy of the imperialists…. We can because we are internationalist, and secondly, free Africa from the influence of the U.S. and because our people are both Latin American the Chinese. and Latin African. 18. British Prime Minister Margaret 13. South African Defense Minister Thatcher, June 23, 1978 P.W. Botha, March 25, 1976 What at first sight may appear to be an ...[T]he government has decided that all innocuous minority movement in any country our troops will be out of Angola by Saturday, or continent can suddenly become a focus for 27 March 1976. international passions, propaganda or exploi- tation; as for example with Cuba at the time 14. Fidel Castro, April 19, 1976 when Castro came to power. Or Angola after the Portuguese withdrawal. On November 5, 1975, at the request of the MPLA, the leadership of our party decided to We now know that the Russians and send with all urgency a battalion of regular Cubans achieved a decisive victory for the

Marxist faction there in Angola. Some Western leaders then believed that the Cuban involvement in Africa would stop. But what did we see? We saw the Cuban action repeated in Ethiopia, probably Zaire and they may have designs on Rhodesia and Namibia.

19. U.S. National Security Council memo, September 21, 1979 Let me suggest that we try to use a different term to refer to the Cubans than that of “Soviet puppet.” The word puppet suggests that the Cubans are engaging in revolutionary activities because the Soviets have instructed them to do it. That, of course, is not the case.

20. Nelson Mandela (leader of South Africa’s African National Congress) in Havana, July 1991 We come here with a sense of the great debt that is owed the people of Cuba. What other country can point to a record of greater selflessness than Cuba displayed in its relations with Africa?

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s TRB Name:______Past and Future Day Two 29 Perspectives of Cuban Involvement in Angola Cuban Government United States Government 4. Do these documents support or contradict the perspec- 3. Are there U.S. documents that contradict each other? 2. What do these documents suggest Cuba’s role in Angola 1. List the numbers of documents that give a U.S. per- 3. Do these documents support or contradict the perspec- 2. What do these documents suggest the Cuban govern- 1. a. List the numbers of documents that explain tive of the cartoon by Wright? Explain. is about? (Note: there more than one perspective.) spective on Cuba’s role in Angola. tive of the cartoon by Wright? ment believed its role in Angola was about? Cuban policy in Angola. b. List the numbers of documents that relate to Cuba’s outlook on its general foreign policy. Cuba in Angola 4. Do these documents support or contradict the perspective 3. Are there South African documents that contradict each 2. What do these documents suggest Cuba’s role in Angola is 1. List the numbers of documents that give a South Afri- 4. Do these documents support or contradict the perspective 3. Are there Angolan documents that contradict each other? 2. What do these documents suggest Cuba’s role in Angola is 1. List the numbers of documents that give an Angolan of the cartoon by Wright? other? Explain. about? (Note: there is more than one perspective.) can perspective on events. in the cartoon by Wright? Explain. about? (Note: there is more than one perspective.) perspective on events. South Africa Angola

w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ TRB Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future 30 Optional Lesson The Special Period

Objectives: cultural sources. Have students carefully fol- Students will: Explore the relationship low the instructions on the handout. between politics and popular culture. 3. Making Connections—After small Analyze the attitudes expressed in a vari- groups have gone through the sources and ety of artistic and cultural sources. completed the questions, have everyone come together in a large group. Call on groups to Compare the relative value of alternative share their responses to the questions. What sources about Cuban culture and history. attitudes were expressed in different selections? What did students learn about Cuba Required Reading: from these sources? What kinds of information Students should have read Part III of the were students able to get from each source? student text (pages 25-36) and completed Which source do students think provided the “Study Guide—Part III” (TRB-37) or “Ad- most information? The least? Are these types vanced Study Guide—Part III” (TRB-38). of cultural expression political? Can some of these artists be considered politicians? Handouts: How might an historian use art and cul- “Cuban Cultural Expressions” (TRB 31-35) tural sources such as these? What can art teach us about society? Have students think about the intended audiences for these different In the Classroom: pieces. For example, were the different selec- 1. Discussing the Politics of Art—Have tions produced for friends? strangers? fellow students brainstorm songs and musicians that Cubans? foreigners? How might an artist shape they think are political. Challenge students to a piece according to his or her intended audi- recite specific lyrics. What makes these songs ence? How might the pieces be different if they or artists political? Pose the question: Are were for different audiences? artists politicians? Jot down student answers on the board. What specific things can these songs teach us about our society? What could Note: a future historian learn about our society by The songs “Tengo,” “Guillermo Tell,” and looking at these types of sources? “Tropicollage,” in addition to other songs by Note: You may wish to come up with ex- Anonimo Consejo, can be found on iTunes. amples of songs or lyrics beforehand to prompt students with in class. Extra Challenge: 2. Analyzing Art During the Special Peri- Assign students a character from “Cuban od—Distribute “Cuban Cultural Expressions” Perspectives” (TRB 42-44) and have students to each student and divide the class into create their own jokes, lyrics, stories, or art groups of 3-4. Have students recall what they pieces from the perspective of their charac- know about the 1990s in Cuba. What caused ters. What things would their characters want the special period? What was life like for most to express? What issues would concern them Cubans? Tell students that in this lesson they most? What would be their characters’ politi- will act as historians, seeing what kinds of cal views? information they can gather from a variety of

Instructions: In this activity, you will read and/or interpret five different kinds of sources that will give you a better understanding of Cuban attitudes and concerns during the special period. Imagine that you are an historian looking to gather as much information as you can from each source. Go through each set of sources carefully with your group and underline sections that you think are important or interesting. (For the art piece, jot down notes about what you and your group members think is important or interesting.) After going through each set of sources, answer any questions that follow in addition to the following two questions for each individual source: 1. What is the tone of this piece? In other words, what attitude is expressed? For example, is it angry, sad, hopeful, sarcastic, proud, etc.?

2. What did you learn about Cuba from this source? For example, did you learn something about Cuban attitudes, about Cuban culture, or about life during the special period?

Hip Hop Hip hop has become increasingly popular in Cuba, especially among young people. Most hip hop performances tend to be in open venues that are easily affordable to average Cubans, instead of in exclusive clubs or hotels. In the 1990s, hip hop shows were routinely shut down by the police and the music was labelled “imperialist.” Then, in 1998 the Minister of Culture declared that hip hop was an expression of cubanidad (Cuban cultural identity) and the government began to support the annual hip hop festival in Havana. Some popular Cuban artists have performed overseas and others have signed recording contracts and moved abroad. The following are selections from three hip hop songs.

Title Unknown Tengo by Anonimo Consejo by Hermanos de Causa The solution is not leaving I have a dark and discriminated race New days will be here soon I have a workday that demands and gives We deserve and want to always go forward nothing, Solving problems is important work. I have so many things that I can’t even touch them, I have facilities I can’t even set foot in, A Veces I have liberty between parentheses of iron, by Anonimo Consejo I have so many benefits without rights that I’m You think it’s not the same today, [as it was imprisoned, when black people were slaves] I have so many things without having what I The official tells me, “You can’t go there, much had. less leave here.” In contrast, they treat the tourists differently. People, is it possible that in my country I don’t count?

Literature The following pieces are selections from Cuban novels. The first piece, Yocandra in the Paradise of Nada, was originally published in France in 1995 and the author moved from Cuba to France that same year. The second novel, Dirty Havana Trilogy, was first published in Spain in 1998. The author lives in Havana. From Yocandra in the Paradise of gabbing and making fun of the world…. We Nada laughed so loudly and insolently that not by Zoé Valdés (Translated by Sabina Cien- only did we spook those who yelled at us, fuegos. New York: Arcade Publishing, 1997), p. but we made the cops’ hair stand on end. One 77-82. guard of the...Committee for the Defense of the Revolution, reported us to his superiors, Though it’s not time yet, the workday maintaining that at least two nights a week is over. The power went off again, and the we went—by bicycle!—to the Hotel Deauville, copying machine, the computer, and the where we sat for hours and hours, on the typewriters are all electric. The new girl jetty overlooking the sea, smoking Populares, who’s working on the database lost everything Cuban filter tips. The guard strongly suspected because she didn’t save in time. Tomorrow that we were using the glow of our cigarettes she’ll have to start all over and input the same to send signals to the Yankee imperialists…. information, and probably the power will go off again just as she’s on the verge of reconsti- If you were to come back today, you’d be tuting the database, and so she’ll have to start completely shocked. Havana is sad, dilapi- all over the next day from scratch. And so on dated, broken down. Look at that man over and so forth, time without end, amen. there, at the corner of G and Seventeenth, the one poking around in the garbage cans with a It has rained and the parking area doesn’t spoon. He carefully cleans the greasy plastic have a roof, so my bicycle is soaked. The pave- wrapping and then gulps down the rotting ment is muddy. My clothes are going to be a remains of whatever he finds. He couldn’t be total mess by the time I get home. I’ll have to more than thirty. I don’t want to stop. I pedal carry up some water to wash them, to wash faster and faster, recklessly risking life and myself, and to make dinner. With any luck, limb as I cross the avenue. I don’t want to see the power will not have been cut off at my the truth. My generation was not prepared house…in which case, the motors will have for it. I know there’s wretchedness through- kicked in and filled my secret reservoirs with out Latin America, but other countries didn’t water, and I won’t have to carry it up eight experience revolution, didn’t have to listen flights. (I had to install the tanks very early in to the...[nonsense]...about “building a better the morning, because the law allows only one world.” I can’t see this better world…. tank per apartment and I now have three, hidden in the air vents.) We survived, with stomachs bloated and closed for repairs. Nothing existed. Only the As soon as I put my feet on the pedals of Party is immortal. my Chinese bike, I began thinking of you…. I met you at the teachers’ college, during one of I’m stuck with my bicycle on the narrow those trips I made to bribe the dean. You were second-floor landing of my building. Hernia, studying geography, and we hit it off right who had taken up arms against the sea and all away…. I would sneak out of the apartment sorts of other troubles, appeared, brandishing to go and meet you, and on borrowed bicycles an airmail letter. Without a word or gesture, we would ride off together to the Malecón, she hoisted my bike and helped me carry it up to the third floor.

From Dirty Havana Trilogy future. That’s a good way to keep them blurry by Pedro Juan Gutiérrez (Translated by and out of earshot. A woman was living with Natasha Wimmer. New York: HarperCollins me. I had gained back a few pounds. And I Publishers Inc., 2002), p. 135-136. was alive, though I had nothing to do. Surviv- ing, I think it’s called. You let yourself glide I started out walking slowly. On Satur- along, and you don’t expect anything else. It’s days there aren’t many buses running Havana, as easy as that. hardly any at all. It’s best not to worry. So my aunt is dying of cancer, so there’s practically Two big, fat, flabby, ugly, white, red, peel- no food, so the buses aren’t running, so I don’t ing, slow, self-absorbed tourists were walking have a job. Best not to worry. Today there was very slowly past the National Museum. Yes, a front-page interview in the paper with an im- that’s exactly how they looked. The man had portant minister, a show-off. He was fat and he a cane and an enormous heavy suitcase. I had a big smile on his face, and he was saying, couldn’t imagine what he was carrying in it. “Cuba is neither paradise nor hell.” Apparently, they were out for a stroll on a calm, sunny Saturday afternoon. The woman My next question would have been, “So was just as repugnant as the man. The two of what is it, purgatory?” But no. The journalist them were dressed for fall in an icy fjord city. just smiled contentedly and used the quote as They were sweating, and they had a stunned the front-page headline. look on their faces as they stared all around. I was relaxed…feeling at peace with my- They consulted a guidebook with great de- self. Not worried at all. Well, there are always liberation and gazed at the historic ship and worries. But for now I was able to keep them at historic airplanes under the historic trees. a distance. I pushed them a little way into the Nothing made sense to them.

Jokes In Cuba, as in many countries, people use humor to express political dissent and complaint. Chistes, or jokes, are particularly popular in Cuban culture.

Cubans have a lot of rights. You know what they are? Education, health, housing, and stealing from the state. One man wrote on a wall: “Down with You-Know-Who.” And another started writing “Down with…,” then looked over his shoulder, didn’t see any State Security, so wrote the letter “F.” There was a tap on his shoulder and a secret policeman stood there. “Excuse me,” the man said, “I can’t remember: Is it Flinton or Clinton?” (This joke was especially popular in 1998, when the Pope visited Cuba for the first time ever.) Do you know why the Pope is coming to Cuba? To visit hell, to meet the Devil, and to see why eleven million people still believe in miracles. A drunk is on a street corner screaming, “Fidel, degenerate, assassin, you are killing me of hunger!” The police arrive and beat him for insulting the Commander-in-Chief. The drunk protests, “Why do you hit me? There are many Fidels.” “Yes,” says the police officer, “but there is only one with those characteristics.”

Art Art has long been a vibrant part of Cuban culture. The following painting is entitled “Obsession” and was created by José Ángel Toirac in 1996. It is part of a series, Tiempros nuevos (New Times), which includes other pieces of Fidel Castro with brand names such as Marlboro and Yves Saint Lau- rent.

Extra Questions 1. From your reading, what do you know about the photo this painting was copied from?

2. Why do you think the artist chose to use a commercial symbol?

3. Why do you think the artist chose the brand Obsession? Who do you think the artist implies is obsessed? Could there be more than one answer to this question?

Songs Tropicollage These two pieces are selections from He left in a Havanautos rented car songs by Carlos Varela. Varela is a performer Heading to the beach at Varadero, of nueva trova, a type of music that combines Havana Club in the sand, traditional folk music styles with lyrics that use metaphors and allegories and thus can Smoking a cigar have multiple meanings. This type of music And taking pictures, originated in Cuba in the 1960s and is now Leaning against a palm tree. popular in much of Latin America. The following selections are from songs recorded in the Returning to the Habana Libre hotel, late 1980s. He hired a Turistaxi to go to the Tropicana night club. Guillermo Tell (“William Tell”) William Tell didn’t understand his son On the way to the airport, Who one day got tired of having the apple He left believing placed on his head,... That he really understood Havana. William Tell, your son has grown up, He took with him And now he wants to shoot the arrow himself. The image they wanted him to have. It’s his turn now to show his valor with your And in his Polaroids crossbow. And his head he carries Yet William Tell did not understand the chal- Tropicollage. lenge: Who would ever risk having the arrow shot at them? He never went to the real Habana Vieja He became afraid when his son addressed him, Nor to the barrios Telling William that it was now his turn Of workers and believers. To place the apple on his own head.... He took no photos William Tell was angry at the new idea, On the city reefs And refused to place the apple on his own Where a sea of people swim. head. He never saw the construction workers, It was not that he didn’t trust his son— Cementing the future But what would happen if he missed?... With bricks and cheap rum. William Tell failed to understand his son— Nor did he meet those guys Who one day got tired of having the apple Changing money 5 for 1. placed on his head.

That too is my country, And I cannot forget it. Extra Question In the first piece, who do you think that Wil- Anybody who denies it liam Tell might represent? (Hint: who is Has their head full of an important person in Cuban society Tropicollage. that people might not want to speak of by name?)

w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ TRB Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future 36 Day Three Role-Playing the Three Options: Organization and Preparation

Objectives: In this role play, students will play the Students will: Analyze the issues that part of Cuban citizens. Some students will frame the debate in Cuba about the future. represent individual citizens who are undecided about the future. Other students will be Integrate the arguments and beliefs of the in groups that will present options for Cuba’s options into a persuasive, coherent presenta- future and try to convince the undecided tion. citizens. Although in Cuba these meetings Work cooperatively within groups to orga- are usually local, in this role play there will nize effective presentations. be representatives from all over the country. Generally the role of the government cannot be Required Reading: questioned at these meetings, but in this role Students should have read Part III of the play students should assume that critique of student text (pages 25-36) and completed the government is permitted. “Study Guide—Part III” (TRB-37) or “Ad- 3a. Option Groups—Form three groups of vanced Study Guide—Part III” (TRB-38). 5-6 students each. Assign an option to each group. Explain that the option groups should Handouts: follow the instructions in “Presenting Your “Presenting Your Option” (TRB-40) for the Option.” Note that the option groups should option groups begin by assigning each member a role (students may double up). Inform students that “Speaking for the Cuban Electorate” (TRB- each option group will be called on in Day 41) for the Cuban citizens Four to present the case for its assigned option “Cuban Perspectives” (TRB 42-44) for the to a group of Cuban citizens. Cuban citizens 3b. Cuban Citizens—Distribute “Speak- ing for the Cuban Electorate” and “Cuban In the Classroom: Perspectives” to the remaining students and 1. Planning for Group Work—In order assign each student a role. While the option to save time in the classroom, form student groups are preparing their presentations, these groups before beginning Day Three. During students should answer the questions on the the class period of Day Three, students will be worksheet and develop clarifying questions. preparing for the Day Four simulation. Remind Remind these students that they are expected them to incorporate the reading into the devel- to turn in their questions at the end of the opment of their presentations and questions. simulation. Note that the citizens are fictional characters. 2. Introducing the Role Play—Tell students that at various points in time—including at the beginning of the special period and in Extra Challenge: early 2008 when Raúl Castro became presi- Ask the option groups to design posters dent—the Cuban government has called on illustrating the best case for their options. Cu- its people to participate in meetings to voice ban citizens may be asked to design a political concerns or criticize specific government cartoon expressing their concerns. policies. Local citizens attend these town-hall style meetings, which occur at places like local Homework: branches of the Communist Party and trade Students should complete preparations for unions across the country. the simulation.

1. What was the effect of the Soviet Union’s collapse on Cuba’s economy?

2. Why did Cubans “break the law as a matter of course” in the 1990s?

3. Fill in the chart below. Causes of the Special Period: Major Effects of the Special Period Economic Changes Special Period

4. Give three examples of inequality that increased during the special period. a.

5. What did Varela Project supporters want?

6. Why is there a strong partnership between Cuba and Venezuela?

7. Why might the Cuban government’s claim that it is fearful of a U.S. invasion be believable?

1. What major economic changes did the Cuban government initiate during the special period?

2. Explain how and why the government used Cuba’s history to encourage support among Cubans during the special period.

3. How has the increased presence of foreigners affected Cuba?

4. What does Castro mean by the “battle of ideas”?

The Special Period Today

Why did Cuba transition to this period?

How did the government try to convince people that the changes were necessary?

What were the major economic changes?

Use the graphs to sketch out the growth and decline of the money money economy during this period. time time

What were/are race relations like during this time?

What were/are relations with the United States during this time?

Did/does this period uphold the ideas of the revolution?

Preparing Your Presentation on how well you present your option. This The Setting: A meeting of Cuban citizens. worksheet will help you prepare. Your teacher At various points in time, the Cuban govern- will moderate discussion. ment has called on its people to participate Organizing Your Group: Each member in meetings in which they can voice their of your group will take a specific role. Below concerns and criticize certain government is a brief explanation of the responsibility of policies. These meetings are usually local but each role. Before preparing your sections of in this role play there will be representatives the presentation, work together to address from all over the country. Although the role of the questions below. The group organizer is the government cannot be questioned at these responsible for organizing the presentation of meetings, in this role play you should assume your group’s option to the undecided citizens. that critique of the government is permitted. The political expert is responsible for explain- Your Assignment: Your option group ing why your option is most appropriate in represents a group of citizens with a plan for light of the current domestic and international Cuba’s future and your group is scheduled to political climates. The economic expert is appear before a gathering of Cuban citizens. responsible for explaining why your option Your assignment is to persuade the citizens makes the most sense for the country eco- that your option should become the basis for nomically. The social expert is responsible for Cuba’s future. On Day Four, your group will be explaining why your group’s option offers the called upon to present a persuasive three-to- best route in terms of social issues. The history five minute summary of your option to these expert is responsible for explaining the histori- individuals. You will be judged by the citizens cal arguments that support your option.

Consider the following questions as you prepare your presentation: 1. What will be the impact of your option on the people of Cuba?

2. What will be the impact of your option on Cuba’s foreign relations?

3. What is your option’s long-term vision for Cuba?

4. What are your option’s short-term strategies for Cuba?

5. What potential difficulties might your option’s strategy encounter?

6. On what values is your option based?

The Setting: A meeting of Cuban citizens. you understand the perspective of your char- At various points in time, the Cuban govern- acter. Once you have finished, prepare two ment has called on its people to participate questions regarding each of the options. The in meetings in which they can voice their questions should reflect the values, concerns, concerns and criticize certain government and interests of your assigned character. Your policies. These meetings are usually local but teacher will collect these questions. in this role play there will be representatives Your questions should be challenging and from all over the country. Although the role of critical. For example, a good question for Op- the government cannot be questioned at these tion 1 from Hugo Peña would be: meetings, in this role play you should assume that critique of the government is permitted. How will the government have the money necessary to create new jobs without Your Role: Speaking for your assigned the income generated by tourism and foreign citizen, you will take part in a public meet- investment? ing of Cuban citizens. You will listen to the presentations of three groups of citizens who The three option groups will present their will present options for Cuba’s future. At the positions. After their presentations are com- conclusion of the forum, you are expected to pleted, your teacher will call on you and the evaluate each of the options. Your teacher will other citizens to ask questions. The “Evalu- give you an evaluation form to help you do ation Form” you will receive is designed for you to record your impressions of the options. this. After this activity is concluded, you and your Your assignment: While the four option classmates may be called upon to explain your groups are organizing their presentations, you positions on Cuba’s future. should answer the questions below to help

Questions 1. What are the pressing concerns of your character?

2. Why do you think your character made the choices he or she made in life?

3. What do you think your character wants for Cuba’s future?

4. What do you think life is like for your character today? Write a short journal entry (5-6 sentences) from your character’s perspective about a typical day in his or her life.

Zoila Coyula is a forty-year-old history (Committee for the Defense of the Revolution) teacher in a small city in Villa Clara province. official in her apartment building. As CDR She lives with her eight-year-old son José and official, she has many responsibilities includ- second husband Juan. Her first husband disap- ing organizing local crime watches, organizing peared when José was three years old. She health campaigns in the neighborhood, and later found out that he had been jailed after reporting on antigovernment activity. Many building a raft and trying to sail to the Domini- of her fellow officials believe she is too soft can Republic (the winds had pushed him to on the residents of her building and believe Cuba’s south coast instead). Zoila takes the she must be stricter in reporting offenses, for 5:30 AM bus to school every morning to miss example the presence of illegal residents from the morning rush. Because of the long lines for other provinces within her building. Raysa transportation, if she missed her bus she might feels conflicted: on the one hand, she wants to not get another bus until 9 AM. She usually live up to her duties as a CDR official, on the teaches about forty students in each class, but other hand, she knows that people are doing when other teachers are absent her classes can what they can to get by. be as large as eighty, with students sitting on the floor and windowsills. During the special Dalia Gómez is a forty-one-year-old former period, her only access to dollars was in the guerrilla fighter from El Salvador. She left her form of small gifts from her best friend, Jorge, home country in the late 1980s and is now who worked at a tourist resort in the northern a Cuban citizen. She is married to a British part of the province. Whenever he visited, he foreign journalist and they live in a small would hide a few dollars around her house. apartment in Havana. Since the mid-1990s, He knew she would be too proud to accept the she has worked as a translator for foreign tour- gifts otherwise. ists in Cuba. When the government changed its economic policies at the end of the special Angelito Danys is a nineteen-year-old period, Dalia decided to take a state job as a engineering student at the University of San- teacher in a local primary school. She contin- tiago de Cuba. Originally from a small town in ues to work as a translator after school and on Granma province, he often travels home to col- the weekends, keeping her activities secret so lect fruit and sometimes meat from his family’s as not to be fined or sent to prison. Although farm as well as the farms of some neighbors. she considers herself a communist revolution- He hides the goods in his luggage and smug- ary, her experiences of day-to-day life in Cuba gles them back into Santiago de Cuba where have deeply affected many of her long-held he can sell them on the black market. He uses beliefs. this money to earn his family extra income beyond what the government pays to buy their Mercedes Gutiérrez is a fifty-five-year- produce. Since 1994, his mother’s sister, who old doctor in Pinar del Río. In the 1980s she lives with her family in New Jersey, has sent was sent to work in Nicaragua for three years money to Angelito’s family every month to as part of a government program to help the help them maintain the farm. Angelito is inter- Sandanista government improve health care ested in politics and hopes to one day become among Nicaraguans. Upon returning, she got a representative to his municipal assembly. married and had two children. She and her husband remained at their state jobs (she at the Raysa Diaz is a thirty-nine-year-old shop- hospital, he at a nearby tobacco farm) through- keeper at a government food store in Trinidad, out the special period but often struggled to Sancti Spíritus province. She is also the CDR make ends meet. Sometimes her oldest son

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s TRB Name:______Past and Future Day Three 43 would skip school to lead tourists around the years ago, as the family sunk into poverty city and the dollars he could make in one day from the difficulties of the special period, she were often more than his parents’ combined scraped together some money from friends weekly salaries. Mercedes grew up hearing and hitched a ride to Havana. Today she lives stories about her uncle, who fought with gov- with her husband and two children in a one ernment forces to repel the invasion of Cuban bedroom apartment. They live in a house exiles at the Bay of Pigs. Long suspicious of that was abandoned by Cuban émigrés in the the U.S. government, Mercedes is worried 1960s and was converted by the government about what will happen when the Castro into an apartment building where six fami- brothers are no longer in power. lies now live. Yasmina illegally sells baked goods and sends any extra money she has back to her family. Although she has been in Luis Hernández is a fifty-five-year-old Havana for more than a decade, she is fearful musician and father of four. For years he of being caught by the police and sent back performed with a popular salsa band, but to Camagüey. In 2002, at the urging of some during the 1990s, desperate for extra money, friends, she and her husband signed the Varela he disbanded the group and began producing petition. solo albums. He also joined a group for the defense of human rights, and for most of the special period was routinely arrested and put Armandito Mesa is a forty-two-year-old in jail for three or four days. Today, he and his waiter in one of the new tourist resorts in Hol- wife live in a makeshift home on the roof of guín. Prior to this, he worked in a sugar mill, an apartment building in Santa Clara. One of the same industry in which his parents and their sons left the country for the United States grandparents spent their lives working. Life more than ten years ago and Luis has not during the special period was very difficult for heard from him since. Luis continues to play his family, but things have improved markedly at a local club for tourists every Friday night in the last few years. When the government and his wife works in a nearby hospital. began closing down many of the mills towards the end of the special period, Armandito worried that he would not find another job. But Francisco Ibáñeze is a thirty-two-year-old after a few months he was lucky enough to worker in a world-renowned cigar factory near find work in a tourist restaurant. After relying Havana. During the special period, he had on a horse and carriage for transport through- a job as a construction worker for a foreign out the 1990s, Armandito has just (illegally) company. Although his salary was low, the purchased a car that he hopes to fix up for his company provided him with a free lunch son to use as a taxi. His youngest daughter has (sandwich and soda) that he could sell on the been pressuring him to buy a computer. black market for dollars. This extra income helped him support his sickly father and three younger siblings. Francisco is proud of Hugo Peña is twenty-two years old and himself and his country for surviving such an works as an informal tour guide in Havana. He economic crisis, and now that the economy is finds tourists near the Malecón (a stone walk- recovering, he is happy that he can work for way on the seawall in Havana) and takes them a Cuban company. Although his salary is not to famous sites throughout the city. With his high, it is enough to get by. He and his child- warm smile and constant stream of jokes, he hood sweetheart are planning to get married usually manages an average of 10 CUCs (about and Francisco hopes to find a small apartment 10 U.S. dollars) every day. For extra money, in the city for the two of them. sometimes he sells tourists the cigars that his uncle steals from the cigar factory where he works. Hugo dropped out of school when he Yasmina López is thirty-five years old and was sixteen and now lives in a two room home from a family of farmers in Camagüey. Twelve

with his parents, his grandmother, his sister, Martica Valdes is an eighty-one-year-old and her boyfriend. He often talks with his widow living in Manzanillo, a city in Granma friend about building a raft and making a try province. In the late 1950s she was part of a for Miami. secret network of women who helped funnel supplies and assistance to the M-26-7 rebels in the Sierra Maestra. Today, she gets by on the Estrella Puentes is a sixty-seven-year-old money she gets each month from her govern- professor of history at the University of Ha- ment pension. She stretches her ration card vana. She considers herself a revolutionary so that it lasts the whole month, sometimes loyalist but speaks critically about many of eating only one meal each day. After hav- the problems in Cuba and Cuban society. Her ing her kitchen towels stolen out of an open sister Grace recently moved in with her after window (she now has no towels), she keeps Grace’s apartment building collapsed due to her windows locked and only goes out to buy old age and neglect. Estrella’s apartment is food and go to the doctor. She believes that full of old furniture, art, and antiques that she young people today do not want to work and inherited from family members. A few months instead look for easy ways to make money. She ago, Estrella heard from a neighbor that three believes that, thanks to the country’s education men had tried to break into her home, most system, there are options for youth today, but likely to steal her valuable possessions to sell how far an individual goes with school de- on the black market. pends on how hard they are willing to work.

Lázaro Tabio is a forty-five-year-old Carlos Villalón is a twenty-seven-year-old official in the government’s Ministry of Agri- baseball player from Santiago de Cuba. A star culture. He works hard at his job and tries to on his local team, Carlos was banned from impress his superiors with his honesty and playing baseball for life after his older brother ambition. He is very critical of all forms of Arturo left the country to play baseball in the corruption and, on a number of occasions, has United States. Today, Carlos works as a physi- reported neighbors who have been involved cal therapy counselor in a local hospital. He in illegal activities. He knows that life has not speaks to his brother often on the telephone been easy over the past decade or two, but he and once snuck into a tourist hotel so that he firmly believes that things must be done law- could watch Arturo’s game on cable television. fully. Unbeknownst to him, his wife is helping Carlos wishes he could continue to play base- their twenty-year-old daughter secure a visa ball, but accepts that he must pay the price for to move to Spain and marry her boyfriend, a what his brother has done. Arturo has offered Spaniard she met when he was on vacation in to help Carlos migrate to the United States but Cuba last year. Lázaro’s wife is hoping that, in Carlos is not sure that he wants to leave Cuba. Spain, their daughter will have more opportunities open to her.

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s TRB Past and Future Day Four 45 Role-Playing the Three Options: Debate and Discussion

Objectives: ask clarifying questions. Make sure that each Students will: Articulate the issues that citizen has an opportunity to ask at least one frame the current debate in Cuba about the question. The questions should be evenly dis- future. tributed among all three option groups. If time permits, encourage members of the option Explore, debate, and evaluate multiple groups to challenge the positions of the other perspectives on Cuba’s future. groups. During the questioning, allow any Sharpen rhetorical skills through debate member of the option group to respond. (As an and discussion. alternative approach, permit questions follow- Cooperate with classmates in staging a ing the presentation of each option.) persuasive presentation. Homework: Handouts: Students should read each of the three “Evaluation Form: Cuban Citizens” (TRB- options in the student text (pages 38-43), then 46) moving beyond these options they should fill out “Focusing Your Thoughts” (TRB-47) and complete “Your Option for Cuba” (TRB-48). In the Classroom: 1. Setting the Stage—Organize the room so that the three option groups face a row Note: of desks reserved for the citizens. Distribute The consideration of alternative views “Evaluation Form: Cuban Citizens” to the is not finished when the options role play is citizens. The worksheet should be completed over. The options presented are framed in as homework. stark terms in order to clarify differences. After the role play, students should articulate 2. Managing the Simulation—Explain their own views on the issue and create their that the simulation will begin with three- to own options for Cuba’s future. These views five-minute presentations by each of the op- will be more sophisticated and nuanced if tion groups. Remind students that they should students have had an opportunity to challenge present the options from the perspective of one another to think more critically about the Cuban citizens. Encourage the group members merits and trade-offs of alternative views. See to speak clearly and convincingly. Guidelines for Deliberation for suggestions presentations, invite the Cuban citizens to on deliberation.

Instructions: Answer the questions below following the simulation.

1. According to each option, what should the future of Cuba be?

Option 1:

Option 2:

Option 3:

2. According to each option, what are the most important concerns in Cuba?

Option 1:

Option 2:

Option 3:

3. Which of the options would your assigned citizen support most strongly? Explain your reasoning.

Instructions You have had an opportunity to consider three options for Cuba’s future. Now it is your turn to look at each of the options as if you were a Cuban thinking about the future of your country. Try each one on for size. Think about how the options address your concerns and hopes. You will find that each has its own risks and trade-offs, advantages and disadvantages. After you complete this worksheet, you will be asked to develop your own option for Cuba.

Ranking the Options Which of the options below do you prefer? Rank the options from “1” to “3,” with “1” being your first choice. ___ Option 1: Safeguard the Revolution ___ Option 2: Build a New Economy ___ Option 3: Embrace Political Freedom

Beliefs Rate each of the statements below according to your personal beliefs: 1 = Strongly Support 3 = Oppose 5 = Undecided 2 = Support 4 = Strongly Oppose ____The Cuban revolution has brought great gains to the people of Cuba, especially in comparison to other poor nations. ____Without government control of the economy there is no way to protect the poor. ____Above all else, the Cuban people need more political freedom. ____Any capitalist economic reform betrays the ideals of the revolution. ____It is risky for Cuba to depend on only one or two trading partners. ____The Cuban people will continue to suffer if the government does not make changes to the economy. ____Allowing more political freedom will improve Cuba’s relationship with the United States. ____Significant political reform coupled with economic reform will lead to instability in Cuban society. ____The United States will seek to be involved in Cuba’s domestic affairs.

Creating Your Own Option Your next assignment is to create an option that reflects your own beliefs and opinions. You may borrow heavily from one option, or you may combine ideas from two or three options. Or you may take a new approach altogether. There is no right or wrong answer. Rather, you should strive to craft an option that is logical and persuasive. Be careful of contradictions. For example, you should not propose to bring Cuba’s economy back under state control if you believe that Cubans should be allowed to own property.

Instructions: In this exercise, you will offer your own recommendations for Cuba’s future as if you were a Cuban on the island. Your responses to “Focusing Your Thoughts” should help you identify the guiding principles of your proposal. 1. What should be the main principles guiding Cuba’s economic and political systems?

2. What should be the main principles guiding Cuba’s foreign relations?

3. How would your option affect the lives of Cubans?

4. How will Cuba change over the next ten years if your option is adopted?

5. What are the two strongest arguments supporting your option?

6. What are the two strongest arguments opposing your option?

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s TRB Past and Future Day Five 49 Cuban Government

Objectives: developed. Divide the class into two groups Students will: Develop a working defini- based on their answers, and record how many tion of democracy. students are in each group. You might desig- nate two different spaces in your classroom Analyze different media to determine if for students to go to depending on their views. Cuba is a democracy. This movement would reinforce the concepts. Work in groups to provide supporting evi- 3. Investigating Data—Break students into dence for their positions. small groups, and, if possible, make sure that each group includes at least one student who Note: thinks Cuba is a democracy and one who does Two useful resources exist online to ex- not. Distribute the handouts and ask groups to plain “democracy” from a liberal or Western follow the directions. standpoint. The Economist Intelligence Unit’s 4. Revisiting Conclusions—After groups index of democracy includes a short sum- have completed the handout, ask if students mary of definitions of democracy and ranks have changed their minds about Cuba. Were nearly all countries on those criteria. . Freedom House, the class again into two main groups. Did either most widely cited resource on democracy, also group gain or lose large numbers of students? publishes a ranking using narrower criteria. What made students change their minds? Do . Teachers may want to fa- democracy? Based on their new definition of miliarize themselves with various accepted democracy, is their own country a democracy? definitions of democracy before beginning this lesson. Students should do the lesson before reading other definitions of democracy. Suggestions: As a homework assignment, ask students to complete the following sentence, either Handouts: briefly or in an essay form: “Cuba is/is not a “Is Cuba a Democracy?” (TRB 50-55) democracy because...” Challenge students to use both evidence they encountered during the In the Classroom: lesson and logical arguments. 1. Focus Question—Put the following Remind students that the selections they question on the board or overhead: “What is a read come from a variety of sources. How democracy?” should students evaluate the different sources? 2. Defining Democracy—Ask students to How much weight should they give to a par- decide whether they think Cuba, based on ticular type of source? what they have learned, is a democracy. Then ask students to define democracy, and record Note: their answers on the board. If possible, try to The selections included in the handouts categorize student responses. Are they about are just that: selections. They do not represent political representation? human rights? civil all the available views on Cuban government. rights? Can the criteria be prioritized? Some Would students have liked to have other types classes may need help coming up with criteria. of evidence to formulate their own views? After the class has created a working defini- What kind? tion, ask students again whether they think Cuba is a democracy based on the criteria they

Instructions: With your group, follow the steps on this handout.

1. In the spaces below write the different criteria your class came up with for democracy. You may find it useful to use a pencil.

2. As you consider the information below, make a check mark in the boxes to indicate that Cuba meets that criterion. You might also remove checks as you go through the exercise. If you find, after considering the information, that you want to redefine democracy, add or remove items from the list above.

3. Based on your review of the information, decide with your group whether Cuba is a democracy. Be prepared to support your view with evidence.

1. from The Havana Declaration, September 2, 1960 [T]he National General Assembly of the People of Cuba proclaims before America: The right of peasants to the land; the right of workers to the fruit of their work; the right of children to education; the right of sick people to medical and hospital attention; the right of youth to work; the right of students to free, experimental and scientific education; the right of Negroes and Indians to “the full dignity of man;” the right of women to civil, social and political equality; the right of the aged to a secure old age; the right of intellectuals, artists and scientists to fight, with their works, for a better world; the right of States to nationalize imperialist mo- nopolies, thus rescuing their wealth and national resources; the right of nations to trade freely with all peoples of the world; the right of nations to their full sovereignty; the right of nations to turn fortresses into schools, and to arm their workers, their peasants, their students, their intellectuals, the Negro, the Indian, the women, the young and the old, the oppressed and exploited people, so that they may defend, by themselves, their rights and their destinies.

2. from The Havana Declaration, September 2, 1960 The National General Assembly of the People of Cuba [parliament] expresses its conviction that democracy cannot coexist only in an electoral vote, which is almost always fictitious and handled by big landholders and professional politicians, but in the rights of citizens to decide, as this Assembly of the People is now doing, their own destiny. Moreover, democracy will only exist in Latin America when its people are really free to choose, when the humble people are not reduced—by hunger, social inequality, illiteracy, and the judicial systems—to the most degrad- ing impotence….

3. from the Cuban Constitution of 1992 ARTICLE 9. The state: b) as the power of the people and for the people, guarantees - that every man or woman, who is able to work, have the opportunity to have a job with which to contribute to the good of society and to the satisfaction of individual needs; - that no disabled person be left without adequate means of subsistence; - that no sick person be left without medical care; - that no child be left without schooling, food and clothing; - that no young person be left without the opportunity to study; - that no one be left without access to studies, culture and sports; c) works to achieve that no family be left without a comfortable place to live.

ARTICLE 53. Citizens have freedom of speech and of the press in keeping with the objectives of socialist society. Material conditions for the exercise of that right are provided by the fact that the press, radio, television, cinema, and other mass media are state or social property and can never be private property. This assures their use at exclusive service of the working people and in the interests of society.

ARTICLE 62. None of the freedoms which are recognized for citizens can be exercised contrary to what is established in the Constitution and by law, or contrary to the existence and objectives of the socialist state, or contrary to the decision of the Cuban people to build socialism and communism. Violations of this principle can be punished by law.

ARTICLE 132. All Cubans over 16 years of age, men and women alike, have the right to vote except those who: a) are mentally disabled and have been declared so by court; b) have committed a crime and because of this have lost the right to vote.

4. Peter Roman, Cuban scholar, 2004 The municipal assemblies [in Cuba] control and monitor all economic, social, educational, and public health activities in the municipality [there are 169 municipalities in Cuba]…. Except for the officers, municipal assembly delegates serve without pay and continue to work at their regular job…. The delegates hold weekly office hours for constituents, and twice a year they hold accountability sessions…during which delegates report on their activities, answer constituents’ concerns recorded at the previous session, and hear new [concerns]….

5. Colin Powell, former U.S. secretary of state, 2004 As fate would have it, I was in Lima, Peru joining our hemispheric neighbors in the adop- tion of the Inter-American Democratic Charter when the terrorists struck the United States on September 11, 2001. By adopting the Democratic Charter, the countries of our hemisphere made a powerful statement in support of freedom, humanity and peace. Conspicuous for its absence on that historic occasion was Cuba. Cuba alone among the hemispheric nations did not adopt the Democratic Charter. That is not surprising, for Cuba alone among the nations of Americas is a dictatorship. For over four decades, the regime of Fidel Cas- tro has imposed upon the Cuban people a communist system of government that systematically violates their most fundamental human rights.

6. D.L. Raby, Latin American scholar, 2006 ...[Those in the] media or in academia [assume] that democracy is summed up in free elections, freedom of speech and organization and political pluralism, but [say] nothing about social and economic rights or the distribution of power and wealth….

7. from Amnesty International report on Cuba, 2007 At the end of the year, 69 prisoners of conscience continued to be held for their non-violent political views or activities. Twelve others continued to serve their sentences outside prison because of health concerns. No releases of prisoners of conscience were reported during the year. • Orlando Zapata Tamayo was sentenced to three years in 2003 on charges of showing “contempt to the figure of Fidel Castro,” “public disorder” and “resistance.” In November 2005 he was reportedly sentenced to an additional 15 years for “contempt” and “resistance” in prison. In May 2006, he was again tried on the same charges and sentenced to an additional seven-year term. He was serving a prison sentence of 25 years and six months.

8. Cubans Tout Street Democracy, Associated Press, October 2007 HAVANA — This is democracy, Cuban style: salsa music and a show of hands on a street corner in Old Havana. The beat pours from curbside speakers, signaling to about 150 neighbors to gather and choose candidates for the capital’s municipal assembly.... Cuba’s communist system rests in part on these block-by-block gatherings, convened every 2 1⁄2 years, where anyone 16 and over can nominate and elect neighbors to local government posts. These “nomination assemblies” are organized by election officials and the Revolutionary Defense Committees, which keep tabs on residents and are located on nearly every block across the nation of 11.2 million. Nominated candidates vie for seats on municipal assemblies, which help choose candidates for Cuba’s National Assembly. That national legislature in turn approves appointments to the island’s supreme governing body, the Council of State…. The United States says Cuba’s system is anti-democratic because it doesn’t allow direct multiparty elections for president. Cuba retorts that in America, the candidates who raise the most money usually win. It also maintains that the United States doesn’t have direct presidential elections either, pointing to the electoral college that gave the 2000 election to George W. Bush, even though Al Gore got more votes. And while the Communist Party runs the government, a third of the 37,328 candidates chosen at nominating assemblies to run for municipal posts won’t be party members, but men and women chosen because their neighbors like them. Critics note, however, that when municipal assembly seats are determined in a secret ballot election on Oct. 28, the only winners of the more than 15,000 posts will be Communist Party members. Moreover, the initial nominating that ran until September 26 was by a show of hands, not a secret ballot, which effectively bars dissidents from running, say critics such as Alejandro Tru of the tiny, opposition Liberal Party of Cuba. If anyone raised a hand for a dissident candidate, “there are 1,000 subtle and not subtle ways” to intimidate them into withdrawing their nomination, he said…. On O’Reilly Street, families spill out of crowded apartments for the vote. Struggling to be heard over the music, a veteran organizer shouts to the crowd that the assembly will soon begin.... “We all know him as a good neighbor who completes his work,” one woman says in support of the first nominee, party member Buenaventura Fernandez.... The final vote isn’t close. Fernandez’s name is called first. Without a word, 63 hands go up. The other three get just 39 votes between them. Everyone applauds. “Viva Fidel! Viva Raúl!” they cry, before drifting home. The whole process has taken 27 minutes. Fernandez is middle-aged and a first-time nominee, but “he was already known by people,” says Jorge Guerrero, a 59-year-old port mechanic and voter, explaining the landslide victory. Asked if he hopes one day to vote like this for Cuba’s president, Rene Grana, a 77-year-old retiree, replies that Fernandez could win an assembly seat and work his way up from there. “Maybe we just elected the president of the republic,” he says.

9. from Freedom House report on Cuba, 2007 In 2002, the Varela Project, a referendum initiative seeking broad changes in the four- decades-old socialist system, won significant international recognition. Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter praised the project on Cuban television during his visit to the island, and its leader, Oswaldo Paya of the Christian Liberation Movement, later received the European Parlia- ment’s Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. In May, project organizers submitted more than 11,000 signatures to the National Assembly demanding that a referendum be held in which Cu- bans could vote for fundamental reforms such as freedom of expression, the right to own private businesses, and electoral reform. However, the proposal was rejected by the constitutional committee of the National Assembly, and the Cuban government instead held a counter referendum in which 8.2 million people supposedly declared the socialist system to be “untouchable....” In October 2002, some 8 million Cubans voted in tightly controlled municipal elections. On January 19, 2003, an election was held for the Cuban National Assembly, with just 609 candidates—all supported by the regime—vying for 609 seats.

10. from Human Rights Watch report on Cuba, February 2008 Cuba: Fidel Castro’s Abusive Machinery Remains Intact Despite Fidel Castro’s resignation today, Cuba’s abusive legal and institutional mechanisms continue to deprive Cubans of their basic rights, Human Rights Watch said today. The coun- terproductive US embargo policy continues to give the Cuban government a pretext for human rights violations. For almost five decades, Cuba has restricted nearly all avenues of political dissent. Cuban citizens have been systematically deprived of their fundamental rights to free expression, privacy, association, assembly, movement, and due process of law. Tactics for enforcing political conformity have included police warnings, surveillance, short-term detentions, house arrests, travel restrictions, criminal prosecutions, and politically motivated dismissals from employment. Cuba’s legal and institutional structures have been at the root of its rights violations. The rights to freedom of expression, association, assembly, movement, and the press are strictly limited under Cuban law. By criminalizing enemy propaganda, the spreading of “unauthorized news,” and insult to patriotic symbols, the government curbs freedom of speech under the guise of protecting state security. The courts are not independent; they undermine the right to fair trial by restricting the right to a defense, and frequently fail to observe the few due process rights available to defendants under domestic law....

11. Rafael Hernández, Cuban scholar, 2008 Political system institutions do not work as well as they should [in Cuba]. For example, according to the powers given it by law, the National Assembly in the discussion and treatment of national problems is not critical in terms of the State’s decisionmaking.

12. Rafael Hernández, Cuban scholar, 2008 In relative terms, Cuba is further ahead in its democratic civic culture than any other society I‘ve known. Democratic civic culture in Cuba is expressed when people say what they think and stand up for their rights and needs, despite the existence of an administrative structure of control (which is not that of a police state)…. Recently, I went to José Martí Airport to say goodbye to a Caribbean researcher, who saw me argue with a policeman about a parking regulation. My colleague was so concerned that he called me at home a few hours later, convinced that something had happened to me. “Here in my country you might spend a night in jail for what you said to the policeman,” he said. Many Cubans believe that the day that the government had to use the police or army to massively repress its citizens, there would be no socialism to defend.

13. Cuba Signs Two Treaties on Rights, The New York Times, March 2008 HAVANA — Just days after Raúl Castro took office as president of Cuba, its Communist government signed two important international human rights treaties that Fidel Castro had long opposed.... One of the pacts, the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, guarantees “civil and political freedom,” including the right to self-determination, peaceful assembly, freedom of religion, privacy, freedom to leave a country, and equal protection before the law. ...The other pact signed Thursday, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, requires countries to ensure the right to work, fair wages, freedom to form and join trade unions, social security, education and the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health.

14. The New York Times, March 2008 In February, Cuba released four human rights activists who had been imprisoned in 2003 during a crackdown in which 73 people were arrested, and allowed them to migrate to Spain.

15. The Cuba Solidarity Campaign, undated IS CASTRO A DICTATOR? Any one of the deputies to Cuba’s parliament, including Fidel Castro, are subject to recall at any time and must by law report back to mass meeting in their constituency once every six months. If Castro is such a dictator, why did he receive such overwhelming support in the elections? Why is it also that his position as the country’s President is decided by parliament and that members of his government are also voted in by parliament?

w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ TRB Contesting Cuba’s Past and Future 56 Day Five - Alternative Cuban-American Experiences

Objectives: representation of the character’s views on Students will: Analyze personal stories Cuba and Cuba’s future. Each presentation about life in Cuba and migration to the United should be no longer than two minutes total. States. 3. Character Presentations—As pairs Consider the role of Cuban Americans in present their characters, students should take the debate about Cuba’s future. notes, jotting down information such as the characters’ dates of birth, where they were born, when they or their families left Cuba, Handouts: their views on Cuba and Cuba’s future, and the “Understanding Cuban-American Experi- emotions expressed in each presentation. ences” (TRB 57-58) 4. Making Connections—Ask students One page of “Cuban-American Memoirs” whether they noted any recurring themes or (TRB 59-67) to each pair ideas during the presentations. What information did the characters provide about the In the Classroom: experiences of Cuban Americans? What expe- 1. Focus Question—Ask students what riences did different characters have in Cuba? they know about the experiences of immi- In the United States? What emotions were grants, either from their own lives, from family expressed? What were the views of characters members, or from people in their community. regarding the future of Cuba? Remind students How do immigrants talk about their home that their characters are partly fictionalized. countries? What kinds of stories do they tell? Have students return to the chart about Ask students the following question: Cuban emigration. Where would these char- “From what you know about Cuba and Cuba’s acters (or their relatives) belong on the chart? history, why do you think many Cuban Ameri- Do characters fit well in the categories on the cans are so passionate about Cuba?” Have chart? Why or why not? Why might this be students recall what they learned from the significant? readings. When were the major periods of emi- Ask students to consider the role of Cuban gration in Cuban history? What characterized Americans in the future of Cuba. How should the people who emigrated in those different the views of Cuban Americans be considered? waves? Why did people emigrate? What were What role should they play in the debate? If their views about Cuba? On the board, create a these characters had been part of the role play chart to record information about the different on Cuba’s future, how would their views be waves of emigration from Cuba. different or similar to those of the Cuban char- 2. Examining Cuban-American Memoirs— acters? What might account for the similarities Divide students into pairs and give each pair or differences? “Understanding Cuban-American Experi- ences” and a selection from “Cuban-American Note: Memoirs.” Have students read the introduc- You should remind students that these tion and the directions carefully before they selections are merely a handful of individual read their memoir selection and answer the experiences and do not represent a compre- questions. Remind students that they are hensive picture of the experiences of Cuban responsible for presenting their characters to Americans. the class. Each presentation should have two parts. The first part should provide factual, Additional memoir selections can be background information about the character, found online at .

Introduction: Cubans have migrated to the United States for hundreds of years, but the greatest numbers have arrived only in the last fifty years. Since 1959, hundreds of thousands of Cubans have moved to the United States. Some have left Cuba for explicitly political reasons, while others have migrated primarily for economic opportunity. Many left Cuba during the early years of the revolution. Some Cuban parents sent their children alone to the United States in a program called Operation Pedro Pan (Peter Pan), which was sponsored by the CIA and run by the Catholic church and the Cuban exile community. Because of rumors initiated by the CIA, many Cuban parents believed that the Cuban government would send their children to Soviet work camps. Between 1960 and 1962, Operation Pedro Pan resettled more than 14,000 children in the United States with relatives, friends, or in church camps until their parents were able to join them (often years later). From 1965 to 1972, the U.S. government also sponsored twice-a-day Freedom Flights from Havana to Miami in order to reunify Cubans wishing to leave the island with their relatives in the United States. In later years, many Cubans travelled to the United States by boat or raft, for example in the Mariel boatlift or in the rafter exodus of 1994. Today, Cubans continue to migrate and more than one million Cubans and their descendants live in the United States.

Instructions: In this exercise, you will read an excerpt of a memoir by a Cuban American and then, together with your partner, create a short, dramatic presentation based on the character of the author of your selection. Together with your partner, you will present your character to the class. One of you will give a short presentation explaining who your character is, based on your answers to Part 1 of the worksheet. The other partner will give a dramatic presentation of your character’s views on the future of Cuba, conveying the emotions you identified in Part 2 of the worksheet. Although you will each be responsible for a different part of the presentation, you should answer all of the questions on the worksheet together. Keep in mind that your combined presentation should be no longer than two minutes. Read your memoir selection carefully with your partner. After you have finished, answer the questions on the following worksheet. If you are unable to answer a question, just leave it blank. Once you have answered all that you can, go back to the questions that you were unable to answer and make up your own answers, based on what you know about Cuban history, Cuban-American history, and the author of the memoir. Your answers should be believable and closely in keeping with what you already know about the author. With these answers, you and your partner should then prepare a presentation for the class about your character.

Excerpts from Herrera, Andrea O’Reilly (ed.). ReMembering Cuba: Legacy of a Diaspora (Austin: Uni- versity of Texas Press, 2001). 325 pages.

Part 1: Author Name______1. a. When was the author born? b. Where was the author born? c. In what year did the author or his/her family come to the United States? d. If born in Cuba, about how old was the author when leaving the island? e. Has the author been back to Cuba since leaving?

2. Why did the author or his/her family leave Cuba?

3. How is Cuba a part of the author’s daily life?

4. What did you learn about Cuba, Cuban Americans, or the experience of Cubans in the United States from reading this selection?

Part 2 5. How does the author feel about leaving Cuba or his/her family members leaving Cuba?

6. What are the author’s (or his/her relatives’) views on Cuba? Have these views changed over time? How?

7. What emotions does the author express when he/she writes about Cuba? For example, does he/she seem angry? nostalgic? depressed? hopeful? proud?

8. What do you think the author would want for Cuba’s future? What issues would he/she be most concerned about? Would he/she want to return to visit? To live?

Enrique Patterson Born in 1950 in San Andrés, Cuba he left the island in 1992. …Although many people do not know this, very few Blacks fought in the rebel army; race was not part of the agenda of the 26 of July Movement. Like most Blacks, however, my family supported Fidel at the outset of the revolution; we believed that he would fulfill the promise he made before the revolution to restore democracy and, following the triumph, improve conditions for Blacks in Cuba. At first, things seemed to get better; Fidel eliminated the segregation that existed in many public places, and Blacks were mixed into the masa (dough). Yet we soon began to realize things were not as good as they seemed. For example, before the revolution Blacks had their own societies where they could gather together to talk about their problems. After the revolution, Black organizations were formally disbanded…. The official version or rationale was that since the regime had “eliminated” discrimination, there was no reason for anyone to have a separate organization. By breaking up these gatherings, including those attended by the Black communists...Fidel…later prevented Blacks from assuming leadership roles in the revolutionary party. This was a very subtle form of discrimination to which no one could object because if you protested, you were regarded as a counterrevolutionary…. Although my mother continued to be a Fidelista, my father began to lose faith in the revolution early. My disillusionment and the beginning of my psychological or interior exile began when I was only sixteen years old; it was a process that began when I started to get tired of the racist treatment that I had been exposed to since my early childhood…. During the years that I taught at the University of Havana (1973-1981) the police kept raiding my house. Finally, I decided that since I was going to be persecuted no matter what I did, I might as well become a counterrevolutionary…. I joined a group of eight young intellectuals…together we formed La Corriente Socialista Democrática, an organization that promoted democracy and human rights. Among the eight, I was the only Negro; I am certain that because of my race, I was the first member of the group that the political police went after. As a result I was hauled away to the station about every fifteen days…. I decided to leave Cuba. In my view, dying in prison for the cause was pointless; unlike my ancestors, I refused to be just another Black martyr. I decided to make an appointment with the American consul…. After looking at my record, the consul asked me why I hadn’t left the Island earlier. I told him that I had always preserved the hope that if we kept fighting, change would eventually come about. “If people like me leave,” I told him, “nothing will ever change at all.”…

Alicia Serrano Machirán Granto Born in 1949 in Santiago de Cuba, she left Cuba for the United States in 1963. I left my childhood behind in Cuba at the age of fourteen. I still have a terribly vivid memory of my brother and me in the pecera (the fishbowl) at the Havana Airport, where they placed children leaving the country to keep them separated from their relatives as they waited to board the plane that would take them away from everything and everyone they had known since birth. A couple of weeks after the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion, our family home was confiscated. My parents were given forty-eight hours to remove their belongings…. I, along with my brother and sister, was bewildered and in a daze; I was so full of pain that I could not even talk about it. Together, my parents…came to the painful conclusion to send my brother and me out of Cuba when my father discovered that I was writing anti-Castro graffiti on the walls of a beach clubhouse we frequented. After having overheard a militario say that if he caught the “bastard” who was writing things against “El Comandante,” he or she would regret it, my father became frantic with fear when my older cousin, who had already spent three months in jail for distributing pro-freedom-of-speech flyers, told him that I was the culprit…. In order to leave as a family, my father would have had to resign his job, which would have severed the means he needed to get us out of the country. With the same epidemic desperation caught by hundreds of parents, who were fearful that their children’s brains would be “washed by communism,” Papi and Mami sent my brother and me out of Cuba in 1963; they remained behind with my sister, who was mentally retarded. We were sent to my maternal uncle and aunt who lived in Miami; they had been exiled for a couple of months. I remember being in a daze for days. It was not culture shock yet—being surrounded by the family softened that blow somewhat—it was trauma, which thanks to my immaturity manifested itself in deep denial. In effect, I convinced myself that I was visiting the States as a tourist, and soon the vacation would be over and I’d go home to my parents…. A few months after our arrival in the States, my uncle was relocated to Wilmington, North Carolina and my brother and I went with him…. I remember feeling completely displaced and not belonging; the possibility that I might not see Cuba again suddenly occurred to me, and it triggered a defensive reaction in me. As a result, I submerged myself in my studies so intensely that I became one of the top five students at the Catholic school I attended. Once in a while, I would wake up in the middle of the night with anxiety attacks. “Oh my God,” I would ask myself, “am I ever going to see my parents again? Am I ever going back to Cuba?”… I can honestly say that every aspect of my life is impacted by my heritage, sometimes more than I would like. Externally, I have adjusted very well to American life. Internally, however, I often feel schizophrenic in my dealings outside of my Cuban “circle.”… Whenever I am mistaken for something other than a cubana, or even called an American-Born Cuban, I have made it a point to explain that I am Cuban, born and raised. Why is this so? I’m not exactly sure if I can explain, but I suppose it reflects my tremendous pride in my Cuban heritage.

Ada Manero Alvaré Born in Sagua la Grande, Cuba, she left Cuba via Jamaica in 1980. Like many of our friends, we were initially sympathetic with Fidel and the revolution. We believed him when he assured us that the revolution was as green as the palm trees; but he betrayed the Cuban people. (Afterwards we joked that the revolution was actually more like a [guava]: green on the outside and red on the inside.)... By 1961 it became apparent that something was wrong. Not only was the government confiscating property, but…[a]ll of the secondary students were told that they had to go to the escuelas al campo (the work camps in the country where student “volunteers” helped to meet agricultural quotas). The conditions at these schools were deplorable…. I was particularly worried about my son Carlos, mostly because he was asthmatic and could not endure the intense heat and the dust from the cane. During those early years, we watched many people leave the Island. Knowing that Carlos would be sent to the military if he stayed, we decided that it would be best for him and his sister, Adita, to leave Cuba…. I never dreamed that I would be separated from my children for seventeen years…. Soon it became clear that the sacrifice we had made for our children was in vain; by that time, we were not permitted to leave Cuba—they were detaining all medical professionals because the government desperately needed doctors [Ada’s husband was a surgeon]…. After the Missile Crisis it was impossible to get visas to the United States…. We had no control over our lives. This lack of freedom is epitomized for me in two events, both which resulted in our being denied passage out of Cuba. The first took place shortly after we had finally been granted a visa to leave the Island. Once we knew that we were leaving, I offered to sell a piano that had once belonged to Adita to a neighbor who said he’d like to buy it—it was a way of raising a little money to take with us. When he refused to pay, I decided to give the piano to the nuns. Perhaps out of anger, the neighbor’s wife denounced us by reporting the fact that we were giving away the piano to a friend of hers, who was on the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution. As a result, our exit visas were revoked. This happened a second time when I decided to give a neighbor, who was very poor, a couch for her son to sleep on…. Once again, the same neighbor reported me to her friend, and our visas were suspended a second time! In effect, I realized that I didn’t even have the right to give away the things that belonged to me…. [W]e finally received permission to leave Cuba…. I cried the entire first year after our arrival.... For the second time in my life, I was forced to make an impossible choice: for me, leaving Cuba meant leaving behind my memories of infancy and youth; it meant leaving behind my friends; it meant leaving behind my entire world. Can you imagine, at sixty years of age I had to start my life all over again…. Although I still mourn the loss of my country, the ultimate exile for me was being separated from my children…. Though I have many regrets, I want to close by saying that, despite all that is negative about communism, in some sense it taught me to be a better person, in that I learned to place all of my faith in my spiritual life and in human relationships, as opposed to material things. Nevertheless, if I were to live my life over again, I would never have sent my children out of Cuba alone—never.

Mariá Cristina Garciá Born in Havana but left at the age of seven months in 1961 for Miami, the Bahamas, and eventually Puerto Rico. She now lives in the United States. …So much of what we learned about Cuba and things Cuban was learned from my grandmother, not only on our adventures through Cuban Miami, but at home through her numerous stories, which she recounted as we did our homework, helped cook or clean the house, or prepared for bed. My parents were busy rebuilding their lives in exile, ensuring that we had clothes, food, and a roof over our heads; if they dreamt of returning to Cuba one day, they kept it to themselves. But Abui did dream about returning, and her constant talk of Cuba turned the Island into a tangible entity that sat down to dinner with us…. In 1991, after so many years of stories, I became the first member of my family to return to Cuba for a short visit; I was invited to participate at a conference at my parents’ alma mater, the University of Havana. My parents reacted to the news of my trip with disapproval, concerned that my attendance in some way legitimated the Castro regime. My grandmother responded to the news by drawing me a map of Havana on a yellow legal pad. On this grid map with dozens of streets, she located all the places that were important to my family’s history; the major landmarks were not government buildings, stores, or museums but, rather, the churches, schools, and homes where their lives had been nurtured. Most of the churches no longer stand, converted by the Cuban government into utilitarian structures; and the schools and homes are in sad decay. But every Cuban to whom I showed that map was amazed by my eighty-year-old grandmother’s memory of a city that she hadn’t seen in almost thirty years…. Abui died in 1997 in Texas…. Thankfully, she died in her sleep, surrounded by photographs of those living and those waiting for her. We arranged for her to be buried in her beloved Miami because it was the closest she could get to her beloved Cuba. The cemetery where we buried her in southwest Miami is full of abuelitas like her, who tried to instill a sense of cubanidad in their grandchildren, and who dreamt and prayed of returning to their homeland but never quite made it….

Jorge Luis Romeu Born in Havana in 1945, he left for the United States in 1980. The Revolution of January 1959 seemed to represent a triumph for the liberal aspirations of the Cuban people. Its professed aim was to provide the material and spiritual renovation for which our nation had searched for a long time. The delivery of this revolutionary movement to Marxism-Lenin- ism constituted, for many of Fidel Castro’s original comrades-in-arms and supporters, a deliberate act of treason. It alienated a large section of the population that originally fought for the Revolution, many of whom had come from the ranks of the professional classes. As a result the majority of the existing professional class was pushed into exile or incarcerated, due to their refusal to ally themselves with the unexpected detour that the new revolutionary philosophy had taken. My experience as a student and professional in Cuba mirrors the experiences of those who refused, or continue to refuse, to align themselves with the government. I have always been politically incorrect. I came from a family that supported the Revolution; when it became clear that Castro was pro communist, we actively combated his government…. [In the mid 1960s, he was expelled from the University of Havana.] Those, like myself, who had been expelled for their open opposition were not given a second chance. In 1966 I, along with more than thirty thousand other young Cubans, was sent to the UMAP… labor camps, which were concentrated in the province of Camagüey. In addition to political dissidents, the camps were filled with people from all over the Island representing all races, religions, and sexual orientations, and classes. Special emphasis, however, was placed on the homosexuals; it was suggested by the government propaganda that the camps were quarantine wards for untouchables. There, we learned to withstand and overcome long days of hard labor in the cane fields twelve hours a day, seven days a week. In addition to being underfed, we were constantly being reminded that we were the scum of the country and would be made to suffer our punishment until we demonstrated repentance and compliance…. After all that I had witnessed, I finally determined that the only way for me to effectively express my dissent and disagreement with the political regime and to spare my children the things that I had experienced was to leave the Island. Essentially, I had arrived at a dead end inside Cuba, for I had a dossier with the secret police. Although the Revolution had already separated our family—my sister, Rachel, was already living in New York—in 1978 we made the painful decision to leave…. Although I have been disillusioned from time to time, I am still grateful for the many things this blessed democracy [the United States] has given us…. In addition to having the privilege to contribute to several newspapers, I have been able to produce a weekly short-wave radio program, which reaches my fellow Cubans who remain on the Island. Like a soldier fighting to deliver my country from oppression, the media has always been my trench. In addition to providing for my family, the opportunity to work for what I believe is true and just and sacred has been my greatest goal and achievement in my eighteen years of exile. This has been, and continues to be, my only justification for having left Cuba in the first place.

Hector R. Romero Born in Santa Clara, Cuba in 1942, he left the island in 1961. I am an exile; there is no doubt in my mind about this fact. At nineteen, I was forced to make a decision that would drastically alter my life for years to come. I chose to leave Cuba, my homeland, because it was clear to me that I could no longer endure, or even survive, in that type of repressive regime. After two unsuccessful attempts, I finally managed to escape in a small boat in the middle of the night, sneaking out and looking over my shoulder, just like a thief who is trying to get away with something that is not his. In my case, I was indeed trying to get away with something, but it was all mine: my freedom, my dignity, my beliefs, my individuality, my rights, and my culture…. On December 31, 1958, the rebel forces of Che Guevara entered Santa Clara, my hometown, where the most violent battle of the Revolution was fought. I was sixteen years old. Caught in the romantic idealism of the moment, I joined the rebel forces as a scout…. In 1960, disappointed by what I had seen and by the direction in which the Revolution was turning, I joined the MRR (Movement for the Recovery of the Revolution). As a result of my clandestine activities against Castro’s communist regime, I was incarcerated three times…. In addition, I was expelled from the University of Havana in 1961, and my picture was prominently displayed, along with many others, on a bulletin board referred to as the “Gallery of Maggots.” We had been found to be traitors to “the magnanimity of the Revolution.”… I would not like to end these thoughts without addressing my feelings for that Island that is still called Cuba. To simplify my feelings as much as possible, I would have to compare them with those of a husband whose wife has been unfaithful. Divorced and living apart, he thinks of her every day, hating her new lover and asking himself if a reconciliation is possible. Is it possible to forgive, forget, and rekindle the passion that was there before? How much is he, through his own nostalgia, ideal- izing the past? Today, I am convinced that the Cuba I remember no longer exists. Cuba is decaying both morally and physically. There, the structures are crumbling down; while here, my memories are beginning to fade, just as old pictures do in family albums. There is no return either to a time or to a place. If there is any hope for the future, it is to be found in our own history—the history that has been erased from the memory of Cubans still living on the Island. The new foundation, if one can be built, must be erected on our common past, on the basis of our history, of our roots, and of our culture….

Carlota Caulfield Born in Havana in 1953, she left the island in 1981 and eventually settled in the United States. …I first became aware of the changes my family faced when one night my father, my mother, and my cousins gathered around a table late at night to listen to Radio Rebelde. This memory takes me back to 1957. Then, I developed a fear of radio news that I was able to conquer only recently. My cousins and my best friends left the country, but my parents decided to stay. They opposed the Ba- tista dictatorship and for many years supported the Revolution. I remember when the Cuban authorities confiscated my mother’s perfumery. It was 1968. Some of our best neighbors, now changed into Castro’s inspectors, harassed her. They took possession of the place and made my mother sign surrender papers in the name of a New Society. She became an exile in her own home, and the following years were very hard for us. But my mother decided that her place was in Cuba; and she is still there. During that same time I was the target of many of my classmates, who would point their fingers at me, saying, “She is not like us.” Yes, during many years I experienced social and spiritual persecu- tion. I censored myself many times. I found myself in danger for speaking, for staying quiet, and for not belonging in the Cuban mainstream. Some years later, my life’s “security” was put to test once again. In 1980, I witnessed many violent outbreaks in Havana. Trouble was everywhere. People who tried to leave the country were persecuted, humiliated, and sometimes killed. We (my husband and I) decided it was time to leave Cuba. After innumerable false starts, one day we found the way to leave behind the desperate situation we were experiencing, now that we were without jobs and the target of neighbors and other people…. I left Cuba for ethical and moral reasons…. The most striking feature of exile is its very complicated spaces…. Yes, it’s always an easy-difficult task to talk about exile, and in particular about our exile. You always take risks (many emotional ones) with Cuban matters. Between a Cuban and his/her Island, there are many bridges (silences, dia- logues, and quarrels), with his/her self and with others. As circumstances change, we deal with them. Having entered the twenty-first century, Cubans everywhere continue to argue over which direction things will take. Let’s see how many more years we keep playing with pebbles on the seashore. Let’s see how many more years we keep singing the same song.

Gisele M. Requena Born in 1972 in Miami. I was born in Miami—well, at Hialeah Hospital—in 1972 to Cuban parents and grandparents. My mother had been in the United States for eleven years, my grandparents for merely four…. How did I come to feel so Cuban, though? I see many others in my twenty-something age group who, while being aware of their ethnicity, do not stress it as much as I.… Yet for me, the Cuban flag is as much a part of the present as seeing fireworks on the Fourth of July. My family members didn’t choose to immigrate to the United States. They loved their Cuban lives and thought they would get to go back, so assimilation was never fully considered. They already had a flag and an anthem and a way of life; and settling in Miami, they did not have to give these up. They chose to pass it all on to me; and it is a gift I have accepted…. I would not know how to even tell anyone about myself, about my life, without saying I come from Miami and I am Cuban. Because while I am an American at the same time, with a master’s degree in English from the University of South Carolina, who reads books and newspapers in English and eats pizza more often than plantains—when I look at the Cuban flag, it is my flag. When people speak of the Island, it is my country. And even when people talk of the great fall of fidel that will someday come, when they will be able to “go home,” I understand. While I do not plan on being on the first boats back with them, I—who have never set foot in Cuba—also want to return to see my town of Bayamo for the first time and to see the house my family had to leave. Granted, I know that after so many years of deterioration and disrepair, the house I will someday look upon may barely re- semble the one in which my mother lived. I realize things change. Nevertheless, I will be setting foot in my house, on the soil of my homeland…. And so, I continue to introduce myself as a Cuban, to explain to people why my family left, to tell outrageous stories about fiery Miami and the Cuban exiles, whose dreams of Cuba affect their reality. I consider myself very lucky to have been raised in Miami, where el exilio reigns and where Cuban culture continues. There, I have been raised as a Cuban and am part of a group that can truly claim to be as much Cuban as American. Being Cuban American means a great deal to me personally, but I believe it is also important on the grander scale of life in el exilio. As time elapses and the older generation passes away, it becomes increasingly difficult to keep Cuban traditions alive. It becomes important to hold on. And so, the fact that of my grandfather’s four grandchildren only I, the Miami- bred one, see myself as Cuban becomes a triumph. For all Cubans it is one less loss in a situation where so much has been forfeited already.

Maura Barrios Born in 1949 in Tampa, Florida. My family has been leaving Cuba for more than one hundred years. According to my grandmother, our exile began in the 1870s when my great-great-grandfather, José Alvarez, encountered a Spaniard who said, “All of the women of Cuba are whores.” José responded by hitting the Spaniard on the head with a kerosene lamp. He and his wife and nine children had to leave Cuba that night in a rowboat that landed in Cayo Hueso. This was at the height of the Ten Years War, the Cubans’ failed attempt to gain independence from Spain. He left Cuba in order to live on. My grandmother was a very patriotic cubana, so she may have invented this story. I’ve heard other versions from the Alvarez clan. Some of them insist that José was a Spaniard! But I like her version. I have had a constant desire to get my own history straight. This may be particularly difficult for exiles. Our histories are rewritten or forgotten to adjust to new worlds. My great-grandmother, Juana Alvarez, was married to a cigar maker and moved between Key West and Cuba. The cigar industry later moved to Tampa in 1886. Juana’s generation shaped and defined the tabaquero-cubano [Cuban tobacco] communities of Key West and Tampa. They transplanted their Cuban culture to the Florida swamplands of the nineteenth century…. They invited José Martí to Tampa, where he established the Cuban Revolutionary Party. They financed the Cuban independence movement by sacrificing one day of pay each week for the cause ofCuba libre. The Vanguard of José Martí! We tampeños [people from Tampa] have a particular pride in our ancestors’ role in Cuba history. However, our Tampa history also includes Teddy Roosevelt and the Rough Riders camping here before departing for Cuba in 1898. I had to search beyond the high-school history books to discover my pride in the ancestors…. I was born in 1949, following the births of a brother and a sister. We lived in a house that my father built—a Cape Cod cottage facing a park in West Tampa. I attended public schools, where most of the teachers were Latinos. Television taught us how to behave like americanos and we tried. But the images did not fit with our Cuban bodies, our Cuban souls. Our grandparents lived nearby, so that we would always be reminded—nosotros somos cubanos [we are Cubans]! I wanted to be pure americana. My adolescent rebellion involved rejecting my family’s values and culture and making fun of my grandparents’ bad English…. No pride in the old la lucha (struggle) for me…. I recovered my (Cuban) identity in a gradual process. But first I had to study history in order to feel pride. All of my education had not ever mentioned cubanos or Latinos…. We/I was invisible in that history…. I had to recover the lost memories of my great-grandmother. During those liberal-radical-hippie times, the Cuban Revolution sparked a sense of pride, especially among Latin Americans with idealist tendencies. The Anti-U.S. Cuban Revolution! What a conflict. My anger for all the injustices could conveniently be blamed on the racist-capitalist system of the U.S. I could join the whole Third World and the Chicanos and the Blacks in an angry revolt—a different kind of cry for help, acceptance. A demand to be included! To have voice! Didn’t I, the child of the Vanguard of José Martí, have something meaningful to say?...

Instructions: These questions all relate to the Cuban revolution (1959-present). Answer all of the questions that follow on separate pieces of paper.

1. a. Explain what is meant by the phrase “post-Fidel transition” in Document 2.

b. What are the two recurring patterns of Cuban history discussed in Document 4?

2. How do Document 3 and Document 10 support the conclusions made in Document 5?

3. Assess the value and limitations of Document 6 and Document 9 for those trying to assess Cuba under Fidel. Be sure to refer to the origin and purpose of each document.

4. In Document 1, Castro states “History will absolve me.” (To absolve means to declare free from blame.) Using these sources and your knowledge, explain how and why history will judge the record of Fidel Castro.

Document 1: Fidel Castro concluding remarks at his 1953 trial for leading an attack on the Moncada military barracks. “Condemn me. It does not matter. History will absolve me.”

Document 2: From Julia E. Sweig, “Fidel’s Final Victory” in A Contemporary Cuba Reader, Rowman and Littlefield, 2008, p. 235. Sweig is the director of Latin America Studies at the Coun- cil for Foreign Relations in the United States.

Ever since Fidel Castro gained power in 1959, Washington and the Cuban exile “ community have been eagerly awaiting the moment when he would lose it—at which point, the thinking went, they would have carte blanche to remake Cuba in their own image. Without Fidel’s iron fist to keep Cubans in their place, the island would erupt into a collective demand for rapid change. The long-oppressed population would overthrow Fidel’s revolutionary cronies and clamor for capital, expertise, and leadership from the north to transform Cuba into a market democracy with strong ties to the United States. But that moment has come and gone—and none of what Washington and the exiles anticipated has come to pass. Even as Cuba-watchers speculate about how much longer the ailing Fidel will survive, the post-Fidel transition is already well under way. Power has been successfully transferred to a new set of leaders, whose priority is to preserve the system while permitting only very gradual reform. Cubans have not revolted, and their national identity remains tied to the defense of the homeland against U.S. attacks on its sovereignty. As the post-Fidel regime responds to pent-up demands for more democratic participation and economic opportunity, Cuba will undoubtedly change—but the pace and nature of that change will be mostly imperceptible to the naked American eye.”

Document 3: From Jorge I. Domínguez, “Cuba and the Pax Americana” in A Contemporary Cuba Reader, Rowman and Littlefield, 2008, p. 210. Domínguez is a professor of Latin American politics and economics at Harvard University.

Cuba continued to develop its medical diplomacy as one element of its soft power, “ hoping for influence in parts of the developing world. In 2001, 2,146 Cuban medical doctors and other health care personnel were posted in 14 countries. At the end of the 1990s, Cuba founded a new medical school to train Latin American medical doctors; in 2001, this school had 3,460 students from 23 countries.”

Document 4: Philip Brenner, Marguerite Rose Jiménez, John M. Kirk, William M. LeoGrande, “History as Prologue: Cuba Before the ‘Special Period’” in A Contemporary Cuba Reader, Row- man and Littlefield, 2008, p. 2. Brenner and LeoGrande are professors at American University. Jiménez is graduate student at American University. Kirk is a professor at Dalhousie University in Canada.

Two patterns have repeated themselves during Cuba’s last five centuries: (1) an “ external power (Spain, the United States, or the Soviet Union) has tried to dominate Cuba and prevent it from developing; (2) Cubans have struggled to be independent of the dominant external power. Until recently, Cuba was vulnerable to control because its economy depended on one major export product, sugar. Yet its dependency with each great power had its particular characteristics. While some Cubans benefited during the first two periods (1500-1898, 1903-1958), and most Cubans benefited during the last period (1959-1991), Cuba’s dependent relationships and its continuing reliance on sugar exacerbated the severe problems it faced at the start of the Special Period.”

Document 5: From Thomas M. Leonard, Castro and the Cuban Revolution, Greenwood Press, 1999, p. 88. Leonard is a professor emeritus of history at Northern Florida University.

Fidel Castro never realized the ideals of José Martí…. Instead, he became ruler over “ a Cuba economically dependent upon the Soviet Union with a political system as closed as that which he challenged, and a society deprived of mobility as it had been before 1959. Yet he leaves a legacy of triumphant revolution, representing for Latin America’s down-trodden masses a victory over elitist and corrupt government and relief from social and economic injustices. Castro also held the United States at bay much to the admiration of many Latin Americans wary of “big brother” to the north, and by championing nonaligned nations’ interests he won respect for himself and Cuba in the international order.”

Document 6: From Mark Falcoff, Cuba the Morning After: Confronting Castro’s Legacy, American Enterprise Press, 2003, p. 240. Falcoff is a resident scholar emeritus of history at the American Enterprise Institute.

On the one hand, in its revolutionary expression, Cuba has stood down all attempts “ to destroy it—by exile invasions, trade embargoes, radio broadcasts, strong-armed diplomacy, even the loss of its overseas patron and protector. On the other, having mortgaged its vision of the future to a fraudulent doctrine of economic and social organization, it has lost the vitality and resources—moral and material—that once made it an economic and cultural leader in Latin America.”

Document 7: From Jorge Valls, Twenty Years and Forty Days: Life in a Cuban Prison, Ameri- cas Watch Committee, 1986, p. 43. Valls is a Cuban activist and poet who now lives in the United States.

From the beginning, the guards had been trained to hate us. They were taught that we “ were murderers, traitors, capitalist exploiters, torturers from the past, CIA agents, and ten thousand things more. They were led to believe that any harm inflicted on us was an act of social justice, a sort of holy justice for a thousand abstract sins. Thus a guard could beat a fifteen-year-old boy bloody, holding him to blame for horrors of slavery that took place centuries before; or for the crimes and torture committed under Batista.”

Document 8: From James G. Blight, Bruce J. Allyn, David A. Welch, Cuba on the Brink, Castro, the Missile Crisis, and the Soviet Collapse, Greenwood Press, 1999, p. 182. Blight is a professor of international relations at Brown University. Welch is a professor of peace and conflict studies at the University of Toronto.

They talk about civil rights, and I ask myself: is there anywhere in the world, where “ more has been done for human kind than in Cuba. The infant mortality in Cuba is 10.7 per thousand, whereas in some other countries it is more than a hundred, and the average in Latin America is 55 per thousand live born. I ask my myself: What country has saved more infant lives than Cuba? Children who grow up healthy and with an education?” —Fidel Castro, 1992

Document 9: Poll Data, Gallup Poll, 2006. One thousand Cubans in Cuba’s two largest cities (Ha- vana and Santiago) were interviewed for this poll.

Cubans who think their country is democratic 47% Cubans who think their country is egalitarian 69% Cubans who are satisfied with the freedom to choose what to do with their lives 26% Cubans who describe the Cuban people as optimistic 96% Cubans satisfied with their educational system 78% Cubans who believe education is accessible to anybody, regardless of economic situation 98% Cubans who believe healthcare is accessible to anybody, regardless of economic situation 96% Cubans satisfied with their healthcare system 74% Cubans who believe that children have the opportunity to grow and learn every day 96% Cubans who approve of Cuba’s leadership 46% Cubans who believe they can get ahead by working hard 42%

Document 10: Two Photographs © Najlah Feanny-Hicks/CORBIS. Used with permission. Family members wave goodbye as their relatives head to Florida on a make-shift raft, August 1994. Adalberto Roque/GETTY. Used with permission. Adalberto Roque/GETTY. Cubans wave to European tourists aboard an Italian cruise ship in 1995. This was the first tourist ship to dock in Havana since 1959.

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Introduction and Part I Part II social indicators land reform industrialized countries puppet president developing countries economic recession indigenous communities guerrilla army colonists market forces slave labor supply and demand strategically important dissent plantation dissident export crop embargo export earnings naval exercises slave economies censorship naturalized U.S. citizen recession martial law elites Part III trade policy superpower sovereignty foreign reserves social injustice joint venture economic injustice free-trade zone humanitarian remittances land redistribution lobbying class structure intergenerational households constitutional convention commercial relations contract labor coup domestic politics nationalism

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Cold War: Imperialism: The Cold War was the dominant foreign The policy of extending the rule of a policy problem for the United States and nation over foreign countries as well as acquir- Russia between the late 1940s and the late ing colonies and dependencies. Imperialism 1980s. Following the defeat of Hitler in 1945, has traditionally involved power and the use Soviet-U.S. relations began to deteriorate. The of coercion, whether military force or some United States adopted a policy of containing other form. Supporters of imperialist policy the spread of Soviet communism around the traditionally used one of several arguments. world. During this period both Russia and the One argument was economic; imperialism was United States devoted vast resources to their profitable. A second school of thought drew military, but never engaged in direct military on Darwinian theory and suggested that there action against each other. Both the Soviet was a struggle between nations and people Union and the United States had nuclear in which only the fittest would survive. They weapons and were in competition for power believed that the Anglo-Saxon race and north- and influence around the world. ern Europeans were best suited to spread their religious, cultural, and civic values throughout Sovereignty: the world. A third argument was based on security issues; a nation could protect itself The absolute right of a state to govern by acquiring territory and wealth around the itself. The UN Charter prohibits external in- world. The fourth argument was often reli- terference in the internal affairs of a sovereign gious or moral; indigenous people could be state without the state’s consent. Tradition- given a better life. ally, governments, whether they be headed by democratically-elected officials or self- imposed dictators—have strongly defended Human Rights: the principle of sovereignty. In practical terms, Equal and inalienable rights for all mem- sovereignty has never been absolute. Strong bers of the human family. After the horrors countries have always influenced the policies of World War II, nations initiated efforts to of weaker countries. The United States, for develop international standards to protect example, has long had a hand in shaping the people from individuals, groups, or nations. foreign policies and economic development of There is debate about the nature and scope of Latin American nations. human rights. Some believe that human rights In 1962, Castro objected to UN inspections exist to protect individuals’ civil and politi- of the Soviet missile sites on the grounds that cal freedoms. These include the right to life, this would violate Cuban sovereignty. More liberty and personal security, freedom from recently, Cuba has argued that the concept of slavery, torture and arbitrary arrest, as well as sovereignty allows it to prohibit inspections by the rights to a fair trial, free speech, free move- human rights organizations. ment, and privacy. Others have argued that there are economic, social, and cultural rights as well. These include economic rights related Nationalism: to work, fair pay, and leisure; social rights A strong devotion and loyalty to the concerning an adequate standard of living for interest of one’s country and people. Strong health, well-being, and education; and the nationalist feelings were behind Cuba’s nine- right to participate in the cultural life of the teenth century wars for independence and community. behind the 1959 revolution.

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Contesting Cuba’s TRB Past and Future 75 Making Choices Work in Your Classroom

This section of the Teacher Resource Book Adjusting for Students of Differing offers suggestions for teachers as they adapt Abilities Choices curricula on current issues to their Teachers of students at all levels—from classrooms. They are drawn from the expe- middle school to AP—have used Choices riences of teachers who have used Choices materials successfully. Many teachers make curricula successfully in their classrooms and adjustments to the materials for their students. from educational research on student-centered Here are some suggestions: instruction. •Go over vocabulary and concepts with visual tools such as concept maps and word Managing the Choices Simulation pictures. A central activity of every Choices unit is the role play simulation in which students •Require students to answer guiding ques- advocate different options and question each tions in text as checks for understanding. other. Just as thoughtful preparation is nec- •Shorten reading assignments; cut and essary to set the stage for cooperative group paste sections. learning, careful planning for the presentations •Combine reading with political cartoon can increase the effectiveness of the simula- analysis, map analysis, or movie-watching. tion. Time is the essential ingredient to keep in mind. A minimum of 45 to 50 minutes is •Read some sections of the readings out necessary for the presentations. Teachers who loud. have been able to schedule a double period or •Ask students to create graphic organizers extend the length of class to one hour report for sections of the reading, or fill in ones you that the extra time is beneficial. When neces- have partially completed. sary, the role play simulation can be run over •Supplement with different types of read- two days, but this disrupts momentum. The ings, such as from literature or text books. best strategy for managing the role play is to establish and enforce strict time limits, such as •Ask student groups to create a bumper five minutes for each option presentation, ten sticker, PowerPoint presentation, or collage minutes for questions and challenges, and the representing their option. final five minutes of class for wrapping up. It •Do only some activities and readings is crucial to make students aware of strict time from the unit rather than all of them. limits as they prepare their presentations. Adjusting for Large and Small Classes Fostering Group Deliberation Choices units are designed for an average The consideration of alternative views class of twenty-five students. In larger classes, is not finished when the options role play is additional roles, such as those of newspaper over. The options presented are framed in reporter or member of a special interest group, stark terms in order to clarify differences. In can be assigned to increase student partici- the end, students should be expected to articu- pation in the simulation. With larger option late their own views on the issue. These views groups, additional tasks might be to create a will be more sophisticated and nuanced if poster, political cartoon, or public service an- students have had an opportunity to challenge nouncement that represents the viewpoint of one another to think more critically about the an option. In smaller classes, the teacher can merits and trade-offs of alternative views. See serve as the moderator of the debate, and ad- Guidelines for Deliberation for suggestions to play the roles of the voters. Another option on deliberation. is to combine two small classes.

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Assessing Student Achievement issues unit are the original options developed Grading Group Assignments: Students and articulated by each student after the role and teachers both know that group grades play. These will differ significantly from one can be motivating for students, while at the another, as students identify different values same time they can create controversy. Telling and priorities that shape their viewpoints. students in advance that the group will receive The students’ options should be evaluated one grade often motivates group members to on clarity of expression, logic, and thorough- hold each other accountable. This can fos- ness. Did the student provide reasons for ter group cohesion and lead to better group his/her viewpoint along with supporting results. It is also important to give individual evidence? Were the values clear and consistent grades for groupwork assignments in order to throughout the option? Did the student iden- recognize an individual’s contribution to the tify the risks involved? Did the student present group. The “Assessment Guide for Oral Pre- his/her option in a convincing manner? sentations” on the following page is designed Testing: Research shows that students to help teachers evaluate group presentations. using the Choices approach learn the factual Requiring Self-Evaluation: Having stu- information presented as well as or better than dents complete self-evaluations is an effective from lecture-discussion format. Students using way to encourage them to think about their Choices curricula demonstrate a greater ability own learning. Self-evaluations can take many to think critically, analyze multiple perspec- forms and are useful in a variety of circum- tives, and articulate original viewpoints. stances. They are particularly helpful in Teachers should hold students accountable getting students to think constructively about for learning historical information, concepts, group collaboration. In developing a self-eval- and current events presented in Choices units. uation tool for students, teachers need to pose A variety of types of testing questions and clear and direct questions to students. Two key assessment devices can require students to benefits of student self-evaluation are that it demonstrate critical thinking and historical involves students in the assessment process, understanding. and that it provides teachers with valuable insights into the contributions of individual students and the dynamics of different groups. For Further Reading These insights can help teachers to organize Daniels, Harvey, and Marilyn Bizar. groups for future cooperative assignments. Teaching the Best Practice Way: Methods That Matter, K-12. Portland, Maine: Stenhouse Pub- Evaluating Students’ Original Options: lishers, 2005. One important outcome of a Choices current

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Group assignment:

Group members:

Excellent Good Average Needs Unsatisfactory Group Assessment Improvement 1. The group made good use of its 5 4 3 2 1 preparation time

2. The presentation reflected 5 4 3 2 1 analysis of the issues under consideration

3. The presentation was coherent 5 4 3 2 1 and persuasive

4. The group incorporated relevant 5 4 3 2 1 sections of the reading into its presentation

5. The group’s presenters spoke 5 4 3 2 1 clearly, maintained eye contact, and made an effort to hold the attention of their audience

6. The presentation incorporated 5 4 3 2 1 contributions from all the members of the group

Individual Assessment 1. The student cooperated with 5 4 3 2 1 other group members

2. The student was well-prepared to 5 4 3 2 1 meet his or her responsibilities

3. The student made a significant 5 4 3 2 1 contribution to the group’s presentation

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Day 1 See Day One of the Suggested Five-Day Lesson Plan. (Students should have read Part II of the reading, as well as the box entitled “Cuban Exiles and José Martí” on page 6 of the student text, and completed “Study Guide— Part II” before beginning the unit. To gain an introduction to the topic, students should also read the Introduction.)

Day 2 Assign each student one of the three options, and allow a few minutes for students to familiarize themselves with the mindsets of the options. Call on students to evaluate the benefits and trade-offs of their assigned options. How do the options differ in their overall philosophies? How would Cuban society change if their assigned options were adopted? Moving beyond the options, ask students to imagine they are Cuban citizens. What should be the main principles guiding Cuba's economic and political systems? Which issues should be at the top of Cuba's public policy agenda? Homework: Students should complete “Focusing Your Thoughts” and “Your Option for Cuba.”

Day 3 See Day Five of the Suggested Five-Day Lesson Plan.

■ Ch o i c e s f o r t h e 21s t Ce n t u r y Ed u c a t i o n Pr o g r a m ■ Wa t s o n In s t i t u t e f o r International St u d i e s , Br o w n Un i v e r s i t y ■ w w w .c h o i c e s .e d u Our units are always up to date. Are yours? Our world is constantly changing. So CHOICES continually reviews and updates our classroom units to keep pace with the changes in our world; and as new challenges and questions arise, we’re developing new units to address them. And while history may never change, our knowledge and understanding of it are constantly changing. So even our units addressing “moments” in history undergo a continual process of revision and reinterpretation. If you’ve been using the same CHOICES units for two or more years, now is the time to visit our website - learn whether your units have been updated and see what new units have been added to our catalog.