RURAL AGENCY AND THE SCHOOLS ACT OF 1906

A Thesis

Presented to

The Faculty of Graduate Studies

Of

The University of Guelph

by KATHRYN A. BECHTEL

In partial fulfillrnent of requirements

for the degree of

Master of Arts

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Kathryn A. Bechtel Advisor: University of Guelph, 1999 Professor 1. Crowley

When the Ontario Conservative govemment of J.P. Whitney passed new schools legislation in 1906 that increased salaries for teachers in the province and restndeâ powers previously enjoyed by local school trustees, the rural districts in the provinœ rose in such angry indignation that further legislative changes followed during the next year. While inaeasing discrepancies between urban and rural life had been observed in the late nineteenth centwy, this thesis argues that govemmental actions in relation to education in 1906 and 1907 served not only to highlight what was perceived in some quarters as "the rural school problem." but also to consolidate opinion in rural Ontario. Rural sdiools found it difhlt to pay teachers as rnuch as their urban wunterparts because rural residents were more dispersed and the transportation infrastructure was rudimentary, but the govemment's new requirements were seen as ninning contrary to the thrift charaderistic of the province's farmers. In a populist vein that ran deep through Ontario's agrarian thought, the govemment's actions were also viewed as arbitrary and dictatorial. As well, negative reactions greeted proposais to change the mode of teacher training even though they were intmded to improve teaching qualifications. When opposition to the new intended to improve teaching qualifications. When opposition to the new measures gathered steam initial1y in local and agricultural newspapers, emerging agrarian leaders like J. J. Morrison, Caleb A Mallory, William Charles

Good, and Emest Charles Dniry spearheaded attempts to get the govemment to reverse its stand. Meeting after meeting on the issue was held around the province. Following an exceptional example of rural solidarity, new legislation in

1907 mollified the govemment's previous position without reversing the stand it had takeri about the need to improve the quality of education in the province. I owe a debt of gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Teny Crowley, for without his support finishing this paper would have been a much more onerous task than it was. Not only did he offer fantastic suggestions but he was also very encouraging along the way. The members of my cornmittee Dr. Snell, Dr. Murray and Dr. Farrell also deserve recognition for giving of their time and energy, and for offering helpful additions to this work.

Other individuals also pusheâ me along the way and forced me to strive for the stars. My partner Mike was a tremendous help as he listened to my ideas, challenged, and supported me dong the way. To rny parents and grandparents who instilled in me a strong work ethic and who have aiways said to finish what you start. To my friends and family who had faith in my ability to finish when even I questioned that reality. To Judy who has been a mentor and inspiration to me, and who understanding my experience sent me a Nike shirt which read 'Just

Do It!'. I often wore that shirt when I needed an extra push. Lastly, to my mom who gave me pep talks when I needed them and made me feel like I wuld fly.

Thank you to everyone for without you this joumey would have been much more difficult. TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... i

Chapter

Introduction ...... 1

Chapter One: The Emergence of State Controlled Education in Ontario ...... 7

Chapter Two: The Public Schools Ad of 1906...... 37

Chapter Three: Rural Response to the Act of 1906 ...... 62

Chapter Four. Famers Organize ...... 88

Conclusion ...... 707

Bibliography ...... 111

Appendices Introduction

I fimly believe that with pmper explanaüons there will ba no percepüble opposition to the present law and I say thls fmm having witnessed the mlof expianations of the subjed. In any event the Govemment will not made hmiîs position.' Premier J.F. Whitney

Late in 1906, the residents of rural Ontario became aware of the amendrnents made to the Schods Adand many were not willing to accept the new legislation without a fight. In one letter a rural resident wrote that the "famer has got hit so hard with this Schools Act it has made him yell. He will be apt to strike back at the next general election unless the Act is repea~ed."~The Schools Act of 1906 became a representation of the growing disparity that existed between the rural and urban communities throughout Ontario. Urban growth and the development of industry meant that the economic powers that had once been present in the agricultural sectors were now being pulled away by burgeoning cities. Many rural canstituents saw the Schools Act as one further attack against their autonomy by

Ontario's growing industrial setting.

Historians have recently begun to erode the amour that once protected a typically whiggish interpretation of education's nse from private obswrity to public prominence. Educational history today deals with malelfemale differences, ethnic conflicts, divisions over social class, and the rurallurban divide? lndividuals such as Douglas Law and Robert Gidney deserve credit for their contributions to rural educative history. Previously, studies of rural history

' Archives of Ontario (AO), RG 3-2-0.29. MU 31 21. Private Later (rwn Premier Whitney to Mr. Eilber 27 November 1906. H. Aickards, Jacks Lake The New Schwl Law' 7Re WddySun (20 March 1907):7. had lacked the social analysis that these men brougM to their work. Recently, a great &ai has been written about rural history, especially nineteenth-centwy rural educational history. Howevr, the experienœ of rural Ontarians with education at the turn-of-theantury still remains largely untouched.

This study shows the effects on rural Ontario producd by the Schools Adof

1906 on public elementary education. The rural backiash against the adin 1906 forced the Consmative govemment to fumer amend the act in 1907. In oie end the reaction showed a growing politickation within agfiwltural wmmunities and the immense political power they still wielded if they could be united. Letters to the govemrnent and govemmental responses to the adwere also very revealing.

Few records exist that are able to tell the story of rural Ontarians and their reactions to this ad. Newspapers are one of the few sources available that reveal the discussions that were played out within the rural community. The printed word also projected the magnitude of concem felt by the people regarding this enadment.

During the period under consideration a change in the position of the mal community was occumng in conjunction with and as an integral part of the fundamental changes king wrought in Ontarian Ife by new economic, social and political forces. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries many changes ocairred to the Canadian landscape that had very significant infiuences on the development of education. The gruwth of industrialization, wbanization, and immigration al1 had profouid eWson nwal life and rural education. As

3 For example the work by C. E. Philipe, 7blhudqmd of Edrrcabr'on k Canada, (Toronto: W. J. Gage, 1957); conbasled against merit work by Alisan Prentice, such as SchwYig end other changes such as the revolution of the telephone and the development of the train rninimized the distances ôetween places and encouraged more rural to urban migration these developments tied into fears of rural depopulath that were played out at the beginning of the twentieth cent~ry.~The growth of 'New

Ontario' also occumd during this pend, resulthg from immigration, the population growth of southem Ontario, and mining on the Canadian ~hield.' The

West was also opening up largely as the result of the dosing of the American frontier and the efforts made by Sir Clifford Sifton and his aggressive promotion d immigration. As Minister d the Interior, Sifton encouraged immigration from

Great Britain, Europe and the United States throughout the perîod 1896 to 1905.

The growth of the West aeated a dernand for professimals and teahers were high on this kt. At the beginning of the twentieth century some blamed the growing shortage of Ontario teachers on the development of the westem provinces that ufiered higher wages and created a greater demand for teachers6

The rural community was oniy beginning to recover from the depression that ended in 1897 and had not yet adjusted spending in a changing economic environment. In one article it was argued that the level of education of teachers and the overall quality of education had not changed in twenty year~.~While othen argued that the quality of education was more than adeqwte and irnproving, many of the issues that affected rural education had developed over a

S;chdm, Eds. Susan Muslon and Alison Pmntice, (Tomnto: University of Toronto Pmss11BB8). ' Douglas Lam, 'Devdopment of Agricuiturat Education in Ontario 187û-1910,' (University of Tomnto:PhD. Thesis, 1972):170. * New Ontario' refsmrd to NoiUiem Onterio and devdoped at the tum-o~theantuyas a resuit of both mineral nrsourees in the Cwadian Sbld and ths ~rawingpopulslkn in Southem Ontario. Tetachen' Salaries and the Famer,' Ths FP~~KJ'Abiocas, ( 7 March 1907):398. ' 'Teechen end Scholan.' Ths F&m& HsnJd mû a,(24 Am 1QO7):lO. long period of time and had been infiuenced throughout the nineteenth centuy most significantiy by Egerton Ryerson and those who followed.

Literacy was an essential cornponent of education in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Canadian census calculatecl literacy rates based on an individual's ability to read and write. The content of this research has been based oc the premise that rural Ontario maintained a high belof literacy throughout the tumof-thecentury (refer to table one). As expressed in table one, the number of people that could read far outnumbered those that could not.

Table One:

htrbts kr&w can radody.

btricta ~canmdrndwrils.,

O btrb Huikr camot rd. , 1

Harvey GrNalso explores literacy and its cuitural signiiicanœ suggesting that analysis of pdnted material reveals a great deal about a dety? Homwer, Graff also cautions that literacy cannot be easily defined. Gmff suggests that Mile statistics provide information on the minimum standard of literacy present in an area, they should not be used in isdati~n.'~Paul Rutherford m his book A

Victodan Authonty further discusses the issue of literacy relating to how the nurnber of newspapers at the tum-of-thecentury "exceeded the number of families" in canada." Brian Beaven also supports the dominance of the printed word within Ontario. In his artide 'Partisanship, Patronage, and the Press in

Ontario' he discusses the rapid growth and financial support given to newspapers at the beginning of the twentieth century."

The printed word found within local newspapers and larger circulars will becorne the focus of this examination. While this type of source can be problematic because of the connection between political parties and the presd3, it is one of only a few that provides extensive information regarding this subject. Letters that were written to the govemment and replies, govemment reports including census data and statutes, as well as the legisiative newspaper and secondary sources, will be used to assess the information surrounding the amendments to the education ad in 1906 and 1907. Unfortunately, a great deal of information has been lost. Local inspecter reports that would have provided individual county responses to the ad have disappeared, as has much of the correspondence between the wunties and government regarding this legislation. However, I feel

.- a FOU* Census of Ca& 1901, (ôttawa: S.E. Dawson, 1fW):326-329. Hawey GrM, 'Towards A Meaning of Liieracy,' Eds. Michael Katz and Paul MstUngly. Educab;w, ancf Social Change, (New York: New York University, 1975):250-251. 'O lbid. 252-253. l1Paul Rutherford, A VimAuthMy, floronto: University d Toronto Press, 1982):s. j2 Brian Beaven, 'Partisamhip, Petmage. and the Press in Ontario,' CwWbn Hislwical Review, (LXiV (3) 1983; 31 7-351):324. confident that the information available pfe~entsa very strong argument against the education amendments and proves Vie extent of rural involvement in retaliation against this legislation.

This study will address these and other related issues in reviewing the amendments to the education adin 1906 and 1907. It begins with an examination of the scholarly work produced in this area of study. This chapter also provides some background to the developments in education that occurred throughout the nineteenthantut'y and into the twentieth. Chapter Two establishes the educational structures that were pfesent within the Ontario

legislature. Attention is paid to the Whitney govemment and the arnendments to the 1906 ad. In the third chapter more attention is given to how the public responded towards the amendments as well as govemment respanses. An emphasis is given to the newspapers used in this study as well as their readership. The fourth chapter deals with the 1907 amendments and again the responses given by both the govemment and the rural community.

The conclusion Mngs all of the elernents together to recreate in the readets mind the political events of 1906 and 1907. This study will provide insight into the development of rural cultures and famiers' movements. It will help to demonstrate the influence of the collective over the govemment and show its significance when placed in the context of a ml comrnunity that was very difficult to organize.

'' Bdan Seaven. Partisanship, Patmnage, and the Press in Ontado,' 318. Chapter One

The Emergence of State Controlled Education in Ontario

Nineteenthcentury Ontario witnessed many changes to its educational policy.

Initially, an informal but very elitist experience, education was transfomed into a publidy funded, stateiun, centralized systern that by 1871 required compulsory school attendance for children aged seven to hnelve years. These departues did much to spread literacy in an expanding commercial and industrializing economy.' During this pefiod urban schools flourished with high attendance and adequate financial support, but these developments stood in marked contrast to the raality in rural schools that lacked both pupils and funding. As the century progresseci, many rural constituents felt that the govemment was losing touch with the agricultural community. When the provincial govemment amended its education ad in 1906, many in rural soc'ety reacted negatively against the powers of state-nin education.

For neariy a century, the substance of the changes that were made during the nineteenth century has dominated Ontario's ducational historiography.

Much of the early historiography glotied in the nse of an educational system that plaω the province not simply within the industrializing world, but at its forefront.

The approach was decidedly Whiggish in calebrating the adiievements of individuals sudi as Egerton Ryerson and lauding improvements to teacher training, unifom textbooks, and public funding to fuel Vie expansion of educaüon.

' R.D. Gidney. 'Elementary Educaüon in Upper Canada: A Reassessment,' Edwatron cnd SocHiI Ch-, Eds. Michmi Katz and Paul Maüingly, (NewYork: New York University Press, 1975):20. Dunng the last quarter of th8 twentieth century, educational historiens were increasingly influenced by new approaches in &al history mat led them to problematize many areas where previous accounts had paid scant attention.

Questions of social dass and social control, the growth of bureaucracy and its relation to local elites, the situation of racial rninorities such as the province's aboriginal and Afncan-Canadian populations, and the difficulties faced by burgeoning francophone population in the late nineteenth œntury captured increasing attention. So did gender questions in relation to women teachers and female students, but less attention was directed towards the ruraliurban divide that upheavals over amendments to the education adrevealed in 1906.

Education in the nineteenth centwy was in a constant state of flw. Ontario, previously known as Upper Canada (1791 -1 841 ) and Canada West (1841 -1 867), was thereby forced to respond in a variety of ways to serve its heterogenews popu~ation.~At the beginning of the nineteenth century the educated were those people with sufficient wealth to afbrd private schools. In 1816 the Common

Schools Adwas passed which opened educational doors to some members of the lower classes. However, the absence of a unified governing system meant that even the more advanced Grammar Schools taugM everything fmABCs to university entrancelevel It was not until the period behneen 1844 and

1850 that Egerton Ryerson established the Schod Acts that provided a system

* Whib many of the inhabitants of what WOU# becorne Ontario were of Briosh descent. socialty as well as ecommicaliy many dirences prsvailed. As the œntury wore on immigrants amved and contributecl to the heterogeneous nature of Ontario. Refer to Mamenlazefson's artide, for governing and regulating schods in 0ntario4 These Schools Acts would

continue to have a pralound influence on the aducatlonal system of the twentieth

century and affect both rural and urban society. Educationalists such as Ryerson desired to establish a solid educational

system that would benefit the majority of the province's citizens. Much of the

early work written on nineteenthGentury &cational history came to centre on

Ryerson and his educational p~licies.~Even when the texts did not centre on

Ryerson, he was often presented as an icon of educational refm. Charles E. Phillips, in his book The Development of Educahon in Canada, stated aiat ufor length of seivice and magnitude of achievements [Ryerson] must be given first

place amon0 early ~uperintendents."~Mile Ryerson was a pivotal figure in

Ontario's educaüve pst, late twentiethcentury interpretations of educaüon came

to exornine how other influences such as gender, culture and class also shaped

the history of edu~ation.~The rornanticism that surounded early interpretations

of Chief Superintendent Egerton Ryerson has also corn into question.

- 'Canadian Educational Histodography: Some Obsewaüons,' Egc#ton Rylersorr and His Tms, eds. Neil Maanaid and MChaitori, (Tmnto: MacMillan, 1978). Edwin C. Guillet. in the Ceuse d Educedkn, (Toronto: Univecsity of Toronto Ress, 1960). ' Guillet, In #e Cause of €ducation, 11. '~eferto: Nathanael Bumash, Egwtw, Ryenon, (hmnto: Momng. 1Qû6). Mscusses the IR of Ryemand his contributions to educatiori. 8~hailesE. ~hi~ips,~hs ~evebpnmt d ~ûmarimin ~anede,(ïomnto: W.J. Gage, 1957):250. '~eferto: Chad Gafîieid, Lariguegb, SdnWhg, end CMuel Gonllid, (Montreal: McGilMueen's University Press, 1987). This mHk deak prima* müi the French and En@& issues that esisted in nineteerrlhentury Ontario. Aiso refw to Chikhm, TeacJievs evrd Schds, edited by Jean Barnan, Neil Suthetland and J. Donald \Mlson, (Calgary: ûets8lig Entefprfse~Ltd., 1895). Essays provide insight towards an understanding of both the Asian and Native experisnce in education. Also refer to GendcKBlrd Educatitrrr a-, Eds. Ruby Heap and AWso(i Prentics, (Toronto: Canadian Sdiolars' Pm,1991). PmMin this work pmdde referenœ to both gender inequallies wilhin educaüon as well Uwy refer to dass imqualAy. The work of the early educational historians was very unrefined in cornparison

ta what came later, but they did provide an essential basis. The first wave of

historians who wrote on the history of education advanced agreement on the

Whig interpretationOThese historians provided the reader with what they

believed were the Yads'. This often meant th& the work produced focused on

govemment documents or written reports as primary source material. The

structure of the books generally followed a very linear approach that avoided

analytical discourse. They also &en ignored the inRuence of education on the farming camrnunity, women, or rninority groups. One work from this genre that

perhaps had the greatest impact on educational history in Ontario was The

Dewelopmentof Education in Canada (1957) by Charles Phillips. Phillips

provided an exernplary example of Whig interpretation even though the

importance to the history of education is indisputable. He unveiled the educational experieoce of the French Regime in juxtaposition with the British experience, finally leading into a ptesentation of the development of educational methodologies. Milemis work undoubtedly lacked the critical investigation that would becorne present in the work done by his predecessors, Phillips provided the base for those who followed. Prior to Phillips very little had benwritten on education in Ontario, and hilethe focus of Phillip's work surrounded the development of Canadian education, it was critical to the development af the a Historians such as Chades PhiHips, Trie DembpneM olEduaiawi in C8116d8, (Tomnto: W.J. Gage, 1957); James Miller, Rumi Schods rYI C6Mada, (New Yu& City: Teachers College, Columbia UniveMy: 1072); Robin Sutton Hanls, QW Evolutkm; A Study of the EdmWmI System of Ontwb, (Toronto: University of Toronto Prsss. 1967); J.G. Althouse in ihe Onterfo Teechef i800-î910, (England: W.J. Gage Limited, 1987); and A. J. Madiii, A Hi'stwy of Agk~&uralEducatkn in OnMo, (Toracrto: University of Toronto Press, 1830) have aN presented province's educational history. Still, Alison Prenüce charaderized the hi~t~ographyof Ontario's educational history up to 1960 by saying that Phillips wrote just before a "major revolution in thwght and research was about to occur.

The sixties and the seventies witnessed the emergence of a new generation of histonans that would greatly impact upon this subject. During the first part of this period much of the histoflcal work was seen as 'revisionist' in its approach.

Canadian Education: A History, edited by J. Dona!d Wilson, Robert M. Stamp and Louis-Philippe Audet in 1970, stood among the first volumes of this period to revamp the direction of educational history in canada.'' These authors maintained that "the political, economic, social, cultural, and intellectual aspects of Canadian history are vital to an understanding of Canadian educational development."" Mile in some regards this book pushed foward the ideologies of social history, an absence of material pertaining to the experienœ of women, minorities such as African-Canadians and aboriginal poples, as well as the idea of social dass, and the rural experienœ weakened the impact of this book.

Despite these criticisms, Alison Prentice used her contribution to Canadian

Mucetion: A Hisfory as a building block towards her part in the creation of a

- -- - the histoiy of education as part of 8 Qrogression of events. As pioneers in their fieM they have focused on the poiaical arid structural elements of education. 'Historians of Ontario Education Reminisce and Reflect,' Omvio Hi.,(85 (4) 1993): 283- 289. 'O J. Donald Wlson. Robert M. Stamp and Louis-Philippa Audet eds, Cenadim EduicBnon: A His&y, (Scarborough: Prenth-Ha!, 1@70),was intended to replace C.E. Phillips', Ths DeviebpmW of EduaWcw in Canach and infuse the suôject of education with a larger emphasis on 'Canadian social development*. (Cmadbn Education:A HiWy, approach to the issues surrounding Ryerson's administration, their work contributes to an understanding of this petiod that had previously not existed.

Connections can also be drawn between Ryersan's administration and the educational system that developed in the twentieth ~entury.'~

The strong, state-fun education system that rural leaders rose to contest in

1906 was the result of a complexity of fadors that developed throughout the nineteenth century. The first factor was the composition of the population within

Upper Canada at the beginning of the nineteenth century. ln addition to abotiginal peoples and Loyaiists fleeing the American Revolution, other

Americans of varying ethnic and racial backgrounds sought cheap arable land in a province that remained a British colony. British immigration prevailed after the end of the War of 1812. Conservatives united in what was termed the Family

Compact sought to retain the British connection and power for themselves along with it.

During this penod private schools existed largely for the benefit of the dite. In

1816 the government passed an adwhich created a system of state-supported common schwls. The Common Schools Act of 1816 did not provide free schooling, but the Act made it easier for rural students to receive an education.

This act promised that if twenty students could be found Bat the govemment would help pay the salary of a teadier. Acc~dingto Donald Wilson, this "act mark[ed] the beginning of state acceptance of responsibility for the education of

l5Nomal schoob mmt pposed by both the Ryemn government and laet the Wney governmeM. Remollyn, MïiWWol €dm,~Hna, of 0- For the Yew Wû, (Toronto: LK. Carneron, 1907):ü. the masses."'' Wilson also goes on to state the influence had by John Stradran duting this period. MileJohn Strachan called for the initiation of education for al1 children, and for a superintendent or board of education, he was not an advocate of the centralized control that emerged later.l7 While Strachan did have a significant influence on education, other factors were also important to its develop~ent.Interestingly, some of the threats that were to influence education could be said to have been more perceived than real.

As the cent~irywore on, immigration began to radically transfomi the shape of

Upper Canada, later Canada West, and ad as a catalyst in the development of an educational state. Ontario became an overwhelmingly rural province where agriculture remained the foremost employer up to 1941. Many of the immigrants who came to the province were wnsidered 'undersirable' elements of society.

These immigrants included the Irish who, like the French, brought the threat of difference akin to that presented by Blacks who were escaping from the United

States and slavery. An educational state had not been developeâ for these groups and the elite feared the imbalance that their preponderanœ would cause throughout society. It was this fear that later contributed towards support for

Ryerson who, in 1846, lobbied for free schooling based on the precept that by teaching children the ability to reason it would allow them to overcome ignorance

'' J. Donald Wlson. The Pm-Ryemn Yeats* Egpdm Ryarson and His (Ysms, Edo. Neil McOonaM and Alf Chaiton, (Toronto: MamiMan of Caneda, 1978): 9. l7Wilson. The Pm-Ryerson Yeats*. 27. "vice, crime, and juvenile delinquency."18Ryerson sought free schooling, as a means to promote balance, yet this balance would remain as elusive as it had been during the early part of the œntury.

The imbalance that existed during the first pend of Upper Canadian history was exernplified in 1837 when the rebellions enipted. Bruce Curtis examines the events of this period, noting that the "rebellions of 18378 in the Canadas and the growing importance of the Whig-Radical alliance in England demonstrated the bankruptcy of colonial rule by an appointad dite. Political refoms carried out in the United Canadas led to the replacement. in certain areas, of appointed with elected govemrnent officiais, the development of new kinds of central-local govemrnent relations, and the elaboration of bureaucratie governrnental procedures.n'gWhat Curtis states reinforces the view that nothing occurs in isolation. The Rebellion resulted from a disenfranchised majority that sought change, but it served to initiate the beginning of an increasingly democratic rnentality that contnbuted to an environment supportive of education for all.

While Curtis did not discuss the events that followed in the nineteenth century his

l8Rder to J. Donald WJson, The Ryemn Years in Canada West.' Cenedkn Edwtrion: A Hr'isiwy, Eds J. Donald Wllson, Robert M. Stamp. and LouisPhilippe Audet. (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, lWO):2'i 8. Sec ~Iso,Camlyn Steeârnan, "Mother made Consdous': me Hislorical Develapnent of 8 Phary Schod Pedagogy.' History Wshop(20 Autumn 1WS:149.i63). The author appmadies ePementary schd pedagagy fma British and a Froebelian pgmpctive; she prouides an insightful discussion about education for the poor or zfom fmm the bottom up. Bruce Cuias, TmOoM by Choh Men? floronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992): 6, idea that nothing occurs in isolation was re-enforœd by the events surrwnding

1906 when the rural cammunity once again sought a more dernomtic system."

Other factors such as a changing econornic order also cantributed towards the development of free education in Ontario. As cities grew throughout the beginning and middle of the nineteenth œntuy, so toa did the industrial base within those areas. As a result, the rural areas began to experience 'a series of crises resulting from overpopulation and lack of land in southem Ontario by the

1850s".~'The high demands placed on land within southern Ontario meant that many farrn children were forced to seek work elsewhere. The cities were one obvious choice, but the rural population felt inaeasingly threatened by these unsettling events as aie csntury evo~ved.~

Many white Anglo-Saxon Protestants feared the disintegraüon of society as they witnessed the ever-growing heterogeneous environment around thern?

Mernbers of the old dite within Upper Canada desired control and feared mrest.

A desire for this control, especially in regards to the educatian systern, was realized in 1847 when the School Act was passed that created the office of

Superintendent of Comrnon Schools. Egerton Ryerson, the son of a Loyalist and a Protestant, was aware of the possibilities that the new post pre~ented.~~

" 'StiII Protesting Against the New School Lm.' The IMMdy Sm. (2 January 1907):Z. '' Terry Cmwley. 'Rural Labour,' Ed. Paul Craven. Labouhg Lives, flwonto: University of Toronto Press, lûQ5):14. See also, W.R. Young. 'C~n~ption,Rurat Depopulation, and the Famers of Ontario, 181 7-19,' Camdhn HidwW Review, (53 1Qi2:28932O). " Douglas Lam, 'Devefopment of A~ti~ulturalWucation 187û-lQl0,'(?h.D. thesis, University of pmo,i 972)~ 70. Kas Mazurek and Ni& Kach, 'lntroâuction. Canada: A Social and Educaüunal Profile.' Essays ar, Canedien EdUC8tjW), Eds. Nick Kach, Kas Mazurek, Robert S. Patteson aiid Ivan Defaveri, (Calgary: De(seli Enterprises Limitad, iOû6):33. In this article the authors explore the events that sumund the development of Cariadian education. 24 Rder to Egerton Ryerson, John Geow Hocigins, 7?w Slory dMy LilCe: Behg R-SCBIIOBS of Saly Y-' Pubüc Service h Caneda, vorwito: W. Bnggs, 1883); and Charles Bruce Sissons, Ryerson was given the oppcrtunity to evoke diange when in 1844 he was appointed Assistant Superintendent of Schools for Canada West, a pstthat would two years later make him Chief ~uperintendent.~What Ryerson promised was an educational program that would instill the dominant religious and moral values in al1 children and in doing this reassert a level of homogeneity back into society.

While Ryerson fills the pages of many texts on this pend, the story that many traditional histarians did not tell was that of the first superintendent of education, the Reverend Robert Murray. Robert Gidney raises the issues that were prevalent surrounding the passage of the Sdiool Acts in the 1840s and suggests that more attention should be given to Murray, Ontario's first superintendent of schools. In his artide, "The Rev. Robert Murray: Ontario's F irst Superintendent of Schools", Gidney discusses how Ryerson's autobiography, titled The Story of

My Me, pprsented Murray as both incompetent and inexperienced, two daims that were not Vue? Gidney goes on to delineate the weakness inherent in

Murray's Superintendency, stating that he came into a position that was already in shambles. The School Act of 1840 had been "poorly drafted and poorly irnplernented", bath factors that were beymd the mntrol of ~urra~.~What

EgeRm Ryerson :His üb and Leüws (Toronto : Clarlre, Irwin, 1937-47), for more details into Ryerson's life work. 25 Egerton Ryerson, John George Hoâgins, The Story of My Ub: king Remini~98msof SiMy Y-' Pubk SeM'Ce h Cenada, (Toronto :W. B~~Qs,1#3):348. * R. D. GMney. 'The Rw. RobeII Murray: Ontario's FiM Supelntenâent OTSchooî~,~CMMo Hi-, (03 De~emba~lQl-2W.):lQl. " Gidney The Rev. Robert Murray' 197. Oiscussion of this peiod, and Robsrt Murray in paaicular cm be found within an another arüde by Robert Gidney and DI A. Lam, The Development of an Administrethre Systein for the Public Schoob: The First Stage, 1841-50." Gidney presents to the reader is an individual who was very proactive. In 1843

Murray wrote a report that cfiticised the Schml Bill of 1841 and proposed changes that would hopefully improve the quality of education. In his report he stated that more "unifomiity was needed", that the ucurriculumshould be more carefully organized", that the "quality of teahers should be rais&, that "without a normal school, or some other means of training teachers, no legislation "cm ever materially aavance the cause of Education in the Provincen. Finally, he stated that "a strwig superintendency was needed, able to work not only through persuasion, but al- if necessary through "the strong am of law""? Murray's term as Superintendent was short yet critical to the developrnent of an educational system in Ontario. As can been seen through Gidney's work, many ideas that Ryerson later irnplemented in the Ontario educational system were generated by Robert Murray during his terni in office?

As Chi& Superintendent, Egerton Ryerson instigated many changes to education in Ontario. Beginning with the Cornmon Schools Act in 1846, he developed a system of free universal elernentary education, for both urban and rural areas, which he mpleted by 1871. The Crst Common Schools Act in 1846 was perhaps the most significant in that it set focth a provision for a strong central authority that would be responsible for regulations and cumcula, the authorkation of textbooks, and for the quality of teaching through the

- - - -- €'onRpmm end Hi& ris,Eds. Neil McOonald and An Chaiton, (Toronto: Macmillan, lQ78.):16S-I86. 28 Gidney, The Rev. Murray", 201. 29 NBU18naeI 8uwash. EgsrlOn Rywsm, ('ïomnto: George N. Momng and Company. 1903):175 178. establishment of a nomal schod.jO While œntralizing authority was an important part of this act, Ryerson maintained the local county-based administrative groups known as Boards of Public Instruction, but he left them with diminished powers. The Boards of PuMic Instruction were composed of common school superintendents and county grammar sdiool trustees. Three bustees from each school section were then elected tu fmthe Board of School

Trustees. They were responsible for the hinng and dismissal of teachers, administrating the schools according to lm, maintaining the school buildings, and sewing as a liaison between Ryeison and the ~rnmunitjes.~'This system of operation continued until 1906 when the Whitney govemment amended the act to allow for a more centralized system, especially in rural areas. The regulation of teachers' salaries was of partiailar importance to this administration.

Another development under the Act of 1846 was the General Board of

Education (after 1850, the Council of Public Instruction) which became the chief administrating body mcemed with the regdatory powers of the nomial, cornmon and separate sch~ols.~~The involvement of the local communities was vital to the establishment of RyersonJsplan. Urban newspapers, sudi as the

Globe, circulated throughout rural areas and helped to spread the new ideologies

-- - Refer 10, J. Donald Wilson. The Ryerson Years in Canada West,' Canadm Eduwlion: A Histay, Eâs. J. Donald Wilson, Robert M. Stamp, and Louis-Philippe Audet, ( Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1970); SUS~Houston, 'Politics, Schools, and Sodal Change in Upper Canada," EdHknand socid Change: Themes ltwn OriPafb's W,Eds. Paul Matüngiy and Michad B. Katz, (New York: New York University Pm,1975): 2û-56. R. O. Gidney. 'Elernentary Education in Upper Canada: A Re~1ss~sment~'OnWb if-, (65(3), 1073): 109185. Robert Gidney and Douglas Law, 'Bureaucracy versus Community? The Ongins of Bureaucrabic Pmcedum in the Upper Canadian Scnool Systm,' Jounel of Sociel Mday, (1 3(3) 1880):438457. '' Wilson, The Ryemn Yean b Canada West," 218. that were ernerging from aie changing educational system.? lmproved literacy and the spread of newspapers helpeâ to mobilize public opinion when the rural areas reacted to govemment adions in regard to education in 1906 and 1907.

Public acceptance of free schools and school taxes was not universal, yet many individuals became convinced of the benefits inheient in a wmpulsory school program? Other factors such as authorized schooi textbooks and a move towards improving the quality of education through increased teacher training became key elements in the development of the Ontario public school system.

The issues surrounding teachers, espedally wornen as teachers, and the texts that the instnictors used have only recently spning from a tradition of very

Whiggish interpretations. Egerton Ryerson, written by Nathanael Buwash, purports to be neither a history nw biography, but "the presentation to our young people of the various aspects the work of a great man."* In response to teachers and textbooks, Bunuash proceeded to write:

Matters of more obvious legislation, such as the authorkation of texîbooks, niles for the govemment and discipline of schaals, and the entire res~onsibilityand diredion of nomal school were wisely pîaced in the counal of public instruction, who also prescribed the classfficatton, qualiflcatfon, arid subjeds of examlnation of teachers. The simpîiuty, unity, and efAciency of this system am its hiphest pmise?

Refeer to AIison Prentice, The School Rumuters, (Toronto: McCleWand and Stewart. 1977):18. a J. Oonald Wlson, The Ryerson Years in Canada West,' Edmdim h Cenade: An i-, i-, Eds. E. ManTrtiey and Peter 3. Miller, (Calgary: Detselig Entreprises Limited, 1982):61-01,72. This source discusses the influence of the George Brown's Globe on the rural communities dun'ng the nineteenth-cen!ury. Y AS previously rnentioned, compuisory schooling was seen as a me(hod of taking the undesiraMe eiements from the sueets and refofming them into acceptable members of society. Robert Gidney and Oouglss Lam expiore îhe role of taxation in educaüon in the& artide, 'Deveîopment of an Administrative Systm for the PuMlc Schoois: The First Stage, 1841-50.' Egerton Rymmand His Times, Eds. NeH McDoriald and AM Chaiton, (Toronto: MamiHan, t 978): f 60-1 81. J5 Nathanael Bumesh, E-n Rywson (ïoronlo: George Momg and Company, 1903.): i. j6 Burwash, Emm, 170-179. Much of the academic work in educational history that has grown since the 1960s lacked the over zealous praise emphasized by Butwash. Instead, historians frorn a vatiety of theoretical approaches developed both the issue of teaching and that of school texts in a variety of ways.

Mile Buwash was able to compile al1 his information on textbook refofrn and teaching into several paragraphs, the historiography on these two subjects has greatly increased. Both teadiing and textbook refom figured in the public debate that enipted in :906. Many historians have addressed the topic of teaching in Ontario during the nineteenthcentury, yet of those historians Alison

Prentice has perhaps made the largest impact on hist~riograph~."As both a writer and editor of nineteenthcentury educational history (with a focus on

Ontario), Prentice has contributed greatly to this field. As a feminist historian,

37 The following are some examples of books that she has written on the theme of women and teaching. Alison Prentice and Ma rjofie R. Theobald, eds. lrHomen MoTa-: Perspednfes on aie HiSrary of Women ancl Teaching, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991); Alison Prentice and Susan Houston, SCIKK)Iing and SdKl/m in Nineteentn1~8rilwyOntan;O, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988); Alison Prenüce and Susan Houston eds. F8rni/ylSdK>d and Society in Nlneteenth-Ce- Canada, (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1975); Alson Prentice, 'From Household to Schod House: The Emergence of the Teacher as Servant of the State,* Ge- and Educ8iiF'an in O-: An Histonicsl Re-, Eds. Alison Prentice and Ruby Heap. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1881): 25-48. Prentice bas also written a number of artides on the theme of teaching, meof which indude: AHson Prentice and Marta Danyîewyu. 'Teachers. Gender, and Bureaucraüaing School Systms in Nineteenth-century Montreal and Toronto,' History of EduWkw QUCYterfyl (24(2) 1984): 75- f 00. Alison Pmntics. 'Education and the Metaphor of the Family: The Upper Canadian Example,' Hi.of EdIECBtE'On Quarterly, (1 2(3) 1972): 281-303. Alison Pmrttic8. The Feminization of Teaching in Bribsh North Amecica and Canada 11145.1875,' SociW Historyf (8(15) 1975): 5-20. Alison Pnntîce and Marta Danylewycz. 'Teachent Work Changing Patterns and Perceptions in the Emerging School Systmof Nneteenth and Eady Tmmlieth CemyCentral Canada.' Labo~.(171988): 58-80. Prentice abo provides a Canaâian interpcaation d feminism end educdonal histoiy. see Alhn Pnmtice, Towaids 8 Feminist Hstory of Menand Mucation,' Ed. David Jom, Appacbs to EdimWmî HE'siwyf (University of Manitoba: Monagraphs in Education. 1881). Prentiœ has developed the history of teaching beyond the level of 'great women' theofles of history and has explored the develapment of teadiing Yrom below'?

Prominent themes throughout her work rest in the development of the powers exercised by the state versus the infiuenœ of individuals and groups on the development of policy by govemment.

Prentice's first work, The Schmi Promoters, attempted to demonstrate how centre and periphery combined to provide a highly centralized school system.

Ryerson cmperated with local dites ta promote the idea that schaols should be as nearly uniform as possible by taking direction frorn Toronto. Although

Prentice moved away from stressing social control as she did in The School

Promoters, her work came to emphasize the rnultiplicity of adors and interests at play in educational history. In her more ment examinations of teaching in nineteenthcentury society, Prentice provides valuable insights into the development of Ontario's educational system. SchooIing and Schoiars in

Ninekenth-Century Ontado, a wmbined work of bath Alison Premtice and Susan

Houston, examined the establishment of Ontario's public school systern until

1870. A definite strength of this work is its examination, airough vignettes, of the people who were involved in Mis changing educational systern: administrators, politidans, Machers, parents and students. Prentice has offwed the histo&al profession a focused analysis of women teachers during the nineteenthntury

" Prentice providss interesthg vignettes d teachers and other indivkluals Ymm below' in her various works. See Alison Prentice, 'Fm hou se ho^ to Sbool House: The Em«penœ of the Teacher as Servant of the State,' Ge* end EdUC8IAOn in On(erlo. eds. Ruby Heap and Allson Pmntice. (T'omnto: Cunadian 8chdah Pm,1991): 2- Marta Oanylewycz and AUIon Prwiüce. 'Teachers' Wodc Changing Patterns and PercBpao(15 in the Emefgig Schoal Syslm of Nineteenth and Eaily Twsnüetkcentury Cenîml Canada.' Wmen MoTau##, Eds. Alison Prenüce and Maiorle R. Theobald. (hmnto: University d Toronto Pm.1991): 13ei59. and much more. Much to the aedit of Prentice's pioneering efforts, women have becorne recognized for their contributions to the developrnent of the Ontario educational system. While Prentiœ has achieved great success through her work on nineteenoicentury education, her focus has remained urban with an emphasis on Toronto. The rural educational experience has mt received much recognition and has often rernained absent from academic discourse on this subject.

Patrick Harrigan and John Abbott, both historians, have taken up the issues of rural teachers in Ontario during the nineteenth-century in a manner not broached by ~rentice." Both historians address the dominance of female teadiers within the rwal areas. Abbott gives a strong presentation of the -*al issues that affected women teachers as well as their agency and ability to demand change in the face of the male inspectorate. A discussion of the factors that limited the rnovement of women into higher educational poslions is lacking how8~8f.

Hamgan deals with the ferninization of educatim and gives a very broad overview of puMic school teachers from 1870 to 1980. His focus remains political and detached, heavily based in statistical analysis and provides a very cliometrical approach.

Myra Strober. David Tyadc and Audri Lanford addiessed issues surrounding the ferniniration of teaching from an American perspective, while Carolyn

" John Abtmtt, 'Accomplishing 'a Manb Ta*: Rural Women Teachem. Male Culture, and the Schwt lnspectorate in Turrwf-thbCenhiry Ontario,' OnMo Hiilstory, (ï8 (4) Deeember 1988): 314-330); arrd Patrick Hanigan, The Deveiopment of a Corps of Pubiic School Teachers in Canada, 1870.1 980,' Hisiwy of Edwaüm QwRerly, ( 3Z(O) Wnter 1W2):483.521. Also see Patiick Hanigsn The SchooDng d Boys and Gris in Canada.' Jounal of Sociel HE'story, (23 (4) Summer 1090):863.16. This source provides a cross-Caneda, statistical analysis of Nmal School enrotiment and reinforces the malt male tumout. Steedman approached this issue from a British standpoint." In the former, the feminization of the teaching profession is exarnined as an indirect result of a variety of fadon that induded increased literacy among women and an increased commit ment to universal education. In their arguments, these authors also discuss the differences between urban and rural areas in regard to the number of women who taught. \MMt these authors found was that educated, urban women from middle-ciass backgrounds were available to teach and were willing to do so at lower wages than men. They explain this was a result of men finding work in other areas where they received higher wages than the educational sedor was prepared to sustain. Men were perceived as better disciplinarians and therefore better teachers. This view rernained popular into the twentieth century when in 1905 Education Minister Pyne suggested that a

"good schoolmaster ought to be a

The scarcity of male teachers and the respect attributed to their genâer were reflected in higher wages when the men were employed within school sedions.

Men in wral areas were attracted to teaching as they had fewer alternative job opportunities. However, rural areas were less likely to provide the same proportion of fernale teachers because their work was valued in domestic trade,

------" Myra H. Slrober and Audri Gordon Lanford, The Feminization of Public SchooI Teaching: Crosssedional Anaîysis, l8Sl880,' Sws, (1 1 (2) Wnter 198û): 212-235; Nlyra H. Strober and David Tyack, MyDo Women Teach and Men Manage? A Report on Research in Schools,' Sms. (5(3) Spcing 1980):485.503; Caroiyn Steedman, "The Mother made Conscioust: The Historical Devdop~ientof a Prhnary School Pedagogy," Hi'ory MtWp,(20 Aulwnn 1885):14S103. Aiso see an artide by Mym Strob and hum Best The FmaleMak Salary Differential in PuMic Sdiwk Some Lessons FmSm Fmndsco, 1879," Eaoromic InqcrSy, (17(2) Aprii 1979):21&236. Provides fumer illumination into the pcocess of feminizing the public sdiool teaching corps in the United States. " Remoldhe MiMfwof Ed-, FioHiia, of Man'o For the Yeer 1905. (Toronto: L-K. Cameron, 1908)xai. and their eaming power was minirni~ed.~When women taught within the classroom, they were seen as better suited for primary grades ar nongradeci classes due to the mothering, caring and cornpliant nature of wornen? Carolyn

Steedman developeâ the idea of the good mother as teacher and exploreci how women becarne viewed by educational thinkers like Fredrich Froebel as an obvious choice for the training of young minds. What developed, Steedman maintained, was the hope that the poor, the dirty, unacceptable children of society might be cleansed by a 'good mother' as teacher. This ideology can be directly related back to Egerton Ryerson and his desire to refom the 'bottom' and

Ryerson also asserted his pwers in order to establish textbook refmwithin the schools." Academics have approadied the issues surrounding tertbook refom from a variety of angles. The more traditional ideologies have accepted

Ryerson's assertions that textbook refom was required in order to eliminate

Arnerican textbooks that projedecl anti-British sentiments into the schools."

42 This assection is absupported by Marjorie Griffin Cohen. 'Changing Conditions of Dairying,' Women's Work, Mcwkets, aruâ Ecoi10mic Uewbpmerit m Nm"L.entwy O-, ~oronto: UnivBCS/tY of Toronto Press, l988):9%ll7. Cohen asserts that women played a signifiant de Uhin the Ontario's dairying inâustry throughout the nineteenth-ccntury. Refer to an artide by Elizabeth Graham, 'Schodmarms and Eady Tesching in Ontario,' ln Wmnet Wb& OnMo, 185&1930, Eds. Janice Adon, Penny Goldsmith and Bonnie Shepard. (Toronto: Women's Ptess Publications, 1W4):16S2lO. Dixusses the concept of wmen as 'natuml' teacher to maIl chikiren. See, Egerton Ryerson, John Gemge Hoclgins, 7kt Slbry of My B.-8eing RH-s of SlAty Yeers' Public Service in Caneda, (Toronto : W. Briggs. 1883); as well as, Susan Houston's Wdon'an Ongins of Juvenile Delinquency: A Canadian Experiençe," Educath and Social Chaqp: niemes ltwn O&wjd's Pest, Eds. Michael Katz and Paul Mattingfy, (New York: New 4 University Press, 1975): 83109. Wilson. CemdhEdUCBtjOn: A Hi-, 219. " Egerton Ryenon. 'Central Contrd of Textbooks: the Poliocal Reasons,' 'Spedal RepoK to the Govemor and Legisfatute of 1847, Ed. J.G. Hodgins, HislbrydEduatkw m UmCana&, (Tomnto:l8~lOlO)vd. 7,10, in EdmWhg Gmadkm: A Poclrmedmy Histwy of Pubil& EductHim. Ed. Douglas Lauf and Robert Gidney. flomtto: Van Nostrand ReinhoM Ud.):5558, also sec! Donald Wason, The Ryerson Years in Canada Westn Canada Edwralion: Pertiaps Viola Parvin who used a very traditional approach to interpret the events which led Ryerson towards his end goal, campleted the most comprehensive examination of the authorization of school texts. Parvin's views were expressed most cogently when she wrote that:

In 1858, Ryerson attempted to point out in one of his school reports the insidious influence king made on the country by the anti8riüsh sentiment expmssed in the Amencan texts. 'lt is not because they are foreign books.. .aithough it is patriotic to use our own in preference to foreign publications; but because they are, with very few exceptions. antl-Briosh, in every sense of the word.'"

While Parvin presents a very well researched account of the eventS surrounâing the authorization of textbooks, critical analysis of these events is weak. Aware of the arguments related ta textbook reform, Bruce Curtis offered a more critical interpretation of these events. What Curüs suggested was that the expulsion of Arnerican texts related more to the development of state control than to the actual books themselves. Curtis maintained that with "the development of a state educational bureaucracy in Canada West, school knowledge became increasingly synonymous with state knowledge." In support of his argument

Curtis quoted the Rev. Robert Murray who identifid the problem of school tex& as the lack of œntralized control, not the Arnerican influence." Ryerson, Curtis suggests, used school texts to bolster a sense of shared identity and

A Hi-, 216219; and Robert Gidney and Douglas Lam. 'The Development of an Administrative System for the PuMic Schools: The First Stage, 1841-50," Ed.Neil McOonald and AIChaiton. EgWon Rywson and Uis Tms, (Toronto: Maaniîian of Canaâa. l978):l6Gl83. " WaElizabeth Pantin, AlRhomatim of Textîmoks Ibr îhe SchooIs ololiterio: 18461950. goomnto: University of Toronto Press, 1905):31. Bruce Curüs, 'Schoolbooks and the Myth of Cunicufar Repubh'canism: The State arid th8 Cumculurn in Canada West, 182G1850," Histore ~~History, (32 November 1983):305330. govemrnental support. As the importance of unity within Canada West continu4 to grow with immigration, Ryerson's plan seemed a logical answer.

The growing influence of culturally diverse groups within Canada West pushed the need for a cohesive and strongly developed educational system.

Recent historiography has not only explained this development, but has also been interested in minorities more than in explocing the rural educational experience. MenRyerson was faced with issues such as the acceptanœ of

African-Canadian students into public sdiools, he tended to the path of least resistancs." One possible expianation for this could have been his desire to maintain hamony and cohesion, in an atternpt to avoid the disintegration of state contro~.~'On April 12, 1847, Egerton Ryerson addressed a letter to the Hon. W.

H. Draper in regards to 'the Coloured population in several Toms in Western

Canada (especially Chatham) in regards to the Cornmon ~chools."~In response to Draper's concems regarding the "Coloured population," Ryerson responded by saying that additional schmls could be establisheû for those in question. When legislation was drafteâ to pmitthe establishment of separate Black schools,

Ryerson maintained that only five or more Black families could request segregation as to discourage white supremacy within cornrn~nities.~While

Curtis, 'Schoolbooks and the Myth of Cuniailar Repubiicanism: The State and the Cumadum in Canada West. 1820-1 8W, 31 5. Apparent in both the case of separate schools for Raman Cathoiks as well as for Afdcpn- Cariadians. 5' Intemstingly, Ryenon is presented by the press as a despot. The aMde nads Wis love of despotism, and hîs desire to hirnself the despot, are Wh illustrateci in the Educational Board.' nH, Prusian System of Educaüon,' Toronto GMw (27 January, 184@):2. C.B. Sissons. EmRywson: His Ldb end Lmvol. Il. (Toronto: Clarke. lrwin and Company Limited, 1817): 135. Alison Prentica and Swan Houston. Sdmhgmû Scrhdm h N-uy Ontaio. (Toronto: University of Toronto Pm,1988): 300. Ryerson's response was not acceptable to all, his approach did appease many and provide the white elite with a law that was open to interpretati~n.'~

A recent article by Afua P. Cooper explores further the issues, which surrounded Black women in nineteenthcentury Canada West. Her paper presents the life d Mary Bibb, a teacher and an activist from the Windsor, who fought for the 'privilege' of a public education and Black rights. As both a feminist

and social historien, Cooper provides a focused analysis of the lives of Black women in nineteenthcentury Ontario. From Cooper's work and that of others it

becomes clear that the Black expetienœ with education varied greatly. Robin

Winks exposes two very opposed views of education through his examinations of the Black expetience resulting fram school segregation in Ontario and in Nova

Scotia. According to Winks, areas such as Windsor, had groups that both fought for a system of equal schooling and those that desired to maintaia separation. In areas where abolitionist activity was prominent, Winks goes on to discuss how

Blacks and Mites attended school together. This was particulady ûue in the case of Toronto and London. In the case of Brantford, White students began attending the Black schools until they united."

" Refer to Robin Wnks, 'Negro Sehool Segmgation in Ontario and Nova Scoüa.' CanediSn Hist~lRevfew, (50 (2) June 1980):164-190; and Afua Cooper. 'Black Women and Work in Nineteenth-Century Canada West: Blacîc Woman Teacher Mary BiW.' ed. Peggy Brlstow et. al. Wb'# Rmteâ Hiam snd 7hy CaMY Pull Us Up? Essays h AMcan CanaMn bVbmm's History. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994): 41 -170; Michad Murphy refers to Me experience of the Ma& population in London. Ontario in his actlde tiüed 'Unmakinp and Remaking the 'One Best System': London, Ontario, 1852-1O.' Hiday of Eduaidkn Qwtedy g7(3) Fal1987):2QG310. Wnb, 'Negro School Segregation,' 171. Prentice and Houston also diswss the development of black educational systems within Ontario and stress Ryerson's 'reludant involvement'? Ryenon had hoped that given time minority groups such as the African-Canadians would becorne assimilated into society. Eventually Ryerson recognized that he could not stop prejudice and enacted legislation that created segregated schools.

Wfihin the Afncan-Canadian community many favoured the legislative decision made while others desired the creation of a unifid, state controlled educationai system accessible by ail?

Attention has alsa been drawn to cultural groups, including the Aboriginal peoples and the French, who were also affected by the changing educational systern of the nineteenth-century, even though rural society has not been a foremost topic of interest. Aboriginal peoples were recognized by Ryerson, and wntinued to receive some attention into the twentieth œntury. While no records exist for the year 1906, Merswere sent regarding a camp school for Temogami

Indians on Bear Island in both 1903 and 1904. Although responses to the Mers sent were not available, rnoney was requested to cover the employment of a teacher for that region." Evidenced through these letters, the Aboriginal peoples were not a high priority at the tumof-thecentury.

Although the First Nations have received greater coverage within texts on

Ontario's histwy, the traditional approadi has viewed the aboriginals as a group

XIAlison Preriüce and Susan Houston, Schodyi9 and S~~ILYSk, N-mteenth-Centrary Ont-. gomnto: University of Toronto Press, 198û):288. For more information on black hisloriography conîult an ditd work by Vincent Franklin and James Andem. MWRwspcWws on Blsck EdumfkxW Hidwy, @oston: O.K. Hall. W78). \Mide this source gives an American peapdiiit provides insightful artides on the experlences of African-Canadians in education thmughoul the Meninetamth-antuiy and into the twentieth. in neeâ of conversion and as devoid of any educational history. According to

Phillips and Buwash, Ryerson dunng the first part of the nineteenth-cmtury had been a missionary among the 'Indians' in Credit River. Bunivash writes The practical nature of this work is seen in his immediate effort to lift the people out of their heatheMsh degradation into a higher state where the cornfortable environment of a Christian civilkation might foster the moral and intelledual life of a people just emerging from paganisrn.""

A reœnt artide written by Eileen Antone provides a revisionist perspective on

Aboriginal educaüon among the OnyotaJa:kaNation of the Thames. In her article

Antone examines the developrnent of education among the 0nyota'a:ka in Upper

Canada, first within th& traditional environment of story-telfing and experience, later as subjects of missionary endeavours and finally by reciairning their heritage. As a case study, this arücle provides an aboriginal perspective on the issues that developed this ~ation.~Mat this article lacks is suffident interpretation about the reactions of the lndians to the infiltration of missionary educational pedagogy. Explanation as to how the aboriginal people were assimilated into the rnissionary mentality neeâs to be further developed. The role of British education in the lives of the aboriginal people is vety important and requires more intense study. In a recent artide, Timothy Stanley has also

" AO, RG 242, SeM Subjed Flm, 'Letter to John Miller, ûeputy Minister of Educaüon. ' 19 $ne 1803; 'Letter to J.D. Mdean, Department of lndian Atfsirs,' 3 November 180). Buwash, EgeRon Ryersan, 20, Uleen Mme. Wucation History of the 0nyota'a:ka Nation of the Thames,' Ckliirlo Hisiwy, (W(4) December 1993): 3ô9-3Zû. suggested a need to explore textbooks and their influence on the indodrination of British ideologies by the First ~ations."

What emerged during the nineteenth century in Ontario was an educational system built and maintained by the Protestant, British conqueror as a means to infiltrate society with a dominant ideolog~." The wofk of Protestant missionanes in an educative rote arnong the aboriginal people and the development of heavily regulated, cornpulsory, and free wmmon schools supported this policy of assimilation.

Further, the French-Canadian experienœ of education within Ontario posed extreme challenges for the goveming system, that were greater than those rnounted by the rural areas of the province. Not only did French Canadians speak a difierent tongue, but they also generally adhered to the Catholic faith and opposed statecontrolled education." Chad Gaffield provides a revisionist approach to the issues surrounding French-language schooling in Ontario in his recent work titled Language, Schooling, and Cu/tural Confiid. This author addresses how more traditional interpretations of Ryerson's period in office suggest an era of tolerance in regards to religious and linguistic plurality.

'' For a discussion on the issues sunounding Aboriginal education, limothy Stanley pmvides an interesthg examination of the developnent of contmls over Aboriginal gmups. particularly those in British Columbia. Ses White Suprsmacy and the Rhetaric of €ducational Indoctrination: A Canadian Case Stuây,' -n, TeWws end Soliads: ln the History of DHsh Cd-, Eds. Jean Boman, Neif Sutheriand. and J. Donald Wikoo, (Calgary: ûetselig Enterprises Ud. 1995). Stanley's arguments regardhg textbooks also can be connectecl beck to Mat was said regaiding Curüs and his artide on textbook refom. This is espacially seen thmugh the developments made by Ryerson duMg #e nineteenth- century. Fumer infornation supporthg this can be found in his wak The Story of My m. " ~aig~asLM anci ROIB~~~my. mis. ~dmatingcamiims: A ~ocmmay~istory of- Edm,(Toronto: Van NoSttand Reinhold Ud., 1973): 68. GafField presents an alternative argument, stating that 'Ryerson's perception that Canada East was a two-race, two-class society reqwnng two school systems was consistent with his desire that Canada West have a single system united by adherence to British traditiona In addition, GafField cites minister of education

George W. Ross who explained that Ryenon had anticipateci that francophones in Ontario "sumunded as they would be by an ovecwhelming English majority, would become Anglicised by English teadiers and English institutions in this way a social revolution would take place, without any irritation or agitation whatsoever."" Ryerson's nonconfrontational approach or! this issue and others suggests his belief that with time the groups mentioned would voluntarily assimilate into the Ontario system of education. Mile many cultural groups

(such as Aboriginal, Irish, Geman. Jewish and Black groups) within nineteenth- century Ontario would eventually become integrated within the wmmon school system, the same would not occur for the French. At the end of the nineteenth- century and the beginning of the twentieth, French Canadians had not assimilated into English-Protestant institutions and the govemment realised that a different approach to the French-language question had to be addres~ed.~

Despite measures that atternpted to eliminate French-language schooling through legislation such as Regulation 17, separate language sdiwls could not be destroyed eveo if French as a language of instruction was assaulted."

sc Chad Gaff~eki.La-, sciKn,Ibg, 8nd C&ml Cml#ctI (Montreal: McGilLQuwn's University Pm,l98ï):l3. a Gaffidd, Lenguage, Schdhg, end CuUUBl, 15. David WeM, 'Early Fm-ntario Schoding as a Re(ladion and Creator of Cornmunity Identity,' Ontab Histmy, (85 (4) December 1893): 321-347. Lem and Gidney. Educahg Cenediens, 142. The manner in which Ryerson reacted towards cultural divwsity reveals a great deal ahteducation within Ontario during the nineteenaicent~r~.~In each of the examples discussed Ryersm appeared to enlist a laissez-faire attitude towards the cultural conRids that developed. In SchooIing and SchoIam,

Prentiœ and Houston stated that the "offiaal correspondence confimis that the education department supported black rights to access; however, as Ryerson reluctantly had to admit, "prejudiœ1- especially, the prejudice of caste, - however unchristian and absurd, is stronger than law itself.' Many recent works on this topic suggest that the policy leaders in education believed that the powers centralized in a strong educational system would provide an environment from which assimilation wuid readily o~cur.~'

Rural reaction to educational amendments in 1906 and the govemment's change in its position during the following year reveald new divisions along niral/urban lines. The irnplementation of a compulsory, statecontrolled system of primary education suggested an equalization of the masses, something that many people were unwilling to accept." Other difierences emerged between

" Howard Palmer discusses how dunng mid to late nineteenth-century only eigM percent of the population in Canada was not British or French. 'Reludant Ho&: AngleCanadian Views of Multicuituralism in the Twenlieth Cemturyla CuIYml Diwmlily and Cenedian €ducatiml ed. John R. MaHea and Jonathan Young, (Ottawa: Ceneton University Press, 1984):21-40. 88 Allson Prenüce and Susan Houston, ScJKiolhg and SdK,Im, 300. 'O For more information on this topic reder to David Wddi.' Early Francolontarian Schoding in a Refledion and Creetor of Community ?dent&."0- Him. (85 (4) December 1993: 321- 347); and Chad Gaitield, Lsngusge, SdiooIihg and Cukml CcmflM. 71 Gidney and Miilar refer to the dass slnidures in their work arüde 'From Voluntarism to Sate Schooling: The Creation of the Public School System in Ontario," CmHMwicd kWw, (W(4) Oecember 1985): 443-473 on stete ScnoOIing. Giâney and Lam also discuçs dass inequalities within their artide on 'Who Ran the ScMs? Local Infiuence on Education Pdky in NindewMKentury Ontario," O*& Hislwy, (iZ(3) 1Qûû: 131-143). in the& artide they -est an attemfl by Ryerson to appeal to the midâîe-âass. rural and urban areas with issues surrounding enrolment and school funding."

While free public schools supported through taxation had been established throughout Ontario, cities were able to generate sufficient funds thet aeated growing disparities with one-room country schools in oiinly-seW mal areas.

As the end of the nineteenth century unfolded niral aducation remained very basic while people were aware of the contrast between urban and rural schools,

it was not until 1906 that drastic action was taken to rectify the problem. The rural problem was rooted in a complexity of issues that encompassed the very

basis of agriculture. Beginning in the 1870s, many faners became concerned with developing a more efficient and economically viable agricultural system.

Fam leaders felt that the growth of cities diminished their voice within govemment and many gave support to the Patrons of Industry, a fam movement initiated in the United States and adopted in Ontario. With this organization the faning cornmunity became increasingly politicized throughout the depression of the 1890s, Men increased numbers of youth sought employment in the cities.

The changing demographics of rural Ontario established concem about the future of agriculture, concern that later influenceci how rural constituents readed to educational changes in 1906."

Refer to Phillips on the wage diffemntial that devdoped between the uiban and rural areas also consutt Law and Gidney's in their worû on 'Educating Canadians." Refer to sswml sources on the developnent of rural Ontario. Louis Aubrey WU, A ifistory of FmWsAhvamerils m Ceneda, (ïoconto: University of Toronto Press, 1975); W.R. Young, mConscripion,Rural Depopulation, and the Famers of Ontario, 1917-1 9,' ctwwdim HislmkaI Revhw, (53 1972: 209-320); Robert W. TfwMdge. War ffme niml discontent and the fise of the United Famiers of Ontario 1914-1918.' (MA thesis, University of Waterloo 1088); Teny Cmuuley. 'Rural Labour,' bbouhig LNes, Ed. Paul Cmen, vomnto: University of Toronto Press, 1995). The emergence of a statecontrolled educationel system had a great impact on the development of schads in Ontario. Private schools that had once dominated the scholastic landsape felt increased cornpetition as the province tod< control of education. The effect of this policy ovehaul was the 'equalization' of ed~cation.~~Issues of race, gender and ethno-linguistic variations emerged when many refused to acœpt their new position within the educational state.

Ryenon remained on the periphery throughout the struggles that ensued between various groups, and Mile he desired a resolution, he did not want to jeopardize the new powers of the state.

Rural wmmunities were also infiuenced by the changes that occurred to education. While many embraced the opporhinity to learn, education also became a threat. Many feared that once educated the rural youth would leave for the cities and cause the annihilation of agriculture. This fear held parücular resonance following the depression in the 1890s and the surge of rural inhabitants towards urban areas. While the education of rural youth was at times problematic (youth were required to help on the fams as the seasons dictated), for many it became a signifiant part of the rwal experienœ.

Traditional histones of Ontario's educational development have given littfe attention to the rural experience or that of rninority groups. Whig interpretations played a critical part in the development of an educational historiography yet aiey lacked the social interpretations that followed. Recent historiography has

" Wile ducation in the nineteenthamtuiy bacame legaiiy fequired by al1 diWren seven to tweive yeaw, many pmjudices exided between the Protestant white comrnunity and mer minodty groups. The eMsof state conlrol have been detailed in many of the sources revealed oie rnany social nuances that existed throughwt the nineteenth centwy but were not explored. While insight has been given to the position of the social classes, local elites, and racial minorities, less has been exposed of the rural culture and its experience with the changing modes of educational reform.''

Throughout the end of the nineteenth century and into the beginning of the twentieth, the rural community transfonned under the influence of a growing urban community. Once the dominant group, rural members attempted to regain their voice in govemment through groups such as the Patrons of Industry.

Education became an issue of concern for the rural members when in 19û6 the provincial government arnended its education act Mile many of the changes were later accepted, the rural wmrnunity reacted against their loss of political power represented in the amended ad. The ad exposed many of the educational issues that existed in rural society and sought changes that the legislators hoped would lead to the bettement of rural education and in tum rural society.

-- previously discussed, but Sdioding and Scholws by Alison Prentice and Susan Houston is rtiaps the most thorough. '€ducational historians wch as Roberl Giâney and Douglas Lam have pmduced a *na( deal of woilr on rural educationai history. The fdbwing are some examples of the work they have wntten in connedon to this topic: Douglas Lawr, 'Agricuitural Education in Nineteenth-Century Ontario: An ldea in Search of an Insütuüon,' Hi* oi Educdk~Qwtm@, (1 2 (3) 1Q72):334-35?; Douglas Lam, 'üevelopment of Agriculhiral Educstion in Ontario l87GlQlOI1(PR-D. thesis, UniveMy of Toronto 1972); Douglas Lam and Robert Oidney, 'Wh Ran the Schwls? Local Influence on MuWon Poiicy in Nineteenth-Century Ontario,' Onhvlo Hisio/y, (ï2(3) 1980: 131- 143); Douglas Lawr and Robert Gidngr, Edcrcetsng Cmadims, (Tomiito: Von Nostrand Reinhold Ud., 1973). Chapter Two:

The Public Schoals Act of 19û6

Public education became more technical and fowsed on an increasingly

industrialized society at the beginning of the twentieth century. Divisions

between rural and urban areas became more distinct, as did the quality of

education each group was given.' Larger populations within the cities meant that

there was a larger tax base from whidi to fund education. Rural areas were

sparsely populated and stniggled to employ teachen at cornpetitive rates. As

welt, one-room schools wntinued to predominate in rural areas while toms and

cities were able to enjoy economies of scale by canstniding larger buildings with

greater amenities. Rural schools settled for teachers who were often

' underq~alified.~Press and politidans brcught these anomalies to public view. In

1906, the Ontario Govemment of Premier James Pliney Whitney and Education

Minister Robert Allan Pyne arnended the schools act, to establish minimum

salaries for teachers and implement other changes. Despite the expectations of

the govemrnent, support for this adwas not unanimou~.~A variety of factors

inRuenced aie wal response to this ad, including an increasing sense of rural

w hesion.

' Robert Starnp, Education and the Economic and Social Milieu: The English-Canadian Scene ftorn the 18709 to 1814,' CamdMn Edmafkm: A Hisiory, eâs. J. Donald Wilson. Robert Stamp and Louis-Phillippe Am,(Scarborough: Prentice HaH, 187O):ZOô-3l3. See, The Gap behmetn Urban and Rural Schooling,' Edmaüng Caneafens: A Doamerilery Hi- oliibçc Edumfjon, Eck. Douglas Lam and RobtGidney, (Toronto: Van Noslmnd Reinhou Ltd., 1973): 107. A0 RG 3-2-0.29, MU 31 21. leüer fmm Whitney to Henry Hber M.P.P. 27 Nov. 1906. Dunng this period the rural airnrnunity witnessed many changes. Many individuals who had previously found work in srnaIl country toms began moving to larger urban centres in search of work Population growth within the cities, hile providing new markets, threatened farmers who feared that their children would be pulled away from the fam. Rural depopulation became a prominent theme in rural discourse during this peri~d.~Faners united and fomed groups that reinforceci the importance of the rural lifestyld They also demanded recognition for their positions within society and a voice within go~ernment.~

The amended Schools Act of 7906 was reasonable in its desire to equalize educational opportunities between rural and uhan areas, yet fanen were upset that it neglected to include them in the decisionmaking process.' Many farmers and members within the rural community reacted against the government's approedi and voiced their concerns through media such as newspapers and by writing to the govemment. The opposition that developed against this act mellowed in 1907 when further grants were given to support rural education and the beriefits of these changes became known. While the influence of this Act has received little attention in Ontario's educational history, the Schods Ad of 7906 was significant both to those in rural areas and to those who sought the development of rural schools.

4 See, WR. Young, 'Conscn'ption, Rural Depopulaüon, and the Famers of Ontario, 1917-19,' Canadian Histonical Revkw, (53 1972): 28S320: and Douglas Law, 'Devdopnent of Agricukural Education in Ontario 18701191 0,' (Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto 1972). 5 See Teny Crawley,' J.J. Monison and the Transition in Canadian Fam MoMments During the Eariy Twentieth Century,' AmuIYmI History' (il(3) Summer 1907):330-356. Louis Aubmy Wood, A Hi.of Famws' MovsmMh in CBnedal Vomnto: University of Toronto Press, 1975). The nineteenth century was a period of rapid educational growth both in ternis of policy and accessibility to the masses.' Many felt that the implementation of a compulsory, statecontrolled systern of primary education suggested an equalization of the masses, something that they were unwilling to accept. Other differences emerged between rural and urban areas with issues surrounding enrolment and school f~nding.~Free public schools supported through taxation had been established throughout Ontario, but school funding was greater in the cities with larger popuiations. The larger tax base allowed cities greater Rexibility in responding to innovations such as those proposed by the New Education

Movement. Such changes had first been advocated in Europe by educationalists such as Johann Pestalozzi and Fredridi Froebel, and tby required that tsachers

"should develop the child's own powers and faculties rather than impart facts, show not so much what to leam as how to leam..."'* As the end of the nineteenth century drew to a close, Ontario's educational system moved from the practical development of statecontrolled education toward the theoretical ideologies of how it would work." Educaton in Canada, such as Toronto Sdiool

Refer to the Weekly SM fam newspaper lQO&lQOï for datails on this discontent. See also 'Report of the Minister of Mucation for the Year 1908," SeWn8I Papers: 77?MSession ofltie EhubnM Leg*sladureof lhe nOvhe of Onferia, (Toronto: L. K. Camemn, 1907):17&181. See R.D. Giney and W.P.J. Millar:Fmm Vounlailsn to State Schooling: The Creaüon of the PuMk Schod Systan in Ontado, " Cenedhn HislbricaI Re*, (66(4), 1085):443473. 9 Refer to Philips in his work The Deve/omnt ol Edu#ilkn Ii Cenede floronto: W.J. Gage, 1957). on the wage d0ierenti*althat developed between these two amas afso consult Law and GMneyb in their wwk in Educelkrg Camûkws, Voronto: Van Nostrsnd Reinhold Ud., 1973). ''~obert M. Stamp The New Education Movement - Those Yankee FrWls'.' A Hidwy of O-, Ed. Michael J. Piva, (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1888):161. " In l8?1-72. Hadgins disasses 'Refom in the Mode d Teaching in the Pubk SchoM. Under this heading. Hodgins disasses a new mahd d teadiing proposed by Professor Allen of Pennsyivania. Hodgins quota Allen's &scription of hio rnahod. stating "Let his [sMent] eyes and his han& feel the subjeds and things presented' p.m. For more information refer to lnspector James Hughes, looked towards educational theorists of the United

States and elsewhere as a means to begin the development of what would become known as a more pradical method of ~earning.'~

What the New Education movement represented was the development of a system that stressed ieaming through activities as opposed to rote memorisation.

New subjects that wnnected to pradical experience also emerged from this juncture in educational history. Courses such as "mechanical, agricultural, and household arts; the social studies, especially civics and geography; hygiene and physical instruction; and moral education, grounded in religious faith but executed by practice in ethical decision-making* were incorporated into the cum~uium.'~Schools were not only exploring how to become more effective teaching agents but were also attempting to provide moral training for students from the growing urban environments.

Mile the New Education movement developed in urban areas where populations were high, an attempt was made to equaiize education in rwal areas through the aeation of consolidated schools. Consolidated schools adopted many of the philosophies proposed by the New Education Movement, but they were very slow to develop as roads were so bad and transport rernained by horse. However, as the nineteenth century neared a dose, agtiwltural education

Documentwy Uistory d Educatisn in Ujpw Cmeckr, ibnthe pesahg of the ConsfituPEonaI Ad of 1TOI Volume 23, l8?t-72, (Toronto: 1.K. Cemeron, 1908). l2See John ûewey, an Amedcan educational theorist whose ledures on the movements in education have been pcesawed in the work tiüed, The &Moi end Saciety, (Chicsgo: UniveMy of Chicago Press, 1900). AJso see, James Hughes, Remon Manrnel Tn*i)>0 RmmtW to Lho Tumta Pu& Schoal&wû, ((?O Deamber 1900). and The Teadw âelke His CleJf (New York: Phillips and Hunt, 1883). l3Richard Heyman, RobR Lmmon and Rokri Slamp. Sudlies in Eduai(kne1 Clwnge, (Toronto; Holt Rinehart and Mnston, l872):U. and the importance of practical training were given greater ~nsideration.'~

Despite attempts at innovation, the rural areas were slow to change. Many schools remained small and often had difficulty attrading qualified teacher~.'~

Even when teachen were qualified, they generally made less in rural areas than equally qualified educators in the cities."

One of the most signifiant issues that affectecl the rural comrnunity at the tumof-the-century was Vie fear of rural depopulation. While the actual decline of fams has been debated, the Canadian Census of 1911 showed that for the first time the urban population surpassed the rural population." The larger urban population reflected the rise of industrialized centres that began to dominate the twentiethcentury landscape. Many individuals in rural areas were attraded to the cities in search of better jobs. Although, the census recognized an increase in the urban population, it also noted that in rural areas (most notably southem

Ontario) the aaeage devoted to crops had increased, as had the productivity of the land used.'' The growth of mechanization as a result of the industrial pwod

" Ontario Minister of Education Richard Harcourt. along with philanthropist William MacDonald and educational mimer James Roôectsan gave their suppoit to the development of consolidated schools. Guelph becam the site of the first cunsolidated schoof. Consolidated pools were shoct-lived for a variety of masons that induded hinding and support. Refer to Lawr and Gidney. Educsti'vlg Canadans as well as Chad Gaffieiâ and Gerard Bouchaid. 'Literacy, Schooling. and Family Repmdudion in Rural Ontario and Quebec,' Historicel St&s in Etlucation, (1 (2) Fall 1888): 201-21 8. '' James Collins Miller, Ruel &hoois h Cei>cide, (New York: Teachen College. Columbia #niversity. 1903). See W.R. Young, %onscription. Rurai Depopulation, and the Farmen of Ontario, 1917-19.' Ca1)8dM Hi'/Revlnv (53 1972):289-32O; Teny Crawley. 'Rural iabour.' îabouing Uws: IrY&k end Wtûm k NVn4uyOntWb, Ed. Paul Cmn. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 199!5):13104.; FUIY> CensusolC~1911: AgÉcMm, Vokme IV. (ûüma: J. de L.Tache, 1914):k laThe region knmas 'New Ontario' or northem Ontario was stifl beiw developed at this thne also meant that fams were becoming less reliant on hired ~abour.'~The trend

towards the replacement of manual labour with mechankation and a shortage of

land in Southem Ontario inueasingly meant that some fam children had to

search out alternative occupations or search elsewhere for farrn~and.~'

While a variety of factors were responsible for the rural population in Ontario

declining relative to urban dwellers, some viewed the higher education of rural

youth as the chief cause of rural depopulation. Rural attendance was both

irregular and small, two factors that were re-enfotced by an educational system

that rural residents felt did not serve their need~.~'Fann papers and agricultural

leaders searched for ways to encourage fam boys to stay on the fann and

becorne educated. In his report for Victoria County, Ontario Agricuitural

Representative F. H. Reed addressed one issue that affeded his county and

others, stating that "we must bring home to both the boys and their fathen the

advantages of an agticultural educationn.* Maiy members of the rural

community wanted their schools to provide a heavy ernphasis on agricultural courses. their rural heritage, be "free from urban influences", and na'set as their foremost goal graduation to the High ~chool."~In another report mitten by

l9Susan Bennet, C~OSSTO~~SCornmunity bckground Document,' Ontario Agricuiturel Museum, 1988, focuses on the technological revdution of the nird community and dates "nie percentage $f the labour force mployed in agna*uis dedined dudng the pedod 1900-1950.'pl. See DA. Law, The Developrnent of Ontarfo Faming, 1870-1914: Patterns of Gmwth and Change,' Ont- Hi-, ( 64 March 1972): 239-251. '' Remof dhe Msicr of Educadkn Ibr dho Prowiice of OMtufo lbr the Yew 1945, flomnto: L.K. Cameron, 190B)xxxiii. AM& Remof llW) DeparhnerrQof AgiCuhm OI Che Fiovke of Onhvio 1007, (Toronto: L.K. Cameron, 1908):W. Douglas A. LPm 'Devekpment of Agriaibral Educatbn in Ontario 187û-1810,' (PhD thesis, University of Toronto 1972): 1 87. Charles C. James, Deputy Minister of Agriculture, an attempt was made to

strengthen support for agricultwal education in a marner tbt rural youth could

irnprove faming rnethod~.~'James suggested a move towards a more tedinical

education within the public schods. He stated:

The principal aim and objed of instruction in our pubiic schools Jhould ùe the creaüon of a sentiment in favor of agricuttural work, the gradua1 devdopnent of a love for the country and its heaithful life. the amusing of a noble amlion in the Young minds to becorne progressive and succ8ssful agriculturists, the spreading abroad of the idea that the industrious, thoughtful, honest famer is the most valuable citizen of this Canada of ouaa man;: be respeded. appmcided and honored by every membar of the community.

The report went on to illuminate the importance of pradical education which

followed dosely with the ideologies of the urban-based New Education

movement.

Through manual and practical training in the schools and the elevation of faming through books, it was believed that traditional faming values could be

preserved. Federal Agriwltural Commissioner James Robertson and tobacco millionaire William MacOonald were committed to improving the quality of education within the rural schools and had money to initiate that change. The assumption was that a reformed rural school would halt the dedine of the mal population and restore the idyllic virtues of country life? Under these two men manual training, domestic science, school gardens, and rural school

24 An article on thh subject can also ôe found in the WwTnnes, OhII& (16 Fekuary 1906):2. ln this arücle the author ststetd The child must aîso be tavght to use his hands.' * C.C. James, Thchihg ofAgiiCuJYm ih Un, Puibk Ms,(Tomdo: Departmen( of Agriculwe. --1892): 18. a Robert M. Starnp. The Nsw Educstion Movement- Those 'Yankee FrWs'.' 7he Schools ol OntWu, (Twnto: University of Tomnto Pm,1 WZ):51-73. consolidation were undertaken? Beginning their reforms in the cities they believed that they could later influence change within the nral areas.

Many urban initiatives were supported by these men, including kindergartens proposed by James and Ada Hughes and the domestic science movement under the encouragement of Adelaide ~oodless." lmproving rural schaols was not an easy task, espedally since they often lacked the essentials, qualified teadiers and equipment. Once manual training had established itsetf in urban schools,

MacDonald and Robertson sought to improve the quality of education in rural areas. It was hoped that the development of a strong rural educational system would give a focus to rural youth caught between traditional faming practices and the ernergence of an industrial nation. The work of Robertson and

MacDonald forced increased scnitiny of rural sdiools by the provincial government, but it was not until the province took on the cause of rwal education that greater changes were made.

Agncultural education and refms to rural schools were slow to gain acceptance within the governrnent ranks. It was not until 1906 that new educational pdicies ernergeâ that directly addresseci rural problems. The development of the educational legislation in 1906 resulted from a myriad of factors, including the work of Ontario's past ministers of education. The many

27 Refer to A.D. Haîes, 'Pubîic Sdiool" W~onCo* HistûsyI (Vd. 8 1995):84.68; Reporl ol the MinisW oiEdUCBI)DII Ibrdne FhMxe of Onlario Wtne Yew 19û5, (Toronto: L.K. Cameron, 1806):xxxvii. See James L. Hughes. Rem on Mm& Tm,(20 December 1900):5: Cheryl Macdonald. Addalde )EoodIess DDmeslic Clurcider, flomnto: Duidum Pm,1W6):15; Teny Crowiey. Wadomot befm Mspdelenes,' CmaûAw ifMWmî Revim, @(4) ûect3mtmr 1960:52&545). fadors that built the educationat system also came to influence the very essence of the rural school system and for that reason they must be addressed.

To min, the centralized system of free ducation established under the direction of Chief Superintendent Egerton Ryerson provided a strong base from

Mich subsequent ministers of education would proceed. The creation of Nomial schools materialized under Ryerson and established a carefully regulated program for training prospective teachers. Adam Crooks became the first minister of education following Ryerson's retirernent in 1876. During his tem in office, Crooks responded to the shortage of acadernically trained teachers by establishing a County Model school plan. The County Model School System,

Crooks maintained, provided very practical training with negligible costs where the expense of establishing more Normal Schools was prohibitive? As minister,

Crooks also irnplernented optional courses in elementary schools sudi as agriculture, natural sciences and mechanical arts. MileCrooks believed that he could cut costs for teacher training and still improve education, reality contradicteci his assumption. Pradical training requiring minimum levels of education and a demand for instnictors did encourage young individuals to pursue teaching but Men only temporarily. Teachers in Model Schools failed to provide the theoretical training that Ryerm had hoped to establish with Nomial

Schools. Later, others recognized the Model Sdiwl proôiem but not until 1906 was action taken to re-establish the position of Normal ~choots." In 1883, when

J.O. AMouse, 77~OnlanP Teedww: A Hi.Aocounf olPi-ogess l8@191O, (England: W.G. Gage United. 1967):57, 58. jD On 20 June 1906 a confidenticil report was men Viat detailetci passible cites for Nomal School training. See A0 RG 2-129, container one, 'Loden of Nomal Schoois'. Crooks was forced to retire due to mental illness, he was succeeded by Gm~e

Ross who was a teacher by training and schwl inspecter."

Ross was the first Minister of Education who had received fomal training for the teaching profession. As minister he plaœd a great emphasis on mental and moral training but he had difficulty accepting the more handson approach espoused by the 'New Education' movement. Under his administration teachers were valued for their mnection to the classroom and becarne more involved in the decisiornaking process, particularty in the case of textbook reform which was an important component of The Public Schools Act, 1896." The main purpose of the Public Schook Act, 1896 was to consolidate and revise previous acts that had been passed and to build a bridge between public and semdary education. During his time in office Ross ensured that Canadian content forrned a significant part of the instruction given in the schools, a measure that continued to take precedence under consecutive govemments? In 1899 Ross became

Premier of Ontario and Richard Harcourt took over the position of Minister of

Education until 1905.

Harcourt, tike Ross, had been trained as a teacher and had taught both elementary and high schod. While Crook and Ross placed an emphasis on nineteenthcentury methods and were reluctant to accept what was developing out of the 'New Education', Harcourt promised to increase support for technical

'' See Woia ~iizaôethPanrin. A- ot lemsw t~ MS ot O-, (~ocwito: UnivBcsity of Tomnto Press. 1965); Echnin C. Guillet. In the Ceuse of Educathw, (Toronto: University of Toronto Pnrss, 1960.); Susan Houston and Albn Prentiœ, Sctwn,hg end Sa#icrJ in BntuyOnMo, (Tomnto: Univenily of Tomnto Press, 1888). g~~~f~r;).o~~fOnhYlO~~hMoSessionHeIldhIhs~~Ye~ofdho Relgp of HwM@sty Qwen WWa&, 8ekgthe Sea0ndSessh-1ofMi, Eiéhlt, Lmw6of Ornario, CToronto: L.K. Cemeron, 18Q6.):283. training and encouraged the new pedagogy of this movement. In particular,

Harcourt supported the MacDonald movement and encouraged rural ref~rm.~

Harcourt also wished to improve the quality d training fouid in Model Schods throughout Ontario. White Harcourt supporteci the new educational philosophy and the development of wnsolidated schools, he was unable to realize many of the goals he had set forth at the beginning of his tmin office.

In 1905, James Pliney Whitney defeated George Ross to becorne the premier of Ontario, 25 January 1905. On bemming Premier, Whitney made Robert A.

Pyne, a docior and a friend, Minister of ducati ion.^ In his new position Pyne proposed many changes, one of whidi was finding cheaper school texts? Many believed that change, especially in rural areas, was needed in order to promote growth within the schools. The 'New Education' rnovernmt presented the theory,

Aile Pyne, with the help of Whitney, presented a practid method for encouraging change.

In his 1906 report, Robert Pyne provided a detailed delineation of the problems inherent in the province's schools. Pyne suggesteâ that the apathy of parents and the public in general b the issues of education stifled the growth of a strong system. He proposed that educational adjustments be made to meet both the present conditions and the needs of students within an industnalized society.

- a Edmn C. Guillet, ln the Cause O? Educelkn, (Tor0nto:Univemity of Tomnto Press, 1~):105. Y J. Donald Wkon et. al., Cenedken Educallon: A Hi-, (Scaibomugh: Pmnücs- Hall):298; and ûouglas Lam, 'Developnent of Agricunural Education in Ontario 187û-1910' p.^. tnesis, University a TO~O1872): 219. George Ross accuseâ Whitney of appointhg Pyne baseâ only on 'party gmundr, and not on the score of finesse or experience.' 'Ontario LegWure,' Cammil Sendard, (2 March 1906):2. " In his eledion csmpaign Whitney srpiad agciinst the high prfces of sdool te*. \IllhRney slso aowsed Ross of beneMing frmthe taxes that resuned îmthe purchases of such te&. Refer to Charles Humphries. Wst Eno

Intelligence and morality was highly valueâ in what was perceived as a progressively cornplex urban environrnent. Rural regions maintained a very simplistic operation that became increasingly distinct. The Whitney govemment wanted to benefit from the effects of industrialkation and saw education as a means by which to train children for this changing environrnent. As Pyne rernarked in his report, 'if any nation is to lead, and not merely to follow, in industrial, intelledual and social progress, it must have men upon the watch towers who are skilful in disceming the trend and charader for the advances to be made, and so be able to direct the youth of the land to prepare themselves for the proximate future."" The type of education espoused by Whitney and Pyne grew out of the urban experience and a desire to train students for a progressive and industnalized nation. Rural members were caught between developing agricultural markets that grew from enlarging urban centres and a desire to rnaintain staôility within their communities. Many believed that to maintain stability it was necessary to aeate a system of agncultural training that would encourage youth to stay on the fanand not be enticed away by cities. mile

Pyne recognized the importance of agricultural training, a gap existed between political theodes and the avaifability of qualified ducators to administer such programs within rural Ontario. Throughout the nineteenth century the position and education of teachers

greatly evolved. Educators developed from a body of often transient and

minimally qualified individuals into a group that was highly trained and regulated.

By the Mentieth œntury a demand for qwlified teahers expanded in response

to the development of the west and growing urban centres.38 Northem

communities were especially hard hit by the scarcity of teachers. J. S.

McDougalt, an inspecter for Nipissing schools, stated in regards to the scarcity of teachers mat '1 have on my list not fewer than forty-five teachers whose certificates expire in June 1904. The condition is sen ou^."^ Mile the teacher

situation was not as severe in other areas, the education of teachers became a growing concem throughout Ontario.

In order to becorne an educator during this pend students were required to attend either a Normal School or Mode1 School. lntroduced in 1877, County

Model Schools were public schools in which students were able to observe classrmm management and penorm sorne practice teaching, all under the direction of the principal and his assistants, for a Third Class ~eftificate." In addition, the students had to tum eighteen before Vie end of their Model School training. Many teachers began their career following a year or two at high school and about three months' training at one of the many County Model Schools.

Principals at the Mode1 Schools were required to hold First Class certificates and the assistant teachers had to have Second Class certificates. A third dass

=sessim/ mpem: Fom Session of ELanwilh LM- of th0 mvina, ofomub, Session 1908, (Toronto: L.K. Camerori, 1908): xv#i. AO, RG 2-42, Selm Subject FiB, letter add?essed to John MUiar, Deputy MniPter of Educatioil From J.S. McOaugaN lnspedor of Schools Nipissing, 2 June 1904. certificate was awarded to teachen who completed training thrwgh the Mdel

Schools but these certificates had to be renewed every three years. Following

three years, teachers with a third class œrtificate either quit, wrote a test to

qoaliv them to teach for an additional three-year term, or took additional

qualifications. "After teaching a year or more, those who had senous

professional aspirations attended high school for another year or two, unless they

had previously attained a higher academic level, and then went to normal school for five months' professional training. "" After receiving additional qwlifications a teacher with a third dass certificate wuld upgrade to a second dass CeRificate.

A second class certificate wuld also be obtained after an individual attended three to four years of rniddle high school followed by one year at a nonal school.

Normal schools provided a high quality of teacher training, but there were not enough of these schools to meet the demands.

Despite the problems that existed, Whitney was very optirnistic about the effect that his govemment would have on rural education. The Schmls Act of 1906 proposed many changes that focused on rural education, including teacher training and teacber's salaries. On 19 February, 1906 the Ontario Legislative

Association Newspaper printed an article that discussed a recent visit Whitney had made to the people of Morrisûurg where he had lived and practiœâ law for many yean. In his discussion with these people he stressed aie importance of more technical, as opposed to thearetical, training within the dassroom, and he also discussed teachen' training and teachers' salaries. He also mentioned the

4~.Henry Johnson, A HfHistory of Cenadm EdtmWn, (?omnto: McGraw-Hill Company, 1968):157. role of normal schools and suggested the importance of teadier training within rural wmmunities. Mile Whitney was reluctant to commit to any promises regarding Normal Schools, this was an issue that was on the minds of those whom he addressed.

Premier Whitney, on Saturâay aftemoon, emphasized the point that the question of imïeasing the number of normal schools was still more or lesin the air ... .Proceeding, he said the Govemment believed the fi& thing to do to attain the objeds in view was to reorganize the pmsent normal school systern. The mode1 schools had done good work, but some people thougM they could not do enough to fiIl the requirements of the teacher of the future. The Govemment's plan it was fel would secp first of al1 a Merdass of teachers mceiving higher salaries than was now the case.

Throughout 1905 and 1906 the Ontario govemment fowsed on rural education and attempted to make changes that would propel it into the twentieth œntury.

Many factors had to be considered including the cost of teacher training, but economics was not the only issue. Modal school training had flourished under

Crooks but by the twentieth-century it was felt that these schwls weakened the profession and alternatives were necessary. Mile many agreed that change was needed, no easy solution existed to the problems that had been created by this method of training."

Whitney and Pyne addressed the baddash against the poor teacher training in

Model Schools in 1906. In the 1906 Report of the Education Department,

Education Minister Pyne wrote:

The addition of four new Normal Schools to the thriee already in existence will, it is believed, provide for the present the neœssary number of teachers. The addional Nomal Schools will be so situated as to sewe conveniently the various parts of the

"chades Philips. ûevelopment of Educci(ion in Canada, 577. " 'Refom in Education: Premier Whitney Speaks of the Govemmentls Plans,' Ont- Legashtive Associ8thn Newspapr, 19 February 1906. a Refer to discussion about education between Whitney and Ross. 'Party Leaders Cmss Swords,' Ontario Legrsktive Association Newspaper, 21 Fe bnirary 1906. Province, and also to provide the required pradice-teaching in puMic schools of a successful charader. Agreements have kenmade with the trustee boards of Hamilton, Stratford, Peterborough and North Bay for the use of public school dasses under their respective jurisdictions. The eredion of buildings for Normal Schools in these places wiil be at once proceedeâ with. The municipal authorities of Stratford, Peterborough and North Bay have generousiy presented the Province the sites for these schools. Another departure in professional training which also places Ontano abreast of what is Ming done abroad, is the creation of a faculty of eâucation in the date university of the Province to cany on the work hitheRo conducteci in the Normal Cdlege, but on lines more thorough and complete than any instituüon without the resources of a well-equipped university could be expected to develop. The appointment of a Professor of Education has been made by the Govemors of the UniversiSr, and pending the creation by the University of rnodel, high and public schools under university contml, the use of citg schools for practice and observation purposes will be sought and 1 trust secured.

As Pyne suggests in his report, the Normal Schools and university programs became closely connected. Students who wished to obtain a first class certificate were required to attend a one-year Faculty of Education program administered by the university following the completion of their high school diploma. mile some teachers were obtaining first class certificates, few with these qualifications remained in rural areas. Those with qualifications wuld earn significantly more by teaching in urban areas. In 1902, the average yearly salary of a male teacher in a mral area was 372 dollars while a woman in the same school eamed on average 271 dollars; in the city the average wage for a male was 935 dollars and the average wage for a woman was 479 dollars." Based on the average wages given to teachers 1 is no surprise that rural amas had greater difficulty finding teachers, especially men.

Another issue thût the Minister of Education addressed was the large number of female teachers and the decrease in the number of male teachers within the public schools. The increasing number of rural fernale teachers became a topic

Usessional Papem: Thkû Sesshn of Eieventh Legrsiatwe of the Rovr'm of Ontanio. (Toronto: L.K. Cameron, 1907):iii. particularly relevant to the 1906 amendments. In his report on the changes to the act Pyne stated that the "preponderance of fernales is due to the fact that the induœments for males to enter the teaching profession have year after year bewme less and less potent, owing largely to the greater remuneration offerad elsewhere." Pyne went on to suggest that 'for junior fons, female teachers are more suitable than male teachers; but, for fourth and fifth foms, male teachers are generally neœssary." " The 1906 report argued that increased salaries are necessary in order to maintain a high level of cornpetence among the teaching staff. Cornpetence in this instance was directly related to the presence of male educators within the school system.

Ontario was not the only area to expeflence a feminization of the teaching profession." In Britain between 1870 and 1910 the ratio of female teachers to male teachers rapidly grew to the point where women drastically outnumbered men. During the same period of time the United States also witnessed a significant increase in the number of female teachers." Patrick Harrigan in his article "The Developrnent of a Corps of Public School Teachers in Canada,

1870-1980" explores the feminization of the teaching profession between 1885 and 1910. In his article he states that "provinces with high enrollment rates

(enrollment normalized by the 5-15 age cohort) also had high percentages of female teachers. Enrollment produced not just more teachers, but the new

- * Sessibnai Pm:Voium M. - Patt IV. Fouth Session ofthe Elewnth LegrSIatm of Me Fhvime of Ont-, (ïoronto: L.K. Carneron, 1908)m'ii. 46 Sessional Papers, 1807,175. " lnteresting to note that by 1897, 421 of Toronto's 445 teachen were wornen. See Wayne Roberts Honest Womanhood, (Toronto: New Hogtown Press. 1976):31. " Michael Appîe. Teaching and Women's Work': A Comparative Histoncai ldaalogical Analpis,' Journal of Educslion, (166 (3) Fall19û4): 455-471. teachers were almost al1 ferna~e."~~White there are no condusive answers to explain the increase in female teachers, suggestions can be made. In his article

"Accomplishing "a Man's TasK: Rural Women Teadiers, Male Culture, and

School lnspectorate in Turnuf-thaCentury Ontario," John Abbott suggested that

"a system dernanding many more teachers at economical rates found a ready supply of female applimnts at salaries substantially lower than those of their male counterpa~ts."~~When men did becorne educators, Abbott stated, they were often quickly promoted from teaching into higher levels of administration."

Other historians have concuned with Abbott's arguments regarding the nse of female teached2 Even pnor to the 1906 amendments the Minister of Education asserted Viat the "proportion of male teachers is rapidly decreasing, while the male recmits are so few that they may almost be di~regarded."~~In this report,

Pyne proceeded to attribute salaries as a cause of declining standards within the educational system, with an emphasis on the rural community.

An additional argument is provided by Michael Apple who suggests that an increase in the number of female teachers can be connected to the development of compulsory schooling. Apple goes on to assert that local boards were forced to closely monitor spending under the new system and hire cheaper teachers

@~atrickJ. Hanigan. "The Development of a Corp of Public School Teachers in Canada, 1870- 1980,' History of EdWI'BtiOn QusRerljrI (32(4):19Q2: 483-521): 510. =~ohnAbbotl, "Acwmplishing 'a Man's Task' Rural Women Teachers. Male Cuiture, and the School lnspedorate in Turn-of-the-Century Ontario.' Onlivlo HisWyl (78(4) 1986): 31 3330. 313. 51 John Abbott, 'Acmplishing a Man's Tas&," 316. a See Laura Mary Kathleen Moomft, 'Chamder BuMers: Wmnand Education in Wby, Ontario, 1900 to 1920.' (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Toronto l983):1lCll6. Report of Ihe Ministw of Edmn11905. m. -0 were offen ~omen.'~James Miller discussed teacher salaries in his book

Rural Schools in Canada. He provided a sumrnary of Ontario teacher salaries from the beginning of the century. Miller broke down the salaries for men and for women in both urban and rural schools. According to Miller, on average a female working in a rural school made significantly less than a wornan in an urban center. " In addition, women who chose to teach in the cities were only paid half of what a man eamed in an urban centre. The statistics induded in Miller's work correspond to information found in The Report of the Education Depaftment in 1907.

While many factors influenced the feminization of the rural teaching force, econornics became a key component in this change. As Hamgan stated,

"Schaol boards did not necessariiy turn to women because they could be paid less, for the evidence suggests that many boards hired them reluctantly. It was because there were not enough men available at a price that school boards were willing to pay."= Wornen overall had less education than men and as a result were not paid as well as men. It is possible that women saw teaching as a temporary masure and therefore did not stay in school to gel the higher credentials that might later enable thern to reœive higher wages. Many factors

çontributed to the low wages given rural teachers. The system of supply and demand meant that teachers would offer to work for lower safaries as a rneans of

Y Apple Teaching and Women's Work,' 460. 55~amesCollins Miller. Rua1 SchooIs in Canade. (New York City: Teechers College, Coiumbia University, 1913): 61. %namgan, 'Devalopment of a Corps of Puûiic Sdiod Teachers,' 51 1. getting ernployment.n The entrenched system of low wages within rural communities meant that the quality of education remained low. Others argue that women undervalued themselves and their work and taught for intrinsic rewards and accepted society's enurneration for their work?

Rural inspectors, prior to 1906, were responsible for hiring teachers and setting their wages? The ratepayers in tum provided the funds for education and remained happy with the elected trustees as long as the rates were low.

Therefore in 1906 when the govemment mandated increases to the wages given teachers, the trustees lost control. Even though govemment grants were given to subsidize the change, many ratepayers rejected paying more for education.

While increased wages and training were two obvious answers to the rural problem, the government largely ignored the rural response on this issue. In a discussion of the Act, J. G. Althouse described actions taken by the government stating that they "proceeded to attack the teacher-training problem in a boldly aggressive way." The author suggested the confidence projected by the

Whitney government in regards to the amendments but did not explore the responses that his legislation produced within the rural wrnmunities. Robert

Stamp also examined the amendments to the 1906 adand the effects that they had on rural education. While Stamp did discuss how one inspector, D.D.

Moshier of Larnbton County, feared rural opposition to the amendments, the author argued that opposition did not materialize. Moshier was said to have won

?L Donald W~lson.Roberl M. Stamp, LouisPhilippe Audet eds., Canadian Educath e Hi*, gcarbomugh: Prentice-Hall, 1WO):317. Laura Mary Kathleen Moorcrofi 'Charader Builderr: Women and Educaüon in \Miitby. Ontado, 1900 to 1920,' (Ph-D. mesis, University of Toronto IQ83):126. support for the amendments in his cwnty and also to have encouraged inmased school grants that rnaterialized in the 1907 amendments? Histonan

Charles Humphries, in conjunction with his discussion of the changes evoked by the 1906 amendments, prOC88ded to discuss the rural opposition to this legislation. Whitney was presented as a strong-willed man detennined not to sway frorn his principles or his ~egislation.~Douglas Law also examined the

Schools Act and hilethe Whitney govemment is applauded for its changes to educational policy, no mention is made of opposing faction^.^ While al1 of these sources reveal the effects of the 4906 legislation, little if any attention is given to the rural discontent that arose following the development of the 1906 amendments."

Amendrnents to the education act in 1906 had a significant impact on the members of the rural community. Low wages for rural teachers was an issue that had existed for many yean prior to 1906 but had not been addressed? In

Opposition, Whitney had explored the issues surrounding wal education and after he took office in 1905 he wnducted an inquiry into the rural school question. On 14m May, 1906 the Department of Education Act was passeâ. This legislation focused on rural education, more specifically teamer salaries, school

At the tumof-thecentury the inspedorate wem wmpoaed entirely of men. " J.O. Aithouse, 77w Onhvlo Teadw, (Bdtain: W.J. Gage Limited, 1W):l27. Robert Stamp, 7?te Schods ofOrl&, (To~omnto:University of Toronto Pm.1 Q82):7677. Charles W. Humphries, Homst Emu@ to Be BoM. (Toronto: Univemity of Toronto Press, 1985):121-126. Douglas Lam, Development of Agricuîtuml Education,' 221. The disantent that was present following the 1906 amendment is evidenccid in the newspapers that will be discussed in the fdtmdng chaper. " Refer to Ietters menin to Harcourt a past ducation minisisr. AO, MS 2833, RG 2-281, General Correspondence Files, Letter to Mr. Harcourt, 1 Deamber 1903; Letter to Mr. Hamurt 30 November, 1903. Both of these letters address salary inmases. accommodation, and classroorn equipment. The remuneration of county inspectors was also addressed but received less attenti~n.~A consolidated school grant was not provided due to the unpopularity of this movement in rural areas. However, the Conservative rural education policy tripled annual grants to local school-boards for school accommodations and dassroom equipment . As well, the govemment no longer paid out grants based solely on the average attendanœ rates. Perhaps the most signifiant part of this legislation was the minimum salary clause that provided minimum salary scales of $300 and $500 for rural teachersB7 This clause was problematic as it faileâ to rewgnize the differing pay scales based on education levels. Suggestions were also made that the wages did not account for the janitorial work undertaken by many teachers within rural schoo~s.~In addition, the minimum salary clause required the suspension of any teacher who agreed to a salary lesser than that stipulated by the govemment. While some trustees challenged the minimum salary clause based on the perceived implications, the government argued that increased wages would lead towards the developrnent of a stronger rural educative state that would focus on the quality of education.

Stat-s of the Fmhce of Ontan'o Passecî in the Session He# in the Sixth Year of the Rem of His Majesfy Mng Edw4VÇj VI/. 'Chepter 52. An Ad respecthg the Department of Educaüon.' (Toronto: L.K. Camemn. 1908):423-458. See AO. RG 2-129. 2 files, Reverand George Grant was an inspecter for Pany Sound District and on 3 May 1906 he addressed a letter to the Ontario govemment requesting a inmase to his salary as he had been overkoked. Minimum sabries were based on difVering levels of responçibility. Teactiers received if they were the only teacher and $300 if they were an assistant (taught a diienmt dass but were not in charge). 'AO, RG 2-1 29. no.2.. C.A. Bames lnspector of Schoois Petrolia. 'Hon Dr. Pyne' 14 AMI. 1808. Prior to 1906 teachers' wages were regulated according to supply and demand.

Amas in greater demand of teachers offered higher wages. At the tumof-the- century, teachers in many areas were in short demand. Wth the opening of the

West, Ontario teachers were enticed by high wages to relocate. A cornparison between Ontario and rniddle Manitoba around 1885 suggested that on 'average salaries in rural schools there were about 20% higher for men in Manitoba rural schools and more than 75% higher for women."" The high demand for educated and experienced teachers, Education Minister Pyne argued, was one important reason for arnending the Public Schools Act. In his report Pyne artiwlated:

The rapid settlement of the Western Provinces of Canada has also dmaway a considerable number of our experienced teachers. The salaries offered in the West were much in excess of the sale in Ontario, so that the Depariment of Education, in order to keep our own schools open, feit itseff oMiged to issue greater number of temporary certificates than concern for the welfare of the schools could jutiify, provided such a condition were to last for any length of time. The objeds sought by the legislation of last season should, therefore, be regarded as a prinapie from which a bacfrward step must not be taken. The best means of accomplishing this desiraMe end are not in thernseîves infiexille or necessarily permanent. The machinery for enhancing and distributing the larger grants has nphad a yeah trial. mer the greater part of the Province it has been found to work well.

Pyne and Whitney believed that the changes they had made to the education act would keep teachers in Ontario and encourage a higher standard of education.

The Whitney govemment benefÏed from the experienœ of past premiers who had also been faced with rural education problems. In 1903, Education Minister

Harcourt received a letter that addressed the need for higher teacher salaries

"~hillipsDewbpment of Educrilion in Canada, 552. 70~essionof the Eleventh LegUature. ii. and a year later received a letter that noted the issues had not been resolved."

Whitney and Pyne were both aware of the follies of past administrations and intended to overcome previous problerns. While the 1906 legislation promised many improvements to education in niral areas, the rural community was not easily convinced. Newspapers from 1906 revealed that members of the faming communities were cuncerned about the changes to the educational legislation.

The Whitney govemment did not consult the rural community regarding this act and as a resuit many people were rnisinformed about the changes. As well,

many argued that the government funding for education was not suffident to sustain the scho~ls.~*

No doubt, the increased attention that was paid to education at the turnof- the-century influenced the govemment's decision-rnakers. A rise in the demand for teacher education programs and the growing urban population at the beginning of the twentieth century were all influences Mat affected popular opiniomn

Prior to the development of the act, school tnistees had controlted the administration of rural schools. Trustees encouraged minimum salaries by using supply and demand theory to maintain lower wages for teachers. In requiring minimum salaries and providing wunty grants based on population and property assessment, the 1906 legislation diminished control by tnistees and ratepayers within the rural comrnunity. While the teachers seemingly benefited from the new

" AO, MS 2633. RG 2-291. General Correspondence Files, Laerto Mr. Harcourt, 1 December 1903; Letter to Mr. Harcourt 30 Novernber, 1903. Both of these lettea addmsalary inmases. " Stamp, Smools of Ot#anO, 78. 73~eferto the Ontario Legislatjve AsJernMy Nawspaper for 1904-1 9ûû. legislation, the govemment met hostility from many members of the rural communities who saw govemment legislation as another example of the powen harnessed by the burgeoning cities. An editorial cartoon in the Ottawa Journal suggested that the hostilities mis act created were encouraged by the tyrannical approach taken by the Whitney g~vernment.'~

It is diffiwlt to know the extent to which Whitney's personality affeded the response given towards the educational developments of 1906. While some have criticized his personality, in 1905 Whitney made a detenined attempt to improve the statu of education in rural schools. 75 Despite his efforts, many members of the rural cornmunity felt that they should have benconsulted regarding the proposed changes to rwal education.'' Many within the rural sections also rnaintaineû that inaeased funding was necessary in order to achieve the goals set by the new legislation? Although the Schools Adof 1906 proposed "considerable progressnto rural education, the faming community continued to protest for increased funding?

74 TanuCks' by the CartoonistsiSOLtBWBEuenhg Jounel, (23 January 1906):l. Rder to page 67. 75 Chades Humphries. Humst €mmto be Bo#. (Toronto: University of Tomnto Press, 1985):

P~~ Lw*sr, The Perth Munty Pmte&.' Sui, (23 Jmwry IW7):I. * W.C. Good, The New School hw,' iMwMy Sun, (IO January 1907):7. 'Education in Ontario,' FanMy H8dd and Wek& *,(24 AMI 1QO7):lO. Chapter 3

Rural Response to the Act of 1906:The Need to Proted the Rural ldentity

The amendments to the Ontario Education Act of 1906' focused on many

rural issue^.^ Under this legislation the rural teachers were to receive higher

wages and rural schools were to become better equipped, al1 under the

administration of the province. The same legislation also called for the end of

Mode1 Schools, which had previously allowed teachers with minimum

qualifications to educate students? Since the urban areas had in most cases

already met the requirements of these changes, the effects were negligible in these areas. However, the amendments were intended to enforœ complianœ

primarily in rural areas, and çome saw the Whitney govemment as a "bully"

unwilling to wnsult with rural constituents or to cornprorni~e.~The initial reaction

in the rural press following Whitney's arnendments sought to protect the distinctiveness of farm life.

During this pefiod the rural community was very active and faced many challenges, many of which they blamed on the growth of urban popu~ations.~It

' The Sctrods Ad of 1906 and the amendments to the Educaüon Ad in 1908 both refer to the same legislation. Statues offho Ftovlxr, of Onnvlo pessed in Me Sessian Heûi in the SmYew olfM Rem of iiis Matfesty Khg Edwanl, VI1 8ei~the Second Session ofthe Elewntn Legr'sletm of Ont&, pomnto: LK. Camemn, 1Qû6). Only a few modd schools in poorer regions wem to remain but only temporanly until more funding was made availaMe for creation of Nomal schools. ThYd Session of lYie Uswnth Lwslstue, Report of the Minister of Educaüon for the Year 1908,' (Toronto: L. K. Carneron, i907)~ n. Milorial, On'IIie Tms, (15 Feb. 1908): 4. Sete, Chades W. Humphries, Honest Emugh (o k, Bdd, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985). this biography provides a very de&iled accaunt of Whitney's politiil charadet. Refer to LA. Wood's. Fmmm' Mo-s h Canada. mis source pmvides much eiaboration on the developnent of the farm rnovemants within Caneda and Ontario in parb'cular. Robert W. could be stated that the Schools Act of 1906 was a reflection of the changes that the rural community would be forced to incur as urban areas continued to grow throughout the twentieth century. The amended act itself became a symbol of the movement towards a developing urban economy. Local and fam newspapers from the penod provided a window from which the readions to this act became transparent. Letters written to Education Minister Pyne and to

Premier Whitney in conjunction with the Ontario LegisIative Assembiy

Newspaper Hansard help to detemine the public reaction towards this act.

While the Education Act of 1906 became important to many supporten of rural schools, the faming comrnunity was also faced with other challenges at the beginning of Vie twentieth œntury. Unlike the western graingrowers, the famers in Ontario were divided by a multiplidty of organizations based on occupational specialty and common, colledive interests. Not only were dairy famers experimenting with new breeds such as the Holstein-Friesian, but mit growers were also developing new varieties of fruit6 Arnidst the growing fam organizations, sudi as the Holstein-Friesian Association and the Ontario Fruit

Growers Association, the increasing sophistication of faning and a shortage of fann labour forced a change in hiting pradices. Moving from transitory labour towards hired help who were employed year round, famers were encouraged by

Traivbridge alsa discusses the fatmers movements in his unpuMished M.A. thesis fm the UnbBcsi1y of Waterloo Mled War time rural discontent and the rise of the United Famiers of Ontario 1916.1 91 9' cornpleted in 1986. Charles M. Johnston. "A Motfey CmwG: Diversity in the Ontario Countryside in the Eady Twentieth Century,' Canedlian Pepers Kn Rual Hi-, ed ednald Akenson, (Gananque: Langdafe Press, 1980): 237-256. the improvement in the labour performed.7 Fans were also bscoming inweasingly mechanized aiter 1870.8 Wth increasing productivity on fams and a dernand for new markets some farmers sought reciprocity with the United

States. This issue became heavily debated within the fmnewspapers and illuminated the divisions mat existed among famier~.~A variety of larger interest group agrarian organizations such as the Grange and the Famiers' Association attempted to place the needs of agriculture on the agendas of govemments, but until the formation in 1914 of the United Fanen of Ontario by leaders such as

EX. Dniry, W.C. Good, and J. J. Morrison, the fam wmmwiity lacked a cornmon front. By 1914. farm leaden who induded E.C. Dniry, W.C. Good. and J. J.

Morrison, united famers through one organization known as the United Famers of ontario."

Newspapers were an important forrn of communication within rural Ontario. At the tumof-the-century, newspapers played a more dominant role within sodety than they ever had before. Paul Rutherford's A Vicfon'an Authonty: The Daily

Press in Late Nineteenth-Centus. Canada charts the growth of daily newspaper circulations between 1872 and 1900.. He states that by 1900 "the number of daily and weekly editions of daily newspapers exceeded the number of families in the

'Johnston. *A Mdley CCrowd.'248. Douglas Lem. 'The Oevdopnent of Ontario Faming, l87WQl4.'Ontwb Hislbry, ((81 March 1972):23S2W,241. Refer to the FamfsAdvacab, and the WeMy Sun thmughout the yean 19031908 for more on this discussion. See also W.R. Young, 'Conscn'pion, Rural Depopulation, and Famers of Ontafio,' Ca-n Hi#WcaI Review, (53 1Qï2):28832O, 293. 'O Pnnrious faim oipanizations such as the Patrons of lndustry also known as Me Grange ha4 been unsuccessful in their attemqts to unite fannem. country, a sure sign that Canada's first mass medium had arrived."" The

popularity of the written word is evident from the large editorial sections found within many tumof-thecentury ne~spapers.'~Editorial sections found in larger

newspapen such as The Weekly Sun, The Fannefs Advocate, and The Farnily

Herald exemplified the importance of this fom of communication, particularly in

rural society. l3

Rural newspapers were quick to acknowledge their importance to the people of the twentieth century. In 1905 the Farmer's Advocate boasted that they were the

"oldest, largest, most widely circulated and only national agricultural and home

paper in the ~ominion."'~Both the Weekly Sun and the Family Herald also expressed the significance of their respective publication within the rural communities of Ontario. According to the Family Herald they were "pre- eminently the newspaper of the Canadian people," while the Weeky Sun argued that they were the "foremost famersn paper in canada."" White it is diffiwlt to assess the aaxiracy of each daim, the arguments suggest that each of the newspapers in question had a wide circulation base. The Canadian Newspaper

11 Paul Ruihedord, A Vrdonan ArRhority: 77m Oaily Press in Late Nineteentfr-Centwy Canade, University of Toronto Press: Toronto, 1982): 5. 'iüiany of the papers used for the pirpose of this study, not only maintained a stmg editorial section but also smaller papers would teport on the events within the comrnunity. Papers such as the Berlin MyTeEegram contained sections where people would repart on viMs to areas outside of the community or report on meetings. The paper providecl people with a way to keep in touch with the world around them. Douglas Fetheiling discusses the importance of the newspaper in his book, The Rise of the Cansdim Newspaper, (Toronto: Mord University Press, 1990). '' The Ferniers Acfvocate was based out of London. Ontario and had a large madership throughout the province. The Weekly Sun was based out of Toronto and was a heavy supporter of the Grange movement (refer to LA. Wood Fm'MovaricHils h Canada p. 3). The Famil'y Hemkl was another fann weekfy th& had a wide circulation throughout Ontario and into the United States but was basal out of Montreal. All three papers were recognized within the rural cpmunity and will therefon be an important part of this discussion. Canacfian Newspsper Diredory, (Toronto: A.Md(im and Company, 1905):61,236,234. Directory provided circulation rates for papers published throughout Canada in

1905. According to this source in 1905 the WeeWy Sun circulated sixteen thousand aipies and the Famer's Advocate circulated twenty-five thousand copies; together they represented the two largest fann publications in Ontario.

The Famiiy Herald also had a wide circulation throughout Ontario, but Mile the exact number of copies found in the province is unknown, this Montreal-based paper (also known as the WeeWy Star ) circulated in the entire country one hundred twenty-four thousand, five hundred and seventyone copies weekly. In addition to the agricultural press, local newspapers were also important fixtures within communities and spoke to the immediate concerns found within local districts. While many of the srnaller papers borrowed articles from the larger publications, the general content within these papen reflected the experiences of the communities from which they emerged. When, in 1906, the Ontario govemment amended the educat~onact both the farm papers and many local papers contributed to the popular awareness of this issue.''

The rural response to the amendments was mixed. At the beginning of 1906 many papers supporteci reforms to rural education, but once those changes were in place many from the rural cornmunity wrote in objections to the new

l5McKimts Dr'vedory of Canadian PubIicathns: mS Ca178dian Newspper DhWwy Forwth Edition 1905, (Toronto: McKim and Co., 1905):48,2. '' For the purpose of this discussion, local papers fmcentres thmughout Ontario were consulted. They indude The WWdy Sun, Famrer's AûWaîe, Fami& HmM, Tm& Globe, Chatham WyUanet, The Briliish Canadien, hscdtJourna/, FOR WJlim TmsJoumel, Guelph Memuy, C%mwallStandam!, MaMy felsgapn, OnIlia Times, Mur Enbemm, Fergus News-Recwd, Mount Fmst ConîMmte, Elara Express* Lhyton Aâwate, Ottawa Journal, and the tiihfsey WklyPb*. legislation." Ontario newspapers throughout the province provide insight into both the interests and responses of various cornmunities towards the Schools

Act. For Me purpose of this study twenty papers have been seleded as representative of the regions throughout Ontario (with the exception of the Family

Herald). Of the papers selected five had a large circulation each exceading eight thousand. The rnajority of the papers in this study each had less than five thousand subscribers. Wile an atternpt has been made to consult papers frorn various regions throughout Ontario, very few northem papen were available. As well, the Wellington newspapers comprise a signifiant portion of this study because during mis period Guelph and the surrounding areas beame a hotbed for agriwltural reforms with both the establishment of the Ontario Agnwltural

College and later wnsolidated schools. It is also important to note that the papers selected represent a variety of political affiliations and classification^.'^

All of these papers have dealt with the Education Act of 1906 either directly or indirectly. The following table indicates the newspapers that will form the basis of this study as well as the literacy rates of each community and the number of issues that citculated.

" '€ducational Atfain,'ïhe WWy Sun, (1 1 Dac. 1gOB): 9. In this aitide the author States. 'So far the report (Education Ad) was wholly aopraved.' ie Refer to taMe one for more details on the papers usa. Table One: Newspaper Circulation and Literacy Rates. 190~'~

CiLymumh ~~Populotioni Arthur 1000 Entreprise Berlin 1W Daily Tdegraph Daily Liberal 750 90.7% Chatham 10100 Planet Daily Consewative 1750 93.1% - Co=all 8000 Standard Weekly Liberal- 3000 85.1% Consenrative Drayton 900 Advocate Weelrly Conservathre 1000 95.5% Elora 1400 mf"= Wee(rly Indepndenî 500 05.5% Erin 800 Advocate Weeûly Independent 1894 95.5% Fergus 1800 News-Record Weelrly Independent- 1750 95.5% Refom Fort William 7000 Timeslloumal Oaily Independent 1000 82% Guelph 12000 Mercury Daif y Refom 2005 95.5% 12000 Weeldy Reform 4916 Lindsay 7500 Post Daily Refom 750 92.5% 7500 Wtwlcly Refomi 2250 , London 40000 Famets Advocate Weeicly ' Agricultural 25000 90.3% Mount Forest 2500 Conlederate Weekly Refom 750 95.5% Orillia 5192 Times Weekly Refom 2490 85.6% -

Ottawa 7SO( O Journal Oaily Independent 8268 , 03.1%

Prescott 301 3 1 Journal 1 Weeklv L Refom 1 750 1 84% Simcoe 300 3 1 British Canadian 1 Weeklv 1 Conservathe 1 1000 1 85.6% Toronto 2500 30 Globe Oaily Liberal 51 231 93.5% IO Weekly Liberal 19500 N3 : Weekly Sun ' weekly ' Agriaiitural ' 16000 IO Farnify Herald Oaily Independent 58453 N/A Hl Weekly Independent 124571

Many of the daily newspapers were found within the larger urban areas, Mile

the smaller rural toms usually produced weekJy papers. It was diffiailt for dailies

to circulate outside their immediate environs during an era that depended on

trains and homes forcd to navigate bad roads. Hawever, the larger newspapen

delivemû weeklies outside of their communities and into the rural areas. While

lg~*~~~~~~:mme~~~~ EcWim 1905, (Toronto: Mdulm and Co., 1905); and the Fillt, Census of Ceneda f91 i Vdm Il,(ôttawa:C.H. Parmeîee, 1913). the Toronto Globe was an exception, the newspapefs that produced both a daily

and weekly paper almost without exception had a greatef weekly circulation. The

Toronto Globe maintained an urban focus even though some outside aie city

subscribed due to its Liberal affiliation. However, the majority of papers

(induding Montreal's Family Herald) had more weekly subsaibers than daily.

While information is not available to confinn where in the province the weekiies

went. those with the larger subscriber base focused on rural concems and most

likely found their way into rural wmmunities.

Politics was another important issue that int~dedon the press and that was

also reflected in the circulation of weekly papers. The three leading weeklies in

this study, the Family HeraM. the WeeWy Sun. and aie Fannefs Advocate, were

al1 'nonpartisan' papers that foarsed on agriwltural issues." Politics were

closely connected to the press throughout the inception of the twentieth œntury.

In 1909, forty-six of Ontario's frffy-five daily newspapers held a party affiliation, with six more associated with the Liberals than the ~onservatives.~~The

influence of partisan politics rnust be considered with the evaluation of responses to the 1906 legislation, although newspaper responses did not always adhere to party lines.

Many factors influencecl the content that was found within daily and weekly publications. The readership base of a given paper often reffected the concems

"While these papem are not non-partisan in the true sense of the word they do not openly support either of the tm, offidal political paities. See Man P.N. Beaven, 'Parb'sanship, Patronage, and the Press in Ontario, 188û-1914: Mylhs and Realiüss.' CtwWw~Hiidwka/ Review, (84 (3) September 1983: 31 7-3Sl):32û. 70

and interests of the community that it addressed. How issues were reported also

alluded to the general knowledge held by a given community. H is evident from

the information in table one that in 1905 both Toronto and Ottawa were major

centres. Based on the precept that city centres were in Iine with the dianges

proposeâ in the 1906 amendments, it is understandable that both the Toronto

and Ottawa press paid less attention to these educational refoms. The Ottawa

Journal reported on the refons early in 1906, but many of the other papers did

not focus on the amendments until the end of that year. Even farm papers such

as the WMySun that were concemed about rural depopulation and agricultural

politics initially did not perceive the response that would be given to the Act of

1906. The very fad that this paper did not begin giving this issue much press

coverage until the end of 1906 speaks to this point? The Toronto Globe was

also slow to report on the changes to education. Like the WeeWy Sun, the Globe

waited until the end of 1906 to minhighlighting this issue but without extensive

coverage. However, by 1907, the Schools Adreceived a great deal of attention

within many of the agriwltural publications as the rural comrnunity rejected the

higher taxes diredly related to the education act

Political allegiances also influenced how journalists reported on the ad Not all

papers let politics enter into their reporting on this issue. Mile initially politics did not seem to be a factor for the WeWy Sun and the Globe, it did infiuence the

Ottawa Journal. The Ottawa Journal was an independent paper that respondad

21 Beaven, 'Parüsanship, Patronage, and the Press in Ontario, 188e1914: Myths and Realiüas,' -322. " The Wbk& Su, discusscrd issues of edudon in proailar how youth wn becoming educated then moving to the city, yet discussion of 7he New School Law," (28 Dec lm):&dki very boldly to the proposed changes to the education ad. Early in 1906, the

Ottawa Journal placed an editonal cartoon an its front page in which they depided R. A. Pyne with a 'bnef under his am, nding a horse with the word 'bill' attacheci to its nimp. In the background of this image are two pictufes beneath the sign, 'Ontario Legislature'. The pidures depict on the one side J.P. Whitney and on the other side Bismarck. Outside of this editotial cartoon, the Ottawa

Journal reporteâ very little on the tapic of education. However, the image found in the Ottawa Journal suggested that the readership of this paper were well aware of the changes king wnducted in the Ontario Legislature. This editorial cartoon not only presented Whitney as a dominant figure but it also suggested that he was trying to push the legislation through quiddy.

However, many articles that dealt with rural refoms in the larger urban papers tended to favour the development of a stronger educational system. Throughout

1906, the Toronto Globe and the Weekly Sun foaised on the benefits found within a strong educational system. The Toronto Globe released an article regarding public education that was reprinted in the Fort William TimesJoumal.

Interestingiy, the artide opened with a disdaimer, stating that those who attackad the amended act were misled by Meir belief that the legislators were responsible for the proposed changes when in fact change was inevitab~e.~The urban cumrnunity had nothing to gain from the proposed changes to education and it was quite separate from the rural mmunity.

nat occur urrtil the 28 of December 1906. Fdlowing this point the cwerage of this Ad became ramourtt. "Public Opinion and Public Education.' RW ilVWim Du?y ~msJomd,(20 ApH 1m):Z. ('CANUCKS" BY THE-CARTOONISTS

"Canucks' By the Cartoonist," 0-a Evening Journal, (23 January 1906):j. Such views also suggest resistance to the proposed legislative changes and the witet's lack of sympathy for those outside of the cities. Cleady, the Sun and the

Globe separated partisan politics from their reports on the amended act and focused on the benefit to be gained by inaeasing the quality of rural education.

Mileboth papers repocted on this ad, the Globe held very urban loyakies Mile the Sun was concerneci with rural organization and rural devel~prnent.~~The

difference between these two papers becarne more apparent in 1907 when the

Sun began to report on the negative reactions of rural taxpayers to the amended

act and the Globe did not.

Outside of Toronto, The Fannefs Advocate was an agricukural weekly that had

a very broad reader base throughout Ontario. Established in London, this paper

discusseâ the practical workings of agriculture and education. While the

arnendments to the act were rarely mentioned in this publication, in 1906 education became a topic of intense discussion unlike years previous. Although the Fanner's Advocate tended to be less political than the WeeWy Sun, both newspapers circulated throughwt the province and published responses from the rural community. In 1907, intense discussion of the issues sunounding the amended act enipted in both papers, suggesting the powers of the rural community.

While the larger centres consequently also had papers with larger circulations, the reporting Viat was done in the rural areas was no less informative to the topic

24 In 1805, the Gkbe was Torwito's larga daily paper. Mile enddence easto wstthat -pie in ruml communRiss subscribeâ to this pper the greatest suppoct for this pibiication was found in the urban centsn. Sec hcKm3 Dhdmy dCeneoen RMixfbns Tho Cmmüm Newspaper Folrth Ealik, 1905, (Toronto: A.McKim and Company, lQû5):2S2. at hand. A consistent concern within the rural papers was the issue of taxes in

regard to the new legislation. On 20 Apnl 1906, the Foit WIIiam Daily Times-

Journal reported that the ratepayers were more concermd with low taxes than

they were with the quality of education. The article went on to state that a

change in legislation as proposed by the 1906 amendment would net be enough

to wrb the problems inherent in public education. Mataie author suggested

was a propaganda campaign that would direct responsibility to the minister of

education and "through hirn on his officiais and inspectors, and on the president

of the provincial university and through him on his staff of professors.' As well, if

'these men cannot or will not accept the leadership of such a campaign they will

be recreant to their duty and positions they Md. Leadership there must be or

there will be no sound and effective public opinion, and without public opinion

new regulations and new machinery will be in vain as a firebrand's t~ssing."~~

General criticism was also directed against the Whitney govemment. The

Lindsay WeeWy Post attackeâ the government for hiring more staff than the Ross

govemment and for mis-spending public funds? The ORlla Weekly Times also discussed the Whitney govemment under the title 'A Bunch of Tory Blunders - Ontario Opposition; Record of Obstruction - The Mistakes of Whitney.' Among other things Whitney was aaxised of fighting the appointments of Liberal

candidates into a vanety of positions that induâed education? The same paper acaised Whitney of treating the Liberals with contempt and suggested that the

Conservatives should remain aware of the power held by oieir eledors. The

" Sec Fort WIiun Ddy TmsJounel, (20 April1908):2. a 77?eLiWsay bW&& Past, (O Fekuary 1906):8 and (23 Februaiy 1906):4. article went on to state that the "friends of the Whitney administration who swagger and threaten, as if they were to be in power forever, are Mr. \I\lhitneyJs worst enemies. British people will not stand a bully, and Ontario is a very British province.'

The newspaper Hansard, also presented a perspective on the education question. Under the title 'Party Leaders Cross Swords'. a debate played out by

George Ross and Premier Whitney presented two very opposed views on educational refm. Whitney was acwsed of not keeping his promise to separate education from politics. This followed Whitney's appointment of Dr.

Robert Pyne to the position of minister of education, a post for which he had no previous training. Ross argued that there are so few "plums in the profession that it seerned only fair that when there were any of the nature mentioned they should not be given to outsiders on purely political gro~nds."~~Once again

Whitney was presented in negative tones, as a seif-serving individual who at times was "somewhat harsh in his personal references to the Opposition leader."

At the sarne tirne Ross was referred to as an eloquent speaker who brought humor to his subjdO

While some papers were forthright in their denunciation of Whitney and his legislation, many circulaas focused on the issue of reforming education. It is interesting to note that some of the papers that were interested in eâucatianal

'A Bunch of Tory Bîunden' Tho NWMjt Times, CMh (19 January 1905):3. 28 ww/yTms, CMC8 (1 5 Fekliary 1906):4. " Ontano Leg-sl8riwAsssmbEy~perH~nSard,(21 Febnuy 1908):î. a Hmsaû, (21 Fekuary 1908):1. refom were also candidates for the prospective Nonnal schools. Throughout the

end of 1905 and the beginning of 1906 communities were vying for the

opportunity to establish a Nonnal School. The content of certain newspapers

during this period suggested their interest in Nmal Schoois. The Berln, Daily

Telegraph was one paper that presented the changes to the educational bill in

positive ternis. This circular also spent signifiant time discussing the dimination

of madel schools as well as the proposed growth of normal schools throughout

~ntario.~'Berlin's desire for a Normal xhool was articulated well in a letter sent

to Whitney by George DeBus, the Warden of Berlin. In his letter ha wrote that

"we are still lmking foiward to having one of the Nomal Schools located hem,

and I think that we certainly have the best daim and Mat with a united daim of

the Gennan population of Ontario and our Catholic friends of Toronto and

Hamilton uniteâ we ought to get one of the schools."" Although Berliners tried

very hard to acquire a Normal School, they did not succeed in their attempts to

secure one. Berlin did not meet the required tefi fia and there was the belief that

"Berlin has never been a good Model School centre; for the Gemans do not

encourage their children to becurne teachemna Similarly, the Chatham Wy

Planet, whose town was also sought a new Normal School, praised the work of

new minister of education Dr. Pyne. On 27 January, 1906 the Planet published

an article titled 'Are After Normal School'. The next month it suggesteâ the

school board "should do everything in their power to assist in bringing the new

'' ûetfk~Dai& Telegaph, Wll lntroduce New Mucational Bill. WHI Do Away with Model Schods.' (8 Feôruary 1908):8; 'Mcdel Schools of This Pmvince,' (26 February 1Qû6):l; YiiM for the Normal School,' (18 March 1Qû8):l; 'Only Two Normal Sbiools This Year,' (7 March 1 Qû6):l. AO RG 2-128 no. 2. Letter to mitney Geocpe meus, 15 May 1W. Nomal School to chatharnf4 In the end the new Normal School went to neither

Berlin nor to Chatham but to Strafford.

Many newspapers also devoted significant coverage to rural teachws' salaries. Some also addressed the issue of agficultural education for fann diildren. The Guelph Memry was one paper that addressed both conœrns. On

11 Apnl 1905 the Mecury discussed the topic of low salaries and in pafticular the example of Mr. Harvey who submitted his notice of resignation and "gave as his reason that his salary was inadquate."'* The article went on to suggest that

'lady' teachers should be given a salary increase based on the years that they taught. Teachers wntinued to express discontent over salaries throughout

1906." The Goelph Me~uryalso addressed concems surrounding agricultural education. As home to the Ontario Agricultural College (OAC), both education and agriculture were brought together. Several articles on the topic of the OAC emphasized the importance of agricultural education. In one such article the author stated that it was "not enough to be a good practical man. To be most successful a man must have a thorough grasp of the ptinciples underlying his subject; he must be a st~dent."~?This article spoke to the famer and the importance of education in the ways of agriculture. The topic of agricultural schools also fmed part of a discussion on the promotion of scientific faming.

a AO, RG 2-144-M box 1, Pub/& Sdool Inspedm' Rems and Caniespondence Deptmnt olEducalion (18741908). 'Mernorenduin fmm the Department of Education,' 17 August 1908.2. " WIII County Pupils be Exduded from High Sch~ol?~7?te Chathem Dei& PIanet, (8 Fekurary 1906):i. Y5 *Board of Education,' The Guelfl Evening Mercuy, (1 1 AmIl905):l. "Teachen DiSSBfisfied,' The GueQlr Dai& Mercury, (30 Novernôer 1906):4; 'Senior Teechen Apyfor lncreases of Satary,' The Guelph Euenhg 1Uen:uy, (1 1 hcember 1gOB):l. uC~nfe~nceat Coilege Famien InstiMe Workers,' GWM Ewnhg Men:wy, (21 Nomber 1906):i. In this piece it was suggested that public schools should be consolidated within

rural areas and that an agticultural department should be attached to every

scho~l.~~Based on the artides found within the Guelph Mecury circa 1906, the importance of both ducation and agiculture was made ovenvhelmingly clear.

Although this newspaper only briefîy mentioned the amendments to the act, the

fact that an emphasis was plaœd on teachers' salaries and agricultural education

alludes to its impact. Throughout 1907 many of the Wellington County papers

also addressed the new legislation and the wnsequences that it had for rural

society. While publications in Elora and Erin were both independent

newspapers, generally the Wellington region was very sympathetic towards the

Consmative stand on educational reform.

Throughout Ontario, newspapers devoted coverage to the issues surrounding

teacher's salaries and rural education but at the rwt of both of these issues was

the fear of rural depopulation. It becornes apparent from many of the artides mat

rural memben believed that their diildren would leave home if they became too

educated in the ways of urbanity. The Weekly Times, Onlla published a

response from a local Farmers' lnstitute meeting that 'dwelt upon ... the young people growing up on fans and leaving in large numbers for the towns and cities." The article went on to suggest that in families where children were not given jobs to do on the fam, their minds became filled with ideas.

it was few bright liie boys that had not wmething to do in order to heîp the fann %hg. They were taught to use their brains more than any child kought up in town or dty, and were therefore better off if they ever went to tami to Myanythlig. The child must afso be taqM to use his hands. Training rnakes his hands the ffmtuseful part of him. When [a] shy young man begins to think seriously (atm4 what he is going ta enter into, the speaker wuld say, if he has been raised on the fam, he ought to decide to stey there ...The famiers of our country produce their weaHh and the weahh of those around them?

As emphasized in the artide, there was a general mistrust of the educaüonal system within the rural communities. The Farmefs Advocate, an agricukural weekly, printed several artides that exemplified a rural response to education. A cornmon thread throughout the artides in this publication is their desire to encourage and ernphasize agticultural education. The 'famet is presented as separate from and in some ways superior to the urban inhabitant. In these articles the farmer as 'father' is encouraged to teach his son the importance of agriculture so that he too may perpetrate the values of this profession. Many of the articles minimized the necessity of sdiools but instead suggested the value of learning Virough experienœ on the fam. Under the title 'Value of Education', one subscriber wrote an editorial in which he stated that "[mlany a man who cannot write his own name can think more clearly and accutately than the man who is the mere echo of aie teacher."

Admittedly, a gap did exist between rural schools and rural culture but attempts were made to encourage both the retention of the rural life and improve the quality of wal education. Fam leaders and instructors at the OAC fomed the focus of an editorial published on the "new education ad". With the advent of the 1906 legislation the editorial discussed how the agicultural college should becorne involveâ in the education of prospective rural teachers through the

30 'Farmers' lnslitute Meeüng,' Weeidy Tms, (1 5 Thursday 1QO6):2. " J. H. RiâdelJ, Value of Mucation,' FtmWs Adboate, (1 1 Febniary 1908):lïO. establishment of a Normal School College on their grwnds. It was argued that the "rural public school should develop an intelligent appreciation of the fam, outdoor life, and the things of nature. One of the most effective ways in which these things can be done is by promoting a doser touch of the teacher-training business with the great institution at Guelph, which now happily indudes

Macdonald ~nstitute."~'Further, it was argued that the rural-school teachers should receive equipment and tesources that would enable them to provide the greatest benefit to those students under their instruction. While the govemment was making attempts to improve the rural public schools through its new legislation rnany rural inhabitants that were writing into the Farmefs Advocate stressed the role of family and above al1 the importance of agriculture. Education was viewed with a very specific purpose that was to encourage and develop agriculture. An article in the farm section of the Fannefs Advocate summarized the attitude of this publication towards education.

Famer and Son on the Fam

One of our bdgM young men living in the city dropped into our office recentiy for a chat on faming mattem. The young man was fileâ with enthusiasm in general, and had a genuine case of the 'back to the land' fever. He was looking for a fam location. We quote from his conversation a few thoughts, which are probaMy in the mincis of many city young men placecl in a sirnilar position. 'My father was a good man and a good famer, and parüculariy good and kinâ to his children,' the young man stated. "When we wem ctiildren,' the young man stded. menwe were childmn we worlred on the fam, &ut our lives were made easy by the hard labor of father and rnother. We wem sent to school whenever possible. The one thing for which my parents were to Marne in raising their children was that they forced us into grooves of life for midi we wem not pmparied. Henry was raised with the one ides of being a Iawyer, and a poor lawyer he proved to be. My own life was shaped for the minislry, and in spite of my disindination, my desire not to offend by motheh lifdong wishes led me to awpthe charge. Tîme proved that neither my brother nor t wem fitted for the life-work for which we were prepamd by out parents. The regrst of my life is that my father did not take me into comradeship in the conduct of the fam, that he dM not

" 'The Normal Training of the Ruml Teachr,' Fmw's A&ua#e, (3 May 10W):l. teach me the things he was a lifetirne learnirg, that he did flot imvt3~son my minci the advantages of famlng, the only Me for me wwth living, for now I am bound to be a faner just as my brother has becorne."... The boys and gids are the most important crop on the fam after all, and the fam is the best place to keep them. They MW not al1 stay them. but they oqMto know that the fann is not such a bad place Mer all, before they get nady to leave 1. The more we think about it the more we believe that the future prosperity, morali aiid physical welfare of the people of this country depends on the farm boys and fann giris. Fmthe fam cornes the fresh Mood and the stmng Mood, the dear eye and the well baland intellect, the dean minâ and the moral strength. The city ne& many of them, &utthe fams need still more. - The ~armep There was a push within the rural cornmunity for famers to educate their

children at home in the ways of agriculture. Even though the Whitney

govemment promised improvements to the quality of education in their 1906

legislation, the rural comrnunity could not justify payirq higher taxes when many

felt that the needs of the rwal community were not being addressed. In an article

on agricultural education, Deputy-Minister of Agriculture C.C. James addressed

the absence of agriculture in country schods. James stated that the "advance of

Nature Study and Fine Arts, things of an aesthetic nature, designed in the city, have shoved out agriculture - the vastly more important subjed to rural pupi~s.~~ According to him the rural youth were the most impressionable and therefore

should be taugM the benefits of an agricultural career. Wfihin the rural cornmunity many based the success of education on lsability to improve the quality of agriculture. How rural people perceived aie value of education was critical to their acceptance of the 1906 legislation. Many felt that more needed to be done to keep young people on the fam, but probably as many believed that the legislation did not provide a ~olution.~

- " 'Father and Son on the Fami,' 77m Fmw's AdmciMe, (16 August 19û6):1281. 43 'Agricultural Educatbn." The Famer's AWWe, (20 Dscember 1~):203@. 'Sück to the Fann.' 77m Famnir's Admate, (f Novanber 1-)A 701. The We&/y Sun was another fam publication that dealt with the issues

surrounding rural ducation and the education ad Classified as an agriwltural

cirarlar, the Sun presented the issues of rural Ontario in more economic and

political ternis than did the Fannefs Advocate. The W88kly Sun emphasized,

nevertheless, the importance of practical education. While this arüde focused on

how best to retain children in the rural way of life, the solution proposed was to

provide children with independence and access to the amenities of urban life

(such as labor-swing deviœs, chess, tennis rackets and libraries of books)."

While many of the articles within the Advocate stressed the intrinsic rewards of

one's labour, the WeeWy Sun extolled the value of material possessions,

especially those that refieded modemity and the urban lifestyle. These articles in

effed suggested that children would choose to stay on the fam if the conditions were improved." The organization and waperation of fan groups and their

interaction with govemment bodies was cited as another means by which to

improve agriculture." As part of this, articles emphasized the importance of

practical education not only for farm children but also for the famiers? In addition, more average was given to the role of govemment, especially in regard to the Schools Act of 1906. Milethis amendment received little attention in 1906, the following year opened with protest against this legislation evidenced

" A. A. B. 'Home Life on the Fami.' The Sun, (4 AMI 19û6):4. " 'Farm Editorial Notes,' The WddySm. (30 May 1908):Z. " 'Grnatest Neeû of Ontario Farmem,' Iho MWdy Sun, (30 May lQû6):t. Fmnt Conditions in Ontado Agriculturs.' The WhMy SM. (1 1 April1=):2. in the rural papers such as the WWy un? One of Vie chief amcems raised by rural residents against this act was the fixing of teachef's salaries.50

Near the end of 1906 the Family Herald also published articles on the topic of eûucation and teacher training. Many of the artides that addressed education focused on its present state and discussed how it could be improved.5' This weekly, like the others mentioned, emphasized the imp0f'tanceof practical training for rural students. Despite king detached from the events that ocairrd in Ontario, even this paper saw the significance of the 1906 amendrnents to the

Education Act and disaissed their importance.=

It would seem from the articles published that even the papers that attempted to remain apolitical or focused on agriculture were pulled into the ongoing discussion about the educational reforms of 1906. While the amount of coverage that was given to this topic varied greatly from newspaper to newspaper, a generai survey of publications such as the Farmefs Advocaie and WWySun suggested more interest was given to education in 1906 than in years previou~.~

The other newspapers within this study contain artides that also attest to the sigrMcance of education in 1906 and imply through such stories the interest of the general population on this topic. Despite the inaeased attention that was paid to education and later the 1906 act, protest against the amendments did not

"Rie New School Law,' The WeMy Sun, (26 December 1W6):B; 'Si11 Ptolesting Against the New School Law,' The Wek& Sun, (2 January 1807): 2. 50 T. B. Taylor lStill Pmtssting Against the New School Law,' 7ho WWdy Sm, (2 January 1807): m 4. '' 'Elmentary Agdcuitm in Rumi Schooîs,' FemYy HW1(5 Deamber 1906):5; The Quaiiicdion of Teachen,' FemPy NW,(5 OecemkK 1OO0):S. 'EducBüon in Ontario,' FanMy Mm#, ((24 AMI1 QO7):lO. This suwey was condudeci on the yean 1801 thmugh 1Wû on the two nemrpspers menüoned. transpire until the beginning of 1907. An obvious expianation for mis delay was aie lapse in tirne betwwn govemment cbanges and the implementation of these changes within mrnmunities.

The Ontario Legislative Assembly Newspaper Hansard followed the pditical developments surrounding the arnendments to the Education Act of 1906.

Beginning in Febniary of 1906, reference was made to the impending educational amendment that had been promised in Whitney's eledion campaign? Whitney was a strong Conswative and was finn with others regarding the importance of the arnendrnent~.~'On 6 Mardi 1906 provincial estimates were laid down and, of the total expenditures, the largest portion was provided for edu~ation.~~Ouring this period reports were made of visits paid to both Momsburg and Wellington County but neither visit involved the disaission of the proposed amendments to the educaüon actg lnstead both Whitney and

Pyne focused their discussions on the topic of Nonal sdwols.

In Premier Whitney's speech to the people of Momsburg the focus remained on improved teacher training and higher salaries that he argued would attract more men to the profession. To Whitney's benefit, Vie topic of Normal Sdiools was somewhat elusive in that numbers and locations had not yet been detemined.

Therefore he was able to sîate in good conscience that Momsburg would be

" Estimates WW be Domi Earîy,' 0- Lw- Assmbiy /M?umpslperHan-, (24 Çebruary 19O6): 1. 55 Humphdes, Honest Emugh b Be Bo#, 124. 5s Refer 10 Matît Codts to Govern Us,' 0- LegWWw Assen&& Ilkwspaper Mnsard, (6 March 1908): 1. This anide presents the educational expenditures at $1 233 4t0 58. 80th Um arllde 'Refom in Education.' (19 Febniay 1W6) and Wants a Nomal School.' (1 Mardi 1908) were printed in the Ontanio LwshWe Assembly lvewspaperc ifansml and foaised on the Nomal Sdiool question and the atlmps made by the goMmmsnt to encourage support. given consideration as a site for a normal school. However, Whitney's speech was clearly an attempt to maintain support and good favour because on 17

March an arüde was pnnted that read the "Premier smilingly expressed the view that ... Monisburg from a geographical point of view, [was] so situated that they wuld flot exped to have one of the new normal ~chools."~~

The Prerniets visit to Morrisburg was well received and the topic of normal schools generated great interest, but interestingly he chose to avoid the topic of the proposed amendments. In fact, throughout 1906 no fmal mention was made regarding rural discontent with the arnended act. A response fram Whitney to Mr. Eilber, the M.P.P. and author of a letter that had been addressed to Dr.

Pyne, made a strong suggestion of rural discontent towards the arnended act. In his response Whitney did not foresee a problem in generating support for the new legislation. He wrote:

At any rate the duty of the Govemment is dear. I toid the people upwards of two hundfed tirnes on the pîaffonn that the reform anci impmvernent of the educational system wuld be the first question to which we would tum our attention. So far we have canied out the promises made by us. I firmly believe that with proper expianations there will be no perceptible opposition to the present law and I say this fmhaving wftnessed the resuît of expianations of the subjed. In sny event the Govemment will not recede fmm its position. If the people of the Province have changed their minds and do not desire an impmved educational systern and our supporters in the House refuse to stand by us, the resuît will of course be that the Govemment will resign and out opponents will corne in. The responsibility wilt then rest on the pper shoulders, but as I have already told you, I do not believe that there is any dissatisfadiori which will not disap~earbefore proper expianations. The Members of the Legisiature [an] not imagine that their duty is simply that of delegates to repeat what they hear in thdr mi iocalles and nuthing more, beaiuse if th& wem so, any man couîâ be sent up to the Govemment from time to tirne with messages. The duty of the Legislatun isAo help to show Me people whet il is rigM to do in the interesl of the people thernsehres.

- - " mat Should Be in a Pmspadus?' Ont& ~~Asembly Newspeper Hm&, (1 7 March 1908). Private Letter fm Premier Wney to Mr €ilber, M.P.P. 27 November 18(18. Ako consul the Whitney Papers for other fetters on th& subjed induding, Whitney to Dr. F.W. Lewis, 4 Oecemûer 1806 and Whitney to f .W. Crothers, 14 Oecember 1906. MileWhitney's position was clear, Mr. Eilber's concern reffected Uie opinion of many people throughout rural Ontario. Despite Whitney's confidence, popular support for the newly amendeâ ducation act was in no way unanimous. Early in

1907, Premier Whitney felt constrained to make furthef amendments to the act following the sustaid rural discontent forecast in Eilber's letter.*

Throughout 1906 the rural cornmunity was faced with many educational refoms. The newspaper artides refieded many of the issues and concems encountered within the agncultural communities. While the opinions found within papen varied to different degrees, the one constant was a desire to maintain a distinct rural identity. Education was valued for its practical applications but debate surrounded the value of theoretical indoctrination. Agriculturists hoped that institutions such as the OAC would encourage improved farming pradices that in turn would improve the stature of agriculture ewnornically and encourage youth to stay on the fam.

Rural communities were aware of what they needed and what they wanted to take from education. Some rural advocates rejected an educational system that igmdthe value of agricultural knowledge and focused only on preparing students for the industrialized world? What began to emerge at the tumof-the- century was a system that encouraged agricuitural education but lacked sufiîcient funding. Even with funding it was still believed that young diildren could leam

''Mois Money To Rural Schools,' OmLegrisMW ASS#WI& Mewspnper (28 Jtnuary 1907). C.C. James, The TeechHi9 otAgicurWr, Y, th PuWc Schds, (Tomnto: ûeparbnent of Agricuîture, 1892). more from pr&tical experience on the farm than they would ever leam from textbooks. In 1906 the govemment sought to develop the rural schwl system by providing more normal schools and setüng minimum salaries. Whik the Whitney government proposeci a more progressive system of education, the rural community felt that he had negleded to include them in the criticai decision- making pro~ess.~The new legislation œntralized the perspreviously vested in the lacal trustees and in doing so removed agency from the local communities.

When the rural areas rose in reaction during 1907, the Consemative government of J. P. Whlney responded with new legislation Mat revealed the powers of the rural electorate.

82 E.C. Dniry, The New School Law,' Wbt?&/y Sm, (16 Januaiy 1907): 7. Chapter Four:

Farmers Organize

The changes that occurred to the Ontario education ad in 1907 took place over a very limited pend of tirne. Between April of 1906, when the first amendments were made and January of 1907, the fanning community pulled together through public meetings to discuss bath their reactions against the ad as well as possible alternatives to it. Educaüon became a topic of particular

reievance as everyone discussed the value of rural schooling. Newspapers

placed themselves at the centre of many discussions involving the education ad

of 1906. Rural Ontarians articulated their concems through print media as well

as through ietters to the government. One newspaper response summed up the

events that occurred early in 1907 by stating:

Not in the last twenty-five years has there been such general interest throughout rural Ontario over any puMic question as that now centd on the pdicy of the Ontario Govemment touching upon rural Pubiic Schads. Meetings have been calleci for the purpose of discussing the matter; petiüons have been circulatecl in regard ta it, and The Sun and other papers have been flooded with letters-and running al1 through these forms of expression there has been an alma unanimous condemnation of the Govemment's action.'

Despite the negative press, Whitney and Pym both believed that with proper explanation people would accept al1 of the amendments proposed in the 1906

~ct.~Rural constituents were not convinced by governmental efforts to entice support. By the end of 1906 the Ontario govemment had no altemative but to listen to the rural wncems. Early in 1907, Pyne and Whitney were forced by

- The Question of the Rural Pubiic Sbiools.' 77m WWySu>, (6 Februery l80ï):l. public opinion to amend Vie changes that they had made to the Schads Act.

While the amendrnents in 1907 were minor when cornpareci to aiose made the previous year, this legislation represented a vidory for those in the farming community who were able to show the government that they were still a powerful force.

Following the amendments to the Public Schools Act in 906, the Ontario newspapers inaeased their coverage of rural education. While not al1 farrners agreed on the inherent good or evil of this act, they al1 seemed to unite in a discussion of it. In his thesis on the United Farmers of Ontario, Robert

Trowbridge assessed how farming was so highly diversified at aie turnof-the century that it was very difficult to unite agflcultwalists towards a cornmon interest? The newspapers evaluated for this study support the fad that although the rural population was highly diversified, education became an important concem for many, if not all. As the newspapers attest, while not al1 farrnen were against the amended Public Schools Act in 1906, enough were opposed to demand change. The response of the rural community in reaction to the Act of

1906 forced the govemment to rwvaluate its position, and in the end the govemment changed the amendments and presented rural communities with additional funds. The Week!y Sun published a multitude of articles beginning in

1907 that represented the public dissent against the amended ad.

AO, Whitney Papers, Pilvate Letler fmm Prsmler Whitney to Mr. Elber, M.P.P. 27 November 1906. Robert W. Tmwfmdge, War4ime rural discontent and the rlse of the United Famers of Ontario 1914-1 91 9,' (University of Waterloo: Masters Thesis, 1966):23. Much of the discussion against the act revolved around the salary dause and provincial usurpation of perspreviously enjoyed by schod trustees. Residents also objecteci to the method of assessment for grants that had originally been based on population size but changed to property assessment. In one article it was stated that, 'compulsory dauses in refefence to the minimum salary to be paid to teachen according to assessment of the sedions is al- objected to.

Why not let supply and demand govem the situation, as is the case in nearly al1 other fields of e~ertion."~The problem, people argued, with minimum salary clauses and grants based on property values was that in 'a section of $1 50 000 assessment a salary of $450 had to be paid supposing the teacher engaged was the poorest in efficiency in the country.. .depriving the school trustees of the proper control under such cirwmstances." Others argued that the low salaries attributed to teahen resulted from the overaowding in the teaching profession and a period when faning was less lucrative and therefore teacher salaries were low. However, by 1906 more jobs were becoming available, and it was felt that there would be "a scarcity of teachen, which [would] bring up salaries even without any action by the ~ovemment."~Some felt that the governrnent's actions undemined the democratic schwl boards that existed within rural comrnunities.

A very poignant question was asked regarding the role of govemment.

Has this Government by commission or othemiss. found that the new departun, has been produdive of good to the youth of the States and Province, cornmensurete with the destruction of independrnm end pubîic spirit on the part of the trustees, and parents of may rural Jbiools, or are teechen alone who make the profession a stepphg-stone to

'New Schwl Lm,' Tho WWy Sui, (20 Marai 1907):7. #Causeof LOWSalaries.' WWy Sm, (27 February 1801):8. other walks in life; the beflefi~iariesof an Ad which mus-of ne~e~srtybe feR as a serious mflmion upon the cornpetence of rural school boards?'

In rural areas the public educative experience was seen as a community effort, where the trustees and school board represented the people within a wmmunity.

Wth the amendments to the ad, inspectors were to becorne the new goveming force, a direct liaison between the school and the provincial legislature. Fixed minimum salaries caused this shift in power and created resentment among many rural residents.

Not everyone agreed that teacher salaries were the most significant issue; one farmer believed that the dosing of mode1 schools was of greater importance to the rural wmmunity. The subscrîôer argued, ''1 don't think $400 to $Sm is too much for a teacher. The important dause for faners to kick against is shutting out of farmers' sons and daughters and cornmon people's families ftom having any chance of becoming a teacher. The dosing down of Model schools compels would-be teachers to go to Nomal at temble expense, which will leave us short of teachers, and for those that remain we will have to pay them what they askn7

In a difFerent article C.A. Mallory, who was active in the farrners' organizations, supportecl the argument that favoured model schools because he believed that education was not the only fador that developed strong teachers. The Cobourg resident and president of the Grange went on to state that, "many a thirdclass teacher who loved his work, has accomplished more for pupils in rural, as well as urban schools, than bearers of cdlege diplornas." School attendance and local

'The New Sdiool Lw,' WklySun, (7 January 1907):7. ' The New School Law,' Mek& SUI, (6 March 1907):5. "A. Malloy, The New School.' îMWy Sm, (23 January 1907):7. MaUory raMinsd president of !he Faner's Aseociation unül1907 when the Famets AsJocisüon and the Grange united. control were two other factors that a resident of PerEh County cited as problems with the new legislation. Jesse Looker from Mitchell discussed the impact of the

minimum salary clause. He stated that if the discontent were based soleiy on

salary it would seem that ratepayers in those sections where the rates were as

high as the new govemrnent stipulations would be pleased with the new law, but

he stated that reality proved otherwise. Therefore, Looker articulated that

increased govemment control was the greatest factor behind rural discontent. ln

addition he stated that regulating school attendance was an issue that schwl

inspedors should focus their efforts on.' While reactions to the amended 1906

advaried, the rural community was unified in their defianœ of this legislation.

In April of 1907 Education Minister Pyne responded to the reactions against the

amended act of 1906. Pyne stated:

If the new law has done nothing else, it has stirred the people up to the importance of the educational pmbiem, as they were never stirted before, and if this again involves the sacrifice of my own political Ife, the increaseâ popular interest in so important a subjed will be compensation for that sacrifice.. .The educational proMem is a big one. impvement ys rsquired and as we had to start somewhere we considenrd the wea kest point.

The statement made by Pyne represented the impact felt by the govemment following the rural response to the act in 1907. Other sources also indicated that the govemment felt pressure from the agficultural community. Earîy in 1907, the

Hansard published an article titled 'More Money to Rural Sdiools'. Premier

Whitney, who had previously stood fim against accusations that th

Jesse Lwker, nie New School Law.' IMxWy Sui, (23 January 1807):7. 'O 'Rural Trustees InteMw MiciiJter of Educat'in.' WhWy Sun, (3 Apfil1907):0. arnendments to the 1906 educational legislatlon fell short of meeting the needs within rural Ontario, was forced to make further amendments to this ad. The most significant concems voiced against the ad were those involving fixed minimum salaries. Under the 1906 legislation the govemment granted money to rural schools based on property values. Property assessment. hilenot fiawless, provided a more accurate evaluation of taxable income available for supporting education within cwnties or townships. In addition to the changes made to property assessment, tnistees were no longer in charge of setting teacher salaries." The new legislation required the township treasurer to take charge uf the government money and the public school inspecter was then in charge af overseeing the trustees to ensure that everything was administered as set by government regulations. This change was an attempt to prevent the school trustees fr0m wntinuing to pay teachen what the market would bear.12 In order to monitor the actions of the trustees, school inspedors were empowered by the govemment to ensure that the new policies were being fo~lowed.'~

Many rural residents resented the provincial contml dictated by the amended

Schools Act. In one article a rural resident voiced his concems by saying that,

"we think the fixing of salaries should be left in the hands of the trustees, and should be regulated according to supply and de~nand."'~It was generally agreed that rural teachers deseweâ higher wages, but with the passing of the

'' Refet to appdndk one and two. l2 Refer to SWtdes of tfwFtovi' of Onferlo Pasmi h IYn, d" Yecv OMSMMsty lm. 'An Act Respeding the Department of Educaüon' ~oronto:LK. Carneron, 1907):448-450. l3 The school twtees were responsibie to the local msidents an4 as rnany residents wanted to caintain tow taxes an outside regulatory party wes necetssary. Thos. Taylor 'SUI PnMsting A~ainstthe New School Law,' The Wb&& Sun, (2 January 1907):z. amendments, the trustees were forced to set wages according to government demands and they could no longer cunsider the teachen' qualifications or experience. While a first dass certified teacher could receive a higher salary, a third dass teacher with no more than model school training could not accept less than the fixed amount." As well, constituants objected to the fact that the trustees who represented the ratepayers had lost their 'freedom of contract", which sorne considered it as a "reproach to the intelligence and ability of .. . nirai

school boards."" The issue of agency was a partiailady significant concern

during this period, and the actions taken by the Conservative government re- enforced the politiml disparity that existed between the rural and urban cornrnunities.

In many ways the discussion that surrounded the rural schools legislation became a rural versus urban issue that inspired many rural residents to fight against what they saw as an attempt by the cities and govemment to repress and control the rural ~rnrnunity.'~Many individuals, inciuding future fann leaders, became a part of the figM against the New Schools Act and demanded reforms that would provide rural members with the opportunity to evoke change within their c~mrnunities.'~J. J. Momson, who later created the United Famers of

l5'An Ad to amend The Public Schools Ac!,' Stdutes of lhe hvi' of OnlarB, (Toronto: LK. (amemn):450. Sm appendbc Ihree. John Rohfrïetsch, 'SM1 Pmtesting A~ainstthe New School Law,' The W&fySun, (2 January 1807):Z. l7A.B. Warren, Gamebridge 'A North Ontario Crfücism.' The WmSun, (6 Fetmary 1807):7. l8Teny Cmw(ey, 'J.J. Monlsan and the Transition in Canadian Fam Movements During the Eariy Twentieth Century,' Agimüwal Hi-, (71 (3) Summer 1997):335. L Ontario, spoke out strongly against the educational refms of 1906. In an article, Momson presanted a very powerful analysis of the recent political events.

The objedions to the Act that we usually hear is that it is unfair, and in many ways insuMing, to the rural school supporten; that there is nothing wanted from them except their taxes, and, indeed, it seems so; but even th- objedions are digM Men campareci to the total diiardof the rigMs of ouf citizenstiip, and the dired violation of the principle of the repmsentation, or no Mon. Al1 thoughtful men must set?that in the formation of the advisary cauncil of education the rural taxpayer is left mpietely out ... How can the niral truste0 take any interest in the school law that ignores him as a party thereto, and in which he is only useâ as a machine to carry out the will of the department? Such legislation is not in keeping with our democratic tendencies, and the quicker the Govemment berne seized of this fad the saaner they will stay the tide of want of confidence that is surely setting in their way?

Morrison was also given an opportunity to voice his support for rural schods on

10 January, 1907 at a public meeting in Arthur. This meeting generateâ great interest among residents who wanted an opportunity to hear more about the

Schools Act from Education Minister Pyne and to voice their con~erns.~James

McEwing attended the meeting and expeded to be given an opportunity to voice concerns regarding the Act from ôoth the rnernbers of Maryborough and as a representative for the Famen' Association, but he was disappointed when the officiais only allowed him ten minutes. He wrote. "I have known that kind of an arrangement made at a bitter political partizan meeting during the heat of an election campaign but it was a new experience at a public meeting called for the express purpose of discusshg such an important public question as the bettement of our rural s~hools."~'At the same meeting Monison, who had mt intended to speak, took the platform. After stating his disgust at McEwing being

lgJ.J. Monison, The New School W.'Ths Wek& Sun, (20 March 1001):7. " 7he Minimum Wary Clause,' Tho klhu Enaepri~e-hw,(1 7 January l9Oï):l. 2' JmMbmng, The School Question at the Aithur Ming,' The mu. ~PrfStFNeew,(17 January 1OO7):6. %

"munled by the Conservative Party", Momson went on to state that he 'believed the farmers would ask to have certain grievanœs remedied in the near Mure and hoped that the Minister of Education would give the matter careful c~nsideration."~The meeting in Araiur reaffÏmed the govemment's position both towards the rural community and education in general. On 17 January, the

Mount Forest Confederate printed an article in which reactions to the Act were described in conjunction with a reference to the Arthur meeting. Under the title

'That Schools Act', the article started with 'it is the topic of the hour in rural districts and the opposition, ta the salary provisions especially, is very strong

irrespective of poli tic^.'^ Milethe article goes on to detail the events that

occurred in Arthur, it stressed the overall significanœ of this Act to the people in

rural Ontario,

Morrison continuecl his protests against the Act and in Febniary of 1907 he and

W. H. Mallet headed the nongartizan 'Wellington Famers Protest' against the amendments to the Ontario School Ad. In January a meeting of Wellington

County members was held in Drayton where ratepayers from various comrnunities met to decide on a set of amendments that they could present to the govemment. First the group asked for the repeal of the salary dause, and the powen given inspectors to cancel certificates. In addition the group was against raising inspecter's salaries and placing regulations over teacher training; in general, they advocated that govemment officiais exerdse a handsd

" The Minimum Wary Clause.' The mur Er&p~s8-~ws,(1 7 January 1W7):l ?ha Schook Ad.' Mount Fmst ConMmte, (1 7 January l807):I. appr~ach.~~The rural community rebuked what they saw as a profligate

provincial government and its tack of respect for rural thrift.

Through the arnendments to the School Act in 1906 some rural constituents

felt that both Pyne and Whitney had insulted their intelligence. They had

stressed the growing disparity between the rural and urban experience that

worked towards the disadvantage of the f~rmer.~Rural residents such as E.C.

Dmry, J. J. Momson, and W.C. Good fought against the amendments to the i 906

School Act and later became prominent fanleaders and members of the United

Farmers of Ontario. Attacks against the legislation, made by individuals such as

E.C. Dniry and W.C. Good, stressed the importance of agriculture and

questioned the govemment decisioninakers on this issue. In his article W.C.

Good stated of the government that 'they need to give more liberally of their

money and time to the rural school if Canadian agriculture is to hold its own. Let

economy be practiced in other directions. ..and for ow own sake and the sake of

posterity, let us not be parsimonious in supporting the common schoo~."~

Developing agriculture was a paramount concem voiced by many of the rural

constituents and education was seen as one important measure in obtaining that

goal? What was seen as particularly objectionable was the govemment control

over rural matters that came with the new legislation. E.C. Drury addressed this

issue with his discussion of the regulation of teacher's salaries. In his essay

Drwy stated:

24 Wellington Fanen Protest.' The LiVgeû& Sun, (0 Febiuary 1QOï):7. 25 A.B. Warren, Garnbiidge 'A NOMOntario Cfiickm,' Tln, ItVMûy Sun, (6 Febniaiy 1907):7. 26 W.C. Good, 'The New Sdiool Law,' The Wly Sun. (16 January 1907):7. Ït is tnie that in rnany cases salaries were too lw, and th8t the average ~alarywas not high enough to seaire the desird pennanency in the teaching profession. But the regulation of this mmhave been IeR with safety to the ordinary lm of supply and dernand, which was already having its effed. To step in with an arbitrary measure to regulate this condition is exC88dingly dangernus. On the whole. we may say thet the new law is benevolent in its object, but a very unwise and unjust measum for its attainrnent. We want the besî that can be got for rural schools, but we want no arbitrary enadrnents. Matis wanted is an educational campaign 8380 the needs of the rural schools; then have the School Boards to amy the refoms.

Many rural wnstituents agreed with the govemment that something needed to be done in order to improve the quality of education. Matmany objected to was the approach taken by the Consewative party that completely ignared the powers of both the ratepayer and the trustees. In Sunnidale Township Mr. Culham, secretary to the Fanners' Association, and a Mr. McFarlane collecteci five hundred names on a petition against the act from local famers and were 'not refused once.'29 Fumer, a meeting in Lanark County resulted in the strong condemnation of the new school act with the conclusion mat they would 'not becorne slaves of [the] party in power.'jO

The govemment plan not only removed powen frorn the trustees and the ratepayers but R also affected the teachers who wuld not work for less than the amount legtslated in the new ad. Under the new legislation principal teachers were required by law to accept no less than five hundred dollars a year for their servicas. Many of the rural schools were one-room and operated in sparsdy populated areas. The teachers in the one-room schools were often madel schwl

*' Geo. Robertson, 'Sdiool Grwnds and Buildings Should be Irnproved.' The HgeMy Sun, (16 ianualy 1907):7. E.C. Dwry, 'New Sehool Law,' The MîWûy Sun, (10 January 19û7):7. 'Lettcm and Resohtions on the Schoal Question.' WWy Sun, (6 Febniay 1907):7. " 'A Lanark Pmtest,' WySun, (0 Fekuary 1907):7. graduates, but if they had higher qualifications, the new legislaüon did not account for the individual di saepancies that existed between teachers? There was nothing written into the legislation that would provide inœntive for teahers who might want to upgrade their position through further education.

The majority of famers who protested against the act were in favour of developing a stronger educational systern within the rural communities. In

Durham County, the ratepayers rejeded the adand in a petition to the govemment they callectively stated that 'requirements are unfair to rwal school ratepayers, inasmuch as School Boards in villages and toms are not required to observe the same law, and we request your body to give our Public School

Boards a free hand in the engagement of teachers heretof~e.'~The general belief was that supply and demand would push teacher's wages up and that the rural communities were the best equipped for dealing with rural education? A famer's son addressed the issue of teacher's salaries by stating that 'in five years the salary inaeased 12%" in his school section and he believed it would continue to increase with cornpetition? This argument and othen made by members of the mal community were supporteci by the fad that between 1904 and 1905 both the salaries and educational levels of rural teachers had in~eased.~

='SessionaI &pers Vokme muThld Session of m EkHrmn Le@slshwe ollho muiine of Ontario Session 1907, (Toronto: L.K. Cameroi, 1OO7)wï. Section refers to the number of thid cfass teachers that existed in Ontario dudng this period. In 1905 the number of third dass or model school graduates was higher than for nomlschool gtaduates. 'A Peüüon of Protest,' Ths Wddy Sm, (30 January 1QO7):6. 'Mon, Condemnation of the School Law.' W88kljr Sul, (2 January 1807):2. " 'Tecichers' Salaries and the Famer.'7b Fsmisrs' Aniiocele, (7 Maiîh 1907):398. se- paptns V~W~~XXXD~mm sessr'wr EIMWI L- of~henovr'mra of Onlianb Se& fW7, romnto: L.K. Camemn, 19û7)Jcii. di. Mile many within rural Ontario were against the amendrnents, there were individuals who felt that teachers' salaries were not as high as they should be.

On 7 Feôniary 1907 Sandy Fraser, a muentwriter who employed a Scots pseudonym, wrote a letter to the Fannets Advocate in which he stated the important position of teachen within society.

An' oor friend also thinks that we dinna' akays gel poor teachers gin we pay a mail salary. Wwl, as a rule, we dae, though I ken weel there are exceptions. Juist tak' the Province O' Quebec. for example. Maur will ye get a lower standard O' education, and Maur wiH ye get pdy-pad teachers? I hae kenned o'teactien ther wha got juist $1 3.00 a rnonth, an' had to pay their board oot O' that. Na wonder sic a large percentage O' the rural population ther sign their name wi' an X. I tell ye the case in Ontario had corne to juist this: something had tae be done tae prevent oor teechers fme gaeing oot West or amss the line where they wouM get a Mersalary, or we wad sune be wi'oot teachen. gude or W."

Fraser saw benefit in raising teadiers' salaries. In his letter, Fraser raises the argument that 'you get what you pay for' and if rural Ontario wants better teachers they will have to spend extra money to attain them. While some perceived the new changes to legislation as a necessary improvement to rural education, many others felt that there was no need to legislate incieased wages for teachen. Under the title 700 Many Looking to School Teaching,' another famer (this time unnamed) wrote to the editor stating: "I had a friend in Toronto who had a gooâ education and some experienœ, yet *en I first knew him he paid his whole salary out for board, the Government did not say a word?' The author goes on to suggest a survival of the fittest model, in which time will dictate change naturally and fairly. In another analysis of these issues it was argued that 'the scarcity of teachers ... is felt chiefly in the weaker sections, where awing

.- " Sandy Fisser, 'Salaries and €ducation.' The Famer's AduDoals, (7 F8ku8~1QO?):n)5. 37 700Many Looking to Schod Tesching.' The Fm'-, (14 Mardi 1807):44W41. to the low assessments the law will remain abortive; in fact by removing the low grade teachers and raising the general standard of salary, it will be almost impossible at present fur these schwls to obtain teachers at all.' The author goes on to argue that the problern of inaeasing teacher qualifications as influenced by 'the present stringency in Ontario being caused by the pdicy of our

Toronto Govemment of educating teadiers for the schools of the ort th-westn3

While the accessibility of teadier training was brought into question along with the government's plan to eliminate mode1 schools, aie Grange supported the development of Normal schools and argued that the higher wages obtainable by

Normal school graduates would compensate for the increased cost of education? It was not long Mer this that North Bay was promised a school in order to help alleviate the problems caused by a shortage of qualified teachers.

Although the famers agreed that the introduction of more Normal schools would improve the quality of education, the presence of other issues meant that the problem of rural agency did not dissipate easily. However, the rural vote was powerful and it was not long until the govemrnent listeneâ to the concems voiced by the rural cornmunity.

Early in 1907 Premier Whitney agreed to the changes set forai by the rural groups. The arnendeâ adof 1907 provided larger grants to schods and accorded rural trustees pater disuetion in setting salaries. The money granted

'Letten and Resolutions on the SdidQuesüon,' Thr, MeMy Su?, (0 Fekwsry 1907):7. " 'Case of Noml Schoola,' Tho MWySul. (27 Fekwiry 1Q07):0. to rural counties inaeased from $120,000 in 1906 to $380,000in 1907." Of the total sum provided for grants, $80,000 was divided among the rural schools to provide fiffeendollar grants per school with no conditions applied. An additional sum of twelve dollars per sdKlol was also given for the purchase of school equ~prnent.~'As well, the fixed salaries clause was amended ta read that the

'surn of $3ûû at least for every Public School where the teacher or principal teacher is engaged for a whole year exclusive of vacations; .. . and an additional sum of at least $200 for every assistant teacher engaged for a whole year exclusive of vacation^.'^ The new legislation provided the trustees in rural regions with greater flexibility in hiring new staff. The section in the 1906 legislation that threatened the suspension of teachers who agreed to accept salaries below the fixd amount was lifted in the 1907 amendrnents. Under this new legislation the Province also encwraged higher salaries by promising to contribute forty cents for every dollar paid over three hundred dollars per ~ear.~

In addition, the rural trustees were promised more money if the amount that they received was not suffident to cover the cost of ninning their s~hools.~~

While the changes made to the 1907 legislation that addressed the rural wmrnunity were limited to increases in grant money and lower fixed salaries, the cunsequenœs were signifiant. Witney, who had previously suggested that he

- -- " 'Report of the Minider of Education far the Year 1907,' &ssicm?I Pem Volwne XL-Paf? IV FomSessiSn of €le& Le#sWm olmmui'vrce of Onlanb, (TomntoLK. Camemn, 1QO8):vü. " 'A Change in the School Law,' The We#y Sur, (30 Januery 180i):h 42~sof~~mioeol~~~bmi,~~~h~~~YewofMa Re&p of Ms ##as& Khg Edwd VI/., (Toronto: LK. Cmm.1907):3t39. 'A Change in the Schooi Law,' 77w MwMy Sm, (30 Janurry 1mi):& U~~ol~nwha,of~~~~~~~h~~~~eaallho Rem of His Mesty 1651>8 EthvtW MI., (Toronto: LK. Con.1 807):37Z. would not face any opposition to the changes enacted, was forced to concede to the powers held within the rural communities. The 1907 legislation was also important in that the memben of the rural wmmunity united in opposition to the powers held within the education department." As well, the rural protest fwced

Pyne to take the rural community seriously and to strongly consider the representation of rural trustees on the Advisory Council of the Department of

€ducat ion.'@

Education Minister Pyne also addressed the amended ad of 1907 in his

'Report to the Education Department'. Not only did Pyne emphasize the

importance of rural educatim but it in many ways it became his focus. Mile

Pyne's 1906 report ernphasized the rural schaol problem, the rural members were not provided as rnuch attention as they were in 1907. The proposed development of 'Nature Study and Agricuîture' as a couse within rural schads supporteci this point. In an attempt to address the concerns voiced by many farmers in 1906, Pyne stressed the importance of agriculture within Ontario. He stated:

The fatmer has a rQht to expd that in niml schools the childm shall bo taugM not only the studies which make for geneml intelligence, but also those things which tend to awaken and retain the boy's interest in farm life, and which help to make him a sltilleâ agricuiturist. The introduction of Nature Study is to assist t~rdsthese ends. The objea is not so much to impart informaüon es to kad the chM to cultivate ha- of careful obmvation and to draw lessons from wttat he observes. The vadous fa& in physical geography which abourid in the home sunbundings should be studisd objedhieîy in their dation to fann Iife, the different kinds of plant food and the sources hwn which obtained. the germination of semds, the resQedive values of sand, day, humus, and of combinations of thesi, as illustmted in the gmwVi of flowsn and gmins in " 'Letter to the Mitor.' MWySun, (0 Fekuay 1807):7. " 'Minister's Reply,' WeMy Su>. (3 Aplrl1907):6. boxes in the xhool mom, in the school gadens or in the fields ... al1 Mese and hundreds rnore,yll fumish useful lessons for those who may be expeded to qmnd their life on the fam.

Throughout 1907 the Mitney govemment made a concerteci atternpt at ainsoling the rural communities. At a meeting of the rural trustees and the

Minister of Education rnany issues surrounding the arnended act of both 1906 and 1907 were discussed. In one report, E.C. Dniry raised the issue of normal school training and the cost, with Pyne responding by stating that efforts would be made to make it more accessible. Although normal sdiool training had been a significant issue at the beginning of 1907, oie Grange agreed with the government that teachers required higher levels of education than the model schools were aMe to achieve." J. J. Momson articulateci that he believed the problems that had developed between the rural comrnunities and govemment diredly related to poor communication patterns. What Morrison suggested was increased communication with the Minister of Education on a wntinuous basis.

County grants to schools were also discussed as was the administration of funds which in turn wnnected to the distribution of free text books?

The topic of free textbooks developed in 1906. Initially Pyne correspondeci with other ministers of education throughout Canada in an attempt to consolidate resources. In his Mers he stated, '1 desire to invite your attention and that of your govemment to a consideration of the suggestion that the various provinces should cooperate in an endeavor to secure a uniform series of text books for use

47 Sessimal Papm F& Sassion olElsnmlh of the ~~of Ortmb, 'Remof pMinMer of Education for the Yesr 1907,'(Toronto: L.K. Cam~.lm): 509. 'Rural Tn~steesIntimriw Mlnister d Mucation.' Wddy Su>, (3 Apr(l1907):6. 'Rural Trustees Interview Minister of €ducation.' W?eh& Sun43 Apnl 1907):6. in elementary schools of the ~ominion.''~Pyne cited three bensfits for proceeding with a joint series. They were "(1)better books, (2)cheaper books, and (3)the strengthening of national unity."" Milethe letters in response to

Pynes' request were reludantly supportive, nothing came of his desire for unified textbooks? By the end of i9û6, Pyne proposed that 'Free Text Books' should be lirnited to rural schools where reading material was ~acking.~~The govemment moved that they would take charge of buying texts at a low price and then selling the books at cost to the boards? Text book reform became a part of

Pyne's efforts at improving the education within rural counties.

Rural education became the focus of much attention throughout 1906 and

1907. It was evident frorn Pyne's efforts that he had becorne aware of the powers held by the rural constituents. Earlier in 1907 the Education Minister had not been as sympathetic towards agricultural Mairs. 00th Pyne and Whitney had believed that they could pass the legislation with few deterrent~.~In ArViur on 10 January, Pyne had stated that he saw no need to change the 1906 amendments because he believed that "public sentiment was behind him and would sustain him." One famer suggesteâ that the Whitney govemment had

-- 'O AO. RG 242. Select Subject Files, Plivate Laer FrmEducation Minister Pyne, 22 January 1906. '' AO, RG 2-42. Select Suôject fi&, PM8Leüer Fmm €ducation Minisîer Pyne, 22 January 1906. " AO, RG 2-42. Select Subjed Files. Private Laer Fmm Executive Council Aiberta to Education Minister Pyne, 24 ~ebruary-lW6;Pdvate Laer FmCommissioner of Mucation. Raina Sa&. to Education Minider ~yne.12FetNsary 1906; Private LeMer FmChief ~upedntend&tof Educsüon, Fredericton N.B. to Education Ministar Pyne, 17 Fekiiary 1900; Private Letter Fm Mucation Omœ Plince Edwr~Ilsîand to Education Minider Pym, 1 Febniary 1906. 53 AO, RG 2. Select Su- Files,- Free Text Bodts. " They Favor FmSchool Bodu,' Thr, Hamur#, (2 Febmary 1907). AO. Private Later hwn P-er Wh'iney to Mr Mber, M.P.P.. 27 November 1900. taken advantage of the rural wmmunity based on the ageold adage, b~unby

Sir John A Macdonald, that suggested "farmers [were] the most contented dass of people in the country - they never ask for anything." The Schools Act of 1906, many felt, isolated the rwal community and attacked the basis of its functioning. While it was agreed that rural schools required refonn, agriwltural leaders such as Monison and Dniry said that the objections against the govemment were based on the premise that the rural members had not been consulted.

Perhaps the most notable success of the amended 1906 Schools Act was that both the rural constituents and the govemment were forced to establish a new relationship within the ever growing urban environment of the twentieth century.

According to Momson, "the whole trouble which haâ arisen between the

[Education] Department and supporters of rural schools was due to the fad that the parties had got out of touch with each other."" What Morrison and others proposed were closer relations between the trustees and the department, which they hoped, would prevent future friction. Through compromise an amendment was made to the Schools Act in 1907 and greater communication was encouraged between the two parties. Conclusion

The debates in 1906 and 1907 played out political damas to some extent, but they also raised questions in regard to ducation. A variety of questions were raised that would continue to be debated for some tirne thereat'ter. As the province adjustecl hesitantly to growing industrialkation and urbanization, the discrepancies between what rural schools and urban schools could offer came to public attention. When past teaching practices were called into question by a

New Education Movement that encouraged a more handson approach, rural one-rom schools had more difficulty responding to the changes that were being adopted in the more populated urban areas. Similarly, since the dispersed population in rural sections meant that fewer tax resources were avatlable for hinng teadiers, younger and more poorly qualified women filled teaching positions ofiered by rural trustees. In contrast, larger numbers of men with higher qualifications gained employment in the cities.' The rural response to the govemment's atternpt to impose unifonnity around the province during the first decade of the century exposed new cracks in a œntralized school system that had been so proudly seen as a major acoomplishment in the nineteenth century.

As the rurallurban divide widened, rural constituents fehined immense political influence. The govemment therefore rnoved to respond more fully than it had when problems arose in relation to rninorities such as aboriginals, African-

Canadian, and francophone children.

Report of the Mhi* of Educdkm fWuùm ol Ont- Ik Iho Year 1905: Rwt One, (Toronto: L.K. Cameron, 1906). These developments were revealing not jwt about education, but also about an

emerging rural identity in Ontario at the twn of the twentieth century. A vast

province, Ontario had always been an amalgam where the wre of its politics had

resided in alliances between centre and periphery that were based on both

patronage and political a~legiances.~A traditional politician, J.P. Whitney had

continued to rely on patronage in order to cernent the alliance between Toronto

and the countryside. In this sense. historian S.F. Wise is correct in saying that

Whitney represented "the apex of political culture of Old ~ntafio."~The rural

reaction in 19û6ff showed how rural opinion might be mobilized in a rnanner

different from the political success of the Patrons of lndustry in the 1890s. This

dispute was not over agriculture, but the roles that rural people and their

institutions were to have in an ducational system directed out of the provincial

capital rather than dictated by it. The ability to rnobilize ~ralopinion successfully

at this time thereby anticipated the formation of the United Famers of Ontario when it was çonceived by J. J. Morrison in 1913 as a purely social and econornic

organi~ation.~This dispute over education contributed to the formation of a fural

Ontario identity that grew in reaction to cMflict over reciprocity with Vie United

States in 1910 and the antagonisms unleashed by conflict in Wodd War One and the entry of the United Fanen into politics in 1918.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, famer's groups had only ben loosely organized. By 1907, fanners throughout Ontario signed petitions and lobbied

S.J.R. Nd,PBbWIS, Clients, and Broken, (Tomnto : University of Toronto Press. 1890). S.F. Wise, 'Ontario Poîiical Culture,' Eds. A.B. Md

against legislation that they believed took ngMs away from the trustees and

ratepayers in order to place decisioninaking pown too fully into the hands of

govemment agents. One protest declarecl:

We the faimers of Center Simcoe daim it is unjust for any Govemment to step in and arbitrarily fix a minimum salary for teachers, leaving us no say in own school sedion. We want no arbitrary enadmenl. We hop8 no tirne will be lost in repealing a law, *Mich is an insult to the intelligence of the famers of Ontario. If the farmers had done what they should have done they would have tumed the key in the sctiool-house doors and nailed a board amss the gate, and painted on the board 'School doseâ by the Whitney Govemment.' We daim any party that would make such a law should have the very foundations shaken from under it. According to the workings of the Whitney Government so far, it has done very lMe for the famer?

Acknowledging that they had acted too hastily, the govemment in 1907

amended the changes they had made in the previous year. They defended this

decision by saying that they wanted a strong educational s~stern.~Rural trustees

also suggested that the difFiwlties that had ansen were largely the result of

miscommunication and a lack of communication between the Department and

rural boards.'

In the end, the new legislation provided a much-needed boost to the rural

educational system. In 1909, the lnspector for Public Schools in the County of

Dundas reported on the irnprovements made to the Counties of Stmont,

Dundas and Glengarry. His report cited an increase in attendance and an

increase in the average salaries paid to their teachers and more highly qualified teachers. Many of the trustees had also made additions to libraties and provided

. - 4 Teny Cmwley, 'J.J. Mofrison and the Transition in Canadian Fam Movements During the Early Twentieth Century,' AgianKnil History, (7l (3) Summer 1981):334356. Geo Culham, 'A Center Simcoe Plotest.' Wb&& Sun, (6 Fekuary 1907):7. The Minister's Repîy (Hon. Dr. Pyne),' blkWy Sm, (3 April1907):0. 70Bdng People and the Mhiister into Touch,' WMySui,(3 April1907):6. books to both the ratepayers and students. Overall, the report cites significant

improvements in these school sections8

Democratic govemance in early twentiethcentury Ontario showed itself to be

an interaction between politidans and the electorate, but govemment actions

steeled the rural community in a manner seldom seen previowly. Rural

constituents gained recognition for their role in the development of the province's

educational system and iines of communication were improved between the

Education Department and the rural boards. The events of 1906 and 1907

represented the beginning of rural Ontario's protest against changes that led to

the inexorable decline during the twentieth century.

AO. RG 2-1090104, Arthur Bmwn. 70the Wardan and Membsn of the Council of the United Counîies of Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry,' 5 June lm. Primary Soumes:

Archives of Ontario Sourœs:

Central Registry Files 1906, RG 2-43 Wio# 4 - 840. Correspondence Regarding Schools in Algoma, Nipissing, Renfrew and Pany Sound, RG 2-144-0-17. Correspondence Regarding Schools in North Simcoe, North Hastings etc. 1878- 1905, RG 2-1 44-0-1 8.2 General Conespondence Files, MS 2633 RG 2-29-1. Grants Apportionment Register 1906, RG 251QI 9. Ministets Correspondence Files, MS 2629 RG 2-29 Miscellaneous Elernentary, Secondary and Private School 1851-1 946, RG 2-1 09-04 04. Nomal School Histotical Files, RG 2-129 Public School InspectcrsJReports and Correspondence for the Department of Education Correspondence and Statistics Regarding Grants 1870-1 908, RG 2-14404. School Section Reports A-L 1906, RG 2-1 01-1 -49. School Section Reports M-Z 1906, RG 2-1 01 -1 -50. Sd8d Subject Files, RG 242. Whitney Papers, MU 3121.

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Canadian- Women's Histow Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994: 141-1 70. Crowley, Terry. 'Rural Labour." Ed. Paul Craven. Labourina Llves. Toronto: Universw of Toronto Press, 1995. Danylewycz, Marta and Alison Prentice. 'Teechers' Work: Changing Patterns and Perceptions in the Emerging Schaol Systems of Nineteenth and Early Twentieth-Century Central Canada." Eds. Alison Prentice and Ma jorie R. Theobald. Women who tauaht. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 3991: 136-1 59. Gidney, Robert and D. A. Law. "The Developrnent of an Administrative System for the Public Schools: The First Stage, 1841-50." Eaerton Rverson and His Times. Toronto: Macmillan, 1978: 160-183. Graff, Hawey.'Towards A Meaning of Literacy.' Eds. Michael Katz and Paul Mattingly. Education and Social Chanae. New York: New York University, 1975. Graham, Elizabeth. "Schwlmarrns and Early Teaching in Ontario." Eds. Janice Acton. Penny Goldsmith and Bonnie Shepard. Women at Work: pntario. 1850-1930. Toronto: Women's Press Publications, 1974: 165-2 3 O. Heap, Ruby and Alison Prentice, eds. Gender and Education in Ontario. Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1991. Houston, Susan. "Victorian Origins of Juvenile Delinquency: A Canadian hperienœ." Eds. Michael Katz and Paul Mattingly. Education and Social Charme: Themes from Ontario's Past New York: New York University Press, 1975: 83-1 09. Houston, Susan. 'Politics, Schools, and Social Change in Upper Canada." Education and Social Chanae: Themes from Ontario's Past. Eds. Paul Mattingly and Michael B. W.New York: New York University Press, 1975: 2856. Leterson, Marvin. "Canadian Educational Historiography: Some Observations." Eaerton Rverson and His Times. Eds. Neil MacDonald and Alf Chaiton. Toronto: MacMiltan. 1978. Mazurek, Kas and Nick Kadi. 'introduction. Canada: A Social and Educational Profile.' Eds. Nid< Kach, Kas Maarrek Robert S. Patterson and Ivan Defaveri. Essavs on Canadian €ducation. Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Limited, 1986:1-27.

Average Teacher Salaries for 1908 ' &&mol Papers 7Wd Sssion of the EfeventhLegisIahre of the Mnwof Untario (Tormto:LK -n, 1907). Appendk Three: Arnendrnents to Teachers' salaries'

(5) In addition to the sum provided by the township council towards each teacher's salary, the trustees of every rural school sedion shall, in the cases hereinafter mentioned, pay annually, Mer the expiration of the wrrent cafenâar year to the teacher, where there is only one, and to the principal teacher where there are more teachers than one, at least the sum hereinafter mentioned (subject only to a proportionate redudi-on in case the whole yeats salary does not becorne due) that is to Say:

(a) $ZOO where the assessed value of the taxable property of the public school supporters in the section is at least 200,000;

(b) $150 where such assessed value is at least $150,000 but less than $200,000;

(c) $1 O0 where such assessed value is at least $100,000, but less than $150,000;

(d) $50 where such assessed value is at least $50,000, but less than $100,000;

(e) $25 where such assessed value is at least $3O,WO; but less than $5O,Oûû;

And $100 to every assistant teacher, whatever such assessed value is.

The said trustees in rnaking their annual estimates and requisitions for school moneys to be levied and collected from the ratepayers, shall include whatever amount, considering theK other sources of incorne, is necessary to provide for such payment or payments.

(6) The public schaol inspedor shall have power to, and shall, suspend the certificate of any teacher in a rural school who agrees to accept a salary of less amount than is herein provided for, or who by rebate, deduction, donation, or other subterfuge accepts a less amount in settlement of his or her daim for salary. The inspecter shall forthwith report such suspension to aie Minister of Education, and the suspension shall be continued or deaft with as the Minister deems expedient.

In case the full amount of the saiary provided for herein shall not be paid to any teacher by the tnistees of a rural schod, or if by rebate, deduction, donation or other subterfuge, any sudi teadier accepts a less amount in settlement of his or

' 'An Ad to amend The PuMc Schwls Act' Shifdes of Mo F7.oWme domCfomnto: L.K. Cameron, t907):449.150. her salary the differenœ betwwn the said full amount provided for herein and the less sum so paid or acceptecl as aforesaid, shall be deducted by the township treasurer, on the order of the public school inspeaor, from the amount payable by the township council to the said trustees under subsection 2 or 3 (as the case may be) of this sedion, and by said treasurer divided equally amongst the other school sections of the township.