A History of Racism in the United States

SESSION 3 1954–1973: Movement Time: From Overt to Covert

Introduction In session 2 we explored a vast period in the formation of the United States, spanning from the Naturalization Act of 1790 to the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas in 1954. In this ses- sion, we will explore how social movements, along with landmark cases like Brown, not only changed how peo- ple of color interacted with U.S. laws and policies, but also how these movements changed the ways racism was manifested: from overt and legally sanctioned to of Beautiful Lake- Home For Sale Sign in Front Andy Dean—Fotolia.com New Home © front covert cultural and systemic racism, often invisible to the Until the 1980s, blockbusting contributed to residential segregation, as real estate agents encouraged white homeowners to sell their dominant society. This session raises the connected and houses as African American families moved into a particular neigh- interrelated nature of movements for justice. This period borhood, citing the likelihood that home values would fall as a result of integration. of massive social change, facilitated by movements that shared leadership and mutual inspiration, challenged and changed how racism and other forms of social evils cation and home ownership assistance to all veterans of were embedded in U.S. culture and the economy. the war. However, the ability of veterans to take advan- tage of the bill’s provisions varied according to their Rise of the Middle Class race. White working- and lower-class men were able Extending from 1946 into the 1950s, several factors to move up to the middle class thanks to subsidized resulted in the development of a white middle class in higher education. African American men were unable a way that left African Americans in particular behind. to do the same, since educational opportunities were The writers will focus on African American and white curtailed by legal segregation that allowed universities class mobility, as the status of Latinos, Asian Americans, to refuse admission to African American applicants. and Native Americans varied according to location and This inability to obtain an education as easily as white is less well documented. What took place before the men was compounded by a differential ability to pur- end of legal segregation laid the foundation for contin- chase a home, the primary way in which people in the ued exclusion of African Americans after 1954, further U.S. have been able to accrue wealth that can be passed cementing inequality that arose not out of intent, but down to succeeding generations. from the continued impact of historical racism. As soldiers came back and settled down with families Congress passed the GI Bill at the end of the Second and homes, white fl ight began with a vengeance. Whites World War, providing such benefi ts as subsidized edu- were able to move out to the burgeoning suburbs thanks

1 Copyright © 2009 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com A History of Racism Permission given to the purchaser to copy this page for use in class. in the United States, 3 The Racism Study Pack Growth of the suburbs was encouraged by the further The Movements development of interstate highways, fi rst built on a large scale during the war to move military equipment During the period this session spans, social move- and people safely across distances. As the interstates ments dominated the United States landscape. We developed, more suburban growth took place as a result do not have suffi cient space to detail their impor- of easier movement between suburbs and the city core. tance and achievements. However, it is crucial Urban renewal, a term used to describe black displace- that we name them: the civil rights movement, the ment, interstate development, and the destruction of black power movement: Black Panthers and the viable communities, allowed this movement between Nation of Islam, the American Indian movement, (largely white) suburbs and (largely black) urban cores. the Chicano movement, the farmworkers move- James Baldwin “characterized urban renewal more caus- ment, women’s liberation/second feminism, gay tically as ‘Negro removal.’”1 The Riverfront Expressway rights, yellow power, the antiwar movement, the in New Orleans effectively turned a family-friendly, Puerto Rican freedom movement, the peace move- economically vibrant black community, and the cen- ment, and the environmental justice movement. ter of black Mardi Gras in New Orleans, into the street Our common understanding of these movements below the elevated Interstate 10. By the early 1960s, it is often limited by the linear ways in which the became clear that the way of least resistance for inter- education system of the United States approaches state construction was a black community, as residents the teaching of history. However, these move- did not have suffi cient access to city government and its ments emerged simultaneously, often inspiring power structure. Highway engineer Robert Moses “each and informing each other. Intermovement involve- year leveled the homes of tens of thousands of blacks to ment was not uncommon with movement leaders make way for ever more miles of expressways around like Ella Baker, Grace Lee Boggs, Yuri Kochiyama, and through New York.”2 Angela Davis, Dolores Huerta, and Myles Horton standing in solidarity, informing, and shaping one The GI Bill, white fl ight and the housing boom, the another’s movements. expansion of higher education to more working- and lower-class men, and legal segregation laid the ground- work for a booming white middle class and an Afri- to a number of factors. The fi rst was lending practices can American community without access to the same that privileged white applicants over African Ameri- benefi ts, further entrenching inequality between black can applicants. Redlining, the practice by which banks and white. The outcomes of these laws endure into the drew lines on maps between neighborhoods to delin- twenty-fi rst century, resulting in racist outcomes of insti- eate those neighborhoods in which they would lend tutional policies not intended to be racist. David Roedi- money to buyers to purchase houses, along with restric- ger quotes Ebony magazine’s analysis of a Frank Sinatra tive covenants, in which buyers agreed not to sell a movie called “The House I Live In,” about white immi- house to anyone from a particular group (such as Jews, grants who organized around issues of home ownership blacks, or Asians), cemented residential segregation. and discrimination, regarding the difference between Whites were able to move out to the suburbs. African white and black: “‘Never will a white man in America Americans were led to city residences, black suburbs, have to live in a ghetto hemmed in by court-approved or particular lower-value neighborhoods by a practice legal documents, trapped by an invisible wall of hate called steering. Steering takes place when real estate much more formidable than the Siegfried line.’”3 agents show prospective buyers only certain houses, a practice that persists to the present day. Until the 1980s, We Shall Overcome: blockbusting contributed to residential segregation, as Movements for Change real estate agents encouraged white homeowners to sell their houses as African American families moved into Enter the Stage a particular neighborhood, citing the likelihood that In 1954, fi fty-eight years after the Supreme Court’s land- home values would fall as a result of integration. mark decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) established

2 Copyright © 2009 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com A History of Racism Permission given to the purchaser to copy this page for use in class. in the United States, 3 The Racism Study Pack apartheid (system of legal racial segregation) in the United States, the Brown decision disavowed “separate but equal,” ruling that de jure (in principle) racial segre- gation was a violation of the Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Con- stitution.4 This ruling set the stage for the passing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act in 1965. Furthermore, the power of the Brown decision rippled through U.S. society and culture, fueling the smoldering coals of a resistance movement that would We Have a Dream © Bersanelli—Fotolia.com We change history. In 1954, fi fty-eight years after the Supreme Court’s landmark deci- sion in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) established apartheid (system of legal Most people identify Rosa Parks’s 1955 act of civil dis- racial segregation) in the United States, the Brown decision disavowed obedience in a Montgomery bus as the seminal event “separate but equal,” ruling that de jure (in principle) racial segrega- tion was a violation of the Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth of the civil rights movement. While the actions that Amendment of the United States Constitution. led Parks to challenge the racial segregation in public transportation are not to be diminished, resistance to the United States system of apartheid began decades In 1910, the NAACP began publishing The Crisis. In its before. From the founding of the Howard University opening issue, W. E. B. DuBois wrote: Law School to the establishment of the NAACP Legal Some good friends of the cause we represent fear agi- Defense Fund; from the Harlem Renaissance to the pro- tation. They say: “Do not agitate—do not make noise; test songs taught and learned at the Highlander Cen- work.” They add, “Agitation is destructive or at best ter in Knoxville, Tennessee; from the words of W. E. B. negative—what is wanted is positive constructive DuBois to those of Howard Thurman; resistance to rac- work.” Such honest critics mistake the function of ism has been a powerful builder of people. agitation . . . agitation is a necessary evil to tell of the ills of the Suffering. Without it many a nation has been lulled to false security and preened itself with virtues it did not possess.6 The Resistance: With agitation in mind, the social movements that came to dominate and change the U.S. social landscape with Yuri Kochiyama its power relations moved into the limelight in the Kochiyama was imprisoned at the Japanese concen- decades following the Brown decision. The actions of tration camp in Jerome, Arkansas. Over time, her these movements pushed racism to assume new, less religious and political views led her to join what she discernable forms. called “The Movement,” a series of struggles to free Puerto Rican and Black Panther political prisoners, Ensuring the Maintenance for black civil rights and black power, and in sup- of the Status Quo: port of civil liberties and victims of war. Kochiyama COINTELPRO tells a story of what evangelist E. Stanley Jones said during a speech at the Santa Anita Assembly Cen- COINTELPRO stands for the Counterintelligence Pro- ter, one of the stops along the way to internment in gram of the Federal Bureau of Investigation that oper- 1942. He said, “It doesn’t matter so much what hap- ated between 1956 and 1971. Established to protect pens ‘to’ you as what happens ‘inside’ of you—and national security, prevent violence, and maintain the what you do ‘after’ it happens.” Thus, life’s blows, existing social and political order, COINTELPRO sought whether the evacuation experience that struck the to “disrupt and neutralize” movement groups and indi- Japanese Americans collectively or a breakup that viduals perceived as threats to the United States. The jolts people individually, need not be knockout emergence of COINTELPRO in a social landscape where punches, but just experiences to grow on.5 social movements were seeking to agitate and disrupt the status quo had serious consequences for the Bureau

3 Copyright © 2009 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com A History of Racism Permission given to the purchaser to copy this page for use in class. in the United States, 3 The Racism Study Pack and the leaders of the movements. Under COINTELPRO, techniques the Bureau had used against “hostile” foreign Connecting Movements: agents were used against American citizens. Through Second-Wave Feminism covert action, the Bureau’s COINTELPRO intentionally sought to infl uence the political choices and social values and Women’s Liberation of social movements by infi ltrating the movements with Another movement with great social signifi cance agents provocateurs. Five groups became the primary taking place during the 1960s and 1970s is the femi- targets for COINTELPRO: “Communist Party, USA” nist movement, or women’s movement. Typically (1956–71), “Socialist Workers Party” (1961–69), “White thought to have been galvanized with the 1963 pub- Hate Group” (1964–71), “Black Nationalist—Hate lication of Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique, Group” (1967–71), and “New Left” (1968–71). It is impor- women began to organize. The legal issues that tant to note that the FBI defi ned these so vaguely that saw change in this era were pay equity, equality in many citizens who were simply exercising their rights education, and extending affi rmative action rights of speech and civil disobedience became targets of the to women. Signifi cant social change took place program, as their actions were perceived to be threats to around attitudes regarding women and their place domestic tranquility. For example, the Southern Chris- at work, in society, and in the home. Many believe tian Leadership Conference was a target of this program this movement was tied to movements of people of 7 along with Martin Luther King Jr. color, including civil rights, at this time. Is that Racism? New Codifi ed Language Emerges all, Republicans had picked the perfect racial crime, that of a black felon raping a white woman. Experimental to Confuse the Issue research drawing on the Horton case demonstrated that As the end of this period approaches, the manifestations viewers saw the story more as a case of race than crime. of racism become covertly embedded in our national According to researchers, subjects who were exposed language. Words and phrases like “welfare queen,” to news broadcasts about the Horton case responded in “domestic terrorist,” “Affi rmative Action hire,” “dead- racial terms. The ad ‘mobilized whites’ racial prejudice, beat dads,” “generational poverty,” “urban under- not their worries about crime.’ Viewers became much class,” “permanently unemployed,” “model minority,” more likely to feel negatively about blacks in general 9 “wetback,” “illegal alien,” “spy,” and “urban renewal,” after having heard the details of the case.” among others, substitute overtly racist language, leav- Most recently, Representative Harold Ford Jr. from Ten- ing the hearer uncertain of the intent of the speaker. nessee experienced the power of attack ads. In 2006, Words and phrases like the ones just named enter our supporters of his opponent ran an ad depicted in this national lexicon connected to images that reinforce for us way by Taylor Marsh of the Huffi ngton Post, “The ad the inferior, criminal, and threatening nature of people Howell produced . . . reaches into the deep, dark, dirty of color. Consider President George H. W. Bush’s 1988 message of the south we are all trying to leave to his- campaign ad in which Massachusetts inmate William tory, resurrecting the racial prejudice one more time to Horton, a black man convicted for murder and rape, was get his client elected. The ad is complete with a naked 8 highly profi led as a “terrorizer of innocent people.” The blonde winking into the camera as she asks Harold to ad had four different incarnations, each using the Hor- ‘call me.’ The ad is pure race baiting, bringing to mind ton case as an example of what happens when politi- the image of an old stereotype of a black man dating a cians are “weak on crime.” The Willie Horton ad had blonde woman.”10 profound implications on the 1988 presidential election. As reported in an in-depth study of the ad conducted Furthermore, the coded language doesn’t just criminal- by Brown University, “The spots aroused racial fears as ize, it also obscures the ways in which communities of well. Owing to Horton’s visage, made clear in ‘Week- color are impacted by racism. On January 6, 1966, six end Passes’ and network news coverage, race was an months after the unrest in Watts, the New York Times Sun- obvious factor in how voters saw the crime spree. After day Magazine ran an article with the title: “Success Story,

4 Copyright © 2009 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com A History of Racism Permission given to the purchaser to copy this page for use in class. in the United States, 3 The Racism Study Pack Japanese American Style.”11 The U.S. News & World Report Jessica Vazquez Torres is a 1.5-generation Latina of Puerto Rican descent. She is an ordained minister with the Christian Church followed suit that same year after urban unrest during (Disciples of Christ) and an antiracism organizer/facilitator serv- the summer of 1966. This movement-time presentation ing as director of master level recruitment and admissions at of the model minority myth coincided both with urban McCormick Theological Seminary. unrest by mostly African Americans and with post-1965 immigration reform-induced migration of highly skilled Endnotes workers from Asia.12 The author of the New York Times 1. Tom Lewis, Divided Highways (New York: Viking Penguin, 1997), 193. piece, William Peterson, wrote his statements almost in pairs, with “each commendation of Asian Americans . . . 2. Ibid., 189. paired off against a reprimand of African Americans.”13 3. David Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness (New York: One of the writers once heard from a Latina parishioner Basic Books, 2005), 243. another version of this: “We don’t even speak English 4. “Brown v. Board of Education,” Wikipedia.org, http:// and we do better than they [African Americans] do!” en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brown_v_board_of_education. This reveals an ahistorical understanding that serves to divide communities of color. Such stereotypes do little 5. Diane C. Fujino, Heartbeat of Struggle: The Revolutionary Life of Yuri Kochiyama (Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota to raise awareness of the economic and social diversity Press, 2005), 50. within groups of people of color, and, in this case, Asian Americans who span the economic and ethnic spectrum, 6. Kai Wright, The African-American Experience: Black History and Culture through Speeches, Letters, Editorials, Poems, Songs, and the very real issues raised by race. and Stories (New York: Black Dog & Leventhal Publishers, 2009), 416. Conclusion 7. “Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Govern- As de jure segregation becomes illegal, racism continues mental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, as the middle class increases dramatically in size but United States Senate,” April 23, 1976, http://www.icdc.com/ ~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfi nalreportIIIa.htm. disproportionately includes white Americans, reinforc- ing an enduring wealth gap between white and black. 8. “Willie Horton,” Wikipedia.org, http://en.wikipedia Language, culture, and legal precedent change, and rac- .org/wiki/Willie_Horton. ism moves from overt to covert. However, signifi cant 9. “Independent Ads: The National Security Political Action resistance that crosses class, race, gender, and sexual Committee ‘Willie Horton,’” InsidePolitics.org, http://www orientation is created by movements for justice and .insidepolitics.org/ps111/independentads.html. identity that overlap and force sweeping social change. 10. Taylor Marsh, “The Swiftboating of Harold Ford Jr.,” Huff- This resistance—and covert racism—move us toward ington Post, October 30, 2006, http://www.huffi ngtonpost contemporary racism. .com/taylor-marsh/the-swiftboating-of-harol_b_32830.html. 11. Frank Wu, Yellow: Race in America Beyond Black and White About the Writers (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 63. Laura Mariko Cheifetz is a hapa (mixed-race Asian American) 12. Helen Zia, Asian American Dreams (New York: Farrar, yonsei (fourth-generation) Presbyterian minister from the Pacifi c Straus, and Giroux, 2000), 205. Northwest of white and Japanese descent. She directs the Common Ground Project at McCormick Theological Seminary. 13. Wu, Yellow, 62.

5 Copyright © 2009 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com A History of Racism Permission given to the purchaser to copy this page for use in class. in the United States, 3 The Racism Study Pack A History of Racism in the United States

SESSION 4 1973–Present: Post-Movement Time: Racism Redefi ned

Introduction The previous three sessions traced the development of racism from 1492 through 1972. This fi nal session examines racism from 1973 to the present day. We in the United States have reason to be hopeful about the state of racism in this nation. After all, we are increasingly diverse, and the leadership of the country is beginning to represent that diversity. But the church demonstrates how much racism has evolved and yet remained in place. Despite leadership of color in the church, the Little Islamic Girl © Marusia—Fotolia.com After September 11, 2001, hate crimes against people who looked Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) remains 94 percent white. Arab increased dramatically. As of 2009, the U.S. Senate includes only four people of color: one African American (Roland Burris, D-IL), one Asian American (Daniel Akaka, D-HI), and two Lati- Criminalization and Legalized nos (Melquiades Martinez, R-FL; Robert Menendez, D- Disenfranchisement NJ),1 not to mention the underrepresentation of Native Americans (zero) and women (seventeen).2 The last legal obstacles to full citizenship for African Americans were eliminated with the 1965 Voting Rights Representation is also an issue on corporate boards, Act. Citizenship implies full participation in society, with Asian American men in particular disproportion- including voting. This is not true for people who have ately absent despite their presence in the professional been convicted of felonies. Laws criminalizing drug use workforce. Media portrayals of various groups of peo- and sentencing patterns emerged with a disproportion- ple of color leave much to be desired. African Ameri- ate impact on African Americans. Almost 25 percent can and Latino men are disproportionately part of the of all African American men in their thirties had been prison population. Immigration is a continuing vehicle to prison by 2003.3 Thirteen percent of African Ameri- for cultural racism. Neocolonialism in Asia and Latin can men are ineligible to vote due to felony convic- America serve as contemporary extensions of the doc- tions. Many argue that people who have performed a trine of manifest destiny we discussed in session 2. In criminal act need to be punished (some would argue this session, we discuss just a few contemporary mani- that rehabilitation would be more effective, but the U.S. festations and invite your continued refl ections on the judicial system tends toward punitive measures rather ways in which racism is present in our everyday lives. than restorative). However, sentencing varies based not

1 Copyright © 2009 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com A History of Racism Permission given to the purchaser to copy this page for use in class. in the United States, 4 The Racism Study Pack on the crime committed but the ways in which people of different races are charged (with possession, or with Resistance: Spoken Word possession with the intent to distribute), and the types and Comedy of drugs. For example, crack cocaine is cheaper and more likely to be used by African Americans than pow- Many artists and poets have emerged from com- der cocaine, which is more likely to be used by white munities of color. Such spoken word groups as people. Users of powder cocaine need to possess 100 Yellow Rage and the Taco Shop Poets, and art- times more cocaine than do users of crack cocaine in ists like Marlon Esguerra bring their cultural and order to receive the same sentence. Because of the dif- racial experiences to light, and critique racism in ferences in sentencing, the disproportionate impact is the U.S. Comedians Ahmed Ahmed, Maz Jobrani, on poor people of color from urban areas.4 Dean Obeidallah, and Aron Kader brought their Arab American and Iranian American experiences The criminal justice system impacts the way African together to create the Axis of Evil Comedy Tour. Americans in particular experience citizenship. Con- The Axis of Evil and Korean American comedian victed felons who have served their time in prison and Margaret Cho in her “I’m the One That I Want” completed probation remain ineligible to vote in most comedy tour have provided a strong counter- states. Only Maine and Vermont allow prison inmates point to dominant social narratives about people 5 the right to vote. Thirty-fi ve states prohibit felons on of color from the perspective of people of color. parole from voting. Several states do not allow felons who have completed their sentences to vote, while others require felons go through a waiting time and a often confl ated with “Muslims,” are a group more prom- process before being able to vote again. Given the dis- inently racialized after the terrorist attacks of September proportionate numbers of African American and Latino 11th. The post-9/11 discourse on “evil” expressed by men in prison, and the disproportionate sentences given President George W. Bush and other leadership confl ate to people of color, we might say the result of these laws Islam, terrorism, and Arabs with one another. In 2004, is the restriction of citizenship based on race. then House Majority Leader Tom DeLay gave a speech in which the word “evil” was used almost twenty times Anti-Arab Racism, Immigration, to describe the so-called Arab world.8 As English pro- fessor Steven Salaita points out, terrorism is a “highly and Neocolonialism subjective term and its subjectivity has been used to The war on terror, along with a continuing sociopolitical highlight Arab violence disproportionately while com- focus on the vaguely defi ned Middle East, has helped parable American and Israeli violence is disregarded.”9 defi ne a prominent process of racialization. Over recent Anti-Arab racism is refl ected in U.S. culture in the years, mainstream movies have turned to portraying media, popular culture, and the Bush-era discourse Arabic-speaking villains without families, fear, or com- of the “war on terror.” After 9/11, Muslim communi- passion. A pre-9/11 example of this is the 1994 movie ties report increased diffi culty with securing permits “True Lies,” in which several Arabic- speaking male to build mosques for worship. Of course, not all Arabs characters of undetermined national origin plot to are Muslim. Not all Muslims are Arabs. Not all Arabs or use a nuclear weapon if the U.S. does not meet their Muslims are terrorists. In fact, adherents to Islam span demands.6 Positive portrayals by Arab American actors a wide theological and political spectrum, similar to the are rarely of Arab American characters. Adrian Monk, spectrum of practicing Christians. This confl ation in the assumed to be white, is played by Tony Shalhoub, an American imagination of Arab/Muslim/terrorist cre- American of Lebanese descent. ates a racialized category, whose members are assumed to participate in destructive behavior. Are Arabs a race? As comedian Dean Obeidallah, on the Axis of Evil Comedy Tour, states, “I used to be a After September 11, 2001, hate crimes against people white guy. After September 11th, I became an Arab.”7 who looked Arab increased dramatically. It was tell- Arab Americans are considered white in the legal racial ing that between September 11 and September 13, the construction of the United States. Arabs, a classifi cation Council on American-Islamic Relations received over

2 Copyright © 2009 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com A History of Racism Permission given to the purchaser to copy this page for use in class. in the United States, 4 The Racism Study Pack 300 reports of harassment and abuse. The fi rst murder was of a Sikh South Asian man in Arizona, believed to be targeted because of his turban and long beard charac- teristic of Sikh adherents.10 The aftermath of September 11 included voluntary registration by men from twenty majority-Muslim and Arab countries.11 These voluntary registrations resulted in hundreds of men disappearing for months at a time, thanks to the government’s “hold until cleared” policy.12 Many were deported, and most were held in detention without the ability to contact their families. Illegal Immigration © Rusty Dodson—Fotolia.com

The debate regarding immigration reform and enforce- Vigilantes on the border between the U.S. and Mexico engage in anti- ment has cycled through both cultural and systemic Latino violence, while they believe they are assisting the U.S. Border racism. Vigilantes on the border between the U.S. and Patrol in fi nding and turning back people crossing the border. A more recent phenomenon has surfaced in which mostly white youth go Mexico engage in anti-Latino violence, while they looking for “Mexicans.” This is known as “beaner hunting.” believe they are assisting the U.S. Border Patrol in fi nd- ing and turning back people crossing the border. A continues to assert neocolonial control throughout this more recent phenomenon has surfaced in which mostly time period over various countries in Asia and Latin white youth go looking for “Mexicans.” This is known America, in particular. What does this have to do with 13 as “beaner hunting.” A simple Internet search results racism in the United States? After all, our relationships both in editorials denouncing racially motivated attacks to other countries are not racialized, are they? that have resulted in the murder of a Long Island resi- dent (an Ecuadorian man), and in Web sites and video The doctrine of manifest destiny, referenced in session postings promoting such attacks. Border enforcement, 2, was developed to justify the U.S. reach into Mexican beginning in 1994, has forced migration further east. In territories by proclaiming the U.S. to be superior. This fact, rather than slowing down undocumented cross- superiority complex fi ltered into U.S. foreign policy. The ings, these crossings have become more dangerous, and Iran-Contra affair, revealed in 1986, is one such example those who cross successfully are more likely to stay lon- of U.S. interference colored by manifest destiny. The ger and also bring their families because going home U.S. sold arms to Iran, without regard for the eventual for a visit is now far more diffi cult.14 The naturalization cost this might have for Iranians, in exchange for U.S. process involves quotas, which do not refl ect colonial hostages being held in Iran. The proceeds from the arms histories or current fl ows of migration. It is a fact that sales went to fund the cause of the pro-U.S. government colonization by western countries result in later immi- Contra rebels in Nicaragua. The fi ght between the vari- gration of those previous colonial subjects (Indian and ous Contra groups and the ruling Sandinistas in Nicara- Pakistani migration to Great Britain, Filipino migration gua was an internal struggle over power and forms of to the U.S.). Quotas established in 1976 put the limit of government; U.S. funding of the Contras became neoco- people who may enter from the Western Hemisphere lonial interference. The Sandinistas are communist, and each year at 20,000. The effect is that those with a previ- the U.S. has a history of fi nding ways to subvert com- ous economic relationship with the U.S., usually coun- munism in other countries in order to support capital- tries populated by people who become racial minorities ism, an economic system more benefi cial to the U.S. upon entry into the U.S., fi nd it far more diffi cult to come legally because migration is far more common. The Level Playing Field

Many countries, such as Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the and Multiculturalism Philippines, have experienced the U.S. as a neocoloniz- We in the U.S. hold onto the myth of meritocracy, the ing power. Neocolonialism describes economic control belief that the U.S. is a system in which people gain or dominance of one country over another, and may or positions based solely on their talent, and not on their may not include control over the government. The U.S. wealth, connections, class status, racial and cultural

3 Copyright © 2009 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com A History of Racism Permission given to the purchaser to copy this page for use in class. in the United States, 4 The Racism Study Pack More recently, President Obama’s nomination of Sonia The Resistance: Japanese Sotomayor to the U.S. Supreme Court evoked a fright- American Protest against ening array of criticisms emerging from the general stream of suspicion of her qualifi cations due to her Muslim Detentions status as a woman of color. Surely she, as a product of Arab and South Asian immigrants detained after affi rmative action, is less qualifi ed than other (implied) September 11 found their situation was not viewed possible candidates, regardless of the fact that she had in isolation. These detentions, which typically more experience as a judge than all other nominees resulted in no charges or convictions beyond prov- throughout U.S. history. The New Republic’s Jeffrey ing the Muslim faith of those detained, resonated Rosen called Sotomayor an “‘intellectual lightweight’ with the Japanese American community. Japanese who was ‘picked because she was a woman and His- 16 American organizations spoke out against the deten- panic.’” This narrative was purported to be part of a tions without warrant as stemming from the same larger and perfectly valid exploration of her fi tness to racism that imprisoned 120,000 people of Japanese be appointed to the Supreme Court. However, it might descent during World War II. The children of Gordon be noted that Justice John Roberts was questioned pri- Hirabayashi, Fred Korematsu, and Minoru Yasui (all marily about his positions, beliefs, and job history, not of whom were interned and fi led a case against the his race or gender. The line of questioning regarding government) fi led an amicus brief on behalf of Arab Sotomayor, focusing on her demographics as a deter- and South Asian immigrants detained after Septem- mining factor of her competence and her qualifi cations, ber 11, arguing similarities between the internment is quite different. experiences and that the equal protection clauses in Appointments to the U.S. Supreme Court like Clarence the Constitution ought to be applied in such cases.15 Thomas and Sonia Sotomayor have lifted up elements of the ways in which multiculturalism can be racist. background, or other measures of power and privilege. The only way these appointments will succeed in not This is founded on a belief that we begin on a level play- changing the system is if the individuals share enough ing fi eld, resources are distributed equally, and earnings of the values of the U.S. judicial system that they will not are based solely on a person’s merit. Unfortunately, fac- change it. The attacks against Sotomayor may be a man- tors such as citizenship, class status and access, race, ifestation of the fear that her appointment will change gender, sexual orientation, and religion have shaping the status quo, as the defenders of the system do not see factors such that meritocracy does not exist. A part of her as someone who will allow the U.S. judicial system this myth is woven together with the belief that affi rma- to remain much as it is. tive action is no longer necessary. Now that the playing fi eld has been leveled, as of the 1960s and 1970s, any sus- Multiculturalism lifts up racial and other differences picion of affi rmative action is subject to social inquiry. and views them as making valuable contributions to education or the workforce. Racist multiculturalism, In 1998, during a celebration of the Martin Luther King which came into force in the 1980s, perpetuates racism Jr. Day at a university, the president of the university by seeking to make institutions look good without com- gave an introduction to the celebration beginning with, mitting to changing the status quo. The social assump- “None of you are here because of affi rmative action.” The tion is if a person of color is placed in a white system, the featured speaker, Dr. Midori Takagi (a history, American system is free of its racism. Every institution has layers studies, and women’s studies professor), stood up after of its identity. The easiest layer to change is personnel. the president sat down and began with: “All of us are The deepest and most diffi cult layer to change is that here because of affi rmative action.” Her message was of mission. Racist multiculturalism only seeks to bring that affi rmative action was good for society because it diversity at the level of personnel and maybe programs, provided opportunities to those usually deprived of any but the status quo and power relationships established privileges. (For a more comprehensive look at affi rma- around the mission remain unchanged. Without any tive action, refer to the Thoughtful Christian study “Is shift in the culture of the institution or its policies, racist Affi rmative Action Still Needed?”) multiculturalism aims to manage and control diversity

4 Copyright © 2009 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com A History of Racism Permission given to the purchaser to copy this page for use in class. in the United States, 4 The Racism Study Pack and its impact on the organization, and is posed as the (Disciples of Christ) and an antiracism organizer/facilitator serv- end of the journey. ing as director of master level recruitment and admissions at McCormick Theological Seminary. In contrast, antiracist multiculturalism aims to transform Endnotes the institution’s relationship to its diverse communities, and seeks to share power evenly among different people. 1. “Ethnic Diversity in the Senate,” United States Senate Web site, http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/ Antiracist multiculturalism sees its approach as a step briefi ng/minority_senators.htm. on the path to becoming the beloved community, and 2. “Women in the Senate,” United States Senate Web site, understands it is not yet an embodiment of the beloved http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/ community. This approach to multiculturalism has the briefi ng/women_senators.htm. self-awareness to examine and change each layer of the 3. Aviva Chomsky, “They Take Our Jobs!” and 20 Other Myths organization as part of its antiracist commitment. Only if about Immigration (Boston: Beacon Press, 2007), 25. Sotomayor’s presence drastically changes rulings made 4. “National Update: Addressing Racial Bias in Crack vs. by the Supreme Court, or better yet, changes how the U.S. Powder Cocaine Sentencing,” Partnership for Safety and Jus- defi nes and processes legal questions, will her appoint- tice, September 28, 2007, http://www.westernprisonproject .org/national/story/1129. ment be a dramatic departure toward antiracist multicul- turalism. However, if those approving the appointment 5. “Felony Disenfranchisement Laws in the United States,” The Sentencing Project, http://www.sentencingproject.org/ understand this is one step toward a more just society Admin/Documents/publications/fd_bs_fdlawsinus.pdf. around issues of race and class, it may be possible that 6. True Lies, DVD, directed by James Cameron (1994; Los this appointment can be a part of a larger vision for anti- Angeles: 20th Century Fox, 1999). racist multiculturalism. If her appointment is as the last 7. The Axis of Evil Comedy Tour, DVD, directed by Michael female or person of color to the U.S. Supreme Court, we Simon (Chatsworth, CA: Image Entertainment, 2007). know her presence played into racist multiculturalism. 8. Steven Salaita, Anti-Arab Racism in the USA (Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Press, 2006), 41. Conclusion 9. Ibid., 53. Contemporary racism from 1973 until now has multiple 10. “Hate Crime Reports Up in Wake of Terrorist Attacks,” manifestations. The writers were able to explore only a CNN.com, September 17, 2001, http://archives.cnn.com/ few. However, throughout these four sessions, we hope 2001/US/09/16/gen.hate.crimes/. we were able to provide you with some tools to think 11. “Mass LA Muslim Arrests Condemned,” BBC News, through the ways in which racism has developed and is December 20, 2002, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/ 2595391.stm. now manifested. As Christians, we are called in our bap- tism to a new life. We engage in relationship with God. We 12. Abdul Malik Mujahid, “In a Virtual Internment Camp: Muslim Americans Since 9/11,” SoundVision.com, July 2003, live in broken systemic relationships that belie our life of http://www.soundvision.com/info/muslims/internment faith. If we are to engage in the healing of this world, we .asp. are greatly helped by a historical understanding of how 13. “Teens Hunt for, and Kill, Immigrant. Called it ‘Beaner this system of racism developed in the United States. Hunting,’” Democracy Forums, November 12, 2008, http:// www.democracyforums.com/showthread.php?p=326845. About the Writers 14. Chomsky, “They Take Our Jobs,” 167. Laura Mariko Cheifetz is a hapa (mixed-race Asian American) 15. “Descendents of Japanese American Internees File Amicus yonsei (fourth-generation) Presbyterian minister from the Pacifi c Brief in Support of Muslim Immigrants,” Center for Constitu- Northwest of white and Japanese descent. She directs the common tional Rights press release, http://ccrjustice.org/newsroom/ ground project at McCormick Theological Seminary. press-releases/descendents-japanese-american-internees-fi le- amicus-brief-support-muslim-imm. Jessica Vazquez Torres is a 1.5-generation Latina of Puerto Rican descent. She is an ordained minister with the Christian Church 16. Editorial, The Nation 288, no. 23 (June 15, 2009).

5 Copyright © 2009 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com A History of Racism Permission given to the purchaser to copy this page for use in class. in the United States, 4 The Racism Study Pack