Tattoos & IP Norms

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Tattoos & IP Norms University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 2013 Tattoos & IP Norms Aaron Perzanowski Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Perzanowski, Aaron, "Tattoos & IP Norms" (2013). Minnesota Law Review. 292. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/292 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Article Tattoos & IP Norms Aaron Perzanowski† Introduction ............................................................................... 512 I. A History of Tattoos .............................................................. 516 A. The Origins of Tattooing ......................................... 516 B. Colonialism & Tattoos in the West ......................... 518 C. The Tattoo Renaissance .......................................... 521 II. Law, Norms & Tattoos ........................................................ 525 A. Formal Legal Protection for Tattoos ...................... 525 B. Client Autonomy ...................................................... 532 C. Reusing Custom Designs ......................................... 539 D. Copying Custom Designs ........................................ 541 1. Defining Copying ................................................ 542 2. Detection & Enforcement .................................. 549 3. The Harms of Copying ....................................... 554 E. Copying Flash .......................................................... 557 F. Copying Other Visual Art ....................................... 560 III. Explaining Tattoo Norms .................................................. 567 A. Tattoo Culture .......................................................... 569 B. Tattoo Economics ..................................................... 575 1. Norms as Collective Self-Interest ..................... 577 2. Norms as Exclusionary Practices ...................... 581 IV. Lessons from the Tattoo Industry ..................................... 584 A. The Role of Non-Legal Incentives ........................... 584 B. Customization & Service ......................................... 587 Conclusion .................................................................................. 590 † Associate Professor, Case Western Reserve University School of Law. Thanks to Dave Fagundes, Mike Madison, and Pam Samuelson for helpful comments. This article also benefitted from discussions at the Intellectual Property Scholars Conference at Stanford Law School and workshops and col- loquia at Case Western Reserve University School of Law, University of Akron School of Law, University of Notre Dame Law School, Wayne State University Law School, and Whittier Law School. Copyright © 2013 by Aaron Perzanowski. Reuse of this article is permitted under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 license, the full terms of which are available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/legalcode. 511 512 MINNESOTA LAW REVIEW [98:511 INTRODUCTION Twenty-one percent of adults in the United States—more than sixty-five million Americans—have at least one tattoo.1 For those under age forty, that percentage nearly doubles.2 Not surprisingly, the tattoo business is booming. By some esti- mates, the U.S. tattoo industry generates $2.3 billion in annual revenue.3 Once the mark of sailors, convicts, and circus per- formers, the tattoo has infiltrated mainstream society.4 Despite its countercultural origins, the tattoo industry shares much in common with other, more familiar creative in- dustries.5 Fundamentally, it capitalizes on market demand for original creative works.6 Yet as public goods, the value of those works is readily appropriable through copying.7 Predictably, copying is both a practical reality and a source of concern with- in the industry.8 But unlike their counterparts in most other creative industries, tattooers nearly uniformly reject formal le- gal mechanisms for adjudicating claims over ownership and 1. See One in Five U.S. Adults Now Has a Tattoo, HARRIS INTERACTIVE (Feb. 23, 2012), http://www.harrisinteractive.com/vault/Harris%20Poll%2022% 20-Tattoos_2.23.12.pdf. 2. See Tattooed Gen Nexters, PEW RESEARCH CTR. FOR THE PEOPLE & THE PRESS (Dec. 9, 2008), http://pewresearch.org/daily-number/tattooed-gen -nexters (noting that 36% of adults between eighteen and twenty-five and 40% of those between twenty-six and forty currently have, or previously had, a tat- too). 3. Max Chafkin, King Ink, INC. (Nov. 1, 2007), http://www.inc.com/ magazine/20071101/king-ink.html. This estimate, based on 2007 data, likely significantly underestimates current industry revenue. 4. In its modern form, “a tattoo is created by injecting ink into a person’s skin. To do this, an electrically powered tattoo machine, often called a gun, moves a solid needle up and down to puncture the skin between 50 and 3,000 times per minute. The needle penetrates the skin by about a millimeter and deposits a drop of insoluble ink into the skin . .” Anderson v. City of Hermo- sa Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1055 (9th Cir. 2010). 5. Cf. Ivan Quintanilla, Tattoos Through Time: A New Museum for Am- sterdam, N.Y. TIMES, Jan. 10, 2012, 6:00 AM, http://www.intransit.blogs .nytimes.com/2012/01/10/tattoos-through-time-a-new-museum-for-amsterdam/ (discussing an Amsterdam museum opening dedicated exclusively to tattoo art). 6. See generally David Cummings, Creative Expression and the Human Canvas: An Examination of Tattoos as a Copyrightable Art Form, 2013 U. ILL. L. REV. 279 (2013) (arguing that tattooers’ work is capable of satisfying the statutory requirements for copyrightability). 7. Id. at 307. 8. See Interview with Subject 2, Compiled Transcripts with Anonymous Tattooers at 19 (May 5–June 1, 2012) (on file with author). 2013] TATTOO NORMS 513 copying.9 Although tattoos fall squarely within the protections of the Copyright Act, copyright law plays virtually no part in the day-to-day operation of the tattoo industry.10 Instead, tattooers rely on a set of informal social norms to structure cre- ative production and mediate relationships within their indus- try.11 Following in the tradition of earlier scholarship exploring the intersection of intellectual property law and social norms,12 this Article sets out with three objectives: to provide a descrip- tive account of the norms related to creative production within the tattoo industry; to explain both the industry’s choice to forego formal assertions of legal rights and the particular con- tent of the norms it has embraced; and to consider the implica- tions of this case study for intellectual property law and policy more generally. But this Article differs from much of the prior work on in- tellectual property and social norms in two ways. First, the tat- too industry norms reported here represent the first example of market-driven informal alternatives to intellectual property law that emerged despite fully applicable formal protections. Unlike norms that emerge in the shadow of some barrier to meaningful intellectual property protection,13 tattoo industry norms function as an informal system of community govern- 9. Practitioners in the tattoo industry refer to themselves by a number of terms, including “tattooists,” “tattoo artists,” and “tattooers.” See Interview with Subject 1, supra note 8, at 16; id. with Subject 13 at 144. While these terms sometimes reflect subtle shades of meaning, I will refer to them as “tattooers,” the term most commonly used by my interview subjects. 10. See infra Part II.A. 11. See Robert D. Cooter, Decentralized Law for a Complex Economy: The Structural Approach to Adjudicating the New Law Merchant, 144 U. PA. L. REV. 1643, 1661 (1996) (explaining that norms exist when members of a group are obligated to do something under certain conditions or face some sanction). 12. See, e.g., David Fagundes, Talk Derby to Me: Intellectual Property Norms Governing Roller Derby Pseudonyms, 90 TEX. L. REV. 1093 (2012); Emmanuelle Fauchart & Eric von Hippel, Norms-Based Intellectual Property Systems: The Case of French Chefs, 19 ORG. SCIENCE 187 (2008); Jacob Loshin, Secrets Revealed: How Magicians Protect Intellectual Property without Law, in LAW & MAGIC: A COLLECTION OF ESSAYS 123 (Christine A. Corcos ed., 2010); Dotan Oliar & Christopher Sprigman, There’s No Free Laugh (Anymore): The Emergence of Intellectual Property Norms and the Transformation of Stand-Up Comedy, 94 VA. L. REV. 1787 (2008). 13. See Loshin, supra note 12, at 125–30; Fauchart & von Hippel, supra note 12, at 187–91; Oliar & Sprigman, supra note 12, at 1799–1805; see also Elizabeth L. Rosenblatt, A Theory of IP’s Negative Space, 34 COLUM. J.L. & ARTS 317, 322–25 (2011). 514 MINNESOTA LAW REVIEW [98:511 ance that developed despite an applicable body of formal law.14 And unlike norms governing nonmarket behavior, tattoo indus- try norms prevail despite the same profit motive characteristic of many creative fields.15 Second, tattoo industry norms are unique because they must account for a more complex set of relationships than those observed in earlier case studies. Tattooers must establish norms that govern not only their interactions with each other, but with clients who play an important role in the creation and use of their works as well.16 Further complicating matters,
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