REGIONAL LABOR REVIEW of the New York Metropolitan Area

Spring/Summer 2015 REGIONAL v Immigration to Long Island – Rising Numbers & Impacts ABOR v Pay Paralysis Persists on L Long Island v Working Women With Disabilities 25 Years Since the A.D.A. REVIEW v Accordion Families, Underemployed Youth v New Technology, Deskilling and Workplace Power REGIONAL LABOR REVIEW Of the New York Metropolitan Area

Editor-in-Chief

Gregory DeFreitas

Editorial Board

Debra Comer Niev Duffy Russell Harrison Grant Hayden Conrad Herold Sharryn Kasmir Oren Levin-Waldman Bhaswati Sengupta Marc Silver Lonnie Stevans Martha Weisel

Editorial Office

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ISSN 1540-8426 Regional Labor Review

VOLUME 17 Spring/Summer 2015

Long Island Pay Patterns Since the Great Recession p. 5 v by Gregory DeFreitas

Latest Trends in Key Labor Market Indicators, 2014-2015 p. 12

Job Challenges of Women With Disabilities 25 Years After the A.D.A. p. 14 v by Carol Boyer

New Americans on Long Island – A Vital Fifth of the Economy p. 19 v by David Dyssegaard Kallick

New Technology, Deskilling and Economic Power p. 37 v Reviewed by Russell Harrison

Boomerang Kids & Global Youth Unemployment p. 38 v Reviewed by Zachary Prout

Calendar p. 42

3 4 THE CURRENT JOB OUTLOOK

Pay Patterns on Long Island Since the Great Recession by Gregory DeFreitas

early six years since the official end of the 2008-09 • The Long Island gender gap has not narrowed over the past recession, the hourly pay of most working adults on Long decade: full-time working women still earn 20 percent less per NIsland has barely recovered to pre-crisis levels. In this hour than their male counterparts. article I use newly released 2014 government household survey • Racial and ethnic earnings gaps have narrowed since the mid- data to trace the main regional trends in hourly wages since the 2000s, but remain wide. Increases in the minimum wage have Great Recession and contrast them with pre-recession years.1 been particularly important in stemming wage erosion among lower-paid African American, Latino and immigrant workers. Some notable findings are: • College grads still earn far more than those without degrees, but • Pay paralysis is nearly as common locally as nationally: the the size of that wage advantage has declined since the pre- typical working person on Long Island today only makes 75 recession years. cents more per hour than in 2005 – or an hourly pay raise of just • Recent job growth in mostly lower-wage industries has 8 cents more per year. contributed to the island’s wage stagnation. • Young men and women ages 16 to 34 have been hardest hit by • Jobs with union representation today average higher hourly pay wage erosion. Among men 24 and younger, hourly pay dropped than nonunion jobs in both the private and the public sectors. The from $11.42 in the mid-2000s to $10.31 in 2012–2014, nearly a 10 union wage premium has been cut by over half in the private percent wage cut. sector, but has increased in the highly unionized public sector.

Figure 1 Hourly Wage Rates in US, NYC & LI: (Median Wages in $2014)

Figure 1 Source: Author’s analysis of Current Population Survey, Outgoing Rotation Group microdata.

TABLE 1 Hourly Wage Rates by Wage Quartile on Long Island: All Workers, 2005-2014 (in 2014 Dollars)

10th 25th 50th 75th 90th 95th 2005 $9.09 $12.12 $20.61 $32.39 $52.45 $62.65 2009 $9.10 $13.10 $22.07 $36.37 $53.05 $68.96 2013 $9.02 $12.70 $20.33 $35.17 $49.24 $63.52 2014 $9.23 $13.00 $21.36 $36.00 $51.92 $65.93 % Change (annual)

2005-2014 0.17 0.81 0.40 1.24 -0.11 0.58 2013-2014 2.38 2.36 5.07 2.36 5.44 3.79 Dollar Change (annual)

2005-2014 $0.02 $0.10 $0.08 $0.40 -$0.06 $0.36 2013-2014 $0.22 $0.30 $1.03 $0.83 $2.68 $2.41

Table 1 Source: Author's analysis of Current Population Survey-ORG microdata. Regional Labor Review.

Pay Paralysis Gender and Age Pay Gaps Persist Nationwide, for over three decades now, stagnant or falling pay To better understand these broad trends, we next explore the has remained the frustrating norm for most working people.2 underlying components of wage movements by age, gender, race, Figure 1 shows the inflation-adjusted hourly wage at the median ethnicity and other dimensions. More detailed statistical analysis (50th percentile) from the pre-recession years 2005-2007 through requires larger sample sizes than those in single-year surveys of the 2008-2009 recession and the post-recession years to 2014. Long Island. I pooled the CPS data from three pre-recession years Across the country, the median wage has been stuck at about $17 (2005–2007) and the latest three post-recession years (2012–2014). or less (in 2014 dollars) over nearly all of these 10 years. A brief The findings in Table 2 reveal, first, that different age groups have uptick occurred in 2008–2009 when price pressures in the slack had uneven success in recovering their previous wage levels. economy eased so much that inflation-adjusted wages rose. Young men and women ages 16 to 34 have been hardest hit by The same broad pattern has been true in New York City and Long wage erosion on Long Island. Among men 24 and younger, hourly Island, though wages in both are above the national level. From pay dropped from $11.42 in the mid-2000s to $10.31 in 2012–2014, the end of the recession in 2009 to 2013, Long Islanders’ median nearly a 10 percent wage cut. Real wages also fell by $1.18 per pay dropped by over $2 per hour (Table 1). The following year hour for those ages 25 to 34, by 70 cents among prime-age men 35 there was a partial recovery: according to the latest full-year data to 54 years old, and by nearly 50 cents among older men. For all for 2014, real median pay on Long Island increased five percent to working-age men on the island, median hourly pay is no higher $21.36. By 2014, workers paid the median earned $2 more per hour today than it was a decade ago. in the city than nationwide and nearly $4.50 more on Long Island. While the 2014 gains are a welcome if belated improvement, today Young women 25-to-34-years old have had even larger pay cuts the typical working person on Long Island only makes 75 cents over this period than their male counterparts. Since 2005 such more per hour than in 2005 – equivalent to an hourly pay raise of women have seen their real hourly wage decline by $2 (-1.1 just 8 cents more per year. The lowest-paid 10 percent of workers percent per year). Only women ages 55 and over managed to gain has managed far slower wage growth of 2.38 percent (+ 2 cents per pay increases, averaging 1.64 percent annually.3 year), less than half the pay growth of the top decile of earners (at the 90th percentile). The result is persistently high wage inequality: Pay gains among the oldest female cohort, coupled with pay the best-paid 10 percent earn an hourly wage 5.6 times that of the stagnation for men, have narrowed the gender gap in this age bottom 10 percent of workers. group. Still, today full-time working women ages 55 to 64 earn 24

6 TABLE 2 Hourly Wage Rates on Long Island, by Age & Sex, 2005-2014 (Median Wages in 2014 Dollars )

AGE 16-24 25-34 35-54 55-64 16-64 ALL WORKERS 2005-2007 $10.91 $19.21 $24.95 $23.58 $20.40 2012-2014 $10.16 $17.59 $24.75 $25.68 $20.62 % Change (annual) -0.76 -0.94 -0.09 0.99 0.12 MEN 2005-2007 $11.42 $18.18 $28.21 $29.29 $22.90 2012-2014 $10.31 $17.00 $27.50 $28.83 $22.87 % Change (annual) -1.08 -0.72 -0.28 -0.17 -0.01 WOMEN 2005-2007 $10.27 $20.61 $21.14 $19.41 $18.27 2012-2014 $9.80 $18.56 $20.83 $22.28 $19.32 % Change (annual) -0.51 -1.11 -0.16 1.64 0.64 FEM/MALE WAGE RATIO 2005-2007 0.90 1.13 0.75 0.66 0.80 2012-2014 0.95 1.09 0.76 0.77 0.84 FULL-TIME WORKERS' FEM/MALE WAGE RATIO 2005-2007 0.93 1.18 0.81 0.69 0.83 2012-2014 1.00 0.99 0.78 0.76 0.82

Table 2 Source: Author’s analysis of Current Population Survey-ORG microdata. Regional Labor Review

percent less than comparable men (Table 2, bottom rows). Among But the same is true elsewhere, yet the Long Island youth job the prime-age work force 35-to-54-years old, the pay gap has decline has been far steeper. Nationwide, the employment- widened: full-time working women earned 81 percent of the population rate of 16-to-24 year-olds fell only from 54 percent to median male wage just before the last recession, but now earn only 48 percent over this same period. 78 percent as much. Racial, Ethnic & Immigrant Trends The declines in the wage rates available to youth in the Long As the Long Island population has rapidly diversified in recent Island job market have worrisome implications for future labor decades, measurement of the economic progress of different racial force growth. The fraction of young Long Islanders under 25 who and ethnic groups has lagged behind. This may have stemmed in are employed has fallen sharply, from one in two youth with a job part from past data limitations posed by small sample sizes in (55.6 percent) in 2005 to just over one in three (37 percent) today. annual surveys of suburban minorities. Now that the African The drop in job-holding has been steepest for young women: only American, Asian and Hispanic populations have grown to over 30 33.6 percent are employed now, compared to 58 percent in 2005. percent of the Long Island population, data is becoming less of a Part of this may reflect more college-related labor force withdrawal. constraint.

TABLE 3 Hourly Wage Rates by Wage Quartile on Long Island, by Race & Ethnicity, 2005-2014 (Median Wages in 2014 Dollars )

10th 25th 50th 75th 90th WHITE NON-HISPANIC 2005-2007 $10.00 $14.55 $22.96 $37.28 $54.89 2012-2014 $9.28 $14.00 $23.08 $37.92 $54.09 % Change (annual) -0.80 -0.42 0.06 0.19 -0.16 BLACK NON-HISPANIC 2005-2007 $8.45 $10.91 $15.77 $26.23 $45.82 2012-2014 $8.75 $11.00 $16.45 $26.86 $41.05 % Change (annual) 0.39 0.09 0.62 0.27 -1.16 HISPANIC 2005-2007 $8.16 $9.71 $13.33 $19.96 $35.68 2012-2014 $8.50 $10.16 $15.00 $23.08 $37.00 % Change (annual) 0.46 0.51 1.39 1.74 0.41

Table 3 Source: Author's analysis of Current Population Survey-ORG microdata. Regional Labor Review

In Table 3, real wage rates in 2005–2014 are calculated from the majority non-Hispanic white work force, the median wage rate 3-year pooled survey samples of non-Hispanic whites and blacks showed little progress over the past decade, rising less than 0.1 and of Hispanics (who may be of any race). The Asian subsamples percent annually. The bottom quarter of white workers experienced were too small for reliable wage quartile estimates. Among the a decline by 50 cents in their real hourly pay rate, and the bottom

TABLE 4 Hourly Wage Rates by Wage Quartile on Long Island, by Nativity, 2005-2014 (Median Wages in 2014 Dollars )

10th 25th 50th 75th 90th NATIVE BORN 2005-2007 $9.70 $13.64 $21.82 $35.93 $54.19 2012-2014 $9.02 $13.15 $22.00 $36.08 $51.92 % Change (annual) -0.78 -0.40 0.09 0.05 -0.47 FOREIGN BORN 2005-2007 $8.49 $10.91 $15.93 $27.45 $46.81 2012-2014 $9.28 $11.23 $16.57 $27.25 $41.66 % Change (annual) 1.03 0.33 0.45 -0.08 -1.22

Table 4 Source: Author's analysis of Current Population Survey-ORG microdata. Regional Labor Review

8 TABLE 5 Hourly Wage Rates on Long Island, by Education, 2005-2014 (Median Wages in 2014 Dollars )

HS Some 4-Year Advanced Grad College College Grad Degree All Workers (ages 25-64) 2005-2007 $18.27 $19.98 $31.59 $38.90 2012-2014 $17.98 $19.83 $27.07 $36.65 % Change (annual) -0.18 -0.08 -1.59 -0.64 MEN (ages 25-64) 2005-2007 $21.21 $21.96 $33.85 $42.25 2012-2014 $18.75 $23.20 $31.25 $39.66 % Change (annual) -1.29 0.63 -0.85 -0.68 WOMEN (ages 25-64) 2005-2007 $15.15 $18.14 $28.55 $35.95 2012-2014 $16.83 $16.94 $24.39 $33.65 % Change (annual) 1.23 -0.74 -1.62 -0.71

Table 5 Source: Author's analysis of Current Population Survey-ORG microdata. Regional Labor Review tenth had nearly a 75 cent pay cut, down to $9.28 per hour. The immigrant work force on Long Island has also achieved small pay improvements over this period. At the median, foreign-born Median pay of African American workers is over seven dollars workers now earn $16.57 per hour, 64 cents more than a decade ago below the white wage rate. But it has risen slightly over this same (Table 4). Native-born workers median hourly earnings – over $5 period, from $15.77/hour then to $16.65 today. Hispanics have above the immigrant pay level – rose even less over these same years.4 experienced even larger pay gains. Their median wage rate is now $15.00, up an extra $1.67 per hour over their pre-recession level. Even College Grads’ Pay Falls How much of recent trends in wage stagnation and inequality can Both black and Hispanic Long Islanders still earn less than 75 be explained by a widening gap between employers’ modern skill percent of the median wage of non-Hispanic white workers today. needs and the human capital of today’s work force? A widely But their modest pay gains since the mid-2000s have increased the influential hypothesis among economists, dubbed “skill-biased black/white median wage ratio from 69 percent in 2005-2007 to 72 technical change” (SBTC) has focused much attention on such an percent in 2012-2014. Likewise, the Hispanic/non-Hispanic white alleged mismatch. The fact that today the average wage premium ratio is up from 58 percent pre-recession to 65 percent today. of college grads over noncollege workers is at a record high is often cited as supportive evidence. Even the lowest-paid tenth of blacks and Hispanics have seen a small pay improvement. Increases in the minimum wage, modest In Table 5, median wage rates on Long Island are shown separately though they have certainly been, have played a particularly for employed men and women, ages 25 to 64, subdivided by important role in stemming wage erosion among lower-paid highest level of education completed by the survey year. As African American, Latino and immigrant workers. Over the years expected, the island’s college graduates today earn far more than of our study, the lowest-income 25% gained from several minimum less-educated workers: the median college grad’s wage rate is 51 wage increases in New York: in January 2005, the minimum wage percent higher than that of workers with no more than a high rose from $5.15 per hour to $6.00. Thereafter it increased to $6.75 school degree, and 37 percent above the wage of those with some (in January 2006); $7.15 (January 2007); $7.25 (July 2009); $8.00 college but no degree. (12/31/2013); and $8.75 (12/31/2014).

However, even college graduates and those TABLE 6 with advanced degrees have experienced Employment & Hourly Wage on Long Island, by Industry, 2005-2014 shrinking wages over the past decade. The (Median Wages in 2014 Dollars ) median college grad wage rate fell by $4 per hour (-1.59 percent per year) and the INDUSTRY GROUP wage of workers with advanced degrees Lower Wage Middle Wage Higher Wage fell by $2.25 (-0.64 percent). Wage declines hit both males and females with top % of All Workers educational credentials. So, while higher (ages 25-64) education still offers a large pay premium after graduation, the size of that wage 2005-2007 32.43 24.54 43.04 advantage has declined, not risen, since the 2012-2014 33.91 23.45 42.62 pre-recession years. This finding runs counter to the SBTC explanation and MEDIAN WAGE RATE: suggests that other factors than just training All Workers (ages 25-64) and technology must lie behind recent 2005-2007 $14.79 $20.00 $26.22 earnings trends.

2012-2014 $14.44 $20.83 $26.00 Uneven Industry Job Growth % Change (annual) -0.26 0.35 -0.09 A striking characteristic of the national recovery so far has been the concentration Table 6 Source: Author's analysis of Current Population Survey-ORG microdata. of new job growth since 2009 in mostly Regional Labor Review lower-wage industries. To what extent might this account for the pay patterns shown above? Table 6 presents employment and wage figures for the Long Island work TABLE 7 force subdivided into three broad industry Hourly Wage Rates on Long Island, by Union Membership, 2005-2014 groupings. Following other recent research, (Median Wages in 2014 Dollars ) I used 2014 median wage levels to categorize detailed industries as either “lower wage” (eg., most food services, gas Union Non-Union Union/Non-Union Member Member Wage Ratio stations, home health care, laundry services), “middle wage” (eg., most food All Workers (ages 25-64) production, auto repair and sales, real estate, retail banking) and “higher wage” 2005-2007 $25.69 $19.08 1.346 (eg., most professional and management 2012-2014 $25.48 $19.54 1.304 services, air and rail transport, computers and telecom, securities and investment % Change (annual) -0.09 0.27 firms, government administration).4 PRIVATE SECTOR WORKERS (ages 25-64) Compared to the pre-recession period, the 2005-2007 $23.65 $18.72 1.263 share of Long Island workers in lower- 2012-2014 $21.34 $19.23 1.110 wage industries has increased (to 33.91 percent of all employees today). Over the % Change (annual) -1.09 0.30 same years, the middle-wage job share PUBLIC SECTOR WORKERS (ages 25-64) declined one percentage point to 23.5 percent and the high-wage job share fell 2005-2007 $27.97 $22.84 1.225 slightly as well. The shift of a greater 2012-2014 $29.88 $20.80 1.437 supply of workers into lower-paid industries has brought with it some, though still % Change (annual) 0.76 -0.99 small, wage decline in this sector: from Table 7 Source: Author's analysis of Current Population $14.79 per hour pre-recession, the median Survey-ORG microdata. Regional Labor Review is down to $14.44 now. In contrast, pay rose in middle-wage industries (to $20.83).

10 Union Wage Advantages NOTES: A growing number of economic studies has documented the sizable 1 This study uses microdata from the US Census Bureau’s union advantage in wages and benefits over nonunion jobs, as well Current Population Survey, its monthly nationwide survey of as the importance of shrinking union coverage nationwide in 50,000 to 60,000 households. The CPS is a rolling panel survey explaining pay paralysis and inequality.6 New York today has the that interviews sampled individuals for four straight months, highest rate of union membership of any state in the country. In leaves them alone for the following eight months, then New York City and Long Island, nearly one in four workers is a re-interviews those same households in each of the next four union member – over twice the national rate.7 And the highest months. I use the merged Outgoing Rotation Group extracts that union membership rates are among minority workers: Over one- are taken from the fourth and eighth months of such surveys, third of African Americans and over one-fourth of Hispanics on when usual earnings and related job questions are asked. Note Long Island are in unions. How has the pay of workers with union that the Census Bureau top-codes the small share of very high- representation fared compared to nonunion employees in recent income responses by assigning a single value to all earnings years? above its annual cap. I follow standard practice in working with estimates of average income above the Census top-code value Table 7 presents real hourly wage estimates for unionized and that assumes the distributiona tails follow a Pareto distribution. nonunionized workers ages 25 to 64 in non-managerial and non- To adjust earnings figures for price inflation, I deflate nominal supervisory jobs. Workers with union representation today average wages by the Consumer Price Index Research Series Using 30 percent higher hourly pay than nonunion Long Islanders. Of Current Methods (CPI-U-RS). For data descriptions and course, possible variations between these work forces in age, documentation, see: http://www.bls.gov/cps/documentation.htm education, experience, job responsibilities and other factors may 2 See the latest national analysis by Elise Gould,”2014 Continues affect pay differentials. Studies like those referenced above have a 35-Year Trend of Broad-Based Wage Stagnation,” EPI Issue controlled for many such variables in research on larger data sets Brief #393 (2/2015): www.epi.org. and generally found a still-considerable union pay advantage, 3 For a detailed analysis of pre-recession gender pay gaps in the positively related to relative bargaining strength. On Long Island, metropolitan area, see: Bhaswati Sengupta, “The Gender Pay where union density is far higher in the public sector (75 percent) Gap in New York City and Long Island, 1986-2006,” Regional than in the private sector (13 percent), bargaining strength is likely Labor Review, vol. 11 (Fall 2008): 3-8; to be stronger in the former than the latter, requiring separate 4 For a detailed update on immigrants in the island’s economy, see analyses. The private sector figures in the table’s middle rows Dyssegaard Kallick, David “New Americans on Long Island – A reveal a dramatic difference: Over the past decade, the median Vital Fifth of the Economy,” Regional Labor Review, vol. 17 union pay rate has been cut by over $2 while the nonunion wage (Spring/Summer 2015). has risen slightly. The union wage premium in the private sector is 5 National Employment Law Project, “The Low-Wage Recovery: now just 11 percent and has been cut by over half from its pre- Industry Employment and Wages Four Years Into the Recovery,” recession level (26.3 percent). NELP Issue Brief (4/2014): www.nelp.org. 6 See, for example, Western, Bruce and Jake Rosenfeld, “Unions, In contrast, even after years of local government job cuts, the Norms and the Rise in U.S. Wage Inequality,” American median wage in the more heavily unionized public sector rose Sociological Review, vol. 76, no. 4 (August 2011): 513-37; and nearly $2 per hour among employees with union protection but fell Mishel, Lawrence, “Unions, Inequality and Faltering Middle- by $2 per hour among nonunion workers. That doubled the size of Class Wages,” EPI Issue Brief (August 2012): www.epi.org. the public sector union pay advantage to 43.7 percent. 7 DeFreitas, Gregory and Bhaswati Sengupta, “The State of New York Unions 2012,” Regional Labor Review, vol. 14 (Fall 2012): 5-19; and DeFreitas, Gregory and Bhaswati Sengupta, “The State of New York Unions 2007,” Regional Labor Review, vol. 10 (Fall 2007): 3-18. Gregory DeFreitas is Professor of Economics at Hofstra University, Director of its Labor Studies Program, and Director, Center for the Study of Labor and Democracy.

11 DATA FILE Latest Trends in Key Labor Market Indicators: 2014-2015

% Change March March March Table 1 2008-2015 2014-2015 2015 2014 2008 Number of Nonfarm Jobs (in thousands) by Place of U.S. 140,326 137,214 137,309 2.20 2.27 Work: New York City, NY State 9,101 8,952 8,710 2.78 1.67 Long Island & All U.S., March 2008-March 2015 NYC 4,155 4,047 3,780 7.07 2.67 (in thousands, Long Island 1,277 1,263 1,251 0.96 1.06 not seasonally adjusted) Table 1 Source: Establishment survey data from US Department of Labor. Note that data reflect regular revisions by Dept. of Labor.

Table 2 Civilian Labor Force, Employment & Unemployment (in thousands, not seasonally adjusted)

Labor Force Employed Unemployed Unemp. Rate AREA March March March March March March March March 2015 2014 2015 2014 2015 2014 2015 2014 U.S. 156,317 155,627 147,635 145,090 8,982 10,537 5.6% 6.8% NYC 4,181.2 4,149.6 3,910.7 3,814.6 271 335.0 6.5 8.1 Bronx 613.5 612.8 559.1 545.4 54.4 67.4 8.9 11.0 Brooklyn 1,236.9 1,231.1 1,153.8 1,125.4 83.1 105.7 6.7 8.6 Manhattan 929.3 918.5 878.9 857.2 50.4 61.3 5.4 6.7 Queens 1,175.5 1,163.0 1,107.6 1,080.3 67.9 82.7 5.8 7.1 Staten Island 226.1 224.2 211.4 206.3 13.7 17.9 6.5 8.0

LONG ISLAND 1,436.5 1,450.4 1,368.7 1,369.5 67.8 80.9 4.7 5.6 Nassau Co. 677.2 683.7 647.9 648.3 29.3 35.4 4.3 5.2 Suffolk Co. 759.3 766.8 720.8 721.3 38.5 45.5 5.1 5.9

Table 2 source: CPS household survey data from NYS Dept. of Labor. Data reflect regular revisions by Dept. of Labor.

12 Figure 1 NYC Job Growth by Industry: March 2014-March 2015 (in thousands of jobs, and percent change)

Figure 2 Long Island Job Growth by Industry: March 2014-March 2015 (in thousands of jobs, and percent change)

13 LABOR POLICY Job Challenges of Women With Disabilities 25 Years After the A.D.A.

By Carol Boyer

qual pay for women is one of the signature equality issues Low Employment & Wage Rates facing us today, and as far as I'm concerned, it's something Now, focusing that lens a bit further, let's talk about women with Ewe can never talk about enough. But what's also worth disabilities. According to research recently conducted for ODEP talking about is equal pay for women with disabilities, which of and the Labor Department's Women's Bureau, today, women with course is the focus of today's program. I can't tell you how disabilities represent more than one in 20 working-age Americans. impressed I am that the organizers of this event have chosen to Furthermore, women with disabilities outnumber men with explore the equal pay issue through the lens of disability. To some, disabilities, with nearly one in nine U.S. women—or 11 percent— it may seem like a unique take on the larger issue, but to me, it's a living with one or more disabilities. consideration that cannot be ignored. Despite their significant representation in the U.S. population— As you heard, I work in the U.S. Department of Labor's Office of not to mention their human capital potential—working-age women Disability Employment Policy, commonly referred to as ODEP. with disabilities average an employment rate of 32 percent, which As part of the Labor Department's focus on expanding opportunities means they make up 2 percent of the workforce. And unfortunately, for all Americans, we work to promote policies and practices that more often than not, their employment is in a part-time or ensure today’s workforce is inclusive of all people—including temporary capacity and in fields of work that have more commonly people with disabilities. So workplace equality issues facing been associated with low-wages and low-benefits. people with disabilities are what we live and breathe each day. Moreover, a severe wage gap persists; full-year working women In ODEP, we consider workplace equality—including equal pay— with disabilities earn only 60 cents to every dollar earned by able- to be a basic civil right. And if you think about it, that quest for bodied men; 72 cents to every dollar earned by men with equality has been the foundation of all of the civil rights disabilities; and 80 cents to every dollar earned by their female movements throughout our history. We were reminded of this last able-bodied counterparts. This is an employment reality that is July when our nation celebrated the 50th anniversary of the further marred by a poverty rate of 29.5 percent. signing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964—the landmark legislation that outlawed discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex or And that's a tough reality to confront. Women with disabilities national origin, in turn increasing access to opportunity for more face many potential barriers and challenges to finding employment, Americans. And then, in 1990, that ideal of equality was renewed staying employed, advancing in their careers, and achieving equal and expanded with the signing of the Americans with Disabilities pay. Now, it's worth noting that in many instances, these barriers Act. are similar to those experienced by able-bodied women, as well. However, the challenge of acquiring meaningful and competitive As you probably know, we'll be celebrating the 25th anniversary employment is magnified and altered for women living with of the ADA this summer, and there is a lot to celebrate. We've disabilities, who encounter even greater challenges—especially made monumental progress in meeting its vision—especially in when other characteristics such as disability type, severity or terms of physical access. Just think about the accessible practices minority status are introduced. that have become commonplace in our nation today, from curb cuts to accessible restrooms. However, in spite of these monumental Qualitative research shows that women with disabilities are often strides, Americans with disabilities are still lagging behind the disadvantaged by so called "double discrimination" and the stigma rest of the population on the jobs front. In fact, Secretary of Labor of "weakness" associated with both their gender and their Perez calls employment the "unfinished business" of the ADA, and disability status, if not also with their race. Affecting personal I couldn't agree more. decisions, the decisions of families, and the perceptions of

14 employers, this exacerbating barrier often results in limited access • And finally, we must continue to promote employer-oriented to education and training, including leadership building and work- promising practices in disability inclusion and hiring, and to-learn opportunities such as internships, apprenticeships and efforts to reduce discrimination within the hiring and technical education programs. accommodation processes.

What's more is that women with disabilities are at a higher risk of Now, how exactly can we make this all happen? Much of it maps violence, abuse and bullying— which is another factor that can back to the employer, and there are many exemplary businesses negatively impact their employment outcomes. practices that we espouse in ODEP. The practices fall into the areas of: ODEP and our employer technical assistance center recently co-hosted a webinar on women and trauma, and some of the • Organizational readiness and inclusive environments; statistics presented were staggering. We learned that 83 percent of • Accessible employment processes; females and 32 percent of males with developmental disabilities • Provision of workplace accommodations; have experienced sexual assault. And that 37.3 percent of women • Recruitment, training and professional development; with disabilities have experienced violent abuse in their lifetime, • Mentorships and networks; and as compared to 20.6 percent of women without disabilities. 28.5 • Information-sharing and awareness-raising. percent have been threatened with violence, compared with 15.4 percent of those without disabilities. You can learn much more about these practices by visiting ODEP's website, which is dol.gov/odep. There, you'll be connected with a And what's the workplace connection to this shocking data? Well, number of resources, programs and initiatives that can help trauma impacts our ability to work. It results in absences, chronic employers and other stakeholders promote more inclusive work tardiness, anxiety about one's safety on the job, changes in work environments. performance and more. So there are many compounding barriers associated with being a woman and having a disability (among One of ODEP's signature initiatives is the Campaign for Disability other traits), potentially leaving these women sidelined from Employment, or CDE, which is a public education campaign opportunity. funded by ODEP that works to raise awareness about the value and talent that people with disabilities bring to America's workplaces. What's clear is that efforts are still needed to address the barriers to employment and competitive pay that women with disabilities The CDE's latest product is a public service announcement called face. Luckily, solutions do exist, and I'd like to talk about a few of "WHO I AM" that is airing on broadcast and cable stations them today. nationwide. It features nine working people with disabilities and underscores a vital message—that we all have many sides to Solutions & Strategies ourselves; many diverse factors that make us who we are, both on According to the research I mentioned earlier, together we can the job and off. Copies of that PSA, and an accompanying collectively adopt and implement strategies to improve the state of discussion guide, are being distributed today, so I hope you'll employment and earnings of women with disabilities. check it out. You can learn more about the CDE, as well as best practices for creating a flexible and inclusive workplace, by • One of them is to reduce early biases toward girls and young visiting the website WhatCanYouDoCampaign.org. women with disabilities, and their own internal stigma, which is just so important. I also recommend visiting the websites of two of ODEP's technical assistance centers, the Job Accommodation Network, which you • The second is to increase early access and participation in the can find at AskJAN.org; and the Employer Assistance and STEM fields of study. I know you're all aware of the emphasis Resource Network, whose website is AskEARN.org. In fact, the to encourage more women to pursue careers in science, tech, hub of ODEP’s Employer Technical Assistance Center is located engineering and math, and women with disabilities must be a down the road in Albertson at The Viscardi Center, which is an part of this initiative. incredible organization that works to educate, employ and empower people with disabilities. • Other strategies are to improve education-to-career transition efforts that aim to reinforce concepts of independent living, economic self-sufficiency and full participation; and to increase You know, one of The Viscardi School’s alumni is a graduate of post-secondary educational attainment by women with Hofstra University, and a former colleague of mine. His name is disabilities. Paul Hearne, and he was appointed to serve as the Executive Director of the National Council on Disability under the George • We must also work to reduce isolation by mainstreaming, H. W. Bush administration, among other distinguished honors. mentorships, networks, and early exposure to work. Another distinguished Hofstra University member is Dr. Frank Bowe, whom I also worked with. Frank was the Dr. Mervin

Livingston Schloss Distinguished Professor for the Study of encouraging public-private networks and leadership and mentorship Disabilities at Hofstra, and he had a very distinguished career initiatives that support and inform the transition from education-to- devoted to disability rights. Unfortunately, both of these great employment men have passed away, but their contributions to the rights of individuals with disabilities have impacted millions of people’s And a final exemplary practice is streamlining the transition to lives. work. Educational institutions must raise awareness about and increase opportunities for early exposure to work, leveraging a The Promise of Education spectrum of options such as mentorships, internships, And that's a great segue to talk about the role of the educational apprenticeships, career and technical education. They can facilitate system in combating the employment challenges of women with easy access to information related to STEM education, post- disabilities. secondary education, work-to-learn opportunities, internships and job openings, health, benefits, and services. And they can prioritize The effects of education and a successful education-to-work individualized transition plans and identify vocational rehabilitation transition are clear. Women with disabilities with a college degree linkages. live in poverty at a far lower rate when compared to those who have less than a high school education—14 percent compared to 45 Conclusion percent. Furthermore, those with a college degree see higher So that's some of ODEP's perspective on the equal pay issue, all employment rates—49 percent—when compared to women with through the lens of employment challenges faced by women with disabilities who have less than a high school education—19 disabilities. And I should mention that much of the data and percent. And compounding this issue is that women with disabilities promising practices I shared today will soon be released by ODEP have lower educational attainment than the national average. and DOL's Women's Bureau as a white paper and fact sheet series, so please check our website often for those upcoming features. Just So it's evident that educational systems and communities have a visit dol.gov/odep and select "women" from the topic list at the top critical role to play in the transition to the work lifecycle. of the page. Educational entities—whether primary and secondary schools, institutions of higher education, like Hofstra, or leaders of vocational The “double discrimination” factor is a tragic reality faced by rehabilitation, job training, or career and technical education women with disabilities, however, if coupled with employer programs—all have an opportunity to shape the future labor force inclusion and achievement in education, we truly have the power to in a manner that better supports girls and young women with significantly improve their labor market outcomes. disabilities. With successful academic progression, transition to higher education, and clear pathways to meaningful work with Helen Keller once said, "Alone we can do so little; together we can competitive and livable salaries, labor outcomes can be improved. do so much." And those words certainly ring true on this important issue. I hope that all of you will commit to working together toward So, what are some exemplary practices that educational true workplace equality, and to being a part of the solution on equal organizations can embrace? The first is to start when women with pay for all women, including those with disabilities. The "unfinished disabilities are young. We must develop individual plans of action business" of the ADA is beckoning, and we all can play a role in and tracks to meaningful employment for youth with disabilities seeing it through. and engage students in early discussions about work. We must also initiate early discussions about opportunities related to transitions, early work exposure, independent living, and disability rights— and engage students as active participants along the way. Carol Boyer is Senior Policy Advisor at the Office of Disability Employment Policy (ODEP), US Dept. of Labor, Washington DC. The next strategy is to individualize. We must base transition This is an excerpt from her prepared remarks in a public forum at services on the individual needs of the student and incorporate the Hofstra University’s commemorating Equal Pay Day 2015 and the student's interests into Individualized Education Plans. Promoting 25th anniversary of the Americans With Disabilities Act (4/14/2015). and supporting a STEM education is important here, as well. And The event was organized by the Hofstra Labor Studies Program, in so is formalizing linkages to other services while the student is still collaboration with the Women’s Studies and Disability Studies in school and based on an individualized needs assessment. Programs, the Hofstra Cultural Center and the National Center for Suburban Studies. Educational organizations also must partner and collaborate in this area. They can partner with students, her family, programs that REGIONAL LABOR REVIEW, vol. 17, no. 2 (Spring/Summer 2015). © 2015 Center for the Study of Labor and Democracy, Hofstra University complement basic academics, and local and state governments to ensure success. A critical piece of this is partnerships with post- secondary academic institutions and vocational programs, and

16 Employment Status of the Civilian Population by Sex, Age & Disability Status, 2014-2015 ((numbers in thousands; household data; not seasonally adjusted)

Persons with a disability Persons with no disability Employment status, sex, and age March 2014 March 2015 March 2014 March 2015 TOTAL, 16 years and over Civilian noninstitutional population 28,863 29,919 218,395 220,161 Civilian labor force 5,634 5,917 149,994 150,401 Participation rate 19.5 19.8 68.7 68.3 Employed 4,819 5,222 140,271 142,413 Unemployed 815 695 9,722 7,988 Unemployed rate 14.5 11.7 6.5 5.3 Not in labor force 23,229 24,002 68,401 69,760 Men, 16 to 64 years Civilian labor force 2,502 2,674 75,591 75,765 Participation rate 33.1 34.2 82.1 82.0 Employed 2,095 2,306 70,336 71,365 Employment-population ratio 27.7 29.5 76.4 77.2 Unemployed 407 368 5,254 4,400 Unemployed rate 16.3 13.8 7.0 5.8 Not in labor force 5,058 5,140 16,475 16,647 Women, 16 to 64 years Civilian labor force 2,170 2,312 67,103 66,766 Participation rate 27.7 28.1 70.5 69.9 Employed 1,827 2,053 62,928 63,434 Employment-population ratio 23.3 25.0 66.1 Unemployed 343 259 4,175 3,332 Unemployed rate 15.8 11.2 6.2 5.0 Not in labor force 5,661 5,909 28,137 28,777 Both sexes, 65 years and over Civilian labor force 962 931 7,300 7,870 Participation rate 7.1 6.7 23.5 24.4 Employed 897 864 7,007 7,614 Employment-population ratio 6.7 6.2 22.5 23.6 Unemployed 65 67 293 255 Unemployed rate 6.8 7.2 4.0 3.2 Not in labor force 12,510 12,953 23,789 24,337

Note: A person with a disability has at least one of the following conditions: is deaf or has serious difficulty hearing; is blind or has serious difficulty seeing even when wearing glasses; has serious difficulty concentrating, remembering, or making decisions, has serious difficulty walking or climbing stairs; has difficulty dressing or bathing; or has difficulty doing errands alone such as visiting a doctor's office or shopping because of a physical, mental, or emotional condition. Source: US Bureau of Labor Statistics: http://data.bls.gov/cgi-bin/print.pl/news.release/empsit.t06.htm.

17 According to a study conducted by the Job Accommodation Network (JAN), a service of the U.S. Department of Labor's Office of Disability Employment Policy (ODEP), workplace accommodations not only are low cost, but also positively impact the workplace in many ways. JAN, in partnership with the University of Iowa's Law, Health Policy, and Disability Center (LHPDC), interviewed 1,182 employers between January 2004 and December 2006. In addition, JAN, in partnership with the West Virginia University School of Social Work (formerly School of Applied Social Sciences), interviewed 945 employers between June 28, 2008, and July 31, 2014. Employers in the JAN study represented a range of industry sectors and sizes and contacted JAN for information about workplace accommodations, the ADA, or both. Approximately eight weeks after their initial contact, the employers were asked a series of questions about the situation they discussed with JAN and the quality of the services JAN provided. The employers in the study reported that a high percentage (57%) of accommodations cost absolutely nothing to make, while the rest typically cost only $500.

DIRECT BENEFITS Retained a valued employee 90% Increased the employee's productivity 71% Eliminated costs associated with training a new employee 60% Increased the employee's attendance 54% Increased diversity of the company 41% Saved workers' compensation or other insurance costs 38% Hired a qualified person with a disability 13% Promoted an employee 9% INDIRECT BENEFITS Improved interactions with co-workers 64% Increased overall company morale 59% Increased overall company productivity 56% Improved interactions with customers 44% Increased workplace safety 44% Increased overall company attendance 41% Increased profitability 29% Increased customer base 17%

Source: Job Accommodation Network (Original 2005, Updated 2007, Updated 2009, Updated 2010, Updated 2011, Updated 2012, Updated 2013, Updated 2014). Workplace accommodations: Low cost, high impact. Retrieved 4-14-2015, from http://AskJAN.org/media/lowcosthighimpact.html

18 RESEARCH REPORT New Americans on Long Island – A Vital Fifth of the Economy by David Dyssegaard Kallick

fter several decades in the mid-20th century with little immigration, Long Island, like the country as a whole, has Figure 1. Aseen a significant increase in the immigrant share of the Immigrant share of economic output population in the past few decades. This has led to natural questions matches share of population about the role of immigrants in the local economy, as well as to misunderstanding about who immigrants on Long Island are and Long Island the economic roles they play.

In 2011, the Fiscal Policy Institute published the first version of this report as a response to these questions. The title was New Americans on Long Island: A Vital Sixth of the Economy. The title of this new report remains the same, but the subtitle must be updated to reflect the latest data: immigrants now make up a vital fifth of the Long Island economy.

In general, we see that immigrants are playing a slightly bigger role across the board than we saw in the previous study. The immigrant population, and in particular the immigrant share of the working- age population, is somewhat larger, and the economic contribution Nassau County is correspondingly larger.

Immigrants on Long Island are a comparatively affluent group, like Long Island residents in general. Nassau and Suffolk Counties are among the most affluent suburban counties in the United States— Nassau ranks 11th and Suffolk 34th among all U.S. counties, with overall median family incomes of $112,000 in Nassau and $98,000 in Suffolk—both far above the national median of $64,000.

Immigrants on Long Island have at the same time a lower income than other Long Islanders and a far higher income than most Americans. The median income for families with at least one immigrant adult on Long Island was $97,000 in 2013. That is below the median for Long Island families in which all family members Suffolk County were born in the United States ($119,000). Yet the immigrant family income on Long Island is fully 50 percent higher than the overall family income for the United States.

Immigrants make an economic contribution to Long Island that is closely proportionate to their share of the population. Immigrants work in a wide range of jobs, pay a substantial amount in taxes, and are slightly more likely than U.S.-born Long Islanders to be small business owners. On the other hand, not everything about immigration is positive: immigrants earn lower wages than similarly educated U.S.-born workers; there are considerable differences in outcomes for both U.S.- and foreign-born workers by race and ethnicity; and there is no doubt that undocumented immigrants are Figure 1: Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. working primarily in low-wage jobs. For detailed source notes, see appendix.

Figure 2. Figure 3. Growing share of working age population Immigrants make up a substantial share of all occupations and of economic output but uniformed services

Long Nassau Suffolk Figure 2: Island Working-age population Source: FPI analysis of 2000 Census and Executive, administrative, 18% 22% 14% 2009 and 2013 managerial ACS. Working-age population is 16-64 Professional specialty (incl. years old. The year 23% 25% 21% 2009 is included doctors, engineers, lawyers) Economic output because it is the Registered nurses, pharmacists, data year of a 23% 34% 12% previous FPI report. and health therapists It is a little more than halfway Teachers, professors, librarians, between 2000 and social scientists, social workers, 12% 13% 10% 2013. Lines mark and artists intervals of five percentage points. Technicians (incl.health, 24% 29% 20% White-collar jobs engineering & science) Sales (supervisors, real estate, 18% 21% 14% finance & insurance) New Americans on Long Island: A Vital Fifth of the Economy attempts to put these issues into perspective. It is our hope the report’s Sales (clerks & cashiers) 21% 28% 16% findings can help inform policy debates and lead to approaches Administrative support 15% 17% 12% that maximize the positive role of immigrants while minimizing (incl. clerical) negative repercussions for U.S.-born residents. Federal immigration Private household and reform discussions should be considered in light of an understanding 43% 54% 30% of both the positive role immigrants are playing and the areas where personal services there are legitimate concerns about negative impacts. State and Firefighters, police and 4% 5% 4% local policy debates about such issues as labor law enforcement or supervisors of protective services investment in English language programs might benefit, too, from a Guards, cleaning, and closer understanding of the economic role of immigrants. 31% 37% 27%

Service jobs building services Immigrant Contributions Food preparation services 33% 43% 26% Immigrants Are Pulling Their Weight in the Economy Dental, health, and nursing aides 38% 46% 33% Immigrants – authorized and unauthorized immigrants combined – make up 18 percent of the population of Long Island, and account Mechanics & repairers 51% 57% 46% for 20 percent of total economic output. Construction trades 27% 28% 26% The 291,000 immigrants living in Nassau County and 235,000 Precision production 35% 38% 34% living in Suffolk County combine to a total of 526,000 immigrants Machine operators 27% 35% 21% living on Long Island altogether. Fabricators 58% 59% 57% It may come as a surprise that immigrant contribution to the Drivers (incl. heavy equipment Long Island economy is in close alignment with, and even slightly Blue-collar jobs 53% 58% 49% greater than, the immigrant share of population. This proportionate operators) economic contribution is similar to what the Fiscal Policy Institute Construction laborers & other 32% 33% 31% has seen in national studies—in Immigrants and the Economy, material handlers for example, FPI found that immigrant share of population closely parallels immigrant share of economic output in the country’s 25 Farming, forestry & agriculture 37% 44% 31% largest metropolitan areas. (incl. gardeners) Farming The main factor driving this greater share of economic output is that Total 23% 27% 20% immigrants are considerably more likely to be of prime working age than their U.S.-born counterparts. This is true throughout the Figure 3: Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS.

20 Figure 4a. Figure 4b. Figure 4c. Half of immigrants work in Over half of immigrants Half of immigrants work in white-collar jobs, with wide variation in Nassau county white-collar jobs, with wide within group work in white-collar jobs variation within group

Long Island Nassau County Suffolk County

Figure 4a. Source: FPI analysis of 2009-13 ACS. Countries ordered by number of workers on Long Island. Thus, the largest number of immigrant workers are from El Salvador.

Figure 4b. Source: FPI analysis of Figure 4c. Source: FPI analysis of 2009-13 ACS. Countries ordered by 2009-13 ACS. Countries ordered by number of workers on Long Island. number of workers on Long Island.

United States as a whole, and it is particularly true on Long Island. Also important to consider is the role of immigrants as entrepreneurs. Immigrants make up 18 percent of the Long Island population, Immigrants make up a somewhat larger share of entrepreneurs than 23 percent of the working-age population, 23 percent of the labor their U.S.-born counterparts. And, although immigrant businesses force, and 20 percent of economic output. have on average lower earnings than businesses owned by U.S.-born If immigrants were all working in very low-paid, low-skilled jobs, Long Islanders, this is balanced by the fact that the share of small even this higher share of the labor force would not be enough to business owners is higher than the immigrant share of population result in such a strong economic performance. (and closer to the immigrant share of the labor force).

But, as will be seen in detail below, immigrants are far more widely Similar trends hold true for Nassau and Suffolk counties. In Nassau, spread across the economic spectrum than is generally recognized. immigrants make up 22 percent of the population, 26 percent of Immigrants do, on average, work in somewhat lower-skilled jobs those in prime working age, and 23 percent of total economic than their U.S.-born counterparts, and are paid less for their work output. In Suffolk County, immigrant share of the population is even at the same educational level, but the difference is not nearly 16 percent, share of prime working age is 19 percent, and share of as great as is sometimes imagined. economic output is 17 percent.

In looking at the economic Figure 5. role of immigrants, it is very Where Do Unauthorized Immigrants Work? important to recognize how Food Services, Construction, Retail, Child Care, and More diverse the range of immigrants on Long Island is. Immigrants Unauthorized Workers: Long Island Nassau Suffolk from different countries, for Employment by Industry example, have widely varying Arts, entertainment, recreation, experiences in the Long Island 9,000 17% 4,000 16% 5,000 17% accommodation, and food services labor market—in part because of ethnic niches established in Construction 9,000 17% 4,000 15% 5,000 17% particular jobs, in part because Retail trade 7,000 13% 3,000 13% 4,000 15% of varying levels of educational Educational, health, and attainment, and no doubt also 7,000 13% 3,000 13% 4,000 13% social services in part because some groups contain larger numbers of "Other services" 6,000 11% 3,000 12% 3,000 11% undocumented immigrants. All other 15,000 28% 6,000 26% 9,000 30% Overall, the majority of Civilian employed population 53,000 100% 23,000 100% 30,000 100% immigrants on Long Island ages 16 and older work in white-collar jobs. The Figures 5. Source: FPI tabulation of Migration Policy Institute analysis of data from the ACS 2012 5-year data balance—a little less than and the 2008 Survey of Income and Program Participation, by James Bachmeier of Temple University and half—work in blue-collar jobs, Jennifer Van Hook of The Pennsylvania State University, Population Research Institute. generally low-wage service jobs Note: “Other services” is the name of an industry category in the American Community Survey; it includes an or farming, fishing, and forestry assortment of jobs ranging from auto repair and car washes to barber shops, nail salons, laundry services, and jobs. work in private households. Yet, while slightly more than half (51 percent) of immigrants As Long Island’s immigrant population has grown, so too has on Long Island work in white-collar jobs, the same is true for immigrants' contribution to the economy. In particular, the immigrant just five percent of immigrants from Honduras, 19 percent of share of the working-age population (those 16 to 64 years old) runs immigrants from El Salvador (the group with the most immigrants in close parallel to the immigrant share of economic output. on Long Island), and 36 percent of immigrants from the Dominican Republic, for example. More than half of immigrants from Haiti (53 Immigrants Work in a Wide Range of Jobs percent) and Jamaica (51 percent) work in white-collar jobs, as do Immigrants who live on Long Island are working in a far wider range more than three quarters of those from Colombia (79 percent), India of jobs than is commonly recognized. Immigrants make up at least (82 percent), and Trinidad and Tobago (89 percent). As a point of 10 percent of all occupations except uniformed services. Immigrants comparison, about three quarters (71 percent) of U.S.-born workers make up 23 percent of all jobholders living on Long Island (the on Long Island hold white-collar jobs, and just a little more than a “total” line in Figure 3), and they make up 18 percent of generally quarter (29 percent) hold blue-collar, service or farming fishing and highly paid executive, administrative and managerial workers. forestry jobs. Immigrants are slightly overrepresented among technicians, and are strongly represented among doctors, engineers, and other A similar pattern holds true for Nassau and Suffolk Counties. In professional specialties (23 percent), and among registered nurses, Nassau, just over half (56 percent) of immigrants hold white-collar pharmacists, and health therapists (23 percent). jobs, as do just under half (45 percent) of immigrants living in Suffolk. In both cases, as on Long Island overall, these averages are Immigrants are significantly over-represented in some blue-collar a compilation of a diverse group of immigrants with widely varying and service jobs. Immigrants make up 58 percent of fabricators, 51 experiences. percent of mechanics and repairers, 43 percent of private households and personal services workers, 37 percent of gardening and farm It is more difficult to get an accurate read on where undocumented workers, 33 percent of food preparation services workers, and 32 immigrants are working, since they are of course not identified in percent of construction laborers and other material handlers (jobs Census Bureau data. In the previous edition of this report we showed that require less skill and are less well paid than construction trades data from The Pew Hispanic Center for three downstate counties jobs). Immigrants are substantially under-represented in just one combined—Westchester, Nassau, and Suffolk. Since that time the service category: the uniformed services, where just four percent of Migration Policy Institute has published county-level data that firefighters, police, and supervisors of protective services workers allows us to profile unauthorized immigrants in Nassau and Suffolk, are foreign-born. as well as to combine the two in an estimate for Long Island.

22 that includes child care, and home health care. Some 6,000 work in Figure 6. “other services,” which includes jobs in private households. And, The large majority of immigrants live in families with 28 percent work in other industries besides these. incomes over $80,000/year The data in the American Community Survey are not particularly LONG ISLAND Percentage Foreign well suited to account for farm workers, who are often seasonally Share of individuals in U.S.-born point or born percent employed. Using an approach based on the more appropriate Census families with incomes difference of Agriculture, Max Pfeffer, professor of development sociology at Under $20,000 5% 4% 1% Cornell University, has previously estimated that there are roughly $20,000 to $39,999 11% 6% 5% 3,500 farmworkers in Suffolk County, and perhaps another 200 in Nassau County. Of these, roughly 1,500 are seasonal workers— $40,000 to $59,999 12% 8% 4% some migrants, others finding local work in non-agricultural jobs $60,000 to $79,999 12% 10% 2% during the off season. A high proportion of the migrant workers $80,000 to $199,999 47% 52% -5% are estimated to be immigrants—perhaps 80 percent or more. $200,000 plus 14% 20% -6% Something on the order of two thirds of seasonal workers are estimated to be undocumented, as are some (but probably a smaller Median family income $96,800 $118,700 -18% portion) of the year-round farm workers.1 Nassau Under $20,000 4% 3% 1% On Long Island, a rather astonishing amount of attention has been given to the question of day laborers—people hired from shape- $20,000 to $39,999 11% 5% 5% up sites. While there are reasonable concerns about these shape- $40,000 to $59,999 12% 7% 5% up sites, it is important to note that immigrants hired in this way $60,000 to $79,999 12% 8% 4% make up less than one percent of all half-million immigrants on Long Island, and are in fact a small share even of undocumented $80,000 to $199,999 45% 51% -7% immigrants. $200,000 plus 16% 25% -9% Median family income $100,000 $132,000 -24% Indeed, of the 9,000 unauthorized immigrants working in construction on Long Island, only a portion are day laborers. In the Suffolk entire New York City metro area, the most comprehensive academic Under $20,000 5% 4% 1% study on the topic found in 2003 that there were roughly 6,000 $20,000 to $39,999 11% 6% 5% to 8,000 day laborers hired through shape-up sites. There are, of course, also some U.S.-born workers hired at shape-up sites, though $40,000 to $59,999 13% 9% 3% there is little doubt that the overwhelming majority of day laborers $60,000 to $79,999 11% 12% 0% are immigrants and that a high proportion are undocumented.2 $80,000 to $199,999 49% 53% -4% $200,000 plus 11% 16% -5% Most Immigrant Families Make Over $80,000/year Sixty-one percent of immigrants on Long Island live in families Median family income $92,100 $110,000 -16% with incomes of over $80,000 per year – 47 percent in families Figures 6. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. making between $80,000 and $199,999, and another 14 percent Rows may not sum due to independent rounding. making $200,000 or more. Among U.S.-born Long Islanders, the comparable figures are higher, but not dramatically so: 52 percent live in families making $80,000 to $199,999, and 20 percent in Unauthorized immigrants on Long Island are, as expected, generally families making $200,000 or more. Immigrant families are defined in low-wage jobs. It is worth noting, however, that they work across here as those with at least one immigrant adult. a range of industries including food services, retail, child care and home health care, and in private households. Some small number At the lower end of the income ladder, 16 of immigrants live in of undocumented workers, mostly visa-overstayers, work in higher- families making less than $40,000, compared to 10 percent for wage technical and professional jobs. U.S.-born Long Island residents.

Roughly equal numbers of unauthorized immigrants work in The picture is similar in both Nassau and Suffolk Counties, with construction and in the industry that contains food services and the majority of immigrants living in families making at least accommodation (this industry also includes arts, entertainment, $80,000 per year, in both cases less than the U.S.-born share, but and recreation)—in each case, about 9,000 unauthorized not as dramatically as might be expected. In Nassau, 15 percent of immigrants, or 17 percent of the total. Another 7,000 work in retail immigrants live in families with incomes of less than $40,000 a trade, and 7,000 in the educational health and social services sector year, and in Suffolk 16 percent.

Figure 7. Immigrants Often Earn 1/4 to 1/3 Less than U.S.-born Workers

Foreign Percent Share of Share of Long Island U.S.-born born difference foreign born U.S.-born Less than high school $28,000 $40,000 -30% 20% 3% High school $35,000 $50,000 -30% 25% 20% Some college $45,000 $55,000 -18% 20% 29% College completion $70,000 $76,000 -8% 19% 27% Advanced degree $95,000 $95,000 0% 17% 22% All $45,000 $65,000 -31% 100% 100% Foreign Percent Share of Share of Nassau U.S.-born born difference foreign born U.S.-born Less than high school $28,000 $40,000 -30% 18% 2% High school $34,000 $50,000 -32% 21% 17% Some college $42,000 $59,000 -29% 20% 26% College completion $73,000 $75,000 -3% 21% 30% Advanced degree $90,000 $95,000 -5% 20% 24% All $46,900 $68,000 -31% 100% 100% Foreign Percent Share of Share of Suffolk U.S.-born born difference foreign born U.S.-born Less than high school $27,000 $40,000 -33% 23% 3% High school $35,000 $50,000 -30% 29% 22% Some college $50,000 $55,000 -9% 19% 31% College completion $65,000 $78,000 -17% 16% 24% Advanced degree $100,000 $96,000 4% 13% 20% All $44,000 $62,000 -29% 100% 100%

Figure 7. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS.

Looking at individuals rather than families shows that immigrants income, while living in larger family units helps make middle-class earn on average 31 percent less than their U.S.-born neighbors in life more affordable. Nassau, 29 percent less in Suffolk, and 31 percent less on Long Island as a whole. After correcting for level of educational attainment, Nativity and education play a role in wage differentials, but so does the earnings differential looks much bigger for those with less the way immigrants fit into American racial and ethnic categories. education, while among those with a college degree immigrants Looking at earnings by nativity as well as by race and ethnicity, whites earn eight percent less and among those with an advanced degree and Asians have the highest annual earnings. Indeed, foreign-born they have achieved parity on Long Island as a whole. whites and U.S.-born Asians have slightly higher earnings than U.S.- born whites on Long Island. But blacks and Latinos earn considerably One important factor in understanding immigrant family income less, whether they are immigrants or born in the United States. is immigrant families have on average more working adults than their U.S.-born counterparts, whether these are older children Indexing other groups to the level of U.S.-born whites shows that, or extended families. On Long Island, 28 percent of immigrant on Long Island, foreign-born blacks earn 66 percent of the wages families have at least three adults working, compared to just 18 of U.S.-born whites. U.S.-born blacks earn 71 percent, foreign-born percent of families in which all family members were born in the Latinos earn 52 percent, and U.S.-born Latinos 74 percent of the United States. Having more family members working raises family wages of U.S.-born whites.

24 Figure 8. Figure 9. Immigrant families have more family members working Race and ethnicity can make as much difference as nativity Foreign-born U.S.-born Earnings of group as LONG Median annual LONG ISLAND a share of earnings earnings ISLAND of U.S.-born whites 2 family members work 39% 42% Foreign Foreign U.S.-born U.S.-born 3 or more family members work 28% 18% born born Nassau County Total $43,000 $62,000 66% 95% 2 family members work 41% 42% White $66,000 $65,000 102% 100% 3 or more family members work 26% 18% Black $43,000 $46,000 66% 71% Suffolk County Latino/Hispanic $34,000 $48,000 52% 74% 2 family members work 36% 42% Asian $60,000 $70,000 92% 108% Median annual 3 or more family members work 31% 17% Nassau earnings Figures 8. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Foreign Foreign U.S.-born U.S.-born born born Nearly Half of Immigrants are College-Educated Total $45,000 $65,000 64% 93% The total number of workers with high school or less is shrinking, White $70,000 $70,000 100% 100% with immigrants filling in as more U.S.-born workers attend college. Immigrants are on average less likely than U.S.-born workers to Black $50,000 $53,000 71% 76% have experience in college. Among Long Islanders 25 years and Latino/Hispanic $33,600 $53,000 48% 76% older, about half of immigrants (47 percent) have some college or Asian $55,000 $68,000 79% 97% more, compared to 68 percent of U.S.-born residents. Median annual Suffolk earnings Immigrant Small Business Ownership Foreign Foreign Immigrants are not just employees; they are also small business U.S.-born U.S.-born born born owners. Of the 62,000 small businesses located on Long Island, 14,000—23 percent—are owned by immigrants, generating earnings Total $42,000 $60,000 67% 95% of $1.06 billion, or 18 percent of all small business owners’ earnings. White $65,000 $63,000 103% 100% Small business is here defined as people who are self-employed, and Black $37,000 $41,300 59% 66% whose full-time job is to run their own incorporated business. The data refer to the years 2009-13 combined, to give a big enough sample Latino/Hispanic $35,000 $45,000 56% 71% to look at detailed industries of businesses (Figure 11a). Asian $71,000 $73,000 113% 116%

In Nassau, immigrants own 28 percent of all small businesses Figures 9. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Earnings are indexed to the located in the county, generating total earnings for business amount earned by U.S.-born whites. For example, in Suffolk County, owners of $651 million, or 22 percent of all small business owners’ foreign-born whites earned 103 percent of what U.S.-born whites earned. earnings. In Suffolk immigrants own 18 percent of the county’s small businesses, generating total earnings of $409 million, or 14 What kinds of businesses do immigrants own? On Long Island, percent of the earnings of small business owners. the biggest numbers are in professional and business services. Immigrants make up 18 percent of small professional and business Immigrant small businesses tend to be somewhat smaller than services business owners. Immigrants make up 28 percent of all those of U.S.-born owners, so immigrant owners’ share of small retail store owners and 23 percent of small business owners in business earnings is not as high as the immigrant share of small educational, health and social services. Immigrants make up a business owners. third (32 percent) of small business owners in arts, entertainment, recreation, accommodations and food services. Immigrant-owned small businesses on Long Island have been growing as immigration has grown: immigrants made up 18 percent Looking at the detailed industry categories in Figure 12, the type of all business owners on Long Island in 2000 and 23 percent by of small business most dominated by immigrant owners is nail 2013, growing from 11,000 to 14,000 small businesses. salons—80 percent of all nail salons on Long Island that are small

businesses are owned by immigrants. Fifty percent of services to Figure 10. buildings and dwellings that are locally owned by an individual are About half of immigrants have some college or more owned by immigrants. So are 42 percent of restaurants, 28 percent of landscaping services companies, 24 percent of physicians’ offices, Long Island 21 percent of individually owned and incorporated construction businesses, and 19 percent of real estate companies. This analysis includes all small businesses with 400 or more immigrant small business owners.

Some of these businesses rely heavily on family members to make them run, and some pay employees very low wages. Yet, it is also clear that some types of immigrant-run businesses—such as restaurants and retail stores—are exactly the kinds of enterprises that bring life to streets and add a cosmopolitan flavor to downtowns. Immigrant businesses have played an important role in spurring the revival and growth of areas such as Hicksville, Brentwood, Hempstead, Nassau County and Patchogue.

Immigrants’ Property Tax Payments There is a scarcity of rental housing available on Long Island, so it is perhaps to be expected that most immigrants own their own homes. Indeed, 73 percent of immigrants on Long Island live in owner-occupied housing, as do an even higher share—85 percent— of U.S.-born Long Islanders. This figure is the same for Nassau and varies by only about a percentage point for Suffolk (Figure 13.).

Among homeowners, the median property taxes paid by immigrants and U.S.-born households is the same in both Nassau and Suffolk Suffolk County Counties. However, because the level is higher in Nassau and more immigrants live in Nassau, the overall median for property taxes paid on Long Island is actually higher for immigrant homeowners than it is for U.S.-born homeowners.

Looked at by a different measure: on Long Island as a whole, immigrant homeowners were as likely as their U.S.-born counterparts to pay over $10,000 in property tax—40 percent of immigrants and 40 percent of U.S.-born homeowners paid over $10,000 in property tax in 2013. In Suffolk 48 percent of each group pays over $10,000 in property taxes, while in Suffolk 33 percent of U.S.-born and 30 percent of foreign-born families pay that much (Figure 14a.). Figure 10: Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS.

Figure 11a. Immigrants are small business owners

Long Island Nassau Suffolk Small business Small business Small business Small Small Small earnings earnings (in earnings businesses businesses businesses (in millions) millions) (in millions) U.S.-born 48,050 $4,824 22,019 $2,323 26,031 $2,501 Foreign-born 14,448 $1,060 8,583 $651 5,865 $409 Total 62,498 $5,884 30,602 $2,974 31,896 2,910 Percent foreign-born 23% 18% 28% 22% 18% 14% Figure 11a. Source: FPI analysis of 2009-13 ACS.

26 Renters do not pay property tax Figure 11b. directly, but rent helps landlords What kind of small businesses do immigrants own? defray the cost of the property Immigrant Immigrant-owned tax bill. Long Island immigrants LONG ISLAND owned share of all small paid a median rent of $1,300 businesses businesses in industry per household in 2013, with Agriculture, forestry, fishing & hunting n/a n/a an average of 3.1 people living Construction 2,428 21% in the household. The median Manufacturing 733 26% rent paid by U.S.- born Long Islanders in rental housing was Wholesale trade 626 21% the same, but with an average Retail trade 2,035 28% of 2.1 people living in each Transportation and warehousing 579 34% household (Figure 14b.). Information and communications n/a n/a Finance, insurance, real estate 725 13% It is, of course, difficult to estimate directly the taxes paid Professional, scientific, management, administrative, and waste management 2,545 18% by undocumented immigrants. Educational, health and social services 1,558 23% A 2011 study based on the Arts, entertainment, recreation, accommodations, and food services 1,439 32% tax model of the nonpartisan Other services 1,670 35% Institute on Taxation and Total 14,448 23% Economic Policy estimating the taxes paid by undocumented Nassau County immigrants showed that Agriculture, forestry, fishing & hunting n/a n/a undocumented immigrants Construction 1,303 30% in New York State paid a Manufacturing n/a n/a total of $104 million in state Wholesale trade n/a n/a personal income taxes, $95 million in property taxes, and Retail trade 1,231 34% $463 million in sales taxes. On Transportation and warehousing n/a n/a average, the model estimated Information and communications n/a n/a that undocumented immigrants Finance, insurance, real estate 637 20% paid $2,000 per family in state Professional, scientific, management, administrative, and waste management 1,420 19% and local taxes in New York, the bulk of it in sales tax. The Educational, health and social services 993 24% study is based on a detailed Arts, entertainment, recreation, accommodations, and food services 722 36% model that estimates that at Other services 1,008 45% least half of undocumented Total 8,583 28% immigrants pay income taxes Suffolk County — a conclusion reached in an economic report published by Agriculture, forestry, fishing & hunting n/a n/a the Bush Administration in Construction 1,124 16% 2005.3 Manufacturing n/a n/a Wholesale trade n/a n/a In addition to state and local taxes, about half of Retail trade 805 23% undocumented immigrants Transportation and warehousing n/a n/a are estimated to pay federal Information and communications n/a n/a income tax. In addition, the Finance, insurance, real estate n/a n/a Social Security Administration Professional, scientific, management, administrative, and waste management 1,125 17% estimates that roughly half of all undocumented immigrants Educational, health and social services 565 22% have payroll taxes withheld— Arts, entertainment, recreation, accommodations, and food services 716 28% the biggest tax on low-wage Other services 662 26% workers. Because these taxes Total 5,865 18% are paid using false Social Figure 11b: Source: FPI analysis of 2009-13 ACS.

In the United States as a whole, 28 percent of all Figure 12. immigrants were born in Mexico—making Mexicans Immigrant small businesses by detailed industry the predominant group of immigrants, though still far from the majority. On Long Island, however, no Foreign-born All small Foreign-born single group of immigrants predominates in the same small business business share owners owners way. The top seven countries of birth for immigrants on Long Island are El Salvador (14 percent); India (7 Nail salons and other personal 462 578 80% care services percent); and the Dominican Republic (5 percent). In a pattern quite different than for the United States as a Services to buildings 446 888 50% whole, Mexicans make up a very small part of the Long and dwellings Island immigrant population—about 11,000 total, just 2 Restaurants and other food 1,232 2,944 42% percent of the overall immigrant population. In Nassau services County, the top seven countries of birth are El Salvador, Landscaping services 539 1,908 28% India, the Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Haiti, Italy, and China. And, in Suffolk County, the top seven Offices of physicians 524 2,144 24% are El Salvador, Ecuador, the Dominican Republic, Construction 2,428 11,457 21% India, Haiti, Guatemala, and Italy. On Long Island as a whole and in each of the counties, the top seven Real estate 468 2,442 19% groups together comprise about 40 percent of the total; Total 14,448 62,498 23% another 60 percent of immigrants come from countries other than these top groups, that is to say from a wide Figure 12. Source: FPI analysis of 2009-13 ACS. range of countries each of which makes up less than four percent of the total. Security numbers, among other reasons, undocumented immigrants are highly unlikely ever to receive Social Security benefits, so this Latinos make up 41 percent of immigrants on Long Island as a money goes into the Social Security suspense file. The Social whole: 35 percent in Nassau, and 49 percent in Suffolk. But Security Administration’s chief actuary estimated that the payroll immigrants are also substantially represented among all major taxes of undocumented immigrants resulted in a net gain of $12 ethnic and racial groups, while U.S.-born residents are highly billion to Social Security in a single year.4 concentrated among whites.

Who are Long Island’s immigrants? Turning the fraction the other way around, the majority of Latinos Immigration is a significant and diverse part of Long Island’s on Long Island were born in the United States: Fewer than half of population. Immigrants make up 18 percent of the population of Latinos are immigrants (45 percent on Long Island, 48 percent in Long Island overall – 22 percent of the population of Nassau and Nassau, 43 percent in Suffolk). About 25 percent of blacks in each 16 percent of the population of Suffolk (Figure 15.). of the three regions are immigrants.

Figure 13. Most immigrants live in homes they own

Long Island Nassau County Suffolk County

Figure 10: Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS.

28 Figure 14a and 14b. The second is a story of immigration in the Immigrants pay property taxes suburbs. The number of immigrants living on Long Island has increased in every decade going Long Island Nassau Suffolk back to 1900. But the immigrant share of the population has changed dramatically, from a peak Foreign Foreign Foreign U.S.-born U.S.-born U.S.-born born born born of 23 percent in 1910 to just 8 percent in 1970. The drop in immigrant share during this period is not Median $8,500 $9,500 $9,500 $9,500 $8,500 $8,500 property taxes due to a decrease in the number of immigrants; it is due to a slow-growing number of immigrants in Number of 604,844 139,020 266,675 78,682 338,169 60,338 the context of a fast-growing population of U.S.- households born residents. Average number of people 2.8 3.7 2.8 3.6 2.8 3.9 After 1970, the trends in Long Island’s two counties per household diverge. In Nassau the U.S.-born population Percent who began to decline, while in Suffolk the U.S.-born pay $10,000 40% 40% 48% 48% 33% 30% population continued to grow. Both areas saw or more continued growth in the immigrant population. Renters also help cover property tax costs, and immigrant rents are not low In Nassau, between 1970 and 2013 the total Long Island Nassau Suffolk population stopped growing, and in fact declined Foreign Foreign Foreign a little, by 77,000. The U.S.-born population drop U.S.-born U.S.-born U.S.-born born born born of 250,000 was offset by an increase of 173,000 immigrants in the county. Median rent $1,300 $1,300 $1,300 $1,300 $1,300 $1,200 Number of In Suffolk, the trend from 1970 was continued households 134,918 56,765 62,294 30,938 72,624 25,827 growth of both U.S.- and foreign-born populations, that rent but with the foreign-born growing at a faster pace. Average number Between 1970 and 2013 the U.S.-born population of people 2.1 3.1 2.1 3.2 2.1 3.0 of Suffolk increased by 214,000 and the foreign- per household born population increased by 160,000. Figure 14a and 14b: Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Long Islanders who grew up in or moved to the area around the 1970s have experienced a very rapid Figure 15. increase in the immigrant share of the population. Immigrant share of population Immigrants in 1970 made up just 8 percent of Total Percent Long Island’s population, a century-long lowpoint. Foreign born population foreign born By 2013, that share was 18 percent. The number of immigrants on Long Island has leveled off in Nassau 291,011 1,351,448 22% recent years in response to the national recession, Suffolk 234,798 1,499,214 16% and perhaps also due to increasingly aggressive immigration law enforcement. Long Island 525,809 2,850,662 18% Figure 15. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Unauthorized Immigrants on Long Island According to FPI’s analysis of the Migration Policy Immigration and Suburban Population Growth Institute county-level estimates of unauthorized This isn’t the first time Long Island has received new immigrants. immigrants, there are 76,000 unauthorized immigrants living on Looking back at the population trends on Long Island of the past Long Island—34,000 in Nassau and 42,000 in Suffolk. This means century reveals two major stories. The first is a story of suburban the unauthorized share of the immigrant population is higher in growth. The total population of Long Island grew through the early Suffolk, since there are more immigrants overall in Nassau. part of the 20th century, but really took off exponentially during the 1950s and ’60s as Long Island was at the leading edge of a About half of the unauthorized population is from Central America national trend toward suburbanization. By the 1970s, Long Island’s (which, in the Census and MPI tabulation, includes Mexico). population had more or less reached a plateau; Suffolk County Another 20 percent are from South America, 16 percent from Asia, continued to grow after 1970, but at a much more modest pace than and 13 percent from all other regions. in the prior decades.

Number of Share of all NASSAU immigrants immigrants Figure 16a, 16b, 16c. El Salvador 2 9,719 10% Immigrants come from around the world India 2 6,276 9% Dominican Republic 16,094 6% Jamaica 15,519 5% Share Haiti 13,619 5% Number of LONG ISLAND of all immigrants Italy 11,095 4% immigrants China 11,041 4% El Salvador 73,550 14% Philippines 10,323 4% India 36,751 7% Colombia 10,144 3% Dominican Republic 27, 213 5% Honduras 9,410 3% Jamaica 23,307 4% Guatemala 8,389 3% Haiti 22,892 4% Iran 7,741 3% Korea 6,672 2% Ecuador 20,515 4% Pakistan 6,475 2% Italy 19,419 4% Ecuador 5,852 2% Colombia 18,241 3% Germany 5,689 2% Guatemala 17, 547 3% Mexico 5,634 2% China 17,126 3% Guyana/British Guiana 5,339 2% Honduras 14,666 3% Trinidad and Tobago 5,067 2% Countries with Philippines 14,496 3% 80,913 28% fewer than 5,000 Pakistan 13,889 3% Total 291,011 100% Korea 11,590 2% Number of Share of all SUFFOLK Peru 11,028 2% immigrants immigrants Mexico 10,984 2% El Salvador 43,831 19% Germany 10,576 2% Ecuador 14,663 6% Iran 9,288 2% Dominican Republic 11,119 5% Trinidad and Tobago 8,535 2% India 10,475 4% Haiti 9,273 4% Poland 8,119 2% Guatemala 9,158 4% Guyana/British Guiana 7,077 1% Italy 8,324 4% Ukraine 6,279 1% Colombia 8,097 3% Canada 5,439 1% Jamaica 7,78 8 3% Ireland 5,090 1% Pakistan 7,414 3% Taiwan 5,080 1% China 6,085 3% Countries with fewer Peru 6,066 3% 3% 107,112 20% than 5,000 Mexico 5,350 2% 2% Total 525,809 100% Honduras 5,256 2% 2% Countries with 81,899 35% Figure 16a, 16b and 16c. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. fewer than 5,000 Total 291,011 100%

30 Figure 17. New York State peaked, according to this analysis, in 2004, and has declined since then.5 Most immigrants are not Latino, and most Latinos are not immigrants Immigrants Learn English Over Time LONG Share of immigrants Share of whites/ Immigrants on Long Island who do not already speak who are white/black/ blacks/Latinos/Asians ISLAND English when they come to the United States generally learn Latino/Asian who are immigrants to speak the language if they stay. More than half (57 percent) White 23% 6% of immigrants living on Long Island who have been in the United States for at least 10 years either speak only English Black 12% 25% at home or speak English “very well,” a level that is generally Latino/Hispanic 41% 45% considered to be equivalent to proficiency. In Nassau, that Asian 22% 68% figure is 58 percent and in Suffolk it is 55 percent. In all three cases, an additional share of 20 to 22 percent report speaking Other 1% 17% English “well,” a level that indicates at least some English Total 100% 22% language ability.

Share of immigrants Share of whites/ Not surprisingly, the ability to speak English well improves NASSAU who are white/black/ blacks/Latinos/Asians Latino/Asian who are immigrants over time. By the time immigrants have been here ten years or more, 57 percent can speak very well or speak only White 22% 8% English, and another 21 percent speak well. Black 14% 28% Among unauthorized immigrants, about half report Latino/Hispanic 35% 48% speaking English not at all or very little, while the other half Asian 27% 67% are divided about equally between speaking “very well” and “well,” in both Nassau and Suffolk counties, according to Other 2% 20% data from the Migration Policy Institute. Total 100% 22% Share of immigrants Share of whites/ Most Immigrants are U.S. Citizens SUFFOLK who are white/black/ blacks/Latinos/Asians More than half of foreign-born Long Islanders have become Latino/Asian who are immigrants naturalized U.S. citizens. Naturalized citizens 18 years and White 24% 5% older are eligible to vote, which means there are 279,000 eligible voters on Long Island who are immigrants, including Black 10% 21% 167,000 in Nassau and 112,000 in Suffolk. Latino/Hispanic 49% 43% Asian 17% 70% The children of immigrants are overwhelmingly U.S.-born, and thus citizens by birth. Of the children living in families Other 1% 13% with at least one immigrant adult, 89 percent were born in the Total 100% 16% United States (90 percent in Nassau, 88 percent in Suffolk).

Figure 17. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. “Share of immigrants who are Looked at a different way: today, 32 percent of all children white/black/Latino/Asian” can be read, for example, to see that 23 percent of on Long Island are living in a family with at least one immigrants living on Long Island are white. “Share of whites/blacks/Latinos/ Asians who are immigrants” can be read to see that 6 percent of white people immigrant adult, as are 38 percent of children in Nassau and living on Long Island are immigrants. 27 percent in Suffolk.

Long Island towns: A wide range of experiences In Suffolk, there are four to five thousand unauthorized immigrants This report has focused on Long Island as a whole, and on from Guatemala, Mexico, and Ecuador, and in Nassau, there are an Nassau and Suffolk counties. But, each of Long Island’s towns has estimated 2,000 unauthorized immigrants from India. its own character.

A recent analysis of the trends in unauthorized immigration at Hempstead, which is the biggest town, also has the most immigrants. the state level by Robert Warren and John Robert Warren shows Hempstead also has among the highest immigrant share of the that the unauthorized immigration is much more sensitive to population, at 22 percent, though both North Hempstead (at 29 economic conditions and enforcement trends than the flow of legal percent) and Glen Cove City (at 33 percent) are higher. By contrast, immigration. The number of unauthorized immigrants living in Smithtown has just 10,000 immigrants, making up 9 percent of

a population of 118,000. The only other town with as small an Figure 18. immigrant share of the population is Southold. The outlier period for immigration on Long Island is the mid-20th century Figure 24 presents the number of immigrants and the immigrant share of the population for the various Long Island towns and Long Island cities. For this analysis, we use the American Community Survey’s 2013 3-year data, which allows for more detailed analysis.

Notes 1 Max Pfeffer has conducted extensive research on the farm economy and rural communities of New York. Estimates of the number of farm workers in the downstate suburbs were calculated by Professor Pfeffer, at FPI’s request, for the 2011 version of this report. Pfeffer’s findings are broadly consistent with the recent study of Hudson River farm workers, which found 71 percent of farm workers in the Hudson Valley to be undocumented and 21 percent to be guest workers. See Margaret Gray, with Emma Kreyche, The Hudson Valley Farmworker Report, (Annandale- on-Hudson, New York: Bard College Migrant Labor Project in association with Adelphi University, 2007). 2 Estimate of unauthorized immigrant population on Long Island Nassau County is from the Migration Policy Institute’s Data Hub, Unauthorized Population Profiles, County-level, based on the 2012 American Community Survey. Estimates of day laborers from Abel Valenzuela, Jr. and Edwin Meléndez, “Day Labor in New York: Findings from the NYDL Survey,” Community Development Research Center of the New School University, and Center for the Study of Urban Poverty of the University of California, Los Angeles (4/11/2003). 3 “Unauthorized Immigrants Pay Taxes, Too: Estimates of the State and Local Taxes Paid by Unauthorized Immigrant Households,” Immigration Policy Center (4/18/2011), based on data from the model of the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. Estimate per family was provided to the Fiscal Policy Institute by the Institute for Taxation and Economic Policy, for this report. 4 Stephen C. Goss, Letter to the Honorable Richard J. Durbin Suffolk County (6/5/2007), p. 3, cited in Paul N. Van de Water, “Immigration and Social Security,” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (2/20/2008). 5 Robert Warren and John Robert Warren, “Unauthorized Immigration to the United States: Annual Estimates and Components of Change, by State, 1990 to 2010,” International Migration Review (2/15/2013).

Appendix – Note on sources Data in this report are drawn primarily from the Public Use Microdata file of the 2009 American Community Survey (ACS). In some instances, summary data from the 2010 ACS was used.

Figure 1. Immigrant share of economic output matches share of population. FPI analysis of 2003 ACS. Working age is 16-64 years old. Economic output is derived from wage and salary and Figure 18. Source: FPI analysis of Census historical data and 2013 ACS. proprietors’ income.

32 Figure 19. Unauthorized immigrants come from around the world, with more from El Salvador than from any other single country

Long Island Nassau Suffolk

Central America 39,000 51% 17,000 50% 22,000 52% (includes Mexico) El Salvador 17,000 9,000 8,000 Guatemala n/a n/a 5,000 Mexico n/a n/a 5,000 South America 15,000 20% 6,000 18% 9,000 21% Ecuador n/a n/a 4,000 Europe/Canada/Oceania 4,000 5% 2,000 6% 2,000 5% Asia 12,000 16% 7,000 21% 5,000 12% India n/a 2,000 n/a All other 6,000 8% 2,000 6% 4,000 10%

Total 76,000 100% 34,000 100% 42,000 100%

Figure 19. Source: FPI tabulation of Migration Policy Institute analysis based on ACS 2012 5-year data.

Figure 2. Growing share of working age Figure 20. population and of economic output. FPI analysis of 2000 Census and 2009 and 2013 ACS. Unauthorized immigration is down in recent years in response to the recession and increased enforcement Figure 3. Immigrants make up a substantial share of all occupations but uniformed Unauthorized Immigrants in New York State services. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS, based on occupational categories defined in Immigrants and the Economy (Fiscal Policy Institute 2009). Universe: Long Island residents 16 years of age and older employed in the civilian labor force.

Figures 4a, 4b, and 4c. Half of immigrants work in white-collar jobs, with wide variation within group. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS 5-year data. Figure 3 indicates jobs in “white-collar” and “other” occupations; for detailed explanation of occupational categories see Immigrants in the Economy, Fiscal Policy Institute, 2009. Universe: Long Island residents 16 years of age and older employed in the civilian labor force.

Figure 5. Where do unauthorized immigrants work? FPI analysis of data from the Migration Policy Institute’s Data Hub: Profile of the Figure 21. Source: FPI chart based on Robert Warren and John Robert Warren, "Unauthorized Immigration to the United States: Annual Estimates Unauthorized Population by County, which is and Components of Change, by State, 1990 to 2010," International Migration Review, based on ACS 2012 data and data from the Survey February 15, 2013. of Income and Program Participation.

Figure 6. The large majority of immigrants live in families Figure 21. earning over $80,000 per year. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Universe: Primary families with at least two related members in Within ten years, most immigrants speak English very well or speak only English a household. Foreign-born families are families with at least one foreign-born member who is 18 years of age or older. Incomes are in 2009 dollars. Long Island Figure 7. Immigrant workers often earn 1/4 to 1/3 less than U.S.-born. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Universe: Long Island residents, age 25 and older who are employed full-time (at least 35 hours per week) and year-round (at least 50 weeks per year) in the civilian labor force. Incomes are in 2013 dollars.

Figure 8. Immigrant families have more working adults. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Universe: Primary families with at least two related members in a household. Foreign-born families are families with at least one foreign-born member who is 18 years of age or older.

Figure 9. Race and ethnicity can make as much difference as nativity. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Universe: Long Island Nassau County residents, age 16 and older, who are employed full-time (at least 35 hours per week) and year-round (at least 50 weeks per year) in the civilian labor force. Incomes are in 2013 dollars.

Figure 10. About half of immigrants have some college or more. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Universe: Long Island residents, age 25 and older. (Shares differ from those in figure 9, which refer not to all residents 25 and older but all full-time, year-round workers 25 and older.)

Figures 11a and 11b. Immigrants are small business owners. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS 5-year data. Universe: Self-employed incorporated business owners who have their business on Long Island, but may live elsewhere. Total earnings are derived from wage and salary and proprietors’ income. Businesses by detailed industry are all those with over 500 immigrant small Suffolk County businesses.

Figure 12. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS 5-year data.

Figure 13. Most immigrants live in homes they own. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS.

Figures 14a and 14b. Immigrants pay substantial property taxes; renters also help cover property tax costs. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Property taxes are top-coded at $10,000 and are in 2013 dollars. Nativity of household head determines nativity of household.

Figure 15. Immigrant share of population. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS.

Figures 16a, 16b, and 16c. Immigrants come from around Figure 21. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. the world. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS.

34 Figure 22. Half or more of foreign-born adults have become naturalized U.S. citizens

Number Share Number Share Number Share All foreign-born Long Island Nassau County Suffolk County Naturalized U.S. citizen 289,250 55% 172,394 59% 116,856 50% Non-citizen 236,559 45% 118,617 41% 117,942 50% Foreign-born adults (18+) Naturalized U.S. citizen 278,749 56% 166,760 60% 111,989 50% Non-citizen 221,790 44% 111,389 40% 110,401 50% Figure 22. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS.

Figure 23. The vast majority of children living in immigrant families were born in the United States, and a significant share of all kids live in immigrant families

Long Island Nassau County Suffolk County All children on Long Island 669,144 310,913 358,231 Children living in immigrant families 214,509 118,570 95,939 Born in the United States 191,187 106,970 84,217 Foreign-born 23,322 11,600 11,722 Percent of children living in immigrant families who were born in the U.S. 89% 90% 88% Percent of all children on Long Island who live in immigrant families 32% 38% 27% Figure 23. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS.

Figure 24. Immigration levels vary significantly among Long Island’s towns and cities

Total Population Foreign-born Foreign-born share Nassau County Glen Cove City 27,135 9,009 33% Hempstead 764,671 166,339 22% Long Beach City 33,484 5,540 17% North Hempstead 227,892 66,940 29% Oyster Bay 295,381 45,670 15% Suffolk County Babylon 213,971 40,819 19% Brookhaven 488,264 57,639 12% East Hampton 22,142 4,206 19% Huntington 203,776 27,142 13% Islip 336,455 64,502 19% Riverhead 33,642 4,360 13% Smithtown 118,269 10,079 9% Southampton 57,483 11,182 19% Southold 22,117 1,930 9% Figure 24. Source: FPI analysis of 2013 ACS 3-year data.

Figure 17. Most immigrants are not Latino, and most Latinos Figure 22. Half or more of foreign-born adults have become are not immigrants. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. naturalized U.S. citizens. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS.

Figure 18. The outlier period for immigration on Long Island is Figure 23. The vast majority of children living in immigrant the mid 20th century. For 1900 to 1980, the NYC Department of families were born in the United States, and a significant share Planning; for 1990 to 2013, FPI analysis of Census and ACS. of all kids live in immigrant families. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Families are defined as primary families with at least two related members in a household. Foreign-born families are families with Figure 19. Unauthorized immigrants come from around the at least one foreign-born member who is 18 years of age or older. world. FPI analysis of data from the Migration Policy Institute’s Figure 24. Immigration levels vary significantly among Long Data Hub: Profile of the Unauthorized Population by County, which Island’s towns and cities. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS 3-year data. is based on ACS 2012 data and data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation.

Figure 20. Unauthorized immigration is down in recent years. Source: FPI chart based on Robert Warren and John Robert Warren, David Dyssegaard Kallick is director of the Immigration Research “Unauthorized Immigration to the United States: Annual Estimates Initiative at the Fiscal Policy Institute in Manhattan and Visiting Assistant Professor at Pratt Institute. and Components of Change, by State, 1990 to 2010,” International Migration Review (2/15/2013). REGIONAL LABOR REVIEW, vol. 17, no. 2 (Spring/Summer 2015). © 2015 Center for the Study of Labor and Democracy, Hofstra University Figure 21: Within ten years, most immigrants speak English very well or speak only English. FPI analysis of 2013 ACS. Universe is immigrants five years of age and older.

36 BOOK REVIEW New Technology, Deskilling and Economic Power

The Glass Cage: Automation and Us, by Nicholas Carr. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2014.

Reviewed by Russell Harrison

his book looks at automation in a number of industries economic rationality, and the market” (113). This view “portrays (airline, automobile, health care, financial services, law, technological development as an autonomous and neutral technical Tarchitecture etc. Carr’s thesis, in a nutshell, suggests that process on the one hand, and a coldly rational and self-regulating automation poses a number of threats that have not been adequately process, on the other, neither of which accounts for people, power, examined in the rush to attain increased “efficiency.” He further institutions, competing values, or different dreams” (193-4). Carr argues that the issue of de-skilling has been almost completely acknowledges this in his brief discussion of Harry Braverman’s overlooked. Indeed, he makes an interesting point when he asserts Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the that de-skilling is built into many workplace practices. Twentieth Century. But Braverman based his thesis on the Boss/ Worker essential antagonism, the capitalist’s need to get as much One thing that all of his examples reveal is the tremendous hype work as possible out of the worker. that accompanies the introduction of any new technology in the field of automation. To take but one example: In the field of health Carr’s book lacks a similarly sharp focus on power imbalances that care, the introduction of electronic medical records (EMR) was might have constructed a more sustained and coherent structure touted, by the RAND corporation, as having the potential of saving out of the building blocks of his various examples. Overall, though, “more than $81 billion annually [my emphasis] and improve [ing] his book is useful for showing the downside of automation in a the quality of care” (92). This was in 2005. In 2013, a second number of fields and the similar challenges it poses to working RAND report acknowledged that “quality and efficiency of patient people across many industries. care are only marginally better” (94). Further, and arguably just as significant, are the unintended consequences. One striking example follows: “Before doctors had software to prompt them, they were less likely to add an extra charge for certain minor procedures. Russell Harrison is Assistant Professor of Writing Studies and The procedures were subsumed into more general charges—for Composition, Hofstra University. an office visit, say, or a yearly physical. With the prompts, the individual charges get added to the invoice automatically” (94). REGIONAL LABOR REVIEW, vol. 17, no. 2 (Spring/Summer 2015). © 2015 Center for the Study of Labor and Democracy, Hofstra University One excellent point that Carr makes, while obvious, is too little appreciated. Quoting the historian David Noble who described a Pollyannaish view founded on “a simple faith in objective science,

37 xxxxBOOK REVIEW Boomerang Kids & Global Youth Unemployment

The Accordion Family: Boomerang Kids, Anxious Parents, and the Private Toll of Global Competition by Katherine S. Newman (Beacon Press, 2012)

Reviewed by Zachary Prout

n an radio interview about her new book, Katherine Newman the finances of young adults. Most do not claim it is so far the norm told NPR than an accordion family is best defined as “a for the baby boom generation to have young adults back in the Imultigenerational household in which you have adult children house, but they recognize that current conditions have left young over the age of 21 living with their parents”. In her exploration of people with limited options: the growing frequency of such households here and abroad, she tries to identify the relationship between why adult children in their “Adults who came of age in an earlier era are not likely to twenties and thirties return to (if they ever leave) their parents’ think this [feeling of adulthood] is an adequate substitute for home and the increased economic globalization of recent years. the real thing. But they too are co-conspirators in the effort to The author searches across varied political and cultural spectrums develop this psychological side. All too aware of how much in order to better note the unique results that different societies harder it is to afford education and residential autonomy than have yielded. it was back in the day, American parents join their Spanish counterparts in recognizing that life is simply more costly Newman, a professor of sociology at Johns Hopkins University and today, the job market is problematic, and all that combines to author of ten books on economic instability and urban poverty, has limit the capacity of their kids to do what they did in the no shortage of experience studying the social repercussions of distant past.” (98). recent economic trends, and The Accordion Family does not disappoint. Intended for the parents of boomerang children as well The parents of the boomerang kids show much empathy for their as policy makers, the book moves from intensive interviews of children. While some admit that they wish for a “launch” of their multigenerational households of different nationalities and income offspring, many know that the barriers to entry are high and levels to evaluation of wider survey data to assessments of the cumbersome. There is no doubt that children become adults, but if national consequences of delayed aging and even intergenerational the traditional, more static definition is becoming quickly downward mobility. unattainable until later in life, then there is no choice but to accept a modern classification focused more on a psychological state. And Newman begins by asking a sample of different individuals in if a postponed move out of Mom and Dad’s house is one of the different countries how they see “adulthood” and the cultural results of scarce jobs, stagnant wages and unaffordable housing, a conventions that go with it. It appears that the definition varies shift to a more multigenerational model may benefit the entire around the globe. Alanzo, from the Italian city of Legnaro, claims, household if adult children’s income can help keep the family “You are [an] adult when you think you have something to do for afloat. Newman additionally cites the demand for a certain level of your family, when you take your responsibilities and when you comfort, “Young people seem to have concluded that it is better to understand you are mature” (32). However, Robert, from Denmark stay at home than experience a loss of creature comforts. The decides that, “At some point you start feeling that everything Eurobarometer asks respondents about the role of ‘home comforts should make sense. A sort of unity. Then I think you get to the point with the responsibilities’ as a factor in delayed departure and more [where you are an adult], when you start to get the meaning of than 30 percent of all respondents (over 40 percent in Greece and things” (75) . Are the days gone of adulthood only being identified Italy) agreed that this was one reason to ‘stick around” (115). Young as station in which an individual is married, becomes a parent, and adults want to be home because it is much more comfortable than has a real job? Newman believes so. In the globalized world we live striking out in the wild on their own and having to furnish their in today, she contends that the real definition evolves with time. A own homes, which are most likely not as nice as what they are used challenging job market and volatile housing market has torn into to. And parents are happy to both be able to see their children grow

38 and also possibly use them as another source of income (although particularly at the state level, has been withdrawing steadily from small) if necessary. Could it be a win-win situation for all, or are its financial support” (199). there other problems that are going unseen? Katherine Newman does an excellent job of mostly relaying the Newman goes further and begins to acknowledge the increased information and personal testimonies she uncovered in a widely cost of higher education in the United States, and how it has accessible manner while keeping her personal judgments separate. exceeded average rates of inflation. With students and parents However, in each chapter’s conclusion and at the book’s end, she looking to minimize costs of expanding knowledge, more American allows the reader a glimpse of her own perspective and of the youth turn to living at home rather than going away to college. Even policy changes she favors. I really enjoyed this style of presentation. in Europe, where the public has been able to pride itself on low It allows the reader to interpret the research in their own way, but tuition costs, recent austerity measures may dictate jumps in tuition then also examine the thoughts of the investigator. It is clear, costs. Newman notes: “Faced with shutting down entirely or though, that Newman has her own strong, relatively left-wing raising tuition, those universities that believe they can exact fees beliefs about the current state of the global economy:” similar to American private universities are rapidly moving in that direction. Those that cannot command tuition at that level are “As labor markets become more strained, wages fall, and unlikely to survive” (132). It is not as if these colleges and higher education and job training become less accessible, the universities are simply looking to nickel and dime their students, pathways to adulthood become that much harder to pilot. but instead it is a survival tactic so the professors and school Where are today’s twenty- and thirty-somethings going to take employees do not lose their jobs as well. These several catalysts, refuge? In the weak welfare states of countries like Spain, mixed with weak welfare states, will yield a boom in accordion Italy, and Japan, it is a safe bet that they will continue to live families, says Newman. A shorter list of options with exponentially with their parents. The trend has been growing in the United growing global competition will continue to undermine the ability States as well, and we can expect it to continue as long as the for young adults to move out on their own. underlying economic conditions contributing to it gather force. Our young people will have few other options.” (196) But what happens if these boomerang children never leave, and are forever living on their parents’ tab? Who will take care of the adults To Newman, the boomerang children trend is a problem reflecting if their children never gain financial independence? Newman declining upward mobility, weak economic growth, and a general considers the implications: undermining of shared social progress. From her look at Spain, Italy, and Japan, she seems to conclude that these conditions are “As age thirty approaches, nervous parents begin to wonder unlikely to be solved by the free market economy alone. Newman whether in-house adulthood has an expiration date. The more calls on U.S. policymakers to act before we start to follow the they reckon with the limitations of their budgets and the unenviable path of the “weak welfare states”. In the Nordic looming costs of retirement, the less sanguine they can afford countries, she observes: “We see no signs of the accordion family to be about the persistent financial dependence of the in the Nordic nations because there is no need for the family to act millennial generation, now many years past what boomer as a private safety net. A very effective public safety net is there to parents have regarded as the normative age of autonomous cushion the blows of globalization” (198). That is, a publicly adulthood”. (166) subsidized safety net for millennials and young professionals seeking to set out on their own is Newman’s solution. She feels In fact, in Japan, low youth employment has started to weigh on the that with increased government spending on struggling youth, real pension benefits of elders. If the younger generation is not working change that is tangible and measurable will come about. The free much, who will feed the social programs that society needs to market will simply not right itself in this case. sponsor individuals in need? Newman is frightened for the developments of Japan, with a rapidly aging population and less If society is truly tired of millennials moving back in with their and less people willing to support it. In the United States, she parents for years, then what should or can be done?. A challenging thinks we have mostly fared better. Our immigration-fueled economic climate has left many young adults with limited options population growth, safety net programs and public housing and footing the bill will continue to fall on the shoulders of Mom subsidies still offer more opportunities for jobs and independent and Dad. The U.S. may have recovered job losses from the Great living than in the weaker welfare states. However, Newman Recession faster than most European nations, but with more worries that American youth face an uncertain future as extreme inequality and many obstacles to youth job prospects. conservatives’ attacks on many government programs have Perhaps this explains why Newman seems to struggle to really intensified: “We are a long, long way from the Nordic model, and conclude the book, hence the economic insecurity that afflicts our twenty- and thirtysomethings contributes to the growth of the accordion family. “The messy politics of the accordion family remain unresolved, Higher education is increasingly expensive, and government, both here and abroad. They are enmeshed in the same

inequalities that beset the advanced economics of the Western in the long run? Allowing millennials years of cheap free world. Those at the top of the economic heap can afford to schooling creates delayed employment, and that is the exact purchase a high-quality education for their children, support problem being faced at home. Does “adulthood” need to be them as they experiment with internships and international redefined? The only conclusion readers are left with about travel, connect them to occupational opportunities, and accordion families is that their continued growth may have shelter them from the storm of globalization”. (202) unforeseen economic consequences, but the range of public support they can count on may not be sustainable for long. This leaves much of the population out of the picture. And for millennials, Newman says: “the jury is out”. She sees the U.S. in a unique position. On one side are the weak welfare states burdened by large economic liabilities and offering little Zachary Prout is a senior finance major at the Zarb School of opportunity for the jobless left to fend for themselves. The other Business, Hofstra University. way, we see the much stronger welfare states of Northern Europe, where heavy subsidies for youth schooling and job placement have REGIONAL LABOR REVIEW, vol. 17, no. 2 (Spring/Summer 2015). so far seemed to work. But is the cost of these programs worth it © 2015 Center for the Study of Labor and Democracy, Hofstra University

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40 Labor Studies at Hofstra University

Earn a Hofstra University Certificate in Labor Studies

The world of work is rapidly changing, as are modern relationships among workers, between workers and labor unions, and between labor and management. Labor Studies is an interdisciplinary program designed to offer students up-to-date understanding of today’s workplace in an international context. The valuable skills acquired will prove useful in careers in labor unions, government, labor law, education, and human resource management.

The new Hofstra Certificate in Labor Studies is a special, affordable offering designed for adults who are not presently enrolled as full-time degree-seeking Hofstra undergraduates, but who instead wish only to take 1 or 2 courses per semester in a focused program of study on labor-management relations, union organization and operations, and related legal and socioeconomic issues. The Certificate is granted after successful completion of 5 required courses (Introduction to Labor Studies; Introduction to Management; Labor and Employment Law; Collective Bargaining; and Labor Economics) and 1 elective.

Advantages: v Outstanding courses taught by a distinguished full-time faculty v Regularly scheduled late afternoon and evening undergraduate courses. v Undergraduate B.A. degree credit option available for the normal tuition. v Highly regarded specific training of value in many careers.

HOW to REGISTER REGISTRATION IS EASY: By telephone: if you wish, you may register using a major credit card by calling: 516-463-5993; By Internet: download a reg. form from the web site: www.hofstra.edu/ucce. Mail or fax it to: 516-463-4833. Cost: Only for this special non-credit certificate, course tuition is just $450. Courses may be taken for credit at the standard rate. For information on the certificate program.

For more information on the program, email [email protected], or visit our website: www.hofstra.edu/laborstudies

41 CALENDAR Local & National Events: Spring-Summer 2015

NY METRO

March 24-26, 2015 – “The George W. Bush Presidency,” A three-day conference featuring scholars, policy makers, and journalists for a series of panels and roundtables to discuss a president's campaign, political leadership, policy agenda, and legacy. Organized by the Hofstra Cultural Center. For info., call 516/463-5669 or visit: www.hofstra.edu/community/culctr.

April 14 – “Equal PayDay 2015: Job Challenges of Women With Disabilities:” Carol Boyer, Senior Policy Analyst, US Dept. of Labor, and Julie Yindra, Director of Hofstra’s Services for Student With Disabilities, speak at Hofstra. In this 25th anniversary year of the Americans With Disabilities Act, opens a forum on the employment challenges of working women with disabilities. At 2:20–3:45 pm in the Leo A. Guthart Cultural Center Theater (Axinn Library, 1st floor), Hofstra U. Join the discussion in this free annual event presented by Hofstra’s Labor Studies, Women’s Studies & Disability Studies Programs, the Hofstra Cultural Center, and the National Center for Suburban Studies. No reservations. For more information, visit: hofstra.edu/laborstudies or e-mail questions to [email protected].

May 1 – “Mayday At The Movies: Comedy & Tragedy At Work,” the 14th annual labor film festival at Hofstra, showcases new and classic movies on work and working people's lives. At 11 am – 6 pm in the Guthart Cultural Center Theater, Student Center, Hofstra U. Free admission, no reservations. For a film schedule, visit www.hofstra.edu/laborstudies.

May 15 – Labor & Employment Relations Association of Long Island Annual Conference. Starts 9 am, at Tam O’Shanter Club, Brookville, NY. Featured speaker: Margaret Gray, author of Labor and the Locavore: Toward a Comprehensive Food Ethic. Scholarships awarded to top Labor Studies students from Hofstra, LIU and SUNY. For info. call: 516/746-9307, or visit: www. lilera.org.

June 4-5 – NYU Law School’s 68th Annual Labor & Employment conference: “Who Is An Employee? Who Is an Employer?” Starts 8:20 am at Vanderbilt Hall, Macdougall at East 3rd St., Manhattan. For info.: email [email protected].

June 18 – Labor & Employment Relations Association of Long Island Meeting. Starts 6 pm at location to be announced. For info. call: 516/746-9307, or visit: www.lilera.org.

July 26-31 – 40th annual Northeast UALE Summer School for Union Women. Five-day residential program of trainings and events at Queens College, Flushing, NY. For info., email: [email protected].

Sept. 5 – Labor Day Parade. Starts at 11 am., Fifth Avenue and 44th Street, Manhattan. For info., see www.nycclc.org.

NATIONAL

March 25-28 – “Local to Global: Working in a Changing World,” the United Association for Labor Education (UALE) annual conference. In Orlando, FL. For proposal submissions, registration or other info., visit: www.uale.org

May 28-31 – LERA 67th Annual Meeting, “Evolving Workplace Relations: Connecting Research to Best Practices,” in Pittsburgh, PA. For info. visit www.leraweb.org.

42 RELEASE DATES FOR MONTHLY LABOR MARKET INDICATORS

2015 NATIONAL REGIONAL RELEASE U.S. Employment Job Openings NYC/LI Metro NYC/LI Metro DATE & Unemployment & Turnover Real Earnings Jobs Count Unemployment

APRIL 3 7 17 16 21 M AY 8 12 22 21 27 JUNE 5 9 18 18 23 JULY 2 7 17 16 21 AUGUST 7 12 19 20 25 SEPTEMBER 4 9 16 17 22

Sources: National Statistics – U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS): The Employment Situation; Job Openings and Labor Turnover (JOLT); Real Earnings; and Metro Area Employment & Unemployment. http://www.bls.gov NY State and Local Statistics – NY State Dept. of Labor: Monthly Press Release. http://www.labor.state.ny.us.

NOTE TO READERS: If you know of upcoming labor-related meetings or conferences, collective bargaining contract expirations or renewals, or other events you would like considered for our next Calendar, please send us a brief description, together with the time, place, contact person, and their telephone number. Either fax this information, with a cover sheet addressed to Regional Labor Review, to fax # 516-463-6519; or email us at: [email protected].

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43 CALL FOR PAPERS

The Regional Labor Review, a refereed multidisciplinary journal now in its 17th year of publication, invites submissions of original articles on a range of subjects that we hope to explore in upcoming issues. These include the following: v The Affordable Care Act in New York: Recent Job and Health Insurance Effects v 25 Years of the Americans With Disabilities Act: How Has It Affected Employment of Disabled Workers? v Case studies of workplace privacy issues v Minimum wage and living wage policy impacts v Immigrant workers: their impacts on local industries and on unionization v Racial, ethnic, and gender inequalities in earnings and occupational status v Labor Law: Case studies of recent influential cases with broad implications v Union organizing successes and failures: recent case studies of a specific industry or a large employee v Labor History of New York City & its metropolitan region in the 19th and/or 20th centuries

We welcome articles on these issues in a national and international context, so long as their relevance to New York workers is made clear. Articles should be 1,000-7,000 words in length and written in a clear style, without academic jargon, and accessible to a broad audience. All text, tables, charts, and references should be consistent with earlier issues of RLR (see our Style Sheet, available online at: www.hofstra.edu/cld). Three print copies should be submitted along with a PC diskette copy (formatted in Word for Windows). Manuscripts can only be returned if a self-addressed, stamped envelope is enclosed. Copyright can revert to author upon publication.

Please send papers or article proposals to: Regional Labor Review 200 Barnard Hall 104 Hofstra University Hempstead, NY 11549 Or email to: [email protected].

For a sample of recent articles, email us for a free sample of our latest issue and visit our archive of past articles on the website: www.hofstra.edu/cld.

44 Take the fast track to a professional career

Earn both a Hofstra B.A. and an M.B.A. in just five years – with big savings in time and tuition.

Hofstra undergraduates may now enroll in a dual-degree program, combining their studies toward a Labor Studies B.A. degree with work toward a Master of Business Administration. The dual-degree program can be completed in five years. Qualified students who major in labor studies and who are admitted to the M.B.A. portion of the dual-degree program may substitute up to 14 semester hours of M.B.A.-level graduate course work for an equal number of hours of undergraduate courses toward the completion of the B.A. degree.

Five-year Dual-degree Program in Labor Studies (B.A.) and Business Administration (M.B.A.)

For more information, please contact the Labor Studies Program at [email protected] or visit hofstra.edu/laborstudies

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46 Center for the Study of Labor and Democracy 104 Hofstra University, Hempstead, NY 11549

The Center for the Study of Labor & Democracy, publisher of the Regional Labor Review, is a research institute that aims to contribute to public education and debate about important labor issues. CLD pursues a distinctively interdisciplinary approach to labor problems and institutions, extending from the local Long Island and New York City labor markets to the national and global economies. This approach is designed to both inform and stimulate discussion of policy alternatives that promote sustainable improvements in living standards, fairness in economic opportunities, and democratic decision-making processes throughout the world.

The Center’s Main Activities Include: v sponsorship of original research projects v designing and implementing surveys v organizing lectures, workshops, seminars, debates, and conferences v publication of the Regional Labor Review and a working papers series v hosting visiting international scholars v maintaining an active web site on the Internet: http://www.hofstra.edu/cld v serving as a resource center for and active liaison between students, researchers, community and labor organizations, employers, and government officials

Director & Research Associates Greg DeFreitas (CLD Director), PhD in Economics, Columbia University Debra Comer, PhD in Organizational Behavior, Yale University Niev Duffy, PhD in Economics, New York University Robert Guttmann, PhD in Economics, University of London Sharryn Kasmir, PhD in Anthropology, City University of New York Cheryl R. Lehman, PhD in Accounting, New York University Martin Melkonian, MS in Economics, New School for Social Research. Bhaswati Sengupta, PhD in Economics, North Carolina State University Marc Silver, PhD in Sociology, Columbia University Lonnie Stevans, PhD in Economics and Statistics, Oklahoma State University Martha Weisel, JD, St. John’s University James Wiley, PhD in Geography, Rutgers University

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