Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021

Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021, pp. 83-92 P-ISSN: 0854-0039, E-ISSN: 2407-5825 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v31i1.27500

Land Regulations in the Sultanate Rijksblad In the Second Decade of the 20 Century

Nur Aini Setiawati Universitas Gadjah Mada, nur.aini.fi[email protected]

Article history Abstract: Land regulations are made to organize life together in the community hoping that Received : 2020-12-02 there are regulations that can provide legal certainty and resolve agrarian conflicts. However, Accepted : 2021-03-19 in feudal times, the theory of royal property (vorstendomein) and royal property rights Published : 2021-03-31 (vorsteneigendoormsrecht) said that all royal lands belonged to the king. Since the signing of the Giyanti treaty in 1755, the has made rules to regulate life in the communities en- Keywords shrined in Rijksblad. erefore, it is necessary to study land regulations during feudal times Rijksblad as part of the history of legal changes and developments in Yogyakarta society. Using the Land Regulations historical research method and the law approach through the Rijksblad, this research shows e Yogyakarta Sultan- that even though the land regulations in the feudal era said that the king was the absolute ate owner of the land, the Sultan had made the rules.

Abstrak: Pengaturan pertanahan dibuat untuk menata kehidupan bersama dalam masyara- kat dengan harapan ada regulasi yang dapat memberikan kepastian hukum dan me- nyelesaikan konflik agraria. Namun, pada zaman feodal teori kepemilikan kerajaan (vorstendomein) dan hak milik kerajaan (vorsteneigendoormsrecht) mengatakan bahwa semua tanah kerajaan adalah milik raja. Sejak penandatanganan perjanjian Giyanti pada tahun 1755, Sultan telah membuat aturan untuk mengatur kehidupan masyarakat yang dia- badikan di Rijksblad. Oleh karena itu, perlu dikaji regulasi pertanahan pada masa feodal sebagai bagian dari sejarah perubahan dan perkembangan hukum di masyarakat Yogyakar- ta. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah dan pendekatan hukum melalui Rijksblad, penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa meskipun peraturan pertanahan pada zaman feodal menyatakan bahwa raja adalah pemilik mutlak atas tanah, namun yang dibuat oleh Sultan adalah peraturannya.

Cite this article: Setiawati, N.A. (2021). Land Regulations in the Yogyakarta Sultanate Rijksblad In the Second Decade of the 20 Century. Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31 (1), 83-92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v31i1.27500

INTRODUCTION e second decade of the XX century is a new period in land law in the Yogyakarta Sultanate undergoing changes. e change was that the Kasultanan and Pakuala- man Governments granted anggaduh rights to the villages (article 3 paragraph 1) turned into andarbeni rights or andarbeni authorities (Rijksblad Kasultanan No. 6/1926 & Rijksblad No. 26 of 1925). As for land that is outside the pro- visions of Article 3 paragraph 1 does not include the authority of the village (Rijksblad Kasultanan No 11 of 1911 & Rijksblad Pakualaman No 15 of 1919), however, the village can request to be converted into village land or people's land, if the Government is Kasultanan or Pakualaman do not wear it. Such is the change in land law that occurred in Yogyakarta. Previously, in discussing land ownership in the Yogyakarta region, it is neces- Available online at sary to note that it relies heavily on the king's power that is characterized by tradi- http://journal.unnes.ac.id/ tion. e concept of a king's power is not far from the definition of power in gen- nju/index.php/paramita

83 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021 eral, which is absolute. e king is a legislator, en- lives to achieve a just, prosperous, and orderly life. forcer of laws, and at the same time as a judge In the feudal era, land in the Sultanate of Yogyakar- (Moedjanto, 1987, p. 77). us, the power of a king ta and Pakualaman, which was part of the former seems great and unlimited. e people recognize Swapraja in Yogyakarta, was regulated by a law the king as the owner of everything, both property called Rijksblad Kasultanan Year 1821 Number 16 and the people who use the land in their territory. and Rijksblad Puro Pakualaman Year 1821 Number e king as the ruler of all the land in his ter- 18. ritory then took part in the land and labor (kawula). Rijksblad is a regulation used to organize the However, in its development, the control and own- life of the people of Yogyakarta during the reign of ership of land by the king transformed, especially the Sultanate and Pakualaman. us, Rijksblad is a aer the agrarian reorganization was held. Commu- legal product of an autonomous region and not a nities are allowed to own land privately. Likewise, result of the law of indigenous peoples. e Sultan- with foreign nations, they are allowed to manage ate and Pakualaman areas were called Swapraja the land they occupy. is is related to the under- areas because they were self-governing areas. is standing of the concept of property rights based on situation causes the status of SG and PAG land not e Dutch Civil Code (Burgerlijk Wetboek) which to be transferred to the state because that land can- emphasizes that land ownership is in the hands of not apply the UUPA. the government. Rijksblad was used by the Sultan and Along with the rule of foreign nations, espe- Pakualaman to administer land in their territory. In cially Europe in , it rose to two views re- the theory of the king's property (vorstendomein) garding land control. e cultural power of the king and the property of the king (vorsteneigendoorms- as the leader in the land of was the recht) which are deeply rooted in society, it is said absolute ruler of the land. On the other hand, the that all royal land is for the king and the property of colonial government as the ruler of the colonial the king. e domain rights for the Sultan to land state also considered all the land in Indonesia to ownership rights in the Special Region of Yogyakar- belong to the colonial ruler as well. More precisely, ta have existed since the Giyanti agreement was following the Domein Verklaring principle that was signed in 1755. is condition has resulted in an applied by the colonial government to claim land understanding that the king is everything. As stated belonging to the bumiputra group, both rights to by Rouffaer who put forward the theory of vorsten- individuals and common law associations could not domein (king's property rights) that the king owns prove who owned it to become state land. us it the land throughout the kingdom (G.P. Rouffaer). can be understood that the policy of applying the is view is in line with Kusumoharyono's opinion, Domein Verklaring theory was based on the fact which states that people only have the right to use that the Dutch government considered the kings in forever and cannot sell their land to other parties Indonesia who had domineering power over land (Kusumoharyono, 2006). Likewise, Ong Hok Ham so that the domain’s rights were automatically tak- argued that according to absolute tradition, the en up by the Dutch. Furthermore, based on this king was the sole owner of the land. theory, the colonial government could lease lands In Traditional times there are several types of to onderneming companies on a larger scale. land ownership, namely narawita land (land owned erefore, in connection with the Domein by the king) and lungguh land (the land was given Verklaring principle, there is a new understanding to employ the nobles or officials). e pattern of that a person who cannot prove the land he con- land ownership and ownership in as such, can- trols, then the land concerned is state land. If the not be released with the authority of a king as a rul- land is controlled by the state, the state can lease it er. e Sultan is the absolute ruler over the land in or control it. In connection with this, various kinds his territory. In the management of the land, the of land rights have emerged, including Eigendom king ordered his servants to manage the land in his rights, Opstal rights, Erfpacht rights, collection territory. rights (vruchtgebruik), and mortgage rights Aer the colonial administration in Indone- (Setiawati. 2001, p. 18). sia, the colonial government carried out an agrarian e definition of law is a set of rules used in reorganization by issuing the 1870 Agrarian Law. regulating life together in society, the implementa- is Agrarian Reorganization has shown that there tion of which can be enforced with punishments is a modernization process in the agrarian sector (Sudikno Mertokusumo). us, a law is a set of reg- which has a broad impact on the people of the Spe- ulations that have the aim of managing people's cial Region of Yogyakarta. e agrarian reorganiza-

84 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021 tion carried out by the Dutch colonial government METHOD had an impact on the people, namely the people is research was conducted to explain Rijksblad as who initially only used land with the status of culti- the land law in Yogyakarta. is research is library vating rights (anggadhuh) to ownership rights research. e method used is the historical method, (andarbe). As for the Dutch colonial government, which consists of four steps, namely heuristics, veri- an agrarian reorganization was used for the eco- fication, interpretation, and historiography, verifi- nomic interests of its government, at which time cation, interpretation, and historiography. the Dutch colonial government was also carrying Heuristics is an activity to look and find the out ethical politics. us, the land reorganization in necessary resources. is activity is done to find 1870 can be said to have overthrown the feudal sys- and collect traces of events that reflect various as- tem in the natural system. In the early days of feu- pects of past activities. e goal is that the frame- dalism's collapse, land conflicts were characterized work of understanding obtained based on relevant by individual land disputes, ranging from issues of sources can be formulated clearly, completely, and use, inheritance, purchase, and sale of land to thoroughly. e sources used in this paper are pri- claims of the people against . mary and secondary. e primary sources used Aer Indonesian independence, especially were the Rijksblad published by the Sultanate and aer the reorganization in 1960, land in the Special Pakualaman. Meanwhile, the secondary source is Region of Yogyakarta, both urban and rural areas, the testimony of anyone who is not a witness, underwent a fundamental change due to ownership namely witnesses who were not present at the inci- and control. Agrarian rearrangement in this period dent (Gottschalk, 1986, p. 43). Another definition was made to eliminate dualism in the Agrarian law, of secondary sources is a source that comes from namely common law and Agrarian law based on the writings of historians and other scientists that Western law. In this period, Agrarian conflicts in are relevant to the research topic. Efforts to find D.I. Yogyakarta were increasingly structural. us, sources relevant to this research were conducted at the existence of Agrarian reorganization has impli- the Central Library of Gajah Mada University cations for an increase in land conflicts in Yogya- (UGM), St. Ignatius Library, Yogyakarta Li- karta. brary, Para Pakualam Library, and private library. Research on land law has been conducted by Secondary sources used in this study include Wasi- several authors including Huda (2000), Sari (2016), no (2008), Suhartono (1991), and Huda (2000). Jati (2014). e research has emphasized various e next stage is source criticism or the veri- land laws and various political, cultural, social is- fication as a source testing step and critically ana- sues in a broader way that are different from the lyzing the authenticity of the sources that have been research I have conducted. is paper will explain collected (Kuntowijoyo, 1995, p. 99). Source criti- and analyze the ins and outs of Rijksblad as the cism eventually provides a conclusion to make a land law in D. I. Yogyakarta. e main questions in decision. this paper will be who made Rijksblaad, how, when, e next stage is the interpretation of the var- and where, and for what it was made. ious facts that exist in historical sources as an effort Departing from this background, the subject to assemble the evidence that has been discovered matter of this paper is what is meant by Rijksblad, and determined through external and internal why Rijksblad appears, when Rijksblad appears, source criticism to become an interconnected where and when Rijksblad appear. Yogyakarta as a meaning. is evidence is arranged, linked with vorstenlanden or praja kejawen received different other evidence so that they appear as a series of log- treatment than other areas in the . ical proof and show meaning. Interpretation is very Yogyakarta is one of the vorstenlanden areas, from close to subjectivity. At this stage, in seeing a story, the other three regions, all of which are termed ca- historians are required to suppress subjectivity tur sagatra. As for what is meant by catur sagatra (Pranoto, 2010, p. 37). includes (1) the Yogyakarta Sultanate; (2) Surakarta e final stage is historiography as an imagi- Sunanate; (3) Praja ; and (4) native reconstruction phase looking at the past Kadipaten Pakualaman. Regarding legal issues based on the data obtained by going through the there, it was mentioned at the beginning that there process of critically examining and analyzing the are differences from other areas. Apart from the legacy records obtained (Gottschalk, 1986, p. 32). decision of the Dutch East Indies Government, the e purpose of historiography is to write the results Rijksblad also applies which is studied in depth in of the interpretation so that it becomes an objective the following discourse. historical story so that later it will form a historical

85 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021 story. At the historiography stage, it is necessary for gupermen katiti mangsan ning 27 September 1921 the writer to have technical skills in using quota- angka 2x (setatblad angka 566) bab pranatan tum- tions, notes, critical and analytical, and think in de- rap kang digolongake kawulane kanjeng gupermen tail so that the descriptions presented are related to ing bawahe paprentahan Jawa ing paresidhenan one another. is stage is the final stage for the Surakarta lan Ngayogyakarta” It can be seen that writer to present the facts of the Rijksblad content there are three signatures in it, first on the right side into historical writing. there is Kanjeng Gusti Pangeran Adipati Arya Pakualam. Second, the le side is Kanjeng Tuwan DEFINITION OF RIJKSBLAD Residhen Ngayogyakarta. ird, at the bottom mid- Rijksblad is a word from Dutch which can mean a dle between the two signatures is Pepatih Dalem, royal chapter. e contents are about the regula- Raden Mas Tumenggung Brata Atmaja. is means tions that apply in Vorstenlanden, in this context is that the signature of the Pepatih Dalem is the cru- the Yogyakarta Sultanate and the Kadipaten cial signature that determines whether the Rijksblad Pakualaman. e Yogyakarta Sultanate Rijksblad can be issued or not. It can also be seen that the prevails in the cities of the Sultanate, Yogyakarta three people who signed it were people involved in Regency, Bantul, Gunung Kidul, and Kulon Progo. the process of making Rijksblad (Rijksblad Meanwhile, the RPA applies in the city of Pakuala- Pakualaman Number 8 of 1921). man and Adikarto Regency (Suryo et al., 2013, p. So, why was Rijksblad made? Rijksblad was 144). also created to regulate the Yogyakarta Sultanate Each year, 1 volume of the Rijksblad is made. and the Kadipaten Pakualaman as an institution, e number of regulations contained in it ranged along with the people in it. is is because the from three to over ten of the regulations issued by words of the Sultan and Pakualam were heard more the Sultan and Pakualam. us, it can be seen that by the people than the words of a resident of West- the Sultan and Pakualam were given the freedom to blooded Yogyakarta who had been labeled a colo- issue Rijksblad . However, it should be noted that nizer. It is like the son's earth will listen to the son's the freedom referred can be said to be conditional earth, so will the West who listens to the West. Be- because there is the role of a Pepatih Dalem as a sides, Rijksblad was also made as a form of affirma- rijksbestuurder. is, at the same time, implies the tive action to complement, accompany, add to, or placement of the Dalem Pepatih indirectly also replace regulations made by the Dutch East Indies shows that there is an intervention in the policies of Government that did not apply in Vorstenlanden the Sultan and Pakualam. us, it can be under- (Antoro, 2014, p. 435). A simple example can be stood that a Patih Dalem has an essential position. seen in the Rijksblad Kasultanan Number 16 of is very significant position was what the Dutch 1918 and Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 18 of tried to take advantage of. e information that 1918 which accompany (a) the Domeinverklaring appeared indicated that Pepatih Dalem could be Rule; (b) Staatsblad Number 179 of 1875; (c) used; therefore it could not be separated from the Staatsblad Number 474 of 1915; and (d) Burgelijk control of the Dutch East Indies Government to- Wetboek made by the Dutch East Indies Govern- wards the Sultan and Pakualam. Even though the ment (Murniatmo et al., 1989, p. 58; Hadisuprapto, Pepatih Dalem is bumiputra, it could be that his 1976, p. 8). loyalty is in the Western camp (Nugroho et al., Viewed historiographically, Rijksblad can be 2018, p. 79). interpreted as a source of local historiography, in Pepatih Dalem really has the most important this case Yogyakarta during the colonial period. position in the Rijksblad , even more important Local historiography is a reflection of the culture of than the Sultan and Pakualam. is can be seen the local community in various aspects, including from the analysis of the signature structure in each social, economic, cultural, political and legal. e Rijksblad which can be seen from the top to the word local is oen connoted with traditional, alt- bottom signature. e most important person, usu- hough there is already an intellectual awareness in ally the signature is at the bottom. For example, in it (Kartodirdjo, 1983, p. IV). e connotation with RPA Number 8 of 1921 concerning people classified the traditional is not because of the existence of as the people, several signatures are seen on the myths or oral traditions, but because of several tra- back. As an example of the learning about “Bab ditional historiographical features contained in the kang digolongake kawulane kanjeng gupermen ing Rijksblad . e characteristics referred to include sajrone paresidhenan Surakarta lan Ngayogyakarta. regional or regional and religious-centric or palace- Bab anglumrahake nawala kakancingane kanjeng centered regions (Mulyana & Darmiasti, 2009, pp.

86 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021

34-38). ese two characteristics were also used as a No. 16 years 1918 below: means of strengthening the ties between the Sultan Sakabehe bumi kang ora ana tanda yektine kadar- and / or Pakualam and the people. It can be an al- be ing liyan mawa wewenang eigendom, dadi bumi ternative to answer challenges to grand narratives kagungane ingsun Ngayogyakarta. about the dynamics of power (Nordholt, Purwanto, & Saptari, 2013, p. 2). at is the dynamics of the All the land that is not proven to be owned by some people with eigendom rights belongs to the relationship between the power holders, namely the Yogyakarta Palace. (Rijksblad Kasultanan Num- Sultan and/or Pakualam, with the people. Local ber 16 of 1918; Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 18 historiography can be used as a reference for histor- of 1918). ical writing. Also, it can be used to make compari- In simple terms, the Yogyakarta Sultanate sons between periods (Djajadiningrat, 1983, pp. 318 and the Kadipaten Pakualaman are divided into -319). e reason is, each period must have a differ- two parts, namely central and external. Included in ent era spirit which was created from the cultural the central part are Negara Agung and Bumi Nara- movement (zeitgeist) (Kartodirdjo, 1983, p. IV). wita. e great country is the center, while Bumi Besides, the spirit of the Rijksblad era was not only Narawita is the center which is the special residence created from cultural movements, but also from the for the royal aristocrats (Carey, 2019, p. 315; movement and dynamics of the Dutch-Indian scale Tauchid, 2009, p. 180). e buildings that belong to which was converted into local scales, to be precise the Sultan or Pakualam are oen referred to as the Yogyakarta scale. e concepts in Rijksblad Keprabon buildings, which are also divided into reinforce its presence as local historiography, in- two, namely Tanah Keprabon and Tanah Dede cluding concepts related to land. Keprabon (Notoyudo, 1975). Keprabon Land (Crown Domein), is the land that cannot be given LAND REGULATION IN RIJKSBLAD rights and cannot be inherited because it is part of e Rijksblad contains various regulations, one of an attribute of government. Examples include the which is related to land affairs. e linkages are ex- core complex of the Keraton, namely performances, pressed through the concepts. Say there is the con- Siti hinggil ler, Siti hinggil Kidul, kamandungan Lor, cept of Sultan Ground and Pakualam Ground Sri manganti, Kedaton, Kamangan, Kamandungan which means crown land or land that belongs to the Kidul, Alun-alun Lor and Kidul, Kasultanan Great Sultan and Pakualam (Antoro, 2014, p. 435). e Mosque. Apart from those already mentioned, position of Sultan ground and Pakualam ground is there is also a land that cannot be contested, namely clarified through agrarian reformation which is a the land used for the tomb of the king in , reform of land regulations in vorstenlanden. e Bantul. is land is an inviolable instrument of reformation mentioned includes the determination Yogyakarta government, functioning as a support of the boundaries of the lands of the Sultan and for the running of the government in the Yogyakar- Pakualam, the elimination of feudalism over land, ta Palace so that this land is the absolute property of and the provision of wages in the form of land in Yogyakarta which is only inherited from each Sul- exchange for money. In addition, leases and taxes tan from one Sultan to the next as the legitimate on land also came into effect (Rijksblad Kasultanan leader of the Yogyakarta Palace (Sugiarto, 2017, p. Number 16 of 1918; Rijksblad Pakualaman Num- 152; Notoyudo, 1975). Meanwhile, Tanah Dede ber 18 of 1918; De Locomotief Newspaper, 17 Au- Keprabon (Rijks Domein) is land and/or buildings gust 1918; De Locomotief Newspaper, 29 October belonging to the Sultan / Pakualam outside the cen- 1931). In the following year, in the Rijksblad in tral palace which is used for: (1) Build houses for 1925 “Bab owah-owahane pranatan bab inggone the sons of Sentana Dalem, such as Adipati Anom anetepake lan bab pamupuran pajeg bumi ing Prince, Hanggabehi Prince, and so on; (2). Build bawah Kadipaten Pakualaman” regarding tax was houses for servants such as Pepatih Dalem, clarified. Tax on land, also known as pajeg bumi, is Kayaanan, and so on; (3) As payment for the sala- imposed on land used by the people for their per- ries of the sons, sentanan Dalem, and servants of sonal interests. Pajeg bumi is paid to the Sultan and the Dalem; (4) For kawula dalem with ngindung, Pakualam in the form of money with a predeter- magersari; (5) Loaned to non-native (foreign) resi- mined nominal (Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 30 dents with use rights and / or opstal rights (Hasim, of 1925; Yuliantri, 2013, p. 70). Agrarian reform 2016, p. 217). also requires every land to have proof of ownership For those who were not royal aristocrats, they or to be registered. Otherwise, the land will belong were considered wong numpang (hitchhiking). to the Sultan or Pakualam, as stated in Article 1 RK Wong numpang are oen referred to as the people

87 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021 of Magersari, which means using the land belong- longer in use, were given to the abdi dalem and ing to the Sultan or Pakualam to be used as a place ones who complied with the Andarbe Rights. An- to live, a place of business, or an office (Dikih, darbe's rights can be inherited (Rijksblad Kasultan- 2018). In more detail, there are provisions in mag- an Number 23 of 1925; Rijksblad Kasultanan Num- ersari, namely: First, the land belongs to the Sultan- ber 16 of 1918). For western people, they are given ate or relatives of the Sultan. Second, the party that Eigendom rights which are land ownership rights, can provide magersari is the Sultan or a relative of which can also be in the form of lease rights. is is the Sultan by appointing Kawedanan hageng stated in RPA No. 1 of 1921, regarding the authori- Punokawan Wahono Satria Kraton Ngayogyakarta. ty of Engendom and Opstal rights “Bab anumrapke Meanwhile, those who are given magersari are abdi pranatan-pranatan bab bumi kang kadarbe mawa dalem (courtiers) or people who have a special rela- wawenang opstal eigendhom sapanunggalane kang tionship or relatives of the sultan. ird, magersari tumindak ing tanah gupermen marang para holders are given the right to build a building for a kawulane Kadipaten Pakualaman ing ngatase bumi certain period of time determined by the Sultan and ing bawah Kadipaten Pakualaman kang kadarbe then pay their rights to the palace, which numbers dening kawula mawa salah sawijining wawenang- vary. Fourth, the obligations that must be carried wawenang kang kasebut ing layang ing gerberngan out by rights holders are to comply with the provi- kawet buk tumrap Hindiya-Nederlan” (Rijksblad sions in the kekancingan letter to care for, maintain, Pakualaman Number 1 of 1921). Both Andarbe and are not allowed to make transfers to third par- Rights holders and Eigendom Rights are required to ties, except with the permission of the Sultan or pay land tax paid in advance. Rijksblad Kasultanan relatives of the Sultan. Fih, the Magersari Land terms land tax as Inlandsche Verponding Tax cannot be sold, but the magersari itself can be in- which is paid every June and November (Rijksblad herited from generation to generation, with the Kasultanan Number 24 of 1925; Rijksblad Pakuala- same rights, namely magersari. Sixth, buildings and man Number 25 of 1930). plants planted by magersari users can be taken back Apart from that, there is still something by the user when the land expires and is not extend- called Hak Anggaduh which means the right to use, ed with a note proving the Kekancingan certificate manage, and take the crops from the land that be- issued by the Yogyakarta Palace. Meanwhile, those longs to the Sultan or Pakualam, which when the outside the center of the kingdom were Pasisiran Sultan and Pakualam are not used, it can be used as and Mancanegara. Pasisiran refers to areas that are the property of the village. Regarding this, it can be near the sea or coast, while Mancanegara refers to seen in the Rijksblad “Bab Wawenang Bumi, areas that are inland (Carey, 2019, p. 315-316). Pranatan Bab Amuwuhi lan Angowahi Pranatan e Rijksblad also includes various types of Tumrap Amaringake Wawenang lan Darbeni lan land and land rights. ere are Tanah Lungguh and Wawenang Anggaduh Bumi” (Rijksblad Tanah Bangkok that are given to someone as a re- Pakualaman Number 6 of 1929). For example, the ward for the work and/or position they hold (Huda, people may take the crops from Tanah Kebonan 2000, p. 94). ere is another such thing as Tanah and if the land is no longer used, it can become the Perdikan or Pradikan as stated in the 1931 RPA: village property. is Anggaduh right has been stat- “Bab Wawenang Bumi, Pamundhute Bumi kang ed since the beginning of agrarian reform, to be Kaparingake Mawa Wawenang lan Darbe Utawa precise in the Rijksblad Kasultanan Number 16 of Dinggo Tumrap Perluning (Wong) Ngakeh”. It 1918. One thing to remember, even though there is means Tanah Perdikan which means tax-free land the Anggaduh Right, still has to carry out the appli- given by the Sultan and/or Pakualam for the public cable registration system (Rijksblad Kasultanan interest (Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 1 the Year Number 16 of 1918). Apart from that, land with 1931). If the intended public interest is related to Anggaduh Rights, the Sultan or Pakualam still can religion (Islam), then the land is referred to as ask for it at any time, as stated as follows: Tanah Mutihan (Huda, 2000, p. 98). However, if ing samangsa-mangsa ingsun kena mundhut kon- the land is used for planting trees, fruits, and vege- dur bumi sawatara bageyan kan padha tables, then it is called Tanah Kebonan (Notoyudo, diparingake marang kalurahan mawa wewenang 1975). erefore, the naming of land in the penggadhuh, menawa bumi mau bakal Rijksblad depends on its designation. diparingake marang kabudidayan tetanen.

Furthermore, these lands were still equipped I can take back any time part of the land given to with the rights attached to them. In 1924 the lands the village with Anggaduh Rights at if the land is belonging to the Sultanate and Pakualaman were no used for agriculture/plantations (companies)

88 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021

(Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 18 of 1918). to the palace, but is still under the palace's supervi- en, there is Ngindung Rights which is in- sion. Until 1930 the Rijksblad still contained a lot terpreted as the right to buy land, of course, the of land matters, while aer 1930 there were not so land that is allowed to be sold in the Rijksblad many, only occasionally. e attention was no long- (Huda, 2000, p. 98). When conducting a land buy er with land, but with taxes, particularly income and sell transaction, some people may come first. and luxury taxes, which were probably intended to ose who take precedence are called owners or generate income due to the economic depression of users of Blengket Rights (Huda, 2000, pp. 95-96). 1930. ere is a note in the transaction, that the land sales and purchases cannot be made to people who are THE POLITICAL POSITION OF THE KING- not bumi putera (not kawula dalem), they are now DOM IN THE COLONIAL POLITICAL SYSTEM referred to as non-Indonesian citizens (WNI). is In the government, there is a formation which po- principle is unique in the land affairs of the Yogya- litical system with the bureaucracy is a vehicle for karta Sultanate and Pura Pakualam for non- controlling the government through the regulations indigenous land ownership which is still valid to- issued by Kasultanan and Pakualaman. For this day. is rule appeared in the Rijksblad as the reason, the implementation of the rules demands a background of the concern of the Yogyakarta Sul- smooth operation of the government to the regions. tanate and Pura Pakualam to prioritize the people's Related to this, in this context, the ruler as a bu- fate. As stated in RK Article 6 No (1) of 1918, reaucrat exercises his authority to strengthen his “Selling or transferring ownership or use rights over feudal ties. e feudal orientation was intended to land ... to non-Javanese (non-Indonesian citizens) strengthen the position of the Sultan so that his and also renting or tearing up land to non-Javanese. subordinates became dependent on him. .. prohibited)” (Anggeraeni. 2012, pp. 60-61). So, is is related to the understanding that land what about immigrants who are not from Yogya- ownership in the Kasultanan Yogyakarta and the karta? ey can still have land rights in Yogyakarta. Kadipaten Pakualaman originally adhered to a feu- e right in question is the Right of Anggarap dal concept. In this case the king is placed as the (Yuristiadhi & Purwanto, 2006, p. 19). owner of the land and its contents throughout the e Rijksblad also includes people assigned kingdom as mentioned in the Javanese proverb, to land affairs, such as the Mantri Tani and Mantri sakurebing Langit salumahing bumi or everything Tani Assistant, as well as the Mantri Tondo under the heavens and on earth belongs to the king, Pananggap. Mantri Tani and Mantri Tani Assistant while the people is the servants. e people only are people who are assigned to collect data on land have the right to use or cultivate the land, including and land products in an area and/or village. is the royal family (aristocrats) and royal employees, can be seen in "Bab punggawa among tani ananing technically, only have the right to use the land while and blanjane punggawa among tani ing Bawah in office, or in other words, in managing the king's Kadipaten Pakualaman" (Rijksblad Pakualaman land, assisted by officials and palace relatives. Land Number 13 of 1917). Meanwhile, the Mantri Tondo is used by the king as a form of attachment to the Pananggap is the person assigned to be the direct employees or palace relatives with the royal party; subordinate of the onderdistricthoofd (for example: this can be seen from the salary based on land lurah), whose job is related to land registration. e (Suhartono, 1991, p. 29). rules regarding this can be seen in “Belastingen However, on the basis of burdens and obliga- Mantri Tondo Pananggap. Regeling van de inning en tions that were considered too heavy for the people, overstorting van de Landschapsbelastingen en an- especially peasants, then the idea emerged, that dere Landschapsinkomsten in het Pakoe Alamsche people should be free from attachment to the land gebeid” (Rijksblad Pakualaman No. 12/1926). ey and there should be a separation between the peo- are assigned legally and are given a wage at an ple who enjoy the produce of the land and the pow- amount which is already regulated in the Rijksblad . er over the people who live on the land until finally ey live side by side to complement Paniti Kismo, the agrarian policy emerged at the beginning of the a legal entity in charge of regulating land affairs, 20th century, known as "Agrarian Reorganization both inside the palace and outside the palace which of the Land Ownership System". e reason for the still belongs to the palace (Sari, Silviana, & Prasetyo, reorganization of the colonial government was to 2016, p. 8). e meaning of side by side is that Pani- improve the socio-economic life of the population. ti Kismo takes care of what belongs to the palace, However, that does not mean that the policy is free while the mantri takes care of what does not belong from manipulation, because there are indications of

89 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021 the real intention of enacting the 1870 Agrarische tion to generation. Wet Law such as in the Gubernemen area. en based on RK No. 6 of 1962 and RPA Starting from this policy, the ongoing reor- No. 26 of 1925 the Anggaduh Right was changed to ganization of land ownership and control, indirect- the Andarbeni Rights or Andarbeni's authority. ly, has shown the success of the political penetra- Land that is outside the provisions of Article 3 para- tion of the Dutch Colonial Government. However, graph 1 does not fall under the authority of the vil- it cannot be denied that the consequence of this lage, however, if the Kasultanan or Pakualaman policy made the court officials and the priyayi (royal government does not use it, the village can use it or bureaucrats) tanah lungguh holders truly lose con- the village can ask for it to become village land or trol of land management. ey were then given on- people's land. Authorities over lands under village ly the land which they used as a residence, while control include: (1) Determining its designation as most of the land had to be returned to the sultan. At tanah bengkok (salary) for village officials who are the same time, both relatives and priyayi who held still active and tanah pengarem-arem (pension) for positions were then paid with money and no longer village officials who have quit with the right to a used the land as real compensation. pension; (2) Arranging themselves to temporarily us, it can be understood that reorganiza- move, such as selling or renting and moving them tion brings about a fundamental change in the sta- for hereditary use; (3) Arranging and supervising so tus of land ownership for which ownership rights that someone does not buildup or accumulate land. are transferred. e main changes that are quite Regarding how much land a person can control so significant are (1) abolition of the apanage system, that he can be assessed as a landlord is le to each (2) establishment of villages as administrative units, village considering local conditions only. In prac- (3) transfer of land use rights to farmers, and (4) tice, it depends on whether the village activity is revision of land lease regulations. With this reor- held or not; (4) Deciding issues of transfer of rights ganization, kabekelan-kabekelan (districts) was over land carried out by way of lintiran merged into sub-districts which had administrative (inheritance) (Huda, 2000, p. 90). duties. So, a sub-district government was formed In performing these powers, the village is and registers were made to record the condition of limited by a regulation, that the village may not the land. Bekel who was deemed competent was transfer forever and may not burden the village given a place in the village administration and re- land with debt, except with the written power of the ceived the land of office as the village administrator. Regent or Resident Assistant concerned. Apart If not included in the village administration, he will from that, Andharbeni's authority can be revoked if get a pension land. If he dies, this pension land is within 10 consecutive years if it is not used and if it combined with the village treasury land. is needed for the public interest with compensation. Regarding to this, the Kasultanan and In more detail, with the reorganization of Pakualaman also issued RK and RPA, which stated lands related to the interests of the king and his their control over land within their kingdom. From family, it actually did not change. Meanwhile, what this changed land regulation, new land rights were has changed are rights related to the interests of the granted to indigenous people through the village people. ese rights can be stated as follows: First, administration. is can be seen when the RK is the hereditary anganggo-use rights as stipulated in issued in number 16, article 1 of 1918, which states RK No. 16 of 1918 and RPA No. 18 of 1918, as an that all land that cannot be proven by an identity by effort to provide stronger rights to the people. other parties is the domain of the Sultanate According to Ni'Matul Huda regarding the (Muhsin, Nafisah, & Siswanti, 2019, p. 14). On the importance of this hereditary authority, the expla- basis of the domein's statement in the Rijksblad , nation is not found, however, in reality the people the Kasultanan and Pakualaman governments can inherit their rights to their descendants and can granted rights of use or Angaduh rights to the vil- even transfer their rights temporarily or perma- lages they formed (Yuliantri, 2013, p. 36). It is more nently, as is the case with only owned land. Such clearly regulated in the Rijksblad that all land rights are similar to those in Gunung Kidul and which is actually used by the people, whether occu- Kulon Progo Regencies. Second, the Andarbeni pied or processed permanently or not permanently, Rights are given to land users within the Kotapraja as recorded in the village administration register, is Yogyakarta based on RK No. 23 of 1925 Chapter I given angaduh rights, except for tanah lungguh and number 2. Land that has been given to the people, tanah pengarem-arem. So it is only given the right both hereditary Anganggo Rights and Andarbeni of angganggo or right of use to users from genera- Rights, are obligated to pay taxes. Apart from that,

90 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021 it is also about the prohibition of transferring, rent- foundation of the traditional organizational struc- ing or, claiming ownership rights over their land to ture in many ways benefits Kasultanan and Pakua- non-Indonesian citizens, as stated in the Rijksblad . lam for implementing policies that are different us it can be understood that the transfer of An- from those of the Gubernemen region. darbeni Rights, either permanently or temporarily, can only occur by way of changing names and re- CONCLUSION cording changes in the land registration list at the Before the 20th century, power and ownership of land affairs office. Likewise, transitions based on land in Yogyakarta, including the Adikarto area, twist or inheritance. ird, the right to collect re- was feudal. Land tenure is largely determined by the sults is a right that can be owned by a person by apanage system. In the apanage system, the land is planting or cultivating land that does not belong to owned and controlled by the sultan, while the peo- him with the permission of the Head of the Guild ple of kawula dalem who live as residents of the (Village Head). Fourth, a person belonging to a land only have nggadhuh rights and are obliged to member of the association has a priority right give up part of the produce. To supervise and man- against a member of another member of another age the land of Kasultanan, the sultan gave his trust association, thus that person obtains priority rights to the relatives of sentana dalem and priyayi em- from outsiders who both want to work on the land ployees with the status of being the sultan's land mentioned. Fih, the Blengket Right is the right to cultivators. ey are called patuh, while the land prioritize buying land located next to each other, if that is vested in them is called tanah kepatuhan (the the land is to be sold. If this right is not used, the land of obedience). With this right, the patuh is giv- right is given to another person who is at the same en the authority to manage the land which implies price, in terms of a general price or that has been an important position as a tax collector from the agreed upon. Rights related to land as stated above product of their land. are rights are known in common law (Huda, 2000, However, it cannot be denied that centralized pp. 90-91). control of land with complex rules became an ob- In accordance with what was disclosed, it is stacle to the continued interests of the Dutch East also necessary to know that the Kasultanan and Indies Colonial Government in the Kasultanan Pura Pakualam as providers of land ownership and Yogyakarta including the Kadipaten Pakualaman in use rights also continue to make adjustments and it. Until finally, based on the agreement between the developments which are then complemented by the Dutch Colonial Government and the Sultan, a legal issuance of RPA Number 25 of 1925. Property rule called the Rijksblad was enforced especially the rights as referred to in Rijksblad No. 18 of 1918, RK and RPA, which eliminated the power of patuh added and amended by the ordinance of 30 Sep- over land owned by the sultan. Furthermore, the tember 1925 in a manner that would be determined people of kawula dalem are given the opportunity by the Pakualam regulation (Rijksblad Pakualam to use anganggo land with hereditary use rights, Number 25 of 1925). ownership rights over anderbeni land, inheritance us, as previously disclosed, it can be seen rights, lease rights, and liens. that the Kasultanan and Pakualaman through the us, it can be seen that long before the for- publication of the Rijksblad have implemented mation of the Special Region of Yogyakarta, various agrarian law regulations. It is clear that through laws and regulations in the field of agriculture were politics and government in administering agrarian regulated as contained in the RK and RPA. e rules legally collaborate. is is possible because presence of Rijksblad , both in Kasultanan and in traditional rules have been tied to a bureaucratic Pakualaman can also be said to be evidence of spe- structure in a very strong organization. e unit of cial treatment from the Dutch East Indies govern- rules is tied in the rules of the kingdom lead by a ment towards Yogyakarta. is treatment is mani- Sultan who is also a mediator who connects the tra- fested in the form of granting more rights to issue ditional rulers with the people. e rules in this tra- separate regulations as outlined in the Rijksblad. ditional system indirectly protected them from in- Furthermore, what Rijksblad has mentioned terference by the Dutch Hindi colonial government. can also be used as a source in historical writing What happened was the publication of the Rijksblad (historiography), especially those related to local role to complement, accompany, add to, or replace historiography in the Yogyakarta. is statement is regulations made by the Dutch East Indies Govern- based on the fact that there are local concepts con- ment that did not apply in Vorstenlanden (Antoro, tained in the Rijksblad . e point of the local con- 2014, p. 435). e system that has been built on the cept is a concept that only applies to Yogyakarta. As

91 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 31(1), 2021 a result, an in-depth analysis of it can produce sepa- di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Departemen rate writing. As well as producing writings on land Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. in Yogyakarta, mainly photographing facts aer the Nordholt, H.S., Purwanto, B. & Saptari, R. (eds). (2013). 1918 agrarian reform which resulted in a detailed Perspektif Baru Penulisan Sejarah Indonesia. explanation of the types of land, land ownership Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia & KITLV. Notoyudo. (1975). Hak Sri Sultan Atas Tanah di Yogya- rights, and the people involved in it. karta. Nugroho, U. et al. (2018). Jogja Memilih: Sejarah Pemilu REFERENCES 1951 dan 1955 di Yogyakarta. Dinas Kebudayaan Anggraeni, T.D. (2012). Interaksi Hukum Lokal dan Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Hukum Nasional dalam Urusan Pertanahan di Pranoto, S.W. (2010). Teori dan Metodologi Sejarah. Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Jurnal Rechts Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu. Vinding, 1(1). Rijksblad Kasultanan Number 16 of 1918. Antoro, K.S. (2014). Legitimasi Identitas dalam Rijksblad Kasultanan Number 23 of 1925. Dinamika Politik Agraria (Studi Kasus Lembaga Rijksblad Kasultanan Number 24 of 1925. Swapraja di Yogyakarta. Bhumi, 39(13). Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 18 of 1918. Carey, P. (2019). English Glossary of Javanese Words. Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 1 of 1921. Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 92. Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 8 of 1921. De Locomotief, 17 August 1918. Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 25 of 1925. De Locomotief, 29 October 1931. Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 30 of 1925. Dikih, M.K. (2018). Tinjauan Maslahah Mursalah dalam Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 32 of 1925. Magersari di Sultan Ground Daerah Istimewa Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 12 of 1926. Yogyakarta. Undergraduate esis. Institut Aga- Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 6 of 1929. ma Islam Negeri (IAIN) Surakarta. Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 25 of 1930. Gottschalk, L. (1985). Mengerti sejarah. Penerbit Univer- Rijksblad Pakualaman Number 1 of 1931. sitas Indonesia. Sari, P. A., Silviana, A., & Prasetyo, A. B. (2016). Hadisuprapto. (1976). Ikhtisar Perkembangan Hukum Pengakuan Hukum Tanah Nasional terhadap Tanah Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Karya Tanah Keraton Yogyakarta setelah Berlakunya Kencana. Peraturan Daerah Istimewa Nomor 1 Tahun 2013 Hasim, R.A. (2016). Politik Hukum Pengaturan Sultan tentang Kewenangan dalam Urusan Ground Dalam Undang-Undang No.13 Taun Keistimewaan Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. 2013 Tentang Keistimewaan Yogyakarta dan Law Journal, 5(4), 1-16. Hukum Tanah Nasional. Jurnal Arena Hukum, 9 Setiawati, N. A. (2001). Pemilikan dan Penguasaan (2). Tanah Kasultanan Yogyakarta setelah Reorgan- Huda, N. M. (2000). Beberapa Kendala dalam isasi Tanah 1917. Lembaran Sejarah, 4(2001). Penyelesaian Status Hukum Tanah Bekas Suhartono. (1991). Apanage dan Bekel:: Perubahan sosial Swapraja di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Jurnal di pedesaan Surakarta (1830-1920). Tiara Hukum IUS QUIA IUSTUM, 7(13), 90-106. Wacana. Jati, W. R. (2014). Politik Agraria Di Yogyakarta: Identi- Sugiarto, S.H. (2017). Politik Hukum Pertanahan Pasca tas Partrimonial & Dualisme Hukum Agraria Undang-Undang Nomor 13 Tahun 2012 Tentang (Politic Of Agrarian In Yogyakarta; Patrimonial Keistimewaan Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta: Studi Identity 7 Agrarian Law Dualism). Jurnal Legislasi Terhadap Sultan Ground dan Paku Alaman Indonesia, 11(1), 25-37. Ground. Master esis. Universitas Islam Indone- Kartodirdjo, S. (1983). Pengantar. In Reid, A. & Marr, D. sia. Dari Raja Ali Haji Hingga : Indonesia dan Suryo, D., et al. 2013. e Struggle of the Identity of Power Masa Lalunya. Grafiti. and Sovereignty in Historical Talks. Directorate of Kuntowijoyo. (1995). Pengantar ilmu sejarah. Bentang History and Cultural Values. Pustaka. Tauchid, M. (2009). Masalah Agraria Sebagai Masalah Kusumoharyono, U. (2006). Eksistensi Tanah Kasultan- Penghidupan dan Kemakmuran Rakyat Indone- an (Sultan Ground) Yogyakarta Setelah Berla- sia. STPN Press. kunya UU No, 5/1960. Yustisia, 68. Wasino. (2008). Kapitalisme bumi putra: perubahan Moedjanto, G. (1987). Konsep kekuasaan Jawa: Penera- masyarakat Mangkunegaran. LKiS. pannya oleh raja-raja Mataram. Kanisius. Yuliantri, R.D.A. (2013). Pertanian di Kulon Progo da- Muhsin, A., et al. (2019). “Kekancingan Letter” Tanah lam Cengkraman Kolonial 1900-1930. Selarung Sultan Ground: Efforts to Get Permits to Use Land Institute. in the Yogyakarta Palace. Deepublish. Yuristiadhi, G. & Purwanto, B. (2016). Transformation Mulyana, A., & Darmiasti. (2009). Historiografi di Indo- of Charities by Islamic Social Movements in Yog- nesia: Dari Magis-Religius Hingga Strukturis. Refi- yakarta 1912-1931: A History of Islamic Wealth ka Aditama. Management. International Journal of Islamic Murniatmo, G. et al. (1989). Pola Penguasaan, Pem- Business Ethic (IJIBE), 1(1). ilikan, dan Penggunaan Tanah Secara Tradisional 92