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Populism Vs. Elitism

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Populism Vs. Elitism Populism vs. Elitism Michael P. Federici Mercyhurst College The Road to Mass Democracy: Original Intent and the Seventeenth Amend- ment, by C.H. Hoebeke. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1995. 211 pp. $29.95. The Populist Persuasion, by Michael Kazin. New York: Basic Books, 1995. 381 pp. $24.00. The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy, by Christopher Lasch. New York: W. W. Norton, 1995. 288 pp. $22.00. Americans have always been divided sented by the American Framers has concerning the kind of democracy been politically and intellectually that the Framers created. Since the challenged by populism and kindred time of the Founding, the very mean- ideologies since its inception. The ing of democracy has been in dispute populist movement of the late nine- in American culture. Two traditions teenth century, for example, captured are discernable in American political the imaginations of Americans who thought: one believes that America is tended to blame the political, social, too democratic, the other that it is not and economic failures of the day on democratic enough. America’s elites. The populist pre- At the heart of the debate regard- scription at that time was typical of ing American democracy and the populism: reform the constitutional Constitution is the role of elites. Begin- system. Populist and Progressive re- ning with the Antifederalists, a dis- forms decreased the power of elites trust of elites inspired opposition to and empowered “the people.” the Constitution. In fact, the tradition Populism has become a major ideo- of American political thought repre- logical influence in contemporary Populism vs. Elitism HUMANITAS • 73 American politics. Both Democrats Revolt of the Elites. These works dis- and Republicans, liberals and conser- cuss various aspects of populism in vatives, commonly use populist rheto- America such as its historical, eco- ric and promote populist public poli- nomic, and social origins. cies. The “Contract with America” American populism is not a politi- incorporates several populist themes, cally monolithic ideological move- among them the call for congressional ment. It manifests itself at different term limits. Ross Perot has capitalized times in a wide range of historical cir- on populist sentiment in proposing cumstances. It is advocated by conser- the creation of a third political party. vatives, liberals, libertarians, and These reforms and others are based other ideological groups. The mean- on the premise that the current politi- ing of populism is easily obscured if cal elites cannot be trusted and that its fundamental philosophical identity political power is more responsibly is divorced from the particular politi- exercised by the people. cal forms it takes. The search for the The recent resurgence of populism deeper meaning of populism requires in American politics is driven by two a marriage of political theory and his- primary factors. One is the intellectual tory. and political tradition represented by We learn what populism is partly such figures as Thomas Paine, Tho- by examining the particular historical mas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, and circumstances in which it has oc- William Jennings Bryan. The other curred. These three books examine a factor is the growing discontent with significant portion of the American America’s political leadership. Popu- populist experience. But understand- lism has become a more attractive re- ing and assessing populism also re- sponse to political, social, and eco- quires a theoretical framework within nomic troubles because the elite class which it can be analyzed. Without seems incapable of providing the such a framework, the difficult ques- quality of leadership that is necessary tions and issues raised by populism for good government. will not receive the critical reflection The populist challenge to the that is necessary to give populism a American constitutional order has re- fair hearing. For example, what is the ceived increasing attention from philosophical and historical basis for scholars. Three recent books address populism’s disdain of elites? Is this various aspects of the populist move- disdain historically and philosophi- ment in America, and they all share a cally well-grounded? Or is populism common feature. In one way or an- merely a ploy by demagogues to other, they attempt to answer the wrestle power from the current elite? question, “Is populism right for If there is no historical and philosophi- America?” The three books are C. H. cal ground for replacing elites with Hoebeke’s The Road to Mass Democ- “the popular will,” then populism’s racy, Michael Kazin’s The Populist Per- challenge to the American constitu- suasion, and Christopher Lasch’s The tional order will be viewed differently 74 • Volume VIII, No. 2, 1995 Michael P. Federici than if there is such a ground. Conse- Although Kazin fails to acknowledge quently, in assessing Hoebeke’s, it, the rhetoric of populism has an un- Kazin’s, and Lasch’s work, attention derlying theoretical foundation. In will be given to their respective his- fact, his analysis of the language of torical and philosophical frameworks populism indicates that he is sympa- and to their ability to penetrate to the thetic to that theoretical core. experiential sources of populism. For Kazin sees it as his task, however, it is that core experience that provides not to elucidate what populism is as insights into the challenge of popu- much as to editorialize about good lism and that also provides a standard and bad populism. In short, right- by which to judge the efficacy of wing populism is bad and left-wing populism as a response to the disorder populism is good. Populism has a of the age. rather specific content according to All writers on the subject are not Kazin. Its primary objective is a more predisposed to systematic philosophi- equal distribution of wealth and the cal analysis. Yet, most of the work on empowerment of minorities and populism implies a philosophical un- women. It is clear that Kazin’s egali- derstanding of what populism is, tarianism colors his assessment of even if the author claims to be simply populism. Populism, for him, is a describing history. An author’s philo- means of reshaping America. He as- sophical assumptions can be teased sumes that the masses, if given the out of a work that includes at least political power and led by the right some critical analysis. elites, would implement his “non- Kazin’s book explicitly shies away Communist Left” agenda. He believes from theoretical analysis. It is a ram- that “mass democracy can topple any bling, at times disjointed, description haughty foe.” Thus The Populist Per- of populism. The Populist Persuasion suasion is not really an analysis of attempts to analyze populism by ex- populism but a political tract. ploring the history of populist rheto- Contrary to Kazin’s analysis of ric. Kazin considers the words of populism, Hoebeke’s study of mass populist leaders the best illustration of democracy is theoretical as well as populism’s meaning and importance. historical. Unlike Kazin, he views He makes no attempt to discover or populism as both politically and ideo- explain the roots of populism. He as- logically inconsistent with the politi- sumes that populist rhetoric speaks cal and philosophical tradition of the for itself. He does attempt to provide American Framers. Kazin’s book pro- a basic definition of populism: “a lan- vides a broad history of populism di- guage whose speakers conceive of or- vorced from philosophical analysis. dinary people as a noble assemblage The Road to Mass Democracy examines not bounded narrowly by class, view a particular populist event, the adop- their elite opponents as self-serving tion of the Seventeenth Amendment, and undemocratic, and seek to mobi- and uses it to discover the theoretical lize the former against the latter” (1). features of populism. It should be Populism vs. Elitism HUMANITAS • 75 noted that Hoebeke does not use the Amendment neither decreased the in- term “populism” to describe the push fluence of special interests nor for the Seventeenth Amendment. He changed the type of people who serve labels it “progressive.” But it is clear in the Senate. The Seventeenth from his work that there are no sig- Amendment was a case of states’ ab- nificant philosophical differences be- dicating their power to the voting tween populism and progressivism, at public; the amendment was ratified least as far as the Seventeenth Amend- by the states. Hoebeke suggests that ment is concerned. Hoebeke’s pri- the movement toward mass democ- mary concern is with populism’s ef- racy is now taking place at the federal fect on American democracy. He level of government. Members of views the political movement that Congress who support term limits, for succeeded in passing the Seventeenth example, seem willing to abdicate Amendment as indicative of demo- their power to the people. These at- cratic reforms that have as their ulti- tempts to reform the American politi- mate objective the removal of institu- cal system by making it more demo- tional restraints on the popular will. cratic are considered unwise by He considers such reforms dangerous Hoebeke, because they have not been because “The premise underlying all tested against historical experience. these innovations in our form of gov- Populist reformers have moved the ernment is that the direct expression country toward mass democracy by of the people more accurately reflects claiming that they are restoring the general sense of the community American democracy to its pure form. and is less corruptible than judgments Special interests have distorted the made by small assemblies invested political system, and populist reforms with only temporary authority” (4). will restore it. Unfortunately these re- Hoebeke demonstrates that what may formers misunderstand the nature of seem from its rhetoric to be empow- the American constitutional system.
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