C. Brakel-Papenhuyzen Javanese Talèdhèk and Chinese Tayuban

In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Performing Arts in Southeast Asia 151 (1995), no: 4, Leiden, 545-569

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access CLARA BRAKEL-PAPENHUYZEN Javanese Taledhek and Chinese Tayuban

The professional dancing-woman (taledhek or ronggeng) who wanders around accompanied by a few male musicians is an age-old institution in Java as well as in coastal areas elsewhere in the Indonesian archipelago.1 What appears to be the oldest known Javanese reference to the phenom- enon is a passage in the Tantu Panggelaran, which was probably com- posed in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century.2 This passage attributes a divine origin to the institution of dancing-women, telling how the three main Hindu gods Shiva, Brahma, and Vishnu wander around singing songs (mangidung) and dancing or acting (amen-amen). Here god Ishvara (Shiva) has a female role (son), while the other two gods are actors or musicians.3 Early twentieth-century authors writing about Javanese theatre and related performing arts often introduced their works with one or more tales about the origins (whether divine or mundane) of these art forms, apparently with a view to legitimizing their study of the phenomenon. This holds true not only for well-known Javanese authors like Ranggawarsita in his Serat Pustaka Raja and Kusumadilaga in his Pakem Sastra Miruda, but also for Dutch scholars of the time. An example of this fascination with origins is a short article entitled 'De eerste ronggeng' (The first public dancing-woman), published by CM. Pleyte in 1916, discussing tales of origin for this institution from both oral and written sources. Pleyte argues that the practice of ronggeng dancing is an ancient and indigenous Indonesian 'entertainment', pointing out that earlier written stories such as the above-mentioned passage from the Tantu Panggelaran form the core of an oral tale he once heard in Tasikmalaya. In Pleyte's opinion, these stories contain a justification of the ancient practice by attributing its origin to the gods or, more recently, to the will of Allah. In its more recent oral form, the tale describes how a carpenter, a tailor, and a goldsmith are each inspired by Allah to create and decorate the wooden statue of a beautiful woman. Then an Islamic holy man (wall) makes the statue come to life and tells the three men that it is Allah's wish for them to wander around with her and to accompany her dancing with

1 The writing of this article was made possible by a grant from the Columbia Foundation during the spring of 1994. 2 Pigeaud 1924:49-50. This passage from the Tantu Panggelaran was first noted by Hazeu 1897. 3 The translation depends on the interpretation of the terms pederat and tekes; the latter term is used nowadays to refer to the headdress of a masked dancer.

BKI 151-IV (1995) Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access 546 Clara Brakel-Papenhuyzen music. The roots of this Islamized tale are traced, via a similar story in the Serat Pustaka Raja, to the above-mentioned written myth from the Tantu Panggelaran, in which the three main Hindu gods transform themselves into a group of roaming artists. In view of this prevailing fashion in both Javanese and European circles of attributing a mythical or legendary origin to the performing arts, it is remarkable that at the same time completely factual works were being written by Javanese authors, describing with great accuracy the social circumstances and conditions of artistic practice. One of these works is a manuscript signed by a Surakarta nobleman named R.M. Suwandi,4 entitled 'Explanations about tayub, bondhan and wireng dancing' (Jerengan bab beksa tayub, mbondhan tuwin wireng, henceforth abbreviated to JBT), which I mentioned in an earlier publication.5 This prose description of Javanese dance starts with the obligatory myth of its heavenly origin, but instead of explaining the origin of the solo dance performed by the professional dancing-woman, it tells the story of the seven heavenly dancing nymphs who were created from jewels, which in fact refers to the origin of female court dances.6 Apart from the opening myth, the content of this manuscript is very practical, as most of the in- formation concerns the ways in which tayuban parties are organized by different communities and in different regions of Java. In this article I present translations and summaries of selected passages from Suwandi's manuscript, most of them dealing with tayuban held in Chinese com- munities in Java. Suwandi connects tayuban parties with the traditional Javanese wedding ceremony, following the ceremonial meeting of bride and groom (panggih). Suwandi views this tradition as having started in pre-Islamic times:7 'In the Buddhist era there already existed a god who ordered that after the panggih ceremony the relatives of bride and groom must all dance together. This is still followed by people nowadays and has become the tayuban. '8 In view of the author's background, it is not surprising that Suwandi's descriptions of rules for the use of dance movements during tayuban parties start with the royal court (kasunanan) of Surakarta. These are

4 Certain phrases in the manuscript suggest that the information was collected by a number of people, in which case the author's role may have been similar to that of an editor. 5 See Brakel 1993:69. 6 Discussed in the third chapter of Brakel-Papenhuyzen 1992. 7 In this context, the word Buddhist is probably used in a general sense, referring to a non-Islamic setting. s 'Ing jaman kabudan sampun wonten salah satunggiling jawata ingkang ngangge tatanan, kadang warganing panganten jaler estri, sasampuning panganten panggih lajeng sami jojogedan sadaya, tinulading tiyang samangke dados tayuban wau.' (JBT p. 1)

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access Javanese Taledhek and Chinese Tayuban 547 followed by descriptions of tayuban parties organized by lower-ranking officials in Surakarta. Then the author moves to the court of Yogyakarta and to tayuban in towns outside Central Java. At the bottom of the hierarchy - and therefore last in the order of descriptions - he includes village parties which are not always called tayuban and are not necessarily connected with weddings. Organized in bundles (koras) according to town or district, sometimes moving in an associative and rather surprising direction, the manuscript provides a wealth of down-to-earth practical details about the arrangement of a tayuban party, the duties of the organizer, and the behaviour of his guests, as well as monetary transactions with the performers. Being an educated gentleman, the author presents his information from a character- istically enlightened point of view, and frequently shows remarkable con- cern for the apparently difficult position of the female artist: 'The taledhek who performs at a tayuban must have a patient character, because she should consider herself to belong to all the people in the wedding pavilion (tarub). She may not select [as dance partners] the men she loves, while she is touched and fumbled [by men] whom she does not [necessarily] like. Then she may not even smile; such an action would be a mistake in the behaviour of a dancer, which would lead to her not becoming famous.'9 It must be noted that the above remark concerns the taledhek dancing at wedding parties of ordinary people, or, in the words of the class- conscious Suwandi: 'people with the [low] ranks of bekeljajar, or lurah and commoners without any rank, that is, "kampung folk'". Thaledhek serving at the ruler's court were considerably better off in Suwandi's eyes, as they were not touched by their respectable male partners, who did not keep money in their pockets but had it carried in a box by a servant. In Suwandi's days, court taledhek were not paid a personal fee into their breast cloth at the end of the dance, but instead enjoyed a monthly salary.

Tayuban dancing at court The dignified atmosphere of tayuban at the court of Surakarta is described by Suwandi as follows: 'When the nobility has a tayuban, there are at least two and sometimes as many as fifteen female dancers. Before dancing they walk in a squatting manner, while a prelude (pathetan) sounds before the gamelan plays. When the taledhek have reached their places they sit down, then [the musicians] start to play the piece (gendhing) which has been ordered for the dance to be executed, and all the dancers (ringgit)

9 'Taledhek katayub punika kedah gadhah watek sabar, awit taledhek katayub wau kedah anggadhahi ambeg dados darbeking tiyang satarub wau, boten kenging pilih sih, inggih punika kagepok kasenggol ingkang boten dados senenging manah. Lajeng mesem-mesem punika boten kenging, tingkah makatenpunika dados maneking lalampahan anggenipun dados ringgit murugaken boten saged kombul.' (JBT p. 17)

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make the gesture of worship (sembah). But the first dancer is definitely the bridegroom [dancing to] gendhing Boyong or Ela-ela,- sometimes to Bondhet. After the [professional] dancers have made the sembah they all dance the first musical section (merong), still remaining in the same place, because the music has not yet changed to the second part (inggah). When the second part is played, the taledhek take steps and move around [in space] as they dance. The gentleman who dances first, that is the bridegroom, then stands up wearing a sam/?Hr(dance-shawl). He may wear the sampur any way he likes, either around the neck, or across the shoulder, or in the proper way wrapped around the carved handle of the dagger (kra).'10 'The groom starts to dance with his back turned to the large door of the inner house (dalem), while the heads [of the family] and the elders are larih (they follow, dancing in the same way, to serve [drinks to] the dancer). They are four in total, two by two, so there are two behind the groom and two facing him, selecting people of the same social rank and noble descent.

Each time they are facing each other at the stroke of the gong, they all stop dancing, [because] they must toast with the drinks carried by the larih people. They may have whatever they like. As for the taledhek, at each gong stroke she must kneel down in front of her dance partner and make sembah, then she stands up and dances as before.'11 After the groom has finished dancing, the taledhek - accompanied by the master of ceremonies, a gentleman whose task it is to 'take care of the

10 'Tatanan tayubanipun para luhur, ringgit apes balebes 2, trekadhang ngantos 15. Saben badhe ambeksa lampah dhodhok, ajengipun gangsa mungel pathetan. Sadumugenipun papan taledhek lenggah, lajeng wiwit mungel gendhing punapa ingkang dipundhawuhaken dhateng ingkang badh6 beksa wau, pun ringgit lajeng sami nyembah, ananging ingkang tamtu beksa rumuyin panganten kakung, gendhing Boyong, Ela-ela, trakadhang Bondhet. Sasampuning ringgit anyembah lajeng sami anjoged merong (dereng kesah saking enggen), awit gendhing dereng minggah; manawi gendhing sampun minggah taledhek tumindak mlampah kaliyan anjoged. Prayagung ingkang kaleres beksa rumiyin punapa panganten lajeng wiwit jumeneng angagem sampur. Panganggening sampur sakaparengipun, punapa kagem kalung punapa kasampiraken ing pundhak, manawi leresipun kaubetaken ing ukiran dhuwung. [...]' 11 'Panganten wiwit beksa, angungkuraken korining dalem ageng, para pangageng tuwin para pinisepuh sami 'larih' (tumut beksa ingkang sarupi angladosi ingkang njoged). Cekapanipun 4 priyantun, ngalih-ngalih, dados wonten wingkinging panganten 2, ingkang ajeng-ajengan 2, amilih ingkang satimbang pangkat tuwin kaluhuranipun. [...] Saben sampun ajeng-ajengan pinuju dhawah gong, lajeng sami kendel anggenipun beksa, parlu kurmat angunjuk, ingkang sampun kabekta para kang sami larih, inuman punapa ingkang dados kaparenging panggalih sasenengipun kang dipunkaparengi. Wondene taledhek saben gong mungel, sami andhodhok wonten sangajengipun ingkang beksa kaliyan anyembah, lajeng ngadeg malih anjoged kados suwaunipun.' (JBT p. 5)

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access Javanese Taledhek and Chinese Tayuban 549 guests' - goes to the highest-ranking guest, considered to be the oldest of the assembled party. The dancer offers him the sampur, thereby inviting him to dance next. When he has received it, one of the younger relatives or the taledhek offers a strong drink to him and to guests of the same rank. Then they express a blessing (ujub) for the well-being of all those present and toast the success of the tayuban. As can be expected in court circles, questions of hierarchy and descent are a major point of concern during these tayuban parties, and thus: 'the order of dancers is maintained following an ordered list, [from the first and highest] until the lowest-ranking gentlemen, but only when the main people are dancing do all the guests stand up in order to pay homage and clap their hands'. Needless to say, this frequently causes irritation and may lead to most ungentlemanly quarrelling, especially under the influence of the obligatory streams of liquor. Yet, the author remarks: 'even if they are quarrelling it is not like low-ranking people'.

Commoners' tayuban parties in Surakarta The dance parties held by people of lower ranks in the town of Surakarta are discussed next, in a section headed: 'tayuban in the homes of the mantripanewu'.12 The description gives the impression that one of the major differences between nobility and commoners in the arrangement of tayuban is the paying of money gifts. The financial arrangements among commoners are: 1) tombok, a gift for the organizer of the party which is handed to the dancing-woman by each dancer when he receives the sampur, and placed into a specially prepared brass vessel; 2) beselan, personal gifts for the dancing-woman, which may be pushed into her breast cloth by her dance partner 'expressing the love of the man for the taledhek'. There is a special formula for the division of tombok gifts, partly depending upon the fame of the dancing-woman: 'Sometimes, if the organ- izer takes a taledhek of low quality, he may be able to arrange that one- third of the income from the tombok will be the share of the owner of the house. For example, if the receipts from tombok are / 35, the drummer will receive / 5 as his share, and the owner of the house will receive / 10 as a contribution towards his expenses. If one has a famous dancer, it is certain that she will ask for bas-basan, a sum agreed upon in advance, for the tayuban, so that although there will be tombok she still asks for bas-basan (a portion of the tombok money to be received during the party). If, for example, she asks to be paid / 60 in advance, and the receipts from tombok are only / 50, then the organizer must add / 10 to complete the bas-basan of / 60. And if the receipts from tombok are / 70, then the remaining / 10

12 This and the following bekeljajar, and lurah are lower court ranks; see Van den Berg 1887.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access 550 Clara Brakel-Papenhuyzen will be for the owner of the house. It goes like this if the arrangement is that the remainder of the / 60 is for the organizer, [but] the arrangement may also be as follows: if there is a surplus from the tombok money, this is for the taledhek, however much it may be, it will be hers, her only expense being the payment of the drummer, which the taledhek must pay herself, / 2.50 or / 5 depending on the receipts from tombok.'n Following these specifications of the dancer's payment,14 Suwandi describes the proceedings of the dance party in a similarly detailed manner. At half past seven the organizer of the tayuban sends a reliable young man to fetch the dancer in a carriage. After she arrives, the taledhek first sits with the gamelan musicians, close to the rebab player, and sings as a soloist with the orchestral music. Suwandi explains that, although this is not known to everybody and consequently not always adhered to, there is a symbolic meaning [suggested by the name] attached to the standard pieces played by the gamelan musicians at the beginning of the tayuban. If they play gendhing Bondhet when the bridal couple meets (panggih), its symbolic meaning is: 'that they may cling affectionately (mbondhet) to each other like butterflies'. If they play gendhing Ela-ela, 'the bridal couple is addressed with sweet words (diela-ela) by everybody', and the gendhing Boyong refers to the transfer of the bride (jnboyong) to the house of the groom, five days (a market week) after the wedding.

13 Trakadhang manawi amung ngangge taledhek ingkang te'mbre-tembre' saged dipunprajanjeni saangsalipun tombokan kapara-tiga kaliyan ingkang gadhah griya. Liripun upami angsalipun tombokan / 35 ingkang / 5 kaangge ujuran dhateng pangendhang [...,] Ingkang / 10 dados bageyanipun ingkang gadhah griya, kenging kaangge sumbang surunging waragad. Manawi ngangge ringgit ingkang misuwur ingkang tamtu malah nedha bas-basan, katebas pinten kaangge' tayuban, dados nadyan mawi tombok inggih nedha bas-basan (wangenan angsalipun arta tombokan). Upami nedha dipunbas / 60 kang mangka angsalipun arta tombokan amung / 50, ingkang gadhah darnel kedah tambah arta / 10, kaanggejangkeping arta bas-basan /60 wau. Saupami angsalipun tombokan / 70 ingkang / 10 kadarbe ingkang gadhah griya. Makaten punika manawi prajanji satirahing arta / 60 kadarbe ingkang gadhah darnel, nanging wonten malih ingkang mawi prajanji makaten: Manawi wonten tirahipunarta tombokan kadarb6 ign taledhek, tiraha pinten kemawon kadarbe ing taledhek piyambakamung kalong dhateng ujuran pangendhang taledhek kedhah amabayar piyambak / 2,50 punapa /5 s6sa-sesa kathah kedhiking tombokan.' (JBT pp. 8-9) 14 There is only one more statement about a special relationship between the dancer and a musician: if the dancer brings along her own keprak player, she must pay him as well. There is no specification about payments to the other musicians, so it must be assumed that they are paid by the organizer.

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Dancing at the commoners' tayuban The beginning of the taledhek'% dancing is signalled by a special piece called gendhing Gambirsawit. This opening dance, gambyong, is per- formed as a solo dance. Before she dances, the taledhek takes off her blouse, thereby 'exposing her body in order to please the onlookers'. Her dress is described as being similar to that of a young girl, with a tightly wound breast cloth (mekakan) of velvet or of cotton with gold threading (kemben dringin). Her hair is tied into a large bun decorated with strings of fragrant jasmine flowers, with a comb shaped like a slice of citrus fruit over the forehead. Moreover, she often wears very expensive jewellery of gold and diamonds, worth hundreds or even thousands [of florins?], for which reason she is often accompanied by a 'helper', a lady who guards (and often is the real owner of) this expensive outfit. The movements of the gambyong dance to the accompaniment of gendhing Gambirsawit are described as being 'like the elegant movements of a woman who is courted by a man', and accordingly their effect is that she 'constantly creates admiration in all the men who are watching'. As a result, the poor men who are not yet old enough to have overcome their passions 'are totally carried away by their feelings, forgetting about their wives and children, and thinking only of their aroused passion for the taledhek, who looks like Ratih, the goddess of love, not realizing that this taledhek is a temptress who knows how to make virtue disappear'. If after the gambyong dance the bridegroom does not yet emerge from the house, this means that the dinner is not yet over, and the taledhek may perform another solo dance to gendhing Onang-onang. When the bride- groom appears in the pendhapa, he faces all the older (that is, the most respected) guests, and his in-laws grant their blessings for the wedding dance. The groom has changed his wedding costume for a plain long cloth (sinjang polos) and an official black fez (kuluk kanigaran), or a headcloth lined with gold galloon (iket-iketan tinepi ing renda mas). Meanwhile a copper bowl covered with a copper tray serving as a receptacle for tombok gifts has been prepared for the partner dances, and the taledhek approaches the groom, inviting him to dance by offering him the sampur. The first tombok is paid by the in-laws on behalf of the groom - which payment (stated to be at least / 5, in order to stimulate the guests) will be given to the organizer when the celebration is over. When the groom dances, he will be accompanied and served drinks by the main guest, that is, the person with the highest rank, referred to as bupati anom or panewu. This person will thereafter dance with the taledhek, and is expected to pay a tombok of / 5 in accordance with his rank, even if he is not the first to dance after the groom. But if he dances much later, he may pay a lower tombok, while people of a lower rank are not expected to pay more than one or two florins. Although the arrangement of the commoners' tayuban follows that of

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access Professional dancing-woman accompanied by a masked clown and itinerant musicians, late nineteenth century (KITLV Photo Collection no. 2561)

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access Javanese Taledhek and Chinese Tayuban 553 the nobility, the atmosphere is said to be much less formal and restrained, especially after the main guests have had their turn at dancing with the taledhek and have gone home. According to Suwandi, the rules of behaviour for the taledhek and her male partners at commoners' tayuban are quite different from those followed at the court of Surakarta. Thus, 'at every gong stroke the taledhek approaches her dance partner, standing so close in front of him that they seem to be stuck together' - that is, if the male dancer is below the rank of bupati anom; otherwise she must still kneel down in front of him and make sembah. Later at night, the excited and intoxicated men drop all formality and crowd around the dancing couple, locking them inside their circle 'like a hunted deer', meanwhile clapping their hands in rhythmic patterns {keplok ngapinjal) and uttering exclamations (senggakan) in accordance with the tempo (iramd) of the music. At the stroke of the gong, the taledhek standing close to her partner is kissed, and 'if one has no feeling of shame left, the embrace may not even be covered by the sampur, so that all the female guests sitting in the house can see this'. Many males get so excited that they grab the dancer's breast, or even her private parts, during the embrace. Such parties, where the taledhek ends up looking ugly, with her hair bun and clothes in disorder, are disapproved of by Suwandi, who calls them vulgar and dirty. . The section is closed by the interesting remark that clowns (badhut) used to be a regular feature of tayuban. After explaining how people in the. past had a picture of a clown named Iranangga clapping his hands and how they would be shouting: 'Iranangga oh-oh!' during tayuban parties, the author gives more information about some famous clowns he can remember having performed during tayuban: 'About fifty years ago or more, there was a man named Jayengriris (a royal servant, soldier of the Jayengan corps), who played the clown at each tayuban. Because he could make everybody laugh by his [funny] body movements and talk, he contributed to the pleasure of the tayuban. Each time Jayengriris received an invitation [to perform], the money enclosed was at least one rixdollar (ringgit), and sometimes a banknote of / 5, it being the intention of the organizer of the tayuban to make sure he would come. In the long run he became very famous with the dancers, and they all called him "bapa" [father]. When Jayengriris died, somebody named Ganung took his place as clown at every tayuban. He also often received an invitation with an amount of money enclosed, as much as a ringgit, but his clowning was rather coarse. Nevertheless he was summoned by His Royal Highness Susuhunan X,. who is still ruling now. At first he was only told to clown for the king, but in the long run he was taken into court service and was made a canthang balung, a dancing clown at each garebeg Pasa or Mulud festival. After Ganung became a court servant, he seldom received an invitation

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access 554 Clara Brakel-Papenhuyzen with money. And after him there have not been [any] famous tayuban clowns, although there are [still] people who sometimes act as a clown at tayuban.^5 Relationships between the head of the clowns and professional dancers The above indications of a special relationship between the court of Surakarta, the leading male clown (lurah badhut), and professional dancing-women are explained in greater detail in a special section at the end of Suwandi's manuscript. It describes the special relationship which used to exist between the lurah badhut16 and the professional dancers in their district: 'In former times the dancers were all subjected to the lurah badhut (called canthang balung), so each dancer had to have a certificate from the lurah badhut. There are two lurah badhut, a left one and a right one. The left one's name is Gunalewa; he rules all the taledhek [living] to the west side of the western waringin tree [i.e. the two fenced-off waringin trees on the northern alun-alun] as far as Mount Merapi.'17 The second lurah badhut, named Sukalewa, rules all the dancers in the eastern part of the realm as far as Mount Lawu. A woman who wanted to be a professional dancer not only had to have a permit (pikekah) from one of these two canthang balung - who as court servants performed during the grebeg processions - she also had to pay an annual tax, which varied from 10 wang (1 wang = 10 duiten, approximately 8 1/2 cents) to one reyal (approximately two florins) depending on her popularity.

15 'Nalika jaman 50 tahun minggah, wonten tiyang nama Jayengriris (abdidalem prajurit Jayengan), saben wonten tayuban damelipun mbadhut, saking lelewaning tanaga sarta pangucap, a wit saking saged andamel gumujenging akathah, amewahi asrining tayuban. Saben Jayengriris angsal ulem temtu kaisenan arta apes mblebes ringgit satunggal, trakadhang kaisen arta kretas nggangsalan, ingkang ateges supados tamtu dhateng angrasekna anggenipun gadhah darnel tayuban, danguning dangu ngantos saengga dados kondhanging sadhengah ringgit, sami anebut bapa dhateng Jayengriris. Sapejahipun Jayengriris, wonten ingkang anggentosi badhut saben wonten ing tayuban, nama Ganung, ugi angsring angsal ulem ingkang isi arta saringgit, nanging pambadhutipun ragi kasar. Suprandosipun lajeng katimbalan ing sahandhap Sampeyan Dalem Ingkang Sinuhun Kangjeng Susuhunan kaping X ingkang taksih jumeneng sapunika, suwau amung kadhawuhan ambadhut wonten ngarsa dalem, dangu-dangu lajeng kaabdekaken pisan, kadadosaken canthang- balung, tukang njoged babadhutan saben ing bakda garebeg Pasa tuwin Mulud. Sasampunipun Ganung dados abdidalem lajeng awis-awis tampi ulem ingkang mawi isi arta. Sasampunipun punika boten wonten badhut tayuban ingkang misuwur malih kados dene Ganung utawi Jayengriris, wonten ugi tiyang ingkang sok purun mbadhut wonten ing tayuban, nanging boten wonten ingkang misuwur.' (JBT pp. 21-2) 16 Stutterheim discussed the institution of canthang balung in his 1935 article 'A thousand years old profession in the princely courts on Java* (Stutterheim 1956). 17 'Ing jaman rumiyin para ringgit punika sami madana dhateng lurah badhut ingkang sinebut Canthang-balung dados sadhengah ringgit kedah gadhah pikekah saking lurah badhut. Kawontenanipun lurah badhut wonten 2 iji, kiwa - tengen, ingkang kiwa nama Gunale'wa, angerehaken sadaya taledhek wates ringin kurung sakembaran ingkang kilen mangilen dumugi ardi Merapi.' (JBT p. 134)

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The court profited from these ties between the lurah badhut and the dancing-women, because 'whenever the kraton was in need of profes- sional dancers, no matter how many, they commanded the two lurah badhut to get a certain number of dancers and they would not be dis- appointed; so the lurah badhut just had to summon (angerikaken) the dancers'.18 The word angerikaken suggests that the dancers had to obey the order and could not refuse to come. How the subjection of the female dancer to the lurah badhut could become so strong that the dancing-woman became completely dependent on him is explained as follows: 'The lurah badhut must also keep19 a number of dancers in his [own] house, at least five, sometimes as many as ten dancers, and all those who want to engage a dancer must address their request to him.' The lurah badhut would then act as the dancer's manager, and ask for an inappropriately large share of her earnings, so that she could only keep one-tenth of her tayuban earnings for herself; the rest was to pay for her upkeep. If she wanted to buy nice clothes (which she needed for her profession) she would have to borrow money from the lurah badhut with whom she was living, who would ask such high interest that she would go deeper and deeper into debt with him. Her only hope of being saved from this situation was to be redeemed by a lover, or, if she became famous, to set herself up as an independent professional dancer. This control of the lurah badhut over the dancing-woman seems to have ended in Suwandi's days, as he remarks: 'Nowadays this is different; the lurah badhut does not have any power any more, because the kraton already has many dancers (abdinipun ringgit) and singers (pasindhen) in its service, so nowadays the clown and the dancer are just friends of one and the same rank.'20

Chinese tayuban The descriptions in Suwandi's manuscript of tayuban parties held by noble and common Surakarta citizens are immediately followed by a section on Chinese tayuban in Surakarta. The author introduces the section on Chinese tayuban with the observation that Chinese tayuban in the 'outer regions' are not different from tayuban held by Chinese in Surakarta, and he attributes this to the essential role played by Surakarta dancing-women

18 'Dados samangsa kraton mundhut ringgit pinten kemawon kedah dhawuh dhateng lurah badhut kiwa tengen, mundhut ringgit pinten boten badhe kacuwan, dados lurah badhut kantun angerigaken ringgitipun kemawon [...] kang sarta lurah badhut inggih kedah gadhah ringgit ingkang kaingah wonten griyanipun.' (JBT p. 134) 19 The term kaingah usually refers to kept animals. 20 'B6nten kaliyan jaman samangke, lurah badhut boten gadhah panguwaos punapa- punapa, kang awit kraton sampun kathah abdinipun ringgit sarta pasindhen, dados samangke badhut Ian ringgit samung dumunung dados kanca tunggil golongan.' (JBT p. 140)

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access 556 Clara Brakel-Papenhuyzen at Chinese tayuban: 'these [other] Chinese also get their dancers21 from Surakarta'. Suwandi's description of Chinese tayuban in Surakarta is such a rich, detailed account that it deserves to be translated in full. This description, translated below, consists of two parts: a introductory summary (ringkesan) in the first part of the manuscript, and a more detailed explana- tion (jerengan) in the second part of the manuscript.

Chinese tayuban in Surakarta (from the first part of Suwandi 's manu- script) 'Chinese tayuban in the town of Surakarta are similar to tayuban held by Chinese living in the outer regions, as these also get their dancers from Surakarta. When rich Chinese have a wedding celebration, they often engage a dancer (ringgit) for a party without partner dancing. In the course of time the name gambyongan [which supposedly derives from the name of a famous dancer called Gambyong22] came to be used when there was only solo dancing performed by a dancer or dancers without a partner. But when the Serat Centhini tells about a tayuban party given by the widow Sembada,23 the solo dance of the dancing-women before the partner dancing is [already] called "to perform gambyong". Moreover, at the time of Susuhunan V [1820-23] the term gambyongan was used to refer to the dance of all the female servants (nyai) sitting in lines and dancing together; as they walked in the manner of laku dhodhok [a squatting walk], they were smoothing the lower garment so that it would not open up;24 this was called gambyongan. At the time, the person teaching this gambyong dancing was the late Kangjeng Ratu Alit.25 Now this is no longer practised, and it is customary nowadays to use the term gambyongan for the dancing of a dancer (ringgit) without a partner. When people in Surakarta have a monthly entertainment and engage a taledhek to dance by herself, without partnering, this entertainment is also called gambyongan. Returning to [the subject of] a dancer being engaged to perform in the Chinese quarter, even without partner dancing this is also called tayuban; that is, whenever a taledhek is invited to the Chinese quarter, people say: "Come on, let's go and watch the Chinese tayuban, because Miss Akik

21 Here the term ringgit is used, which refers to both (shadow) puppets and human actors. 22 This derivation is given by the Serat Tatacara of Padmususastra; see Brakel- Papenhuyzen 1991:50. 23 This tayuban in the village of Pulung, described in the ninth part of the Serat Centhini, is not connected with a wedding celebration, but is organized in honour of two devout Muslim guests. 24 Showing the legs was considered most inappropriate for a Javanese woman. 25 The wife of the crown prince.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access Javanese Taledhek and Chinese Tayuban 557 has been asked for the Chinese tayub." So even if there is only dancing without partners they call this tayub, but the dancing proper is called "to gambyong", as there are no Chinese who can dance [that is, who can properly perform traditional Javanese dance]. If in the course of the night there are people who know how to dance and there happens to be partner dancing, the dancing-woman is really lucky. Because if she was only engaged to perform gambyong, and then gets a partner to dance with her, she will receive a larger sum which she may keep for herself. This is called double wages, being the tombok gift [from each of her dance partners] and the sum for which she was engaged (tanggapan). As regards the performance of dancers for a Chinese wedding, which continues for at least three days and three nights, the dancing starts in the evening at 8 o'clock and lasts until 2 o'clock at night. In the daytime it also starts at 8 o'clock in the morning, lasting until 2 o'clock in the afternoon. When a Chinese who has many relations holds a wedding celebration, he not only invites Chinese guests, but also many of his Javanese friends. If the host of the tayuban knows how to do it in the Javanese way there will be partner dancing. But the bridegroom does not really have to dance; only the guests dance. If there are many Chinese in the party who can dance, they arrange [for the guests] to take turns, so that after a Chinese has danced a Javanese will take the next turn. But the order is only according to wish, and the sampur is offered to whoever wants to dance; if one does not want to dance one does not have to. Although the Javanese guests almost certainly know how to dance, they are not forced to, as there are also Javanese guests who feel ashamed to dance at a Chinese party; therefore they may all dance [or not] as they please. This holds true all the more for the Chinese, even for those who know how to dance; if they are still somewhat shy about dancing in public, they do not have to. Therefore only those who wish to will dance. But if there are Chinese who wish to dance, the tombok is certainly much higher than at a Javanese party. Especially if these Chinese desire to gain the favour of the taledhek, the tombok is definitely extremely high, the more so if two, three, or four Chinese have their eye on the dancer; then the amount goes up as they try to outbid each other, each trying to give the highest amount. And they do not mind if the tayuban ends each time at 2 o'clock in the morning; indeed it does not stop until all the guests who wish to dance have had their turn. The Chinese tayuban is much liked by youngsters who like to fool around; when they see a dancing-woman on the side of the road they get evil plans. Some want to go and meet the dancer they like; and there are youngsters who want to make love to the dancer who has just been dancing for the Chinese, who wish, after the dancing is over at 2 o'clock in the morning, that sufficient time is left to sleep together. Their desire to make love to the dancer is so strong that they go and meet her so that they

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access 558 Clara Brakel-Papenhuyzen can fulfil their wish and take the dancer with them when she leaves the tarub in the Chinese quarter. On the other hand, the ones who intended to make pleasure have become so excited because of keeping their eyes on the dancing-woman, that when another man comes to fetch her, many people forget themselves because they have been drinking too much liquor. So they want to quarrel about the dancer who has been fetched by her lover and often a fight ensues. More than fifty years ago, people who were fond of a dancing-woman would not get her if their skin was not one span thick; that is they had to be invincible, and remain unhurt when struck by a weapon. Therefore each time there was a fight, the one who got the dancer was the one who won the fight; one had to have the courage to resist the weapons. And if one was not brave and could not win the battle, then one failed to obtain one's pleasure and was conquered by others. As for those men who have the habit of frequenting the tledhek quarter Amungtrusthan, they must be tough-skinned. If they are not, they will definitely become a corpse, because even as they are asleep in the bedroom, they are chased by swords and spears entering the bedroom, which frightens those who are not invincible. The number of dancers performing at Chinese parties is not fixed; some- times there are two who dance in turn, one dancing especially to Western music, the other only to Javanese gamelan, because there are very seldom taledhek like Herlaut who are experienced singers in the Javanese as well as in the Malay and Western singing styles; it is [usually] faulty and of inferior quality.'

Detailed explanation of tayuban in the Chinese quarter (from the second part of Suwandi's manuscript) 'When rich Chinese people hold a wedding celebration, it is certain that a dancer will be engaged to perform gambyong. When there are many well- educated Chinese men, the dancing may also become tayuban, the dancer being partnered by the Chinese guests; even so, the salary for the gambyong dance remains fixed. Regarding the tombok received from the partners, which is no small amount, this is usually shared with the musicians as follows. The musicians receive one-third of the tombok, while the taledhek receives two-thirds. The reason why the musicians receive a part is that the playing [when accompanying partner dancing] is more difficult and they break up much later, because when there is only gambyong [solo] dancing, it is finished at 2 o'clock, but when there is also partner dancing it may go on until 5 o'clock in the morning. For example, Babah26 A of Warung-pelem celebrates a wedding and engages a dancer to perform gambyong. When it is already 1 o'clock at

26 Title and term of address for an Indo-Chinese man.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access Javanese Taledhek and Chinese Tayuban 559 night they notice that the dancer is smiling all the time at her lover who has come to meet her outside the wedding hall. The well-educated Chinese guest named B is excited and asks his friend, a guest from Kudus named Babah C, to join in. He is only too pleased because he feels carried away by the movements of the dancer Masajeng Bais. So the other guests named Babah D, E, F, G, and H all agree, just to follow their friend's wish. When they are asked to participate, they discuss a while with Babah A, the host of the party. Babah B speaks as follows: "Master of the house, the Chinese from Kudus wishes to dance with the taledhek Masajeng Bais, because he is rather excited that her lover has come to meet her. How do you feel about this? Is there time to hold a tayuban with partner dancing which is certainly going to finish very late, at least at 5 o'clock in the morning?" Babah A: "As far as I am concerned it is all right to have a tayuban which ends in the morning, but what about the other guests, do they agree?" Babah B: "There are already six guests besides me, whom I have asked and who would like to do it: Babah C, D, E, F, G, and finally Babah H." Then Babah C from Kudus, who is driven by passion because he takes so much pleasure in Masajeng Bais, adds to the excitement by speaking as follows: "Master of the house, don't you worry about the cost; I will provide the liquor. You only have to count how much is consumed during the night, I will pay for it all, and I will get jenever [Dutch gin] and coffee to offer to the musicians so that they will have the strength to continue playing for the tayub." Babah A: "About the costs I am not worried, the only thing which matters is that all guests agree. Now that I know how much you wish this, I must follow your wish. If you wish to pay for the drinks, you may, but really, if you wish to get jenever and coffee it's enough just to tell the servant; because I have already prepared it, there will be enough." Babah C feels relieved because he gets what he wishes, and he orders the servant to bring jenever and coffee. The servant then brings jenever which Babah C gladly receives, and it is offered to the musicians with the following words: "Here, musicians, this is for you to drink, so that you will have the strength to play, because I want to dance with Masajeng, and also all my friends who know how to dance. And you, Masjeng, do you want me to do tayub with you?" Masjeng Bais answers with a smile: "I wish to very much, Sir, if only there are many fees." All the musicians say "thank you". Babah C feels great because Masajeng Bais has smiled at him; he thinks that she has accepted because she likes him, not realizing that a dancer is kind to no matter who; as the saying goes, "the dancing of a ledhek is a search for [money], if one looks stripped-off, she does not wish to be friends". He does not at all think of this saying, but only believes in her smile.

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Once it is decided to have tayub, the master of the house orders the servant to prepare jenever with a decanter and enough small empty glasses for all the guests who wish to take part in the tayub. It does not take long before the jenever is offered. The musicians play gendhing Gambirsawit, the taledhek dances gambyong, singling out Babah C from Kudus at whom she ogles and casts desiring glances, so that he feels more and more proud and continuously laughs and shouts with pleasure. When the dancer has finished her dance, she must approach Babah B and receives a sampur from the master of the house, in order to offer it to those guests who really wish to dance. After the taledhek has come to Babah B, she is made to fill the empty glasses which have been prepared on a small table. These are offered to all the Chinese who wish to dance tayub. The seven Chinese men then drink together; actually these Babah usually do not very much like to drink, so they only take a little bit. Babah C tells the dancer to sing Uler Kambang11 as opening song. The taledhek does not answer but smiles at Babah C and sings. Babah C gets more and more happy, he feels really enchanted [by her]. Babah B speaks as follows: "It's best that Koh Kudus dances first, because he has come from far", and all the Babah who participate in the tayub agree that Babah C should dance first. Babah C pretends that he does not want to, but in fact he wants it very much; then Babah C obeys, being pressed by all the guests, and pays a tombok of / 5. The dancer, glancing at him with disdain, speaks smilingly: "You said that the tombok would be high; well this is just the same as a tombok given by a Javanese." Babah C feels rather angry that his tombok is compared with that of a Javanese, but being flattered by her glances and her smile he then takes a note of / 25, which he puts into her breast cloth with the following words: "When a Chinese from Kudus invites he will not be inferior to a Javanese." Masajeng Bais is all smiles with the / 25 note in her breast cloth and pinches him, saying: "Well, it's not so, Yuk (a Chinese term of address meaning Lord), how could I say that a Yuk from Kudus is the same as one of my own Javanese men. He is totally different, I should say 'mempe we owa' (the badly pronounced Javanese expression: 'memper wae ora' [they are not at all similar])". Speaking thus, Masajeng Bais then asks Babah Kudus which gendhing he chooses, and he answers gendhing Pangkur barang. When the musicians hear which gendhing he has chosen, they play the opening of gendhing Pangkur barang. Then the taledhek stands up and, with a smile to Babah Kudus, she casts / 5 of the tombok money into the copper vase which has already been prepared by the servant, a large copper vase placed on a small table and closed with a copper tray. Then the taledhek starts to dance, all the time

27 These are the first words of a well-known Javanese literary charade (wangsalan), often used by female solo singers ipesindhen).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access Javanese Taledhek and Chinese Tayuban 561 ogling at Babah Kudus, who is very proud that the taledhek has her eyes on him all the time. Then Babah Kudus starts to dance with the sampur around his neck. Although he has been taught to dance, his dancing is of course not so supple,28 but it is not too bad. Babah B and D are both larih, following the rules of the Javanese from Solo; one carries the decanter, the other an empty glass. When the gong is struck and they happen to be facing each other, they all stop and have a drink. After the drink the two larih stop and Babah E and F take their turns, doing this merely by receiving decanter and glass on the spot; then they dance on. Although they are actually Chinese, the Solonese Chinese can already dance well, and many look really supple, because they have been instructed by wireng dancers from the court. The dance of Babah C ends after only two gongan.'29

Continuation of the explanation of tayuban in the Chinese quarter (from the second part of Suwandi 's manuscript 'After the gendhing has ended, Babah C stops dancing, but Masjeng Bais is still surrounded [by men], which excites Babah H because he is a generous Chinese, so he takes offence at how Babah C throws his money about. Moreover he despises him for trying so obviously to please the famous taledhek, just throwing so much money about; well, that seems scandalous; he seems to take it for granted that a dancer may become a mistress - such is the grumbling of Babah H, intending to counterbalance the desire of the Chinese from Kudus. When the dancer kneels down in front of the chairs of the guests who wish to dance, Babah H comes in between with the following words: "Koh B, now I want to take a turn at dancing; I want to, because the dancing of Koh Kudus is so pleasant." Babah B: "Go ahead if you wish to dance; the taledhek is for whoever wishes to dance as though he owns her." While he speaks like that he tells the dancer to approach Babah H and offer him the sampur. After the dancer has approached Babah H and offered him the sampur, she is told to sing the melody Witing Klapa. The taledhek then sings this melody accompanied by the sound of the gamelan instruments and she clings to Babah H. Well, that is how the dancer should act; at a tayuban she does not actually love anybody sincerely. So she loves everybody who gives her a tombok and dances with her; everybody who has given a tombok is accepted and entertained. Then Babah H feels that he has a way to pester Babah Kudus; he intends to outdo him in throwing money about, and to incite him. Then he orders the taledhek as follows: "Here, sit on my lap and I will give you a tombok." The taledhek says: "I may well be

28 Suppleness and grace are important qualities of Javanese classical dance, which is only mastered after many years of practice. 29 The duration of a musical phrase delimited by the stroke on the large gong.

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struck by God's punishment that I am taken on your lap just like that; oh well, it's only here, why not?" Babah H: "You will not be punished, since I have already given you permission." Speaking thus, he pulls the dancer's hand and really takes her on his lap; as she sits on his lap he continuously gazes at her, while the dancer keeps smiling. How excited Babah C is now; he feels like dragging the dancer from [Babah H's] lap, but it is really not right to do this, because when the taledhek was made to dance tayub she became the possession of them all, so therefore he can only be angry inside. Then Babah H gives a banknote of / 10 as\ tombok and asks for the gendhing Pisang Bali. The dancer is very pleased because, from just two Chinese, she has already received / 15 as tombok, besides the personal gift of / 25, but outwardly she still wears a sulky expression, because she has not yet received her personal gift [from Babah H]. Babah H understands the dancer's sulkiness as a hint that she has not yet received her gift [from him], so he does not take long to open his purse and draw out a / 50 banknote, which he waves in the air while he says: "Here, dear, I will give you my money in your breast cloth, but you must know that this note is for earnest-money." The dancer speaks, smiling: "Earnest-money or not, as long as you give it to me." As she says' this she pinches his thigh; Babah H then puts the banknote into her breast cloth. The gendhing Pisang Bali has already started to sound, and the taledhek gets off his lap while still ogling at him; she puts the tombok of / 10 into the vase, then begins to dance to gendhing Pisang Bali. Her dancing is appropriate, looking fresh and energetic, because the gendhing Pisang Bali is often used for wireng dances.30 The movements of the dancer make the onlookers more and more emotional; her dancing is really extremely pleasant, since Bais has actually been trained at court, so she does not lack the means to enchant her audience. Babah C from Kudus gets more and more furious that somebody else has surpassed the amount he paid as tombok and that the gift to the dancer has even been doubled; he fears that he may be despised. Therefore he is extremely confused; he plans to pay another tombok and also a second personal gift, in order to please the dancer. As for Babah H he just looks calm because he understands the character of the professional dancer, and since Babah H has really taken a liking to Bais, therefore he has given the money in order to incite Babah C incomparably, in order to let him take another turn, which will be even more advantageous for the dancer. Then Babah H dances, with the six other Babah taking turns in being larih. As he dances he keeps his eyes on the dancer, which creates desire in all those who see it, particularly Babah C from Kudus, who is extremely emotional, as indeed he has fallen madly in love with her movements. He

30 Warrior's dance usually performed by male dancers; see Brakel-Papenhuyzen 1991:52.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access Javanese Taledhek and Chinese Tayuban 563 follows her every movement continuously and fixes them in his mind. When Babah H has finished dancing the music ends. Now Babah B dances; his tombok is only / 5 without a personal gift. There are only six guests to be larih, which makes seven including the one who dances. There are no more guests [who could dance], because at that time there were not yet as many as nowadays, when practically every well-educated Chinese knows how to dance, since they have all received lessons from Javanese wireng dancers from the court. They have even been able to establish companies of Javanese theatre (wayang wong) which are completely Chinese. After Babah B has danced, Babah D takes the next turn. After Babah D come Babah E and F, and finally the last dancer is Babah G. As for the tombok given to the dancer, all give the same amount of / 5 and nobody wants to add a personal gift. In order to incite Babah Kudus, the dancer acts as follows: while she keeps clinging to Babah H, she constantly keeps throwing flirtatious glances at Babah C from Kudus. This behaviour incites Babah C so much, that he tells Babah B he wants to dance another time, because it is almost half past four so they will soon break up. As Babah B feels certain from the wish of Babah C from Kudus that he is really crazy about Bais, he invites her and tells her to offer the sampur to Babah Kudus. The dancer hurries over with the sampur, and when she is close to him she leans against his thigh as she hands him the sampur. Now Babah Kudus feels wonderful, as he has been given the sampur accompanied by the sendhon Uler Kambang with the following text: "Please dance; what do you wish". Her beautiful voice, soft and sweet, mingles with the sound of the gamelan, to which are added the rhythmical exclamations (senggakan) of the musicians, in alternation with the enchanting singing of the dancer. When Babah Kudus hears this he falls in love and wants to have an affair with Masjeng Bais. He invites her to Kudus and she accepts, but he must hide his shame by using [as a pretext] the occasion of a tayuban or gambyong party. When Babah Kudus's invitation has been accepted, he feels happy; in fact Bais is a simple dancer who has never yet gone anywhere, therefore he must use the pretext of an invitation to perform. But Babah Kudus feels a bit disappointed that he cannot at that moment also express his yearning for the dancer. Therefore Babah Kudus wants to dance once more, while he hands a tombok of one / 10 banknote; he cannot resist being pinched and ogled, being immediately aflame, and then gives a banknote of 50 rupiyah as a personal gift, so that she will not like him less than Babah H, to whom in fact she has already taken a liking. How happy is Masjeng Bais, that she has received / 125 in personal gifts, besides the tombok money, from a tayuban with merely seven people. And moreover her body does not even feel painful, as when she has a tayub with Javanese people; then her body hurts, and the income is not worthwhile. Because at a Javanese tayuban which is not for the nobility

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the men definitely fumble at her body, causing physical pain to the dancer, and she receives very little money. At sunrise the tayuban party breaks up, so there is not one of the Babah who can bring the dancer home.'

Wayang cokek in a West Javanese Chinese community Unfortunately we are not in a position to verify whether the above de- scription by Suwandi is really based on personal experience, and it is difficult to determine to what extent it may be influenced by prejudice on the part of the non-Chinese author.31 Fortunately there is another, later description (1966) of a Chinese wedding party, which is based on personal observation by a Chinese author, Go Gien Tjwan. The traditional wedding celebration of a peranakan12 Chinese farmer which he attended in a rather isolated village in the western part of the island - far from the courts of Central Java - also featured a kind of tayuban dance. Following a succinct description of the traditional wedding ceremony in front of the Chinese altar in the house of the bride, the author proceeds to describe the place where the dancing takes place: 'In front of the house they have extended the roof; sometimes sugarcane is tied to the bamboo poles [...] the indispensable gambling tables are placed somewhere in the back of the house [...] the tables with food and drink, as well as the orchestra and the dancing-women, together named wayang cokek, are placed under the shed, so that the whole village (desa) can participate in enjoying the feast, because this place is not fenced off.'33 The expression wayang cokek is defined as follows:

'Wayang cokek is a song-and-dance play; its music forms a combination of Chinese and Indonesian melodies. The instruments of the orchestra are a gambang kayu, rebab, suling, kempul, kenong, kethuk, kacrek and kendang; all of these are Indonesian34 instruments [...] the word cokek is a contamination of the Hokkian words jio (sing) and kek (rhythm).'

The relationship between musicians and dancers receives special atten- tion: 'While the musicians are peranakan Chinese [men], the dancing- women, who are their wives, are usually indigenous [asli, that is Javanese] girls who have adopted Chinese names.' The dancers' dress formerly used to be predominantly in Chinese style: plain silk trousers, a wide, loose and brightly coloured jacket, the braided hair tied with a bright red string; but these days they prefer a more modern

31 On the changing perceptions of Chinese communities in Central Java in the eighteenth to early nineteenth'centuries, see Carey 1984. 32 The term peranakan, half-caste, is used here to indicate Chinese of mixed descent. 33 The passages have been taken from pp. 189-200 in section 2: 'Aspecten van een Peranakan-cultuur' ('Aspects of a Peranakan culture'). The original Dutch text is quoted by me in English translation. 34 That is, Javanese.

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Indonesian outfit: a kain (long strip of cloth, usually decorated with batik patterns) is wrapped around the hips, topped by a tight-fitting kebaya (blouse) of flowery material, the hair being permanent-waved in European style by a hairdresser. Then Go Gien Tjwan describes the dance as follows:

'The gambang begins to play a Chinese overture named pobin. This is a signal for the members of the orchestra and the dancing-women to be ready. In groups of two, four, or more, the girls start dancing to melodies which are well known to indigenous and peranakan folks throughout the region of Jakarta and Tanggerang. The girls sing to it. Some of the songs clearly betray their Chinese origin, such as Si Litan or Si Patmoh. These, as well as other tunes (such as for example Jali-jali, Lenggang Kangkung, Mawar Tumpah, Kersi Rusak, Kramat Karam), are all sung in the Jakarta dialect. The male guests enjoy the music and dancing while savouring biscuits and more especially the drinks - on these occasions one drinks arak and above all much beer, the consumption of which has increased enormous- ly after the departure of the Dutch troops, following Indonesian Inde- pendence. The climax, called solder, comes when the leader of the orchestra judges that the men have consumed enough alcohol - in the days when brandy, cognac, and whisky were still relatively cheap, these strong drinks could also be found at festive occasions such as these, according to the informants. The sweetest dancing-woman comes forwards with a slendang, a shawl, on her outstreched hands. Dancing to the sound of very erotic music, she selects a man for whom she kneels down and makes sembah, a gesture of obeisance, whereafter she places the slendang on his knees, or simply hands it over to him. If the man accepts this invitation to dance he has the right to choose a melody which he likes. Sometimes the girl improvises her own text, making allusions to [physical] love. The man, who is also improvising, responds to these allusions, the liquor goes to his head, and similarly the dancing-woman, who is drinking along with the men. The dance movements become more and more obscene, the onlookers clap their hands, laugh, and scream, the orgy starts. The girls alternate and each man gets a turn. The liquor flows and the money flows, because the girl gets a good tip after the dance is over. The feast, which started in the early afternoon, only ends late at night, sometimes only at the break of dawn.'

According to Tio Ie Soei, an expert on the history of Javanese Chinese (peranakan) quoted by the author, wayang cokek was already known in Jakarta in the seventeenth century. He gives a description of the following clowns' act which used to be performed as part of wayang cokek:

'Two peranakan, both men, one named Mah Babu and dressed as a woman, the other Empe Sinsang, are clowns whose play is inseparable from wayang cokek. Empe Sinsang [old uncle S.] wears a tengsha, an ancient Chinese dress. His head is covered with a coconut shell functioning as a hat, a fake thin moustache decorates his upper lip; in his

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right hand he holds a huncwe [Chinese waterpipe] and in his left hand a fan. Mah Babu wears a baju kurung [long blouse], usually dark blue, and her kain is also of a dark colour, symbolizing that she and Empe Singsang are of an advanced age. A wig with a false hairbun, put on loosely, adorns the head of Mah Babu, whose face is heavily and sloppily powdered. Her eyebrows are painted thick and black. A large and thick wart from upper lip to cheek makes her face ludicrous and the fat susur [quid of tobacco] moves from left to right between her lips as she cracks her jokes or sings a song. Mah Babu always has a fan in her hand. As the two clowns play their tricks one just has to laugh; the old uncle who speaks like a real totok Chinese [immigrant], pronouncing / instead of r, and Mah Babu who cracks her jokes with a continuous flow of words in juicy Jakartan dialect. The dancing-women, the members of the orchestra, and the clowns are not regarded as inferior hirelings. They are part of the family who receives the guests; the girls may enter the kitchen, and even the inner rooms. They will not fail to pay homage to the host and hostess as soon as they arrive by kneeling down twice and making sembah [raising the joined palms in front of the face]. They function as daughters of the family, who offer food and drinks to the guests and entertain them in the proper way.'35

Back to the beginning: the origins of the tayub dance Introducing the description of the wedding celebration featuring wayang cokek, Go Gien Tjwan states that the agricultural cycle of these peranakan Chinese farmers in Java is still based on the traditional Chinese calendar, and that the wedding celebration during the period of rest between two farming cycles conforms with agricultural customs in 'ancient' China, where the wedding season also coincided with the period of rest between farming cycles. The Chinese author finds many other correspondences between the wayang cokek dance party and rituals in mainland China. In particular the clown's act and the 'orgy' are, in his view, related to village rites performed in mainland China. He draws the conclusion that wayang cokek must originate in ancient Chinese tradition - in spite of the fact that the traditional Chinese wedding ceremony which he describes was led by an indigenous Javanese woman specialized in bridal make-up (tukang Has). She was said to be the only person present who knew how the cere- mony should be executed. However, one does not need to look as far away as pre-communist main- land China for similar rural practices, as many village communities in East and Central Java still feature tayuban as 'an integral part of spirit shrine ritual associated with annual bersih desa festivity' (Hefner 1987:75; Hughes-Freeland 1990 and 1993). In some villages in East Java the dance of a young female solo dancer has been maintained as the most essential

35 Go Gien Tjwan 1966.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access Javanese Taledhek and Chinese Tayuban 567 event of the annual village ritual, involving trance and ritual songs as well as merry making (Scholte 1927; Wolbers 1993). In spite of the obvious similarities between the Chinese wedding dance and Javanese tayuban, Go Gien Tjwan maintains that the differences are more important: 'What is lacking during ngibing36 is the improvised altern- ating singing and the orgies.' Yet, while urban Javanese tayuban may not necessarily feature improvised or alternating singing, professional dancers usually do sing during the first part of the dance event; and drunkenness and erotic behaviour also regularly occur (and occurred) at Javanese tayuban. One of the main differences in my opinion is the lack of concern for hierarchy at Chinese tayuban, and accordingly less reason for quarrel- ling. The above-mentioned descriptions show that there are indeed signifi- cant correspondences between Chinese wayang cokek and Javanese tayuban: both are dance parties for men in the context of a wedding celebration or annual agricultural rites, at which male guests dance in turn with a professional female dancer in an erotic and excited atmosphere, under the influence of alcoholic drinks. The professional performers are: a group of male musicians, one or more dancing-women, often accompanied by a clown or a pair of clowns. The main activity of partner dancing, which rarely occurs in Javanese society, is introduced by a female dancing with- out a male partner, and may be performed alternately with clowning. It is remarkable that in view of such great similarities, the authors (Go Gien Tjwan and Suwandi), belonging as they do to different communities, each seem to wish to stress the differences, thus emphasizing their own cultural identity. Pursuing the arguments of Go Gien Tjwan, we may ask how the striking correspondences in the institution of ritual wedding dances in Chinese and Javanese society may best be explained. There are at least three possibil- ities: 1. both Chinese and Javanese wedding dances originated in agricultural mainland China; 2. Chinese communities in Java adopted the wedding dance from the Javanese through intermarriage and acculturation; 3. the Javanese adopted the wedding dance from 'immigrant' Chinese communities, just as they accepted other cultural influences into their society. While the solution of this problem requires further historical research, it is probably due to a combination of factors that the professional dancing- woman accompanied by musicians and clowns continues to serve various communities in Java up to the present time. Returning to Pleyte's short article of 1916 on the origin of the Javanese

36 The Javanese term ngibing usually refers to the dancing of men during the tayuban.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 09:00:00AM via free access 568 Clara Brakel-Papenhuyzen ronggeng which was discussed at the beginning of the present article, it primarily drew attention to the divine origin of the institution of pro- fessional dancing-women. In Pleyte's view, the myth told in the pre-Islamic Tantu Panggelaran served the same goal as the oral tale he had heard in Tasik Malaya, namely 'to have [...] sanctioned this institution [i.e. the pro- fessional dancing-woman] by Shivaism, which was the dominant religion of 1000 BC [sic]'.37 However, such sanctioning hardly seems necessary, as Hinduism does not generally disapprove of the performing arts. According to the description in the medieval Tantu Panggelaran, the circumstances necessitating the divine creation of a dancing-woman were that the gods were perplexed by the fury of Lord Shiva (in his aspect of Guru, the Divine Teacher) who, after taking on a demonic appearance, threatened to destroy life on earth. The creation first of the shadow play, then of the dancer (actress) singing songs and playing, was meant as an exorcistic device to counteract Shiva's destructive force. Although there are still some isolated cases of healing in connection with professional female dancing in present-day Java, most recent studies indicate that the context of the professional dancing-woman's performance has considerably changed, from (exorcistic) ritual to (secular) entertainment. And yet a remarkable sense of continuity is displayed by the opening statement in the above-quoted treatise on Javanese dances: 'For the Javanese the tayub dance is held to ensure the continuation of the world.'38

37 According to Pigeaud the Tantu Panggelaran probably dates from the sixteenth century (Pigeaud 1924:47-52). 38 'Tatanan wonten beksa tayub punika kaangge tiyang Jawi saindenging bawana' (JBT p. 1).

REFERENCES Berg, L.W.C. van den, 1887, Inlandsche rangen en titels op Java en Madoera, Bata- via: Landsdrukkerij. Brakel[-Papenhuyzen], C, 1991, Seni tari Jawa; Tradisi Surakarta dan peristilahannya, Jakarta: ILDEP. -, 1992, The bedhaya court dances of Central Java, Leiden: Brill. -, 1993, 'Character types and movement styles in traditional Javanese theatre', in: Bernard Arps (ed.), Performance in Java and Bali, London: School of Oriental and African Studies. Carey, Peter B.R., 1984, 'Changing Javanese perceptions of the Chinese communities in Central Java, 1755-1825', Indonesia 37:1-48. Go Gien Tjwan, 1966, Eenheid in verscheidenheid in een Indonesisch dorp, Amsterdam: Sociologisch-Historisch Seminarium voor Zuidoost Azie. Hatch, M., 1985, 'Nyai Bei Mardusari: singer of Javanese poetry', RIMA 19(2): 113- 135. Hazeu, G.A.J., 1897, Bijdrage tot de kennis van het Javaansche tooneel, Leiden: Brill.

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Hefner, R.W., 1987, 'The politics of popular art; Tayuban dance and culture change in East Java', Indonesia 43:75-95. Hughes-Freeland, F., 1990, 'Tayuban; Culture on the edge', Indonesia Circle 52:36- 45. -, 1993, 'Golek Menak and tayuban; Patronage and professionalism in two spheres of Central Javanese culture', in: Bernard Arps (ed.), Performance in Java and Bali, London: School of Oriental and African Studies. Kusumadilaga, K.P.A., 1930, Pakem Sastramiruda. (jilid I), Solo: De Bliksem. Kumar, A., 1980, 'Javanese court society and politics in the late eighteenth century; The record of a lady soldier': Part I, The religious, social and economic life of the court, Indonesia 29:1-46; Part II, Political developments; The courts and the Company, 1784-1791, Indonesia 30:67-112. Padmasusastra, Ki, 1907, Serat Tatacara, Batavia: Goevernementsdrukkerij. Pigeaud, T., 1924, De Tantu Panggelaran, 's-Gravenhage: Smits. Pleyte, CM., 1916, 'De eerste ronggeng', Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde (TBG) 57:270-273. Ranggawarsita, 1905, Pustaka Raja Poerwa (I, II, III), Ngayogyakarta. Scholte, J., 1927, 'Gandroeng van Banjoewangi', Djawa 7:144-153. Serat Centhini, 1990, Serat Centhini latin 9, Yogyakarta: Yayasan Centhini. Stutterheim, W.F., 1956, 'A thousand years old profession in the princely courts on Java', in: Studies in Indonesian archeology, pp. 91-103, The Hague: Nijhoff. [KITLV, Translation Series 1. First published 1935.] Wolbers, Paul A., 1993, "The seblang and its music; Aspects of an East Javanese fertility rite', in: Bernard Arps (ed.), Performance in Java and Bali, London: School of Oriental and African Studies. Manuscript Suwandi, R.M., 1937, Djedjerengan bab beksa tajoeb, bondan toewin wireng (transcription Musium Sonobudaya dated 5 July 1937, MS Panti Boedaja E 69 dated 1938). [Referred to in the above article as JBT.] . .

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