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Standardizing Sex Discrimination: Clerical Workers, Labor Organizing, and Feminism

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Standardizing Sex Discrimination: Clerical Workers, Labor Organizing, and Feminism 1 Standardizing Sex Discrimination: Clerical Workers, Labor Organizing, and Feminism Allison Louise Elias Roanoke, Virginia B.A., University of Virginia, 2002 M.A., University of Virginia, 2005 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Virginia August, 2013 Cindy Aron Grace Hale Charles McCurdy Eileen Boris 2 Standardizing Sex Discrimination: Clerical Workers, Labor Organizing, and Feminism Abstract Nine to Five, a labor organization founded in 1973 in Boston, became a national and visible advocacy group for working women who sought higher pay, promotional access, and greater respect from their superiors. Its advocates who wanted more bargaining power eventually formed a national office workers’ union in 1981. The unionizing efforts on college campuses for greater pay equity and the negotiations in publishing houses for uniform personnel practices were high points for the office workers’ movement in the 1970s and 1980s, a period labor historians traditionally describe as quiescent. While standardizing workplace procedures helped to bolster some women into male-dominated positions, it also signified a weakening and narrowing of the office workers’ movement. Legal mandates came to mean opportunities for mobility into male-dominated sectors; yet the possibility of pay equity for sex-segregated work collapsed in the private sector. State and corporate policies emphasized formal equality, which empowered some women to enter new fields and gain greater financial security. However, opportunity came to mean allowing women the same opportunities as men; thus, clericals remained low paid and clerical work remained dead end. Managers, including an emerging class of professional women, did not perceive the work that clericals performed as relevant for professional positions. Clericals did not always achieve their tangible demands such as systemic wage restructuring although they won selected battles such as securing written job descriptions, empowered themselves through collective action, and influenced public perceptions of appropriate workplace behavior. Nine to Five leaders had attempted to unite clerical women as an economic class even as gender-based state and corporate policies overwhelmed their efforts. Feminism played an ambiguous role in clericals’ campaigns, on the one hand encouraging women to organize and assert themselves; on the other, focusing attention primarily on access to men’s jobs at the risk of slighting the problems of sex-segregated workers. The labor organizing efforts of clericals challenge histories that point to the emergence of antidiscrimination legislation and the growth of demographic diversity to argue for progress in the postwar office. This project exposes the limited access of pink-collar workers to fair pay and upward mobility. 3 Standardizing Sex Discrimination: Clerical Workers, Labor Organizing, and Feminism Table of Contents Introduction. 4 Chapter One . .22 Chapter Two . 75 Chapter Three. 136 Chapter Four. 196 Chapter Five. 255 Epilogue. 299 4 Standardizing Sex Discrimination: Clerical Workers, Labor Organizing, and Feminism Introduction The 1980 movie Nine to Five featured Jane Fonda, Lily Tomlin and Dolly Parton as secretaries Judy Bernly, Violet Newstead, and Doralee Rhodes. They took revenge against their sexist boss Franklin Hart, played by Dabney Coleman, because he regularly mistreated female employees. He yelled at them, stole their ideas, refused to promote them, and sexually harassed them. The women joined forces to kidnap him and tie him up in his house, and then they assumed operation of their office. Following his escape and return to work, the board chairman commended Hart on the recent productivity increase that occurred at the company. Hart took credit for the improvement even though he was, in fact, being held captive while it happened. The three women were responsible for the progress. But luckily Hart received a promotion that sent him to Brazil, which relieved the women of having to work with him any longer. The movie ended by disclosing that Judy got married, Violet received a promotion to vice president, and Doralee became a famous singer. Nine to Five was a hit: it was one of the top grossing movies of 1980, earning over $100 million.1 While many saw the film and laughed at its absurd take on the plight of clericals, less familiar was the actual organization 9to5 that served as inspiration for the movie. This dissertation traces 9to5, the National Association of Working Women, and its sister union, District 925 of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), to illuminate clericals’ postwar organizing efforts as they initially rose in the 1960s and 70s, doggedly persisted in the 80s, and then declined in the 1990s. 1 “9 to 5,” Box Office Mojo, an IMDb company, accessed July 1,2013, http://www.boxofficemojo.com/movies/?id=9to5.htm. Domestic lifetime gross reported to be $103,290,500. 5 Harvard secretaries and friends Karen Nussbaum and Ellen Cassedy founded 9to5 in 1973 to increase awareness of the low pay and lack of respect given to clerical workers. Cassedy said that before starting 9to5 with Nussbaum, she had “absorbed what was in the culture—that office work wasn’t really work, office workers were not true workers, [and] women’s work was not that important.”2 Other women had similar experiences, and grassroots organizations similar to 9to5 developed in Chicago, San Francisco, New York, and other cities. In 1977, the local organizations formed a national alliance, 9to5, the National Association for Working Women, that launched coordinated campaigns to target certain industries (publishing or insurance, for instance) or to pursue issues of concern (examples included affirmative action and office automation). The women creating and advancing the 9to5 platform lobbied using the language of ‘rights and respect.’ Often they did not distinguish between tangible gains (such as pay, benefits, and promotions) and respect issues because they saw them as interrelated and possibly as inseparable. To gain the authority to negotiate wage contracts, Boston workers formed a union affiliate, Local 925 in 1975; in 1981, this local became District 925, a national clericals’ union and part of the growing SEIU. By challenging unstated assumptions that devalued clerical workers, 9to5 helped to elucidate the connection between economic injustice and gender discrimination. Nine to Five’s organizing methods and direct actions changed women’s perceptions of themselves, their bosses, and their workplaces, providing a forum for discussion and activism. The organization influenced public attitudes of what a secretary should be expected to do for her boss. It helped to formalize clericals’ job descriptions and delineate appropriate boundaries so that women had some protection against bosses who demanded that they run errands and serve lunch. Nine to 2 Ellen Cassedy, interviewed by Ann Froines, SEIU District 925 Legacy Project, Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University, November 6, 2005. 6 Five’s flexible structure appealed to women who did not want to commit to union membership. Clericals could participate on certain campaigns or take part in selected activities without further requirements of involvement. Although 9to5 had limited power when confronting employers, never before had a labor organization been so effective with so few contractual gains or without formal bargaining channels. This dissertation is the first comprehensive postwar history on clerical workers. It seeks to explain how 9to5 emerged as a national labor organization and what it accomplished for clerical workers. In addition, it asks why clerical work, a female-dominated job, remained low paid and dead end given the advent of the feminist movement and the existence of clerical unions. By examining the strategies, goals, and campaigns of 9to5, this project reveals why trade unions failed to take hold in private-sector offices; how feminists’ goals could stifle the mobility of wage-earning women in sex-segregated jobs; and how corporations and the state created equal employment opportunity policies that excluded pay equity. The feminist movement of the 1960s motivated office workers to come together to define their complaints; they prioritized higher pay, access to promotions, and respectful treatment. How workers organized and what grievances they stressed could vary by industry. In union campaigns on university campuses they had the most success in economic issues, often improving their pay scales or winning across-the-board raises. Clerical workers did not achieve systemic wage restructuring or other tangible demands in banks or insurance companies; in fact, they rarely were able to unionize in the private sector although some companies granted pay raises to preempt organizing. In the publishing industry, they won select noneconomic battles that influenced the nature of personnel policy so that employers began to institute job postings and provide paid job training. 7 The organizing strategies of 9to5 and 925 emphasized the importance of empowering workers. Nine to Five and District 925 aimed to build women’s leadership experience so that they would feel comfortable confronting employers alone about interpersonal matters or collectively through unionizing. One University of Massachusetts clerical described office workers as needing to recognize that they were just as deserving of workplace
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