BEr 13-14(1995-96): 117'1'76

PeterFt-ucEI-

The ritual circle of the TerdpanthSvetambara Jainsl

The empiricalinvestigation of the changingrole of pilgrimageand religiousnetworks as formsof socio-politicalintegration is oneof the mostfertile areasof SouthAsia research to date. Yet the related theoreticaldebate which broadly opposesDurkheimian2 and Weberian3approaches suffers from the fact that the proponentsof both campsshare the

i. The ethnographic present of this paper is the year l99l-I992, although fieldwork in India has been conductedin stagesbetween 1988 and 1993.The leaderof the SvetambarTerapanth during this period was acaryaTulsi (1914-1997).He renounced his position (which he held for 58 years) on health grounds in March 1994at the matyads mahotsav in SardarSaharin favour of his succrssorMahiprajia (1921) but retained the title

2. E.g. Mauss, Marcel & Beuchat, H. "Essai sur les variations saisonnidresdes soci6t6sEskimo.t In Sociologieet Anthropologie. Paris: PressesUniversitaires de Fra-nce,(1904/1m5) 1968; Turner, Victor W. "The Center out there: Pilgrim's Goal". History of Religions12 (1973), 191-230;Eck, D.G., Tlrthas: 'Crossings' "lndia's in Sacred Geography." History of Religons 20 (1981), 322-344;Gotd, Am G. Fruiful loumqs: The l|/ays of RajasthanPilgrims. Berkeley: Universify of California Press,1990; Chojnacki, Ch., sl-ieux saints jai-nadans le 14vidhottdhakatpa(XIVe s.):repr6sentation, fonction, panth6on.'BEI9 (1991),37-59; Granoff, Phyllis. "Worship as Comrnemoration: Pilgrimage, Death and Dying in Medieval Jainism." BEI l0 (l99Z), 181-2I2.

3. E.g. Redfield, Robert & Milton Singer."The Cultural Role of Cities.' Economic Developmentmd Cultural sNetworks Churye 3 Q95\ 53-13;Cohn, Bernhard S. & McKim Marriott. and Ccntres in the Integration of Indian Civilization." Iounral of Social Research1,1 (1958), 1-10; Marriott, McKim. aChanging Channels of Cultural Transmission in Indian Civilization'. .Ioumal of SocialResearch 4 (1961), 1-13; Sopher, David E. "Pilgrim Circulation in Gujarat.' The GeographicalReview (196) 392-425;Stein, Burton. aCirculation and the Historical Geography of Tamil Sndies (1971) 7:26; Burghart, Richard. 'Regional Country." loumal of Asion 37,1 Circtes a.-ndtne Central Overseer of the Vaishravite Sectsin the Kingdom of Nepai." ln Changing Sourh Asia: Retigion and Society.Ed. K. Ballhatchet & D. Taylor, 165-179.Hong Kong: Asian Research serhcc, 1984;Van dcr Veer, Peter. "structure and Anti-Structurein Hindu Pilgrimage to Ayodhya." In LharryingSourlr Asia: Religtotrotrd Society.F,d. K. Ballhatchet& D. Taylor, 59-67. Hong Kong: Asian ResearchService, 19R4. The ritual circle of the Terapanth PeteTFLUGEL SveEmbara Jains r19

a societyas the pelpetuallycontested renewal of a compromisebetween Neo-Kantianview of historyas a manifestationof culturalideals. The former arguethat of two seriesof the internal conditionsof the social integrationof the lifeworld, religiousrituals resolve conflicts and promote social integration,whereas the latter imperatives: and the externalconditions of its functionalintegration vis-d,-vis an only partially emphasisethe dual functionsof ritualsfor the reproductionof both socialsolidarify and controllable environment.If valuesand functionsdon't match,then a compromise the legitimationof power.It is now widelyaccepted that both theoriesare fundamentally holdsonly as long as the actualfunctions of socialorientations remain latent.In a-historicaland mainly rewardingfor thosewho regardthe valuesof sociallydominant the following I want to - showthat this shift of theoreticalperspective has consequences for elitesas paradigmatic for societyas a whole.A slightlydifferent, although still culturalist, our understandingof the systemicand the social,personal and culturalrole of contemporary approachwas developed by Parsonsand later appliedto SouthAsia by Dumont (1980): Jain pilgrimage. t)?es: in the first, all spheresof "From this poilt of view, the systbmsof ultimatc values are of two life come immediately and formally under the samevalues; in the second,certain sphcres have their Although important studiesof contemporaryBuddhist, Vaisrava, Sivaite and own values, special but, by definition absolute within t-heir sphere. Moreover, tbe first tlpe Lingeyatsects, and of the link befween pilgrimage and religious nationalism have to the individualperson" (p.316). correspondsto group-religion;in the secondreligion is attached emergedin the last two decades,there is a lack of monographson pilgrimageand the the hierarchicalaggregation of the first and the second Dumont arlued that although varioussectarian movements within modernJainism, even though the Jainsare widely representsthe ideology of the majority of the people of rural model accurately consideredto be the Indian pilgrims par excellence.aFrom a Jain point of view, 'traditional the secondmodel aloneis increasinglyrelevant for an understanding India', pilgrimageis the paradigmaticform of renunciation,and one of the keys to the processesof modernisationin the Indian cities(p. 211-31).Inother words,even of the understandingof Jainismitself. According to modernJain cosmologythe wanderingof in India hasalready lost part of its functionto representand to mediate for him religion soulsin the world is brought about by their being chargedwith karmic matter as a processas a whole,although this is apparentlynot yet reflectedin the structure the social consequenceof their desirefor externalobjects, and this,too, is the primarycause of the brdltma4ticideology. of the dominant world structure(sarsdr) itself.The manifoldforms of eistence are seenas the results monolithic notion of In contrastto Dumont who operateswith an artificially of differentialforms of interpenetration '(the of essentiallypure individualsouls (piu, lit. life- (p. 296),and dogmaticallyassumes that even today politico-economic Hinduism force) on the one hand and unanimatedmatter (ajtv) on the other. Every form of life in an overallreligious setting" don't think it is merely domainis encompassed Gt.22S),I thusappears to embodya dual orientationboth towardsthe externalworld of desirable ,,the the ideologicaland the empiricalaspects which is at stake" here relation between objects,and to the essentiallyunlimited potentialities of the inner life-forceitself, which (p. a5), but a fundamentaltheoreticai problem: From a Neo-Kantianperspective social can be realised through renunciarion (tydg). rf the liberation of the soul from structurallimitations of a given changecannot be thought of in terms of the internal embodimentcan be achieved ((a throughacts of restraint,then, conversely, it is the power situation, but only as momentarycompromise between the functional historical of humandesire (rag) that attractsmatter anclgenerates material life and rebirth. The imperativesof the situationand the dominantvalue-orientation patterns of the society" dualperspectives are not mutuallyexclusive but hierarchicallycomplementary within the (Parsons1951:203). I therefore follow Habermas'(198i:338-51) suggestion to investigate continuumof a total cosmicfield, which is consideredphenomenologically homologous (symbolicsystems), society (norms), and personality(aims) not anymorein terms culture with the field of consciousness.This is why actsof self-limitationmay appearas forms of free-floatingtranscendental meanings, but asthe threeprincipal empirical components of potentialisation.5 promoting social integration in concretelifeworld situations(notwithstanding their normativecontent). I alsoclrop the culturalisticidentification of lifeworldand societyand ('system has.yetbetn devoted pcrspectives:as a of action which is 1;f".,":{t to the investigationof the complexregional and supraregionalnetworks analysesociety from two complementary ur ootn lartyand ascc(ics,nor of the translocalforms of ritual intcgrationof Jain subsectsas a whole.As a of the lifeworld] and systemically the consequence' both socially[via the three components [through Jainism still appearsas an elusivephenomenon. Recent empirical studiesof the Jains bave concentrated unintentionalconsequences of the ongoingstruggle for existence]integratedt' (p.228). either on the descriptionof local lay congregations(Oldfietd 1982,Mahias 1985,Cort 1989, Carrithcrs vanish in h 3,'31'Y 1tt.' 1988,1991, Reynell 1991,Banks 1992,Babb 1996)or of Jain asceticsin generat, The dualism between the imperatives of culture and survival does not *t* ttt^ttt distinguishingbetween individual organised Jain sub-sects,and neglectingthe pivotafrole of who focuses tne renouncers model,which circumventsthe radicallyfunctionalist position of Luhmann in thc ritual constitutionof lay congregations(Shanta 1985, Gooriaseker"e 1986, Holmstrom 198R,Carrirhers exclusivelyon the complexityof a socialsystem disregarding the self-perceptionsof the 19g9,Cort l99lb). participants,but it takesa more realisticform by givingprimacy not to cultural'values 5' According alainisrn." to H. Jacobi ERE (1914), 472 the kamta-theoryis an integral part of Jainism, and integration s9u]1b9dvdualism sBcing but to the lifeworld itself.Habermas' approach allows us to understandthe ltj^::i::'1":,:" nor an imporr.from Brahmanrsmbu( basedon as givenin common \ ^r'rrrcncc"(p' 468).E. HusscrlCaftesianische Meditationen. Hamburg: Mciner, (1929)lgSisimilarly argued 120 PeterI.luceL The ritual circle of the Terdpanth Svetdmbara Jains 127

From an observer'spoint of view, the main ideologicalfunction of Jainismis to sedentarypolitical monks,called bhattara&-r among the BisapanthiDigambars and yatis sever the ritual links of the dominant socio-cosmichierarchy and to reduce it to a or inpajyasamong the M[rtip[jak Svetimbars,who exercisedcontrol over both religious collectionof individuals.In contrastto the brahmar,ricalsocial system (varqta), Jains, like propertyand their lay followers.Modern Jain sects have widely abolished the institutions Buddhists,traditionally use the termsafiglr(assembly) to delineatediscrete social units.6 of monasticlandlordism, because the centralisationof politicalpower and the collapse '(as From this perspectivesociety appears a mere aggregateof men)', surroundinga of feudal tributary systemshave made them superfluous.Instead they revivedthe role spirituallysuperior individual,whose ideal autonomyalso implies a claim to status- of the propertilesswanderir'g sddhu, while delegatingthe administrationof religious superiorityin hierarchicalsocieties (Dumont 1980:300).According to Jain doctrine, propertyto the laity and concedingpolitical control to the modernstate. assembliesspontaneously emerge at the placeof the sermonQtravacan) of the wandering There is howevera wide varietyof responsesto the changingsocial environment ascetics.Within the context of the assemblysocial differencesand conflicts are" within present-dayJainism. In this articleI will showhow one particularJain subsect- temporarily suspended.Everyone is a pupil (ir-ya) and equai in submissionto the the SvetambarTerapanth - organisesthe ritual interactionbetween ascetics and laity supremeauthority of the teacher(guru), who shouldbe the exemplaryembodiment of on a supraregionalbasis, and in whichway it is strategicallyorientated within the overall the Jain soteriologicalvalues of non-violence(ahiansd) and world-renunciation(rya6), field of SouthAsian religion and politicstoday. Jain doctrineand ritual is taken as an regardlessof socialdifferences in rank, status,caste or classoutside the contextof the intermediarylevel, generative of both universallymeaningful religious experiences and assembly. social harmony, but simultaneouslyserving as a vehicle for the mobilisation and However, in practicethe situationis not as fluid as the ideal suggests.As in legitimationof particularisticpolitical interests. In the firstpart I describethe historyand Buddhismand Hinduism,time enduringstructures have emerged amongst Jains through the internal functioningof the asceticcommunity (dharmasangh) of the Terapanth,as the developmentof permanentiinks befweenascetic groups and certainlay elites,who well asthe religiousorganisation of their ritualisedannual itinerary Qihar).In the second supportreligious networks and piigrimagesnot only for religiouspulposes but also as part I focuson the role of the main lay association,the TerapantltMahasabhd, for the meansof both status acquisitionand political and economicintegration. The main maintenanceof this ritual and, indirectly,for the welfare of the membersof the lay stabilisingelement of theseemerging power-structures is religiousproperty. In South community(samAj), before concluding, in part three,with a fewcomparative observations Asia monasticgroups without propertytend to divide and subdivideand split alongthe on the changingpolitical role of Terlpanth pilgrimagein the context of the modern lines of geography,charisma, demography,and lay patronage.TYet, with the Indian state. crystallisationof an infrastructureof religiousinstitutions the questionof control arises. Until recently most Jain temples and rituals were administeredby a category of I. THE TERApANTHSlc.rAunen JarN DHanmsANGH

The Terapanthiascetics belong to the non-image-worshippingsection of the Svetdmbar that, by both living in the world and being conscious of the world, humans are constituted by a dual orientation towards the material world and towards the encompassilgsphere of tbe transcendental Jain mendicants,for which there is no Digambarequivalent. This tradition emergedin consciousness.Because of this parallelism,phenomenological interprctations of intentionalitycould be more 1451 iis an anti-yati movement amongst the MurtipDjakJaity in Muslim-ruled fruitful for the aralysis for instance,approaches based Weber's notion of Jain ontological conceptsthan, on Ahmedabad, manuscripts, of subjective purpose or Peirce's objectivist concept of the indcxical symbol. All-encompassing led by the Rajasthani-Osv6lcourt-jeweller, and copyist of Jain phenomenologicalapproaches i la Dumont (1980:3a)should, however, be complementedby a recognition t-onkaSah (ca. 1415-1489).t nka noticeda wideningdiscrepancy between precept and of the tenuous co-existence of totalising ideologies and/or subjective experiences and the objective practiceamong contemporaryascetics because he did not find any referencesto idol- compartmentalisationof sociallife (cf. p. 316). worshipnor to sedentarymonasticism in the oldesttextual tradition. With the help of the 6. The word saigh refers to the ideal fourfold assembly(cannidh sanglr) of all Jains including the male and Jain ministerL.B. Bhansalifrom Patanhe then starteda revivalistascetic tradition on female laity (lrdvaks, lravikas). In Buddhism the wori saigh is reserved for the ascetic community alone, his own in I47l under linear Although althoughthenotionofthefourfoldassembly (cauaroparisi)orcommunity (catuddisasangha)issimilarly circumventionof monasticrules of succession. used' Different from the terms gar, gacch, lakha, ponth or ihannasurgrl, which refcr cxclulively to ascetic l-onkanever initiated himself, it washe who drafteda setof organisationalprinciples for commmities within particulr sectarian traditions (sonrpraddy,paratnjara), the word satigh k also used to the describe any category new I-onka Gacchin form of 69 maxims(Lonkd Sahki Hutldt). Theserules played or group of Jains. Even lay organisations are calledsaigh. i a paradigmaticrole for all subsequenticonoclastic Svetdmbar movements. They explicitly 7' Cf' Miller, David M' & Dorothy C. Wertz. Hindu Monastic Life: The Monks and Monasteies of rejectedidolatry and of 31 of Montreal sedentarymonasticism, and stressedthe ultimate authority Bhuboeswor' & London: Mc-Gill-Queen's University press, 1976:130,Goonasekere 1986:2nl-4, 'canon' Cort 1989:104,n. 20. the ca. 45 scripturesof the Svetdmbar (agam),and the importanceof ascetic PeteTFLUGEL The ritual circle of the Teraoanth Svetimbara Jains t23 wandering(vihAr) for the maintenanceof a propertiless(aparigrah) monastic order into criticisedas a mereexpression of greedand uncharitability.It This mighthave been one 'on-ly which baniasfmerchants] should be initiated'.8 of the reasonsfor l-onka'sdecision to steerbetween the extremesin emphasisingthe 'real', The last point is particularlyinteresting, because it illustratesthat often religious importanceof i.e. propertilessand rule-abiding,ascetics. However, some years reform andsocio-economical interests go handin handin Jainism.As a rule, the impetus later,after l-onk6 was murderedby the followersof a rival sect,the t-onkl Gacchsplit for Jain religiousreform arisesfirst within the asceticcommunity itself, as long as it into factionsand the cycleof reform and routinisationstarted again. In protestagainst maintainsits monopolyof religiousknowledge and staysaloof of the laity. However,the the renewedlax behaviour(Sillilacdr) of the asceticsand the re-emergenceof temple- modifiedor non-image-worshippingtraditions that later emergedin North India under worshipthe munk l-avji und Dharmsinhjisplit off the Gujarati t-onkagacchin 1644in Mughal-ruIe,like the SvetimbarKa{ul Gacch,founded by KaduaSah (1438-1507), and Suratand foundedthe Dh[4dhiyx (seekers)sect, which then divided itself into 22 schools Tdransvd.mi's(1448-1515) Digambar Tarar.rpanth and its successormovements which are (baurcla) and later becameknown as the Sthanakvasi(hall dwellers) tradition. For today associatedwith the Digambar Teripanthis,nwere all initiated by religiously similar reasonsmuni Bhikgu (1726-1803)and four sadhw broke away from the educatedlay people which were eagerto gain socio-religiousautonomy vis-d-vis the SthanekvasidcdryaRughanath in 1760in Bagri(Marvar) and foundedthe Terapanthgan tutelage of.the SrQajyasand bhalldraks. Most of them rejectedthe ritualistic basisof the four monthslater in Kelvd througha collectiverite of self-initiation(bhlw dthd).tt ascetics'claim to the monopolyof socio-religiousleadership in the name of textual In the beginningthe Terapanthwas mainly an asceticreform movementthat was knowledge(jndn) andtrue inner religiousexperience (samyag darSan). Yet the problem remarkablefor its radical doctrinaland institutionalinnovations, some of which have of suchanti-authoritarian ('protestant') lay movements,which can be found all overAsia, sincebeen imitated by other Jairrsects.13 The mostsignificant doctrinal innovation was is their inability to continuouslyproduce exemplary religious leaders. The presumed Bhiksu'sattempt to eradicatethe legitimaryof religiousproperty once and for all by compatibilityof religiousleadership and householderstatusr0 has thereforeoften been strictly distinguishingreligious (dlnnnik) actsof penance(tap or pdramdrthik dan) fuom ((if social (laukik) acts of charity (vyavahdik dan), argting that the act of giving is consideredan act of religionthen it is the rich peoplewho wouldmonopolise religion and a placein heaven"(L.P. Sharma1991:100). Popular puja-rituals and materialgifts 8. Lonkn's rules are only knom through Dharmasagara's 1572 polemic Prwacanapmqd (L.P. Sharma (1. werethus deprivedof religiousvalue, with the notableexception of the offeringof food, 1991:31-4).Nathmal (1968:6)mentions only 35 rules,ard quotesfive of them: One shouldmove out only with the preceptor'spermission. 2. None but Banils shouldbe initiated.3. After proper test a pupil should drink etc. to the (Terapanth-) asceticsthemselves (saryyati dan). Insread Bhiksu be formally initiated at the handsof a preceptor.4. One should not engagePanditas for studieswhen thcir remunerationis arrangedto be paid by householders.5. Professionalcopyists copying more than a thousand stanzasshould not be made to write other things...t'Similar rules were subsequentlycomposed for instance 11. Cf. Vijayaratnasfrri, in Lath, M. Half a Tale: A sndy in the intenelarionshipbetueen a.uobiogrsphyand by Kadua Shah 1.ee Paul Dundas,"Jainism without monks?:The Caseof Kadua Salf .InApproaches to history.TheArdhakathlnaka. Translated, irtroduced and annotatedby M. Lath. Jaipur: RajasthanPrakrit Iainism: Philosophy, Logic, Rinal and Sytnbols. Ed. O. Qvarnstr6m & M.K. Wagle, 181-195.University of Bharati Sansthan, 1987:219-22. Toronto: Center of South Asian Studies,forthcoming). On the scripturesof the Lonka Gacch and the Sthanakvasis(who additionally accepted the Vywahdra Sutra) see laini 1979:49n.12. 12. Bhiksu criticisedthe Sthanakvasrsin hisAcar K Cau.pat(reproduced in Buddhamall 1995:22-5)which has been summarisedby Nathmal (1968:5):s1. Monks of today stay in the housesbuilt for them. 2. They 9. The SvetambarTerapanthis should not be mixed up with the equallyreformist, but older and temple- make peoplepurchase books, papers and habitation.3.They are absorbedin vilifying others.4. They make worshipping tradition of the Digambar Terapanthrswhich are the dominant tradition among the Digambar householderspromise that they would be initiatedby them aloneand not by anyoneelse. 5. They purchase today. Their present orgalisation in Jaipur was apparently started by Pandit Amar Cand Badarya from disciples.6.They do not transcribebooks. 7. They sendmessages with householders.8.They keepmore cloth Sanganern 162A.Other sourcesquotc the name Amar Singh, although the Teripanthis were clearly tnan prescribedor permitted.9. They take deliciousdiet in violationof the rules.10. They go to public feasts influencedby the earlicr Adhyatma (Virinasiya) movement(1635-1669) of Raja Todarmal (11589)and for alms. 11.They are eagerto havedisciples - both male and female.They are.on"".n"d not with the life Banarsidas (1586-1644),which they later incorporated. When the name Terdpanth bccame current, the ot a monk but only with the continuanceof their sect.12. They try by hook or by crook to preventpeople (since bhattarokscalled their system Bisapanth the number 20 exceeds13 by 7' (Nathmal 1968:7).Closely trom going to other monks. They sow the seedsof friction in their families. 13. To-day asceticismis on the associatedwith the TerApanthisin Jaipur,Agra, andVaranasi are todaythe DigambarTotiparthrs in Nagpur decline.What is prosperingis simulation". The patternof this critiqueis conventional.It followsclosely the and the followers of Srmad R-jcandra (186?-1901)and Kinjr Svami (1889-1980)in Gujarat. All of these exampleof Haribhadra'scondemnation of thecaityavasrnr in the 6th century.The nameTerapanth combines rad'lr institutionally independcnt movcments are spiritually guided by competing Pandits who derive their (thirtcen) andtera (your) and either meansthe'path of the thirteen'(at one stageit comprisedonly 'your inspiration from Kundakunda's mystical work Satnavasdra,which denies the necessityof ritualised ascetic LJ s.uaus) or path' (Buddhamall 1995:69-76).Italso refers to the presumedthir(een basic rules of practice.On the monastic context of Kundakunda'soriginal teaching,and his forcshadowingof the Svetamlar MahSvir (5 nnhdvrats,5 sanitis,3 guptk)(cf. Nathmal 1980:1€-9). Terapanthis' doctrinal view of the futility of purely internalised forms of religion unaccompaniedby external asceticpractice, see Johnson 1995:183 n. 132,309-10. |3^For exampleby the SthdnahvdsiSranran Sangh, whose centralised organisation was introducedin 1952 rn.sadari/Rajaslban by an assembly(santnelal) of 32 itcdryaswho chosedcarya AtmarAmas (hcir lcadcr (cl. 10. Cf. Todarmal 1992:23."Hc should not be of low castc" (p. 21). Szrngave1980:377. 1991). PeterFlUcel The ritual circle of the Terapanth SvetdmbaraJains r25

,gift, emphasisedthe importanceof a renunciatorydisposition (tyag) and of the of and manytraditional ('hinduised') image-worshipping sects, which ambiguouslycombine knowledge(jndn dan) and of non-violentconduct as such(abhayadan) (AK I:56, Tulsi consideratiorlsof asceticpurity and socialpower or auspiciousnesswithin hierarchical 1985:173),and recommendedrigorous asceticism (tap) as well as internalisedforms of cosmologicalsystems, pivoting around a notion of moral kingship(dharmaraj), is that in 'world-transcending' religiouspractice, Iike meditation(dhydn) or religiousstudy (svadhyaya), even for the the TerApanthsystem the dcdrya alone can be the ideal kine '(Tydga laity: is possibleeven without offeringanything to anybody,'(p. 15g). Qnattaral)." On a doctrinallevel the strictseparation between religion and society, propagated The refusalto recognisethe religiousmertt of paja rituals and charitablegiving, ,popular by the Terdpanth,dissolves the characteristicambiguity of key conceptsof whichare essentialfor the traditionalritual legitimationof power and the development Jainism'14by differentiatingbetween pure and impure forms (e.g. religious merit of popularforms of religion,has led the idol-worshippingMurtipujaks and Bisapanthis (lokottar puuya) and social merit (laukikpuuya)).,s The consequenceof this doubling to questionthe religiousvalue of the absolutist(ekanta) doctrinal literalism of the new of traditional Jain conceptsis that the socialritualism that pewadesthe life of every sectas, a form of islamisation(Jaini 1979:314,n.63);- an aliegationwhich was countered 'non-Jain' 'Hindu'.r6 ,(Some Indian famify is consideredto be or yet, the overariemphasis on by the,Terzpanthi'sclaim for greaterreligious purity: peoplesay that by dividing the internal rather than the externalaspects of religion does not suggestegalitarian religioninto worldly and spiritualsegments Acdrya Bhiksu has really cut down life itself ('protestant') forms of lay-dominatedreligious individualism, as one might assume.on into varioussections. we do not denythe chargebut mustalso admit at the sametime the contrary,the additionalimportance given to outward asceticconduct assuresthe that we cannothelp suchfragmentation of life. [.ord Mahavirahas dividedreligion into 'Nik5epa reaffirmationof the authority of the dcdryaand, the asceticorder and its constitutive secular and religious parts in Vyavastha"'(Nathmal 196g:15).Digambar principle 'hierarchical' of individualism.lTThe differencebehveen Bhiksu's Teraoanth Terlpanthis,on the otherhand, rejected automatic claims to spiritualsuperiorify that are basedon the outward characteristicsof monkhood alone.leHowever, the strongest oppositionto Bhiksu'sideas came from Sthanakvasiascetics, like the ex-SramanSangh 14. Cf' WilUams (1983:xix), Carritbers (1991:266-7,285).Corr (1989:449-70),Johnson (1995:310), Laidlaw (195:35a), and Babb (1996:98-101)on the ambiguous use of the terms guna, sama1,ibn, nuigal, udhar, sakh etc. among image-worshippingJains. Interestingly, only few of these concepts, ike paja or biya, were incorporated :mlo the !fivakacard systemsof collective lay-rituals. Jains are to distinguish semantic Cort. Atlanta : Scholarspress, 1993:215-27. ambiguity ""riful from philosophical perspectivism (anekdntovhd,ryadvad. niksepo), which is seen as an analytic instrument for disambiguation: *Whereas 18 on 'traditional' in the fallacy of chhal (fraud),-one word has two meanings, no cosmickingship and the hybrid nature of populr religioncf. Dumont (19g0:229,300-34), word in this argument [ofsyadvad] is ofsuch nature. ... To declare ih" ofan objcct from oneipoint (1985),Tambiah.(1984), Kapferer Y:::1"1-un (1983),and Gombrich L ob.y"..k"." iuss,r5-zo;. co.t of view and to declareits non-existencefrom another "*i.t"o." (1989) has recently point of view, is not to irdulge irapan, and thus to observed that, although "kingly notions of power have almost totally disappearedfrom guilty of this fallacy" (L. Kannoomal. Tlrc the,contemporary !e Saptabhangi Naya or The Pluralit Aspec* of the laina Jain ideological universe", "thJ wo dominant realms of value within the Jain context are Dialectics. Agra: Atmanard Jain Pustak Pracharak Mandal, 1917,p. 16.cf. C.R. Jain. Farrh, Knowledge and.well-being' (p. 15). He notices and f:::y"-\u'?: that there is a "differenr siruarionamong rhe Jains of conduct. Allahabad: The Indian Press, 1929, p. 8, 16-1g). (power rvtaruar"'who still see my paper and Insight in Jain "tend to imitate Rajputsin manysocial [sic!l customst(p. 80, n. 80). But strictlyspeaking, Discourse'' ln Doctines and Dialogues.Ed. A. Henn & H. v. Skyhaw( 6elhi: Manohar lhere canbe nothing'Jain'aboutideologies (fortbcoming). ofpolitical or economicalpower 1onno7,ihut.u.r their historical cfficacy' Precisety this is one of the mlin agendas of present day revivalism, which, as we have seen, is 15. Cf. Tulsi (1985:68-71) on the Terapanth particuJarlystrong notion of pure merit (iubhkarm punya) as a side-effect of in Marwar._Terapanthisclearly do noi recognisea separaterealm of worldly.Jain,values. '^1tj:1q,'h",y:..-,.yt"9 penance. On the anbiguous case of the two-fold causal function of punya-ginerating penance, implant asceticprincipies i.e. the !o of conductinro sociallife. Accordingly,the 21 qualiries destruction as well as bondage of karma, see the concep( of lcsoyopafana'(de-struction--cum-subsidence Teripanth layman(frovak gun), which of :"l.:",t:t", were codifiedonry recenrlyby Tursrlax II:317), differ karmas) (p. aa, 63, 70, 80). rrom Hemacandra's list of 35 qualities,which is popular among the Mirrtip[j;ks (yS I.47-56,Williams 1991a),by 6eing llll^T unequivocallyotherworldly-. Mo.eover, iopular social functions in 16. Cf. Dumont 7980..275. "n,,tortrh.e complction of fasts etc. were ruled out by Tulsi again in 1960 (Mahiprajfra 1987:34).Tbe rdLt;"":".:"t::lijo tna[ terapanthis confcr royal attributes exclusivelyto the dcarya'maharaj', is not unusualfor Jain 17' The presentTeripanth dcdrya MablprajLia ascetics(cf' Carrithers quotesUtS 5.19-20in order to demonstratethat Mahinr 1988:830-1,1989:223-9). already the medieval Jain commentaries emphasisedthe himselfconceded the possibility cquivalenceof the of householdersreaching enlightenment if they are both knowledgeableand administrativevirtues dcmanded fromboth religioussuperiors and kings(Caillat 1975:5-5). restrained.For him, preparation for enlightenmentwithin a monastic setting is entirely '1ttt: the ideal king is a renouncer, conventional f,::t^1lq l" not a worldly ruJer,and moral aurhorirythe utrimare (Nathmal 1980:15?-163).Cf. Johnson (1995:306-7)on the difference (intentionalist) lndeed,rhe predominant 'group - between th"epersonal ;:::_:1flY": foci of rerigion' evenamong mosr modern Svetambarand and.the social (rule-oriented)view o[ renunciation, uridlfantnrJarn sects * and his theoryof the strategiciolc of the Jain doctrine are todaynot quasisacred kings, like the medievalbhattdroksandiapujyar or today's ofthe saiSlryais' manifold aspects(anekan,tovad and syadvad) for holding together thesecJntradictory perspectives(p. but the acdrvarthemselvei, who fulhl .".Lin'roy^l'functions thcir with respectto religion amongst 232), evadingconfrontation with other schools (p. 253), followers,wbile lcaving anA nriA!"g the gap between u.."ti." und lairy ip.i lhe surroundingsociery slanding as it is. 79-90).with regard to Jain lay practices,Laidlaw (1995)similarly uigu..llut athe conflicrsbetween these l9' differentways of beingJain are resolved,in For a critiqueof the so far is they are, in a wider domainof sociality"(p. 20-l). For uneasycoexistence of renunciatoryritual behaviourand injuriouseveryday bchaviour a differentinterpretation among'Dhoondhakar' seeK.W. Folkert,scnpnlre and Community:Collectcd Essays on the Jains.Ed. J.E. laity seeTodarmal 1992:225-22b. The ritual circle of the Teraoanth SvetambaraJains t21 126 PeteTFLUGEL

sanghaas a whole,regenerates the bifurcationof the spheresof religion and societyas t'?U'?isusil(1g26-1tq/g4)whoadvocatedsocialreformandservicestomankind.They 'selfishness' 'a-humanism'of Bhiksu'sradical pursuit theprecondition of the ritual circleof asceticwandering and its implied socialexchanges. objectedin particularto the andthe 'objectified of sufferingin the While acknowledgingthe possibilityof cheatingby performing rituals'with of world-renunciation,which showedno concernfor the alleviation the protection of life dual purposesin mind, which has been stressedby t-aidlaw (1995:230)and Johnson world.2oLike KundakundaBhiksu was indeed convincedthat not as a religiousact (1995:310),Terapanthis have alwaysinsisted that the difference between religious could only count as an act of socialcompassion(taukikdaya)bttt this doctrine was (samyamprrnytti) and worldly orientations (laukik prwytfi) is not only subjectivelyfelt of liberation (lokottar r)aya).ln the eyes of many Sthanakvasis, 'survival also visibly manifestin the overali conductof an individual.22From their point of ((theeconomic perspective of the of the fittest' in a societyof but predicatedon ((the merely natural view,ascetic power invariablyencompasses transactional rationality. faminesand droughts,poverty, starvation and deatht'and therefore daysof Bhiksu" In spiteof theseconceptual refinements the newdoctrine of Bhiksuhas effectively productof the miserablesocial conditions prevalent in Rajasthanin the not been able to overcomethe fundamentalproblem of routinisationas describedby lNul.tlol.:l):..Bikhanji'smessageofdeliverance[throughseif-helplwasagreatboon people'The money Webei (1985:1a2-8).It merelygenerated a newset of practicalparadoxes. Generally, the to th" weak,the miserly,the ungenerousand the selfish ".ond*ically benefit" (p. 37-8)' increaseddegree of differentiationof religion and societyproduced both a greater savedfrom giving charitycould be accumulatedto one'sown separationof immediacyand a greaterindirectness of the linksbetween the dharmasangh and the laity. obviously,the questionof the socialimplications of sucha radical But the role of religiousproperty has effectively not changed.As I will showin greater is a point of intensedispute within the Jain tradition itself' From a religion and society 'impure' 'pure' and forms detail in the secondpart, a popular Terdpanth Jainism existstoday, and there are Durkheimianpoint of view the doctrinaldistinction between of increasingsocial Terapanthirituals of charitablegiving, contrary to the officialdoctrine, although they are of givingmust be seenas an ideologicalexpression of the experience 'organic for the adherentsof lessvisible and deprivedof immediatereligious vaiue. Compared to Bhiksu'svision of differentiationand of the growingimportance of solidarity' (.thatan elaborated a purely asceticJainism, the Terapanthof todayhas considerablychanged, particularly Jainism(cf. Dumont |980:227).Parry(1986), for instance,suggested 'pure' with an advanced througha seriesofcontroversial innovations that wereintroduced by acaryaTulsi in the ideologyof the gift is most likely to developin statesocieties This argumentis widely first decadesafter Indian Independence(1949-1981). In order to securethe growing divisionof labour and a significantcommercial sector" (p. a67). BhikSu'semphasis on influenceof the Terapanthunder the changedsocial conditions, Tulsi graduallyreverted accepted,although its preciseimplications are obscure.certainly, the external' material back to a traditionalJain systemby forming closerbonds with the laity and promoting the internal, renunciatoryaspects of giving, in opposition to 'long-term' function of programsof religiousand moral educationfor the societyas a whole. He showedgreat aspects,cannot be explained in terms of the calculatory ingenuityin the constructionof an all-inclusivecorporative sectarian organisation by giving,as Parry suggests, because this would involveprecisely the reduction diiinterested 'the 'socio-religious' interpret gift' not creatinga new networkof institutionsfor the laity, to carry tbeAnuvrat of the gift to exchangewhich the Terapanthis criticise.2lThey of existence'Life itself' (smali vow, 7949),Prel

discontentedTerEpanth ascetics to split off.^ Tulsi'sreply that lay-movementsof the Teripanth weresimply defined as purely social activities. The only several all the funds he had beenfor the benefitof humanity,and that it is problem was that, in order to attract sufficientfunds for the massivepublishing and hadcollected necessaryto movewith His modified has,on the other hand,been well receivedby the Sthdnakvasis buildingprojects involved, Tulsi had to amendBhiklu's theoryof the gift. the times, and the more parting image-worshippingJain sects(Muni RajyaS,in: Nair versionof 1970is knownas the doctrine of visarian(lit. dispersion,abandonment, traditional 1969:rooBikaner:Akhil BharatiyaJain Saigam, (1gga:10g).Theoretically "a-cquisitionLn b" ,""n as (1) its psychological combinationsof these N'N'). Tulsi, in turn, points at fact (193 and (z) the overt cause_ (the object)" (Nathmal USd:iAe;.bne of the four possible the that the Nav Terapanthisthemselves only Candanmaland nine scd'llvisremailed. most male rwoaspectsbeingpresento.ob.entisthevkarjandan,wltichshouldbebasedontbeideal"toposscssonly asceticsstarted their om initiatives)have given up wanderingand begunsetting a-ndsocial up socialinstitutions like the the bare necessities' (p. 187). Surrendering possessionsmerely in order to gain selfawareness Arham A3ram in Gangapur(cf. Muni Candanmal.Arhan Airatn. Dronaical, cztegory between Gopalpura(Dtrngar): Arham control is a form of acquisition (p. f88). Wia4an thus acts as an ambiguous intermediary A(ram,29.1.1q90).Stianakves-s applaude Tulsis rurn rowardssocial service and food etc' ano humanitariandeeds as a major improvement ,worldly transactions' and the thiee'reiigious gifts' of fearlessness(alhay), knowledge Qnan), '1969:viii,nori). upon Bhiksu's'misguided'doctrines (Muni Rajya6,in Nair practices d".".ib"d by Laidlaw (1995:294--301)and However, other Terapanth sadhus leftmonkhood altogether, becausefoi them Tulsi's U-turn to the ascetics(sat.nyati)-not unlike th; Kha;tar Gacch was_not.radical if the intention is religious, materially monetary donations enoughand becausetheydisliked his'authoritariin'style ofleadership (S. Kumar. No Babb (1g6:190). T[e only difference is that, even tf^c:ttn.a.tio!' result of an extensionofthe cognitive Bideford: Grccn Books, (1978) 1992,35-6).The two forms of internal protest are characteristic are still consideredsocial or socio-religous.Vsarjur is thus the Ior cannot orthodoxasceticism principle (ittbh upayoga)underlying the iestraineclgift (sat.nyati)to money, which, in contrast to food, and lay Jainismreipectively. See Malriprajia's (194:204-i15) descriptionof recent rnternalconflicts. be handled by ascetics. The ritual circle of the TerapanthSvetlmbara Jains lJl PeterFt-ucel

((Non- In order to prevent schismatictendencies, due to personal oI regional jurisprudence,but of diminishedreligious value: (chief). important for the monastic year by the Acdrya('mahdrAj'), .ttu.h.n"nt., their inclividualmembers are rotatedevery violenceand mere organisationalrules are two things"(Nathmal 1968:114). Today, one own group, called the rdi, comprisesof 34 sddlrttsand 54 sa-dltvu(see Table I the Terdpanthascetic order is its constitution whose of the distinctiveorganisational features of the principleof below).Like a royal court,the raj (ht. stretchingoneself out) embodies (maryedapatr), written down by Bhikguin 1802(magh Sukla saptamr) shortly before his 'divine of the kingdom' of the dharmasanghas a whole, becauseit is the only oneacArya within the sect,and that it is he unity death.It determinesthat there can be only which is a monasticgroup that encompassessubunits of both male and female ascetics, alonewho initiatesnovices, excommunicates, and determineshis successor(yuvdcdrya), necessarycondition for the capacityto generatea completecaturvidh sangh, and thus to as well as the overall poliry of the sect.26T\e dcdrya fulfils both spiritual and establishan independentsubsect in the Jain tradition.$The structureof the monastic adminis6ative,legislative and judicative functions within the order. By meansof sucha hierarchycan be summariseddiagramatically:3r constitutionallyfixed, centralised organisation, and a rigorouspolicy of excommunication, permanentschisms have been preventableso far.27

TUB MONASTIC ORGA]TISATION Acarya Srt Pujyaji Maharaj (gan)istoday(1991)oneofthelargestorganisedasceticgroups TheTerapanthisubsect Yuvacarya among the Jains,with 149sAdhus (male ascetics),554 sa.dllrs(female ascetics)4and Sddhvi Pramukha novicesof different categories(sama4, mumul

Niyojak Niyojika 26. The sddhvts initialty operated relatively independent. The central position of the chief female ascetic evolved luoderacarya.Jltmal between 1853- (sadhvrpramukha), who is also appointed by the dcirya,has only Saman Samaru known from other Rajasthani sects,like the iaOl ieuaano15uti 1995:403-6).Similar o.garisational rules are More recent.Sacchconstitutions are Vaisnav Ramasanehi sect of hamcaran, a friend of Bhiksu (p. 46-1). Sanyojak Sanyojika mentioned by Sangave1980:377-8. An important Jain rule concerns the irreversibility of renunciation, and nature the socialstigmatiiation of excommunicatedascetics. See Bechert (1970:?68f.)on the'unanonical' Yoja,k Yojika of pupillary successionrules ir TheravadaBuddhism. MumuksuBhii Mumuku Bahal past 27. Jan acaryashave always fulfilled administrative functions with regard to the ascetic order. In the ndbha$arskas exe.cisedalso a form oftheocratic control over the laity (Sangave1980:93-101'317-22, Upasak Upasika ),atis 'swallowed i.p. Sbu.-u 199l:131,212).However, the Terapanth lcaryo bas the irstitution of theyoli' (Cort 1D)lb:667) only to the extenr that he cootrols his laity. The Jain situation was always different from the the overall paitern'ir Theravada Buddhism, where - as a rule - the king (or the government) determines sangharajand managesmonastic disputes.

28. Cf. Weber (1985:291')on the sociology of the religious emancipation of women'

notable innovation of the Terapanth - Santalts - 29. The introduction of the sartan category in 1980is another 30. A capacity alrcady given to the ascetic famili'.js(parivors) - the equivalent of the singhdn among tbe whose vows havc been relaxed to allow can be compared to yalts and bhollaraks.ihey ate initiated ascetics image-worshippingJain ascetics(cf. Shanra1985, Carrithers 1989:233, n. 4, Cort 1989:154,n. 7)' There are - but not to own property.They are utilised them the useof modern -eans of t.un.port and communication 7-8 iubunits wiihii ttte Terapanth rai, which correspond to the riglrars outside: 5 groups of sZdlrus,called geographical expansion of the vihdr lcsetr for overcoming the communication problems associatcdwith the srijh (partners), and 2-3 groups of saihvis under the rule (nrTra)of the sadlrvlpranruHn, calledcittasatnadhi temporary (savadhik) or lilelong (yavatjtvar). A similar under Tulsi. one can be a sannn oi samant either (lit. calrn mird), bccauie their members support each othcr by right. On the history of the sal see - which are comparable to the Digambar ambiguity underlies the categories of upasak and mumulqu Buddhamall t995:.392. stages of nrahiacain, ailalc and kullik - which either signify lay practitioners of the pratimas (doctrinal of (wo new categoriesof lay novicesthat lay religiosity) in general (irdvaL upasak or munrulcsu)or members 31.Doublc lj;resirdicate key initiatorystagcs. Theniojakandsutyojak ald their fcmale equivaleotsare the a temporaryascctic is new in Jainism and contributes *"r" iitrodu."d 6y Tulsi. The poisibility to become feadersof all the sa;nars and all the mum ut<5usand updsaks respectively, but theyoja.ts lead only one group Digambars and Svetimbar Terap^nthis, pralimAs are not to a further integrition of the laity. At least among of ntumul<;u novices. They can be comparcd to the igranx among the sddhus and sadhvls' 'fossilizedrelics' as claimed hv Cort 1991a:396. PeterFLucEt- The ritualcircle of the TeripanthSvetambara Jains 133

yearon their viharwrth or awayfrom The variousascetic groups spend 7-8 monthsof the placebefore or during lhe hajon (Tulsi& Mahaprajna1983:186-198). However, the most (caturmar)in residence theacdtya (bahir vihar) and the four monthsof the rainy season importantceremony of the Terapanthis the annualmaryada mahotsav ( = MM) (festival in one particularplace. Because temple worship is rejected,the vihar of the asceticsis of restraint).Like the hajart,it wasoriginally (186a) a ritual for the asceticsonly, but has the major form of ritual integrationof the Terlpanth sect,and carefullyplanned. The developedinto a meetingof the wholefourfold assembly,which takesplace for threeor wayin whichthis is donetoday deserves close attention, not only becauseit involvesthe more daysin January/February,and often attractsup to 50.000pilgrims. The festival pivotalpolitical processeswithin the sect,but especiallybecause it comprisesa new set celebratesthe date of the recordingof Bhiksu'slast likhat, the constitutionof the sect, of religiousinstitutions, formerly unknown to Jainism,which combineancient ascetic throughthe recitationof the originaltext (samnhik marydda) and the performanceof an ritualswith modernprinciples of organisation.They havebeen introduced in 1853-1864 oath of allegianceto the'dhanna,gan, Acarya, and the marytula'by the ascetics(p. 467- by acaryalitmal(1803-1881) to preventthe fragmentationof theexpanding ascetic order. 70)." Jitmal (Jayacdrya)was the major consolidatorand legislatorof the sect.Not only did he This annual meeting , of all asceticsand importantleaders of the sectis unique re-introduci sanskriticliteracy into monasticeducation, and invented an innovative among Jain sects (although vaguely resembling the Buddhist uposatha).ln its systemof monasticdivisjon of labour (gathapranali), but he alsocompiled, condensed bureaucraticform it resemblesa tributaryroyal ritual, and is the ody festivalof the year and codifiedBhiksu's likhats in variousways for their recitationin ceremonialcontexts' where- if possible- all the asceticsare assembledaround the acdrya,together with In order to guaranteethe continuousimplementation of theserules, he Setup a system representativesof the various Terlpanth lay communitiesfrom all over India. The of three interconnectedrituals: the likhat, the hajan, and the maryadAmahotsav, each effectivecommunity of the Teripanth sectas a whole is manifestonly on this occasion, being basedon the compulsoryperformance of an oath of acceptanceof certain rules whereall the organisational,political and religious affairs of theTerdpanthis are decided. peculiar to the Terapanth monasticorganisation. The leklt patr or likhat (formular) Today not only the ascetics,who are obliged to participate,but also the laity are containsthe thirteen essentialrules of the order and hasto be individuallyrecited and encouragedto vow allegianceto thedcAtya, and to resolvetheir disputes,redistribute the ceremony of group signed first thing every morning.32T\e hujari (presence)is a fruits @hal) of their past year'ssocio-religious work (karya),discuss new projectsand purificationcum teaching(ga4viSuddht-kara4). It was first organisedby Jayacaryain 1853 receivenew directivesfor the comingyear. The importanceof the collectiveoath of as a fortnightly assembly of all the asceticsof the rai (and each singhdT)for the loyalty(visvasanryatd kt Sapath)is underlinedby the fact that it is consideredas a form andother rules, as well asfor public recitation,explanation and acceptanceof the liklnt of self-sacrifice,generating the organisationalunity and thus the potenry $akti) for atl examinationsof novices.Nowadays the hdjan is only performed at specialoccasions, and the religious activitiesof the year to come. In this way the amual cycle of ascetic - themaryadd patr - anew compilationof Bhikqu'sand Jaydcarya's rules made by Tulsi wanderingsynthesises traditional religiousand modern organisationalrituals into a is read out in the presenceof a large audience.In this way the generalpublic is made unitaryprocess. The overallpattern of the Terdpanthreligious year takesthe shapeof famiiiar with the marydddsand can monitor the conductof the asceticsindependently. a polarisedprocess of fragmentationand reintegrationof both the sanghapuru;- the Afterwards the sadhus a;ndsadhv-s, all standingin a row accordingto the seniority of corporateunity of thesangh, embodied in the dcdryaas the movingcentre of the sect- initiation(dtkd patyEa), recite thelekh patr and acceptit one afterthe other.The hdiai and the locaI cdturmdsassemblies of the laiw at the Doles of the annual vihar. and confessionsdo not take f differs from the Buddhistpatimokkha becausepenances nterwovenwilh the agriculturalrycle and related seasonal iestivals (utsavs),there is an inbuilt alternation between traditional asceticJainism. which is prominent during catumus,and modernfestive Jainism after the rains(the traditionalseason of marriages, 32. Vows (vras) are acceptedeither by real or mental signatureamong the Terapanth.The thirteen rules I undertake of thelekh'patr'are: "1. I ihall not disobeyyou. 2. I shallfollow your commandsin everyactivity 4- I shall haveno 33. to do. 3. I ihuil al*ays proceedon asceticramblings, rainy retreat etc. as orderedby you. Cf. Buddhamall1995:401-17, Renou & Renou 1951,Nagaraj 1959:4-6, Nathmal 796fl:t4i-9,L.P.Sharma your affairs. 7. 1991:169-70. disciptesof my own. 5. I shall never indulge in forming factions. 6. I shalt not meddle with Terapanthi scripturesmention three sect-specificfestivals introduced by Jitmal: Jayicdrya's monks and nuns. 8. If any fault sttccession-day I shall not use undesirable language in the lcast againstyou or my of the Qtallotsn), Bhiksu'slast day(caranolsau), and the MM. The successionandnindrla daysof Acarya-Sri d,tt is found or comesto my noticein any monk or nun,wanting in conducqI shallapprise him or the ucaryosare holidaystoday. Historic.ally the separateveneration of the organisationalrules in additionto rules and tnc rather than propagati;g it clsewhere.9. In any controversialdispute pcrtahing to principles, succcssion-daysdevelopcd through the generalisationand thcreby depersonalisationof the pallotsav L(rcDratrons. regulationsot tiaditioni, I shalt abide by your verdict with all revereoce.10. I sball have no connec(ion The MM, it is said, reprcsentsthe palgotsavsof all Teripanth acaryas.Originally it was no ownership ccrcbrated wh'atsoeverwith anybodyeithcr excommunicatedor resignedfrom the ordcr. 11.I shall claim togethcrwith the Jay-aciryapallotsa' (mdghlukla pamima)which later wassplit into two diffcrcnt for any post. ''rttvrls over the books, manuscriptsand documentsof the order. 1.2.I shall not becomea candidate (Buddhamall 1995:4Ot<-17,AK I:43). Acirya Tulsr irtroduccd additionally rhe separation-dav 1983:480). 13. I shall unbesitatinglyabide by the orders of your successor"(tr. Tulsi & Mahaprajfra \uotrrttiskratnan)and founding-daycelebrations (Terdpanth sthopond div,as). PCTETFLUGEL The ritual circle of the Terdpanth Svetambara Jains 135 wars, and business ventures), when the fruits of asceticismare harvested and administrativedistricts of modernRajasthan, but to theformer territories of theprinciple redistributed,particularly at the MM. rajputkingd'oms. The elementaryadministrative units are the local region or circle of In accordancewith thisoverall cosmological design, the main organisationaltasks villages/laycommunities (grAmmandal), the village (Sa,nr) and the household (glrcr). of the MM are the rotatingof the asceticsamongst the singhdrs, and decisionsabout the UnlikeMrrtip[jak or Sthanakvasiascetics, who residein communitybuildings (upairays) next cdturmlis residenciesas well as the vihar route for each of the singhars.vIt is an or meditationhallts (sthanaks), Terapanthi ascetics cannot stay in purpose-builtresidences importantrule that the choicesof caturmdslocalities for all the groupsare determined but rely on the homesof their lay followersfor accomodation(which requiresgreater by the acaryaalone. However, the local lay communitiesare competingfor visitsfrom restraintand givestbe laity more influence).$To avoid disputes,each asceticgroup the ascetics,because there are more lay communitiesthan singhdTs. This is donepublicly receivesa written list Qtarct)of villagesto be visited.These areas which are demarcated in a seriesof religiousassemblies prior to the MM, wherelay representativespraise the by a mental boundary $tna) are called cokhld (Buddhamall 1995:417,Nathmal meritsof their local communities(e.g. moral restraint,charity), and through invitation 1968:L37,l41-8).sThe free acceptanceof such limitations of movement (drg) is letters(vijnapti patr) repeatedlyask the dcaryato sendascetics. Competitive invitations consideredas a form of religiousself-denial in Jainism(BKB I.51-2).In anyregion which are the only Terlpanth equivalentto the customaryauctioning (boII) of ritual actsamong has more than one singharallocated to it, the most senior of the singhd4parrsfulfills idol-worshippingJains, and thereforeparticularly elaborated. The Terdpanthlaity have supervisionalfunctions for all the othersiighdrs and organisesthe further distribution a strongdesire to be closeto their saints,because the opportunityto worshipthe ascetics of villagesand housesamong them with the help of local lay-supporters.Important directlyis crucialfor non-image-worshippingJains, not onlyfor religiousreasons, but also decisions,however, are alwaystaken by thedcdrya himself, who keepsin contactwith all in terms of the implicatedprestige Qndn) and the auspiciousness(maigal), that in their singhdlpatisthrough written messageswhich arepersonally delivered by the laity who act eyesis generatedparticularly by a visit of theacarya himself. Often the acarya'mahdraj' as channelsof communicationas Jain asceticsare traditionallynot allowed to use 'life-giving' is treatedlike an idol, andvenerated for his andmiraculously Vish-fulfilling' modernmeans of communicatjonor transport. 'lf (camatkarik) powers through the practice of secretlytaking vows during dartan'. you The mode of distributinga.scetics around the geographicalzones and the routes help me to becomeprosperous, I will donate...Vo of nry eamingsto your religiousproiects.' of their vihdraschanges every year. It reflectsthe generalpolitico-religious aims of the Suchpopular Jain practicesare consideredto be inconsistentwith the main teachingsof acdryawho selectscertain centres as loci for sectarianactivity, and determinesthe basic the religion (Schubring1978:316-7), but they are often "so thoroughlyassimilated with structureof the vihar with regard to changingsocial circumstances. T\e prant system them now that they are no longerperceived as alientt (Jaini 1991:187).At the end of the itself,for instance,was only adoptedafter 1.949,whenacarya Tulsi finally recognisedthe 'modernise' MM, when all decisionsare taken, the assemblydisperses, and the small groups of demandsof the lay diasporaand decidedto his sect and to extendthe asceticsset out for their rrewcaturmas destinations, which might be a considerable permittedrange of the vihar of his asceticsin order to spirituallyincorporate the whole distanceand, after catunnas,on to the placewhere the dcilryawill hold the next MM. territory of the new Indian state (and Nepal) (cf. map in Mahaprajna1987:61). He In thisway, the fundamentalritual structurefor the interactionbetween ascetics and laity initiatedthis processby symbolicallyturning his backon his former allies,the onceall- is organisedone year in advance. powertulGanga Singh (1880-i913) and his sonSadul Singh (1902-1950) - therajas of Bikaner- by selectingfirst the newstate capital of Jaipurand then the nationalcapital, TERRIToRIAT-ORGAI.ISATION Delhi,for hiscatunnds in 1949-1950- an illustrationof 'howpower and religiongo hand The TerSpanthisuse a formal systemof geographicalcategories to allocatecircumscribed regions (vihar ksetr) for each singhar.It takes the territorial boundaries of the l-5 Cf. Buddhamall (1995:71-2).Exceptions are the sevakendras (scrwce centres) for elderly asceticsin contemporaryIndian statesQtrant. province) as its basis,but givesa specialpriority to (aJrsthan, and the soDlrtbAalars (assemblyhouses) of local Terapanthi lay communities,which are sometimes Rajasthan,the placeof origin and the major focusof activityfor the sect.Rajasthan has used by visitingascetics in big cities.In Rajasthanthe asceticsuse the mostly empty ancestral nouscs been further sub-dividedinto five regions(sambhag), which do not correspondto the of their followers. 36' In-parts of Rajasthanthe word cokhtd is still used to signifyregional marriage circlcs, i.e. "an unit of caste Gub-caste)spread over a number of contiguousviltagcs, binding thc membirs of the casteto certain 34. Bisapanthiand Murtip[jak subsectsdo not rotate (he asceticsof their subgroups.Shantl (1985:330-1), regulationsconsidered to be falling within the traditionaljurisdiction of thc casre(sub-caste) orSa.nization::des.and Cort (1989:105,n.21),Carrithers (1989:229) and Banks(1992:29) report a similar'scriptedness'for rheiirvihdr, in that area,and subjectingthe mimbers to someeffectivt controlsthrough collcctiveaction" 1urt1Raj but do not mention any particularsub-sect organisation. Chauhan.A RajasthanWllage.Ncw Delhi: Associatcd publishing House, 1967:119). The ritual circle of the Teraoanth Svetdmbara Jains Peter FI-UCEL

oF INFLUENCE in hand' (L.P. sharma 7991:252;cf. Mahaprajna 1994:64-70).Today, as a rule, half of the Helns territorial divisionslike prdnt and sambhdghave to be distinguishedfrom ascetics(especially the older and weakerones who cannotwalk long distances)remain Formal regions,that is the placeseffectively visited by ascetics.Traditionally they in Rajasthanor closeto theacarya. The other half are distributedin sucha way that the functional are l<;etras(fieids of influence),and are characterisednot in objectiveterritorial terms, sect can be said to have coveredthe whole of India (including Nepal). This new co,lled by recurrentpersonal contact and mutualsupport between ascetics and lay followers. nationwideorientation distinguishes the Terapanth galt from theM[rtipfjak gacchaswho, but is a relationalcategory, signifying a selectivereligious evaluation of people-cazr- due to a lack of centralisedorganisation, do not form effectivegroups beyond the level K;etr From the asceticpoint l<;etrrs 'place (branches) oniy regionally, although there are national territory. of view, a worthyof residence'(Schubring of sdkhds and operate ((recipient Caillat 1966:71),whereas from the lay point of viewl<;etr is a worthy to be organisationsfor the laity.However, at presenteven Terapanth transregionalism appears & 'masked alms" (Williams 1983:165).T)te Terdpanthketr Pad for instanceis an annually merely as an example of a expansion'of a particular regional religious given list of addressesof thosepriviieged lay familiesor local associations(sabhas) movement(Balbir 1983:44).Table I showsthat the centresof Terapanthactivity in 1991 published will be visitedby asceticsduring caturmtu (Navratanmal 1991). T\e guru were Bikader and Jodhpur,the traditionalheartland of the Terapanthsect. who ksetris the totalfield of influenceof thedcdrya himself which encompasses the networksof personal allegiancesof all the ascetics.Its fluctuatingsize is dependenton the scaleand success of the annual vihdr, whrch ritually regeneratesthe effectiveunity of the sangh. The processas a wholeresembles the continuallyshifting and unstable segmentary TABLEI: TERzuTORI{ DISTRIBTITIONOF TERAPANTHASCETICS CATURMAS I991 statesystem (maaQal) of ancientIndia, where a king wasmerely a pimw interpares who

Groups A5cetics hadto provehis authorityperennially through an "ever-renewedsacrificial contest as the lraman Sramonl iromdn Jr4mcnt mediatingand organisinginstitution" (Heesterman1985:150). Jain dceiryas,like ideal

1. Rajasthan Prant kings,are consideredas the'iife force'of their ksetras,which they haveto contestevery a. Jodhpur Sambhag year after caturmAsin a processperceived as one of TulsTs group x xl 34 54 88 self-sacrificeand sociocosmic other 4 16 20 11 76 87 regeneration(UtS IX, XVIII). Like ancientIndian kings,Jain asceticsare sometimes b. Bikaner Sambhag 9 18 27 39 139 178 'embryos c. Udaipur Sambhag 6 19 25 r9 BB IO7 regardedas the of the people',and their ritual wanderingand entering of d. Jaipur Sambhag 2 35 7 t5 22 housesis symbolicallyassociated with processesof impregnation,ripening and ritual e. Ajmer Sambhag 22 B8 sum 21 58 79 110 380 490 rebirth as a form of symbolicincorporation of their followers,which is ontologically o 1, 2. Madhyapradesh PrAnt 1 3 perceived 3. Maharashfa Prent 55 25 25 as a processof the expansionof the soui,that is asan act of transcendenceof 4. Gujarat Prant 2 57 9 24 33 differencesand attachments:((The soul hasa shapewhich is not like that of a material 5, Andhrapradesh Prant 11 55 6. Karnataka Prant 1 23 3 11 14 body.It is like a field of energy,which is not identicalwith shape[and which] .. pervades 7. Tamil Nadu Prant 2 13 6 5 t1 the 8. Orissa Prant 11 55 bodyin the sensethat it canfeel anysensation in anypart of the body [and] .. in any 9. BenSal Prent l I 4 4 part of the cosmosby developingthe relevantpower. .. In all kinds of expansion,the 10. Bfiar Prent 22 10 10 11. Assam Prant 1 T2 2 57 pointsof the soulproject themselves outside the body,and therebythe sheddingoff the 48 12. Haryana Prant 2 9 11 o 42 relevantkarmic matter is in large measure.In related 13. Putrjab Prant 1 56 3 23 26 effected the expansion to the 14. Delhi 1 12 3 5B omniscient,the soul pervadesthe whole cosmicspace" (Tulsi 1985:151-3). 15. Nepat 11 55 sum 1.2 36 48 39 774 273 Teripanth asceticsperceive themselves as spiritualwarriors and their vihar as a {:araa-sheddingform (self-) Alwaysaccompanied 33 r49 703 of self-denialand spiritual conquest. (Source:N-alTatanmal 199 1) by lay-followersthey roam barefootthroughout India, from one village or town to the next Q)adydtra),collecting alms (gocan),giving sermonsQtrwacan), and trying to attract convertsby persuadingthem to make binding vowsof allegiancein form of public or writtenstatements of intent (sankalppatr). With the permissionof thedcdrya, individual asceticsand singhdyscompete in terms of padyatrd-miles,charisma (tei) generating PeteT FLUGEL The ritual circle of the Teraoanth SvetambaraJains 139

austerities(rap), religious programs, and the numberof (lay-) conversions@rabodhit).37 RELIGION AND POLITICS .l-he The agrantskeep diaries (kul yatra vivaran) in which they write the namesof the villages structure of the Terlpanth vihar as a whole appearsat first sight as an ideal theyvisited, how manydays they stayed,how muchcloth (valrr) and medicine(au;adhi) rnanifestationof an ancientperipatetic asceticism. A closerview, however,reveals not they received,and from whom,special achievements of each ascelic(tapasyQ svadhydya), only how a centralisedbureaucratic organisation has been added to the pristine religiousprograms (prek$a dhyan), pacifications of quarrels(vigrah Saman), the number segmentarysystem of personalguru-ii4'a relationships,but also how the laity were and type of vows administered,and the servicesgiven and receivedfrom other ascetic gradually incorporated into an overarchingframework, which nowadayscombines groups (bhakti). These diaries have to be scrutinisedevery year during MM by the traditional forms of moral sovereignty(dharmaraj) over a population-cum-territory 'democratic' dcArya,who then evaluatesthe conductof eachascetic (sdrana varand), and distributes (anpad) with modern waysof political-territorialorganisation (cf. Dumont rewards(so,called kalya4ak points) and punishmentsQtrayascitt) accordingly.s 1980:229,332).3e Most of these changeswere introducedonly recently under dcarya 'Iulsi Particularlyfierce is the rivalry between asceticsof different organisedJain in an attempt both to preservethe traditional way of life of the monastic subsectsroaming in the sameregion. They competeas groupsfor statusin terms of the cc,mmLnityand to maintain its social influence under changed social conditions idiom of behaviouralpurity and non-violence.These rivalries are foughtwith the help lterritorial unification,spatial mobility, emancipation of economics,globalisation). Tulsi of the laity and sometimestake the form of open conllict for sectariansuperiority in employedbasically four strategiesafter 1949:{ (1) the expansionand systematisation certainregions. The presentdominance of the Terapanthgalt in Bidasarand l-adnun of asceticwandering, (2) the use of modern media of mass-communication,(3) the (Bikaner),for instance,was gained through a focusedcampaign by acaryaJayacirya from regulationof popular religion and (4) the differentiationof monasticinstitutions. In 1872-1877against his Sthanakvasirival dcdrya Jahvarlal.The Terf,panthis maintained orderto createan integralreligious system that is capableto addressa nationwidemass their commandingposition in the region ever since, although in 7922 and 1926 audience,without violating the Terapanthprinciples of centralisationand of direct Sthanakvasisand Murtipojakstogether tried to end their dominanceby systematically interaction between asceticsand the laity, Tulsi first tried to stretch the ascetics' disruptingthe BikanercAtunntu, including an allegedattempt to assassinatethe acarya. capabilityfor barefootwalking to its physicallimits (havingcovered more than 70.000 The defamationcampaign was averted,however, through the interventionof Ganga mileshimself). In orderto compensatefor the self-createdcentrifugal tendencies he then Singh,the ruler of Bikaner,who finally expelledsome Sthanakvdsi mendicants and laity hadto improvethe communicationbetween the now evenmore widely scatteredgroups (L.P.Sharma 199I:171 ,229-34). Negative campaigning was later (1954)ruled out by Tulsi, and to organiselay supportin remoteareas. He thereforedecided (a) to draft a moral who - in the interestof the renewedproselytization of Jainism- advocatedfor a more code of conduct for the laity (AK) (while remaining silent about their actual ((Views positiveapproach towards public relations: of othersshould be tolerated.Hatred convictions)41and (b) to reform the monasticorganisation: by modernisingcertain rules or disrespecttowards other sectsand their monksshould not be preachedtt(in Nagaraj of conduct (use of nricrophones,flush toilets etc.), introducing a new system of 1959:28). adninistration (nikdya),and institutionalisingand expandingthe novice status.The reformprogram was finaliy completedwith the introductionof lhe samanorder, that is a third categorymidway between the asceticand the householderfor the proselytization

39. The monastic organisationhas bccn describedby acaryaMahaprajna hirnself as a feudal tmixture of ocspotismand democracy',because it combinesthe ideal principle of scgmentationwith an element of tunctional -17.That is vowsgiven. Practices of self-sacrificr(yAgl arc scento genera(ercspect (vunduta) and to attract differentiationand centralisedbureaucratic rulc (Nathmal 1968:123,Balbir 1983:43).Democracy, bccause support (dan). rules are not imposed,but are freelyaccepted; despotism, because one of the main functionsof the 'royal' dcaryais the privilcgcto settle disputesand to imposesanctions oD transgressorsof monasticrules. 38. Thc presentrules of tbe Tcrapanth asksadhus not to staynore than one month in one village (sadhvls: 40. two months), not to carry more than 69 hands (hoth) of cloth (which should not be acceptedduring Cf. Singer's(1968:a38ff., 1985:35) rather negativenotion of'adaptive' strategies. cdtunnAs),to pcrform 30 daysof fasteach year, to avoid medicaltreatment etc. If an asccticcamot comply aI. 'church' with thesebasic rules, he/shc has to atone for each mistakeat the end of thevihar. The asceticrules of A tnical stratcgy to accounl for the hiatus between dogma and practice which Luhmam (19.32:30-5-?) conductunderwent numerous changes during (he centuries,and no prcsentJain sectcan legitioatcly claim contrastswith thc three strategiesof popularreligion: 1. unreflcctiveorthodory, 2. interruption ot tnterdependence, 'belief to be orthodoxanymore (cf. Nair 1969:50).Tulsi's main innovationsare describedin Mahdprajia 1994:170-1. 3. reflectivedoubt. A vcrsionof the secondstrategy, where is not believedas a system The paradigmaticyatrd vivarur is SadhnpramukhaKanakaprabha's account of Tulsi's rcligiousconquest of but as it werc topological:point for point' (p. 3O7),has rccentlybeen describcdby Humphrey & Laidlaw(1994:123-4). southcrnIndia 1907-lq7l (4can'a Tulsi:Daksi|t kc uncelnrcnt. Chlru: Adar3 SahitySengh. lq77: 88.5-9q0). 140 PeteTFLUGEL The ritual circle of the TerEpanthSveti.mbara Jains 14l

of Jainism abroad, in i980. The media could now be legitimately used by the generalprinciple of self-referentiality:a2 1le Internalprocesses of rule-selectionand dharmasangltwithout concedingcontrol entirelyto the laity, or blurring the distinction specificationalways reflect wider processes of socialdifferentiation and historical betweenreligion change. and society.Bechert's (1970) remarks on recent changesin Sinhala 'rheycombine at eachstage the past and the present,universal religious principles and Buddhismalso apply to the Terdpanthtoday: institutionalrules, specific as is manifestin our sketchof the historicalelaboration "Practically,a dualstructure had comc into existencein historical of the developmentof the Theravida Terapanthimonastic law throughthe extension sangho: of the traditional method of imposing iL was organizedalong more modern organizationallines, but it had to keep the old religiousvows' Involution is evidentin the existenceof at least structures as prescribed lry the vinoya.Thc new structureswere Decessary,no doubt, for the survival two different layersof - ritualsand rules,generated by the of the sugha but the old one had to be preservedin order (o make the proceedingsof thesangha doctrinaldistinction between predominantly religious socialorientations: 'canonica| lawful" (p.7?3). and (1) Jain rituals (e.g.avasyak, pakkhi, paryusa4) 'organisational' and How are the spheresof religion (2) Terapanthi and sociefyrelated in practice?The crucialpoint rituars (e.g. rikhat, hdjari, marytutantahotsw);a3 plus is that,eve4 though Bhiksu renounced analogousstructures among .Hindu, traditionalnotions of groupreligion and thereby the laitv,who additionallyparticipate in group ratified the relative autonomyof sociallife, from a devotee'spoint of view, religious religioh. valuesshould still encompass This resultleads us to all socialpursuits. But in contrastto the former Snpiljyas the questionof the relevanceof the (post-)colonial setting and for the emergence bhattdraksthe Terdpanthacaryar (indeed most modern dcdryas)cannot directly of new doctrinalinterpretations and the developmentof bureaucratic control(religious) property andcommunal structures among or the sociallife of their Iay follorversanymore. Processes of the Terdpanth.In his celebratedpaper Na tionarism and control therefore operate indirectly, 'secular' ContmunalisnlDumont (1980) ,,the through institutions,and through the arguedthat communalismas affirmation of the individualreligious persona religiouscom-rnunity as of their followers,which may becomeprogressively fixed a politicalgroup" (p. 315)is a hybridphenomenon, a janus-faced (ethicised)through a competitiveritual transitionalstate - intermediary systemof self-imposedbehavioural comnitments between traditional group rerigions and modern (vrats)that are associated religionsof the individual. with specifiedreligious status categories which imply the moral He further argued that cornmunalismis the ideological right to expectrespect manifestationof an emerging and religiousservices from the lowerranks. It is importantto note class-curture,which developed mainly throughthe impact that abstractJain religiousprinciples, of colonialrule and the christian like ahirysd,in practicealways carry pragmarrc - missionarymodel:4 Particularly the middle-classelites evenlegal - implications were enabled to free and presupposesystems of religioussanctions and customary themselvesfrom traditional forms of religious and political behaviouralspecifications which hegemony,and to transform are lessvisible. The actualobservance of vowscan, if themselvesinto dominantsocial g.oupr. In the contextof at all, only be enforcedinformally overall social change,many via public opinion and sanctionedthrough a system of these elites drifted increasinglytowards the newly of freely acceptablepenances which is aclministeredthrough various forms of religious book-keeping.Such a religioussystem of control throughseelsorge (weber 19g5:2g3) differsfrom modernstate-bureaucracy because it doesnot operatein a disembocliedway, 42 SceParsons'argument that thc.increasingexlernal differcntiation ofa sub-systemhas but is predicated personal jr;ya both by to be compensated on the interactionof guru and and on the exemplary a higher levcl of internal arjriiiitiltln una th" g"n".utoation G-oonasekere of its principle of differentiation; anJ conductof the acdrya, s.(1986:39)and cort's (199lb) obseruationthat .ooJ who is the final authorityof religiousknowledge and sectarian Irnd-s within the Svetimbar mendicanto.d".. a replication^ofmany elementso.f the;ocial - religiouslaw. order" (p. 652) and vice yersa(Bants 1992:122-3).Thc However it showsfeatures of the old patrimonialbureaucrary (loyalty, I crapantb.caseof an asceticorder that combinesboth'ihe piinciples or ."g-"o\u.y personalauthority, and (p. oxreaucraticorganisarionrhoy:jl:."91,g:neralisabilityoftherhesisofcailrat aifferentiationand favor) 127-131,692ff.)which prevailed in the former princely '(1996:51, (r975:2:/),Reyneil(1985:1), (1986:39), states(Rudolph corr (1991b:661-1)and Babb (hat Jain & Rudolph 1983:194).But althoughthe monasticcommunity itself is ;;3111aser.ere.tnc urganisalional u.."ii. groui, are modcled on principlcsof kinshipand caste. governedlike a little kingdomon the basisof organisationalrules (tnaryadd) and central 43' ln practicc the distinctionbetwecn personal offices@ad), its jurisdiction does not formally extend towards the laity. Religious and socialaspects of Jain practicesproposed by Johnson (1ee5)erc. dissorvcs.atr,ougi-'car,ooical sanctionsQtrayascitt) can only be imposedon their own demand. i:;t::ll :,'-*'"'':: rirualsnominarry address rhe individuar, There is no spacehere to providea detaileclanalysis of the multiplelayers of Jain ::r:;iifiJJ,TnffiJ?i:ilx'J.llf ,:::B[1l,ffi*:}::il".i",";:"1,:::"A5;#i,:T,::r,J # (socio-)religious regulations leaderand are highlyritualised amongJains-and-Buddhiits and the historyof their emergence.It is sufficientto re-state +:'fr[ttrit:.|;ogrouP "*"r"i.". alike(cf.

(1980:229, 3I5) viewthat social change in conremporary l;3.:l:l''lu Indiashould nor be undersroodas cofonral fm Dosltlon but either as a 'mixture'or a 'combination' na\bccn of theold andthe new(p. 229,315) "'"' echoedeven by hiscritics (cf. van dcr yccr 7!f)4::l6). 142 PeterFt-UcEt- The ritual circle of the TerapanthSvetimbara Jains 143 'this-worldly emergingforms of lay religiosity,based on doctrinesof asceticism'on the The real situationAcharya Sri has given extensionto the individualand addeda newdimen-sion to his socialcharacter,, (p. 187).

cf' sunguut lj 1980 on the failures of the latter. 45. The details of this gencral trend vary. trrditional-hierarchicar Intcrestingly,both forms of Jain .communarism They include devotionalforms of worship (bhal

occasionalmediating role of thedcarya in socialdisputes between members, and of U. THE Tnnepalru LAIrY AND THEIR oRGANISATIONS the hismirror-image, the Terhpanthlawyer, who actsin the courtson behalf of the sect.In say: 1 million] foliowers of the sum,the Terdpanth,like other Indiansects, combines religious universalism with social There are today about 500.000[some Terf,panthis integratedwith the ^t"": t-:Tl:Tt:l exclusivism,and thusconstitutes a well-organisedand therefore powerful pressure-group Terapanthascetics. They are organisedand tightly into rhe sect,however, for convertsit is that mediatesbetween state, caste and family. ,;;;;;; ;f ways.Mtst oi them wereborn The greatmajority of the Terdpanthlaity (andascetics) are RajasthaniBisa OsvII mandatorytohaveantnterviewwiththeacarya,andtoundergotheformallayinitiation.l--^t^:-a^ r. banids.The fact that the Terdpanth,like most Jain subsects(Sangave 1980, Banks intotherightbelief(samyakwadiha).Thisritual,whichtransformsindividualsin '.rul' (Schubring1978:285), is usually publil 1992:121-2),is closelyassociated with a particular caste AtuD is also the historical second-orderascetics, o, brahntar.s consequenceof an explicitrule whichprescribed that only Bisa Osvalbanitu shouldbe performedundertheguidanceofthedcarya,whoonlyunderspecialcircumstancesalso a vow to acceptthe Jain doctrine initiatedand acceptedas lay followers.It was abandonedonly in the 1950s,under the excommunicatesSrdvaks.Ideally the candidatestake vow to accept the marya'dd of dcary impactof the anti-castepolitics of the Indian government.aeThe RajasthaniOsvEls are and practice in general (anuvrat), and another seenas a subcategoryof the Marv5ris,who are todaya verymobile and wealthysegment Bhiksu,tosupporttheTerapanthascetics,tomonitortheirbehaviour,andtomaintai (lrnak ni;thpatr) (AK I:360-376). of the Indian population(G.D. Sharma1984:200).50 Over the last 300 years many of exclusiveloyalty to thedcarya throughout their life rhemmigrated from Rajasthan,which at times offeredfew economicprospects, to the Acandidate,therefore,acceptsnotonlytheuniversalmoralprinciplesofJainism'br the sect as a corporate group' r niajorcities of India, wherethey now form small,semi-permanent trading communities also the specific institutional regulations of (Timberg 1978:93).Traditionally they operatethrough kinship links and maintainwell commitmenttothesevowsisnominallyStlengthenedthroughtheircollectiverecitati organisedjoint-family firms with communalassets which are controlledby the head of inpublica^ssemblies(hajan)andbyaSystemofreligioussanctions,whichtheasceti effective,however, are informal soci the family. Like the Terdpanthacdrya, the head of the Marvali family firms exercises upity ,o adjudicateconfessed transgressions. Most andface, which need not be enforc civiljurisdiction over his sonsand employeesand rotateshis personnel(mainly relatives ,1".r,"r. attacted to prevailingnotions of honour and long-term associatesof the family from Rajasthan)in order to prevent their bythesabhapalr(theleadersofthelocallay-communities)whoonlyinterveneint :-L - J L^!.,^ attachmentto a particular local branch and thus tendenciestowards the premature caseofcrime.Inthiswayastrongmoralandindeedlegalbondisestablishedbetwe to his politicalguidance a divisionof the family business(p. 131,135).He alsodecides on the locationsfor a theacdryaand his laity,who are expectedto adherestrictly cannot exerciseany politi networkof branches(iakha, kolli) in promisingtrading locationswhere he sendshis regulations(cf. Sangave1980:379j. Although the actuya youngersons, often ('bya processof unclescalling nephews, and fathers-in-lawsons-in- authorityoverhislaity,hisdirectiveshavegreatpersuasivepowerandbecomerule Iaw" (Timbergl9Tll.76).Even today diaspora Terlpanthis maintain an attachmentto the allpracticalpurposes'simplybythefactofhisconstitutiverolebothforthereprt practice'there is a certain houses(&aveiis) of their ancestors(pir1s) in Rajasthan,where the cooperatingmembers of iain religion and of the Terdpanthcommunity' In legal).This is manifestboth i of the famiiy lineage(fu1umb) periodically assemble for marriagesand funerals(i.e. ffi;;;;, i;-, ; jurisdiction(religious, sociar,

disciplesof.t!9 Tela.nanthdltann' and ,8.,,1. mysclf to themaryada of Acarya Bhikqu,the I dedicate 49. This rule goes back to l-onka. Similarly,Terapanth acceptedsonly those witb whom they can eat headof the order.Z.I.rruup"rp"iuluyrcmainvililant,regardingtheindirisibilityofthcorder'3'Ishall togcther" 4. I shall not concur with any attitt (Singh, Munshi H. The Cqrtes of Marwar. Being a CensusReport of 1891.Jodhpur: Books to anyoncwho has been cxcommunicatedby the orii.r. give refugc lreasure, 1991:110).Historically, it is rulcs like theseand the political interestsbchird them, which are otthedcarya.5.IfIfindanyfaultsin anysddhuorsadhviof, whicharenotinconcord*,itt"-ora"r, puritvor primarily responsiblefor present link Jainism and commerce,in addition to the quasi o, theacarya.r shall not pubticise ii. o. 'hitl the 'protestant the close bptween lli:l i'ffiLffi";"# ii,".,ry 1 llT:1L ethos' embodiedin the SvetambarSravakacara literature itself (cf. Webcr 19?8:207,Williams foodanddrink.T.Ishalldevoteeverydayonesdntayik[4Sminutesloratleasttwenty.minutestoreligi 1983:mii). this' boro Teripanthis rarely accept observances'(r. AK 1991r,:ii;' l'fiftougtt the asceiics-p'opagate t]lltJllt rhe ottuvratsbecause these u'".u"ty g"n"'J -d sutrvaktva frksd or 9,trnT.d whichare ::T::T:i:"Yprincipallv taken '10.Th" Guju.uti Osvils nrigratedearlier, mainly during the period of the Chalukyarule (974-1238A.D.), ;i""uutc uti'.ga' p,ary-akhydn) t'om ;fiitri#lH;; ffi;';;,p".in. (1vs 6.1-10in AK I:29' Rajasthan to Gujarat. Today they speak Gujarati and are predominatelyfollowers of the local (.bl;;;;;;i;1, .iri., to. a limited period orli[elong part of rhc sixrhavaljak Mirrtipljak ascetics.They do not intermarryor interdinewith RajasthaniOsvals, which they consideras a cortlggg:260,Laidlaw1EJ5:1t4).TheAnuvratmovementhasonlygained'lo.000adhcrentsinnearly50yelower formalism' The Sravaknisfu t, statusgroup (bccausethey'stitl cat onions').Rajasthani Osvals are intcrnally dividcd in up to four many TeraparthtJ rn"t" ^i -toia sbow and * ***ttuty and is seenby sr'atusclirssss (Heta, Paica, Dasa, Blsa). The Bisa Osvals(Mv. Bal S ajan) arc considered status-higher than i' 1e82b;;;;i;" a"*-a" ofthe former edulatign hasbeen introduced T:ll'l:1 :-l,R#i:tT:::*:j thc Dasa Osverts(Mv. ChoP Sajan). Cf. Babb (1996137-73) on Osvil origin myths, and Sopher (I968:d,24) ;::i,ffiffi;:;"i'i 0n ","#,0""tohavcsect_specificmatyaddsforthelaityaswelt..rtremainsrobeto thc laitywill be' the lastinginfluence of the Chalukyaempire on current patternsof Mnrtiptjak pilgrimagecirculation. [o* thisattempiof expanding m.nastic organisational rules "ffe.tiu" PeteTFLUGEL The ritual circleof the TerdpanthSvetambara Jains 147

is manifest.s3Yet no formal organisationof Terapanthlay followers feastswhich involve the pooling and transferof resources),as well as to Osiyan,the group' existeduntil foundingof the TerapanthSabha (assembly) in Calcuttain 1913.l.ocal legendaryplace of origin of the Osv[l iAti neat Jodhpur,where the lineagegodde the communities informally in the housesof leading (kutdevi)Saciya (Durga) is worshippe

53. Cf. Weber (1935:203-7);and Dumonr (1980:166parc 322) and Corr (1989:15) on rhe growing cmancipation (kurunrb)- of economicsfrom politicsin lndia. 51. Sharing of assctsis only practiccdwithin a famlly @arivA). Members of family lineages usuallythc families of brothcrs - are economicallyindcpendent. But sometimesthey maintain commoD 54.Apart from the PSSwhich which to the transgenerationalstability of a kugumb.'fhel\neage, was establishcdby the MS all socio-religiousinstitutions were initiatedby the charity-trustsfor dharnriatasetc. contribute dcdrya. lineage god ([zrl devafi) and rrot ol The JVB is a socio-religiouscollege, open to non-Jains,which tcachesJ unism,preksa dhJAn andjlval (/.zrl) is constituted through a common historical affiliation- to a vtTricn particularly Lo sanans an

The ritual circle of the TerapanthSveEmbara Jains r49 FI-Ucel 148 Peter ((to governmentof the United Provinces, preventminor boysand girls from beingturned 1978:195).HowciosetherelationshipbetweenBikanerandtheCalcuttaMarvaliswasinto beggars,mendicants or sf,dhusduring the period of their minority either by the (andis)illustratestheremarkofMahdrajaSuratSinghfromBikanerinlS83:((Calcuttaparentswho make them over to the so-calledsadhus or by sadhuswho make them such of the Mdrvaristraded in cloth and is one" (G.D. Sharma198a;200)' Most force or falserepresentations" and Bikaner more by (singh 1914:518).All Jainswere alarmedby the plans in thebusiness world of calcuttaby gaining , jute, andslowly established themselves of the legislativecouncil, which, if passedas a British. rntt:nu": biil, would have made the traditional (guaranteed commission agencies)from and more baniasl'rips i itinerant life of the Jain mendicants(who distance themselvesvehemently from 'brahmarlissl companies.DuringtheFirstWorldWartheyachievedaneconomicbreakthroughand.{ beggars') impossible.The Ter1panthis in calcutta joined with the establishedtheinstitutionalandfinancialbasisfortheirpresentpositionasoneoftheiMlrtipDjaksto protestagainst the resolution(which never became law: the beggarsact in post-independenceIndia' \ 'beggars') most influentialbusiness communities of 1948distinguishes sadhw from andR.B.G. Mukim from Bikaner, sufficientto stressthat,'t the rrustee of the Marvalis is well known and it is The history of the Jain SvetambarPancayat Mandir in Calcutta, was invited to coordinate Jain protest.But very soon althoughtherewasaculturalbonilwhichunitedtheRajasthanibaniasinBengal,a'great'Mawdtis'' Not problemsin workingtogether emerged, apparently regarding the the generalregional category of diversityof social circlesexisted within accountabilityof the trustee,who was forced to .did TerapanthiMarvaris declarethat the M[rtip[jaks not familieshad to remainin Rajastharlss only becauseinitially their takeany money'for runningthe templefor all the iocalJains (sukhalal 1991:46-7).K.c. keptmainlytothemselves,maintainingcloserlinkstotheirancestralhomes,andtootherKolhari then decidedthat the Ter5panthtradition (sampraday)would establishits own BisaOsvalfamiliesa]Ioverlndia,ratherthanwiththeirneighbours(Jain1988).Theyindependentorganisation. A sabha meetingunder the presidencyof Talu Ram was participatedofcourseintheactivitiesofthemainMarvariorganisations(Mawalcalled, and Dhadevawas elected presidentand KC. Kothiri secretaryof the new samai calcutta (1898),All India Marvari of commerce,luteAssociation, Marva4 TerapanthiSabha.The clwmber groups' as Sabhathus came into beingas a formal organisationnot only to and other cross-cuttingeconomic interest Federation,Mdn,art Relief Society) resistthe Navalik CelaRegistration Bill, andto pleasethe Pancayati Mandir) colonial governmentwith social organisations (,Iain sabha,Jain svetambar well as the main Jain reforms,but alsoto Protectthe sharesof the Terdpanthisin the religiousproperty of the (Sukhalali1991:41).T.heemergenceofthesetwoseparatetypesofspecialinterestgroupsJain community in Calcutta. spheres com-pa.tmentalizationof economicand socio-cultural illustratesthe increasrng Althoughit fulfilled secondarysocial, political and economicfunctions, the Sabhd (Singer 1968:438)'However' the focus of the socio- among Indian businessp"opi" wasprimarily a vehiclefor the defenceof community whichwas modelled interestsin the courts.One of the the Terapanthisbecame the Terapanthsablta, religiousactivities of main activistsand the secondpresident of the Terapanthsabhd was chogmal copra onsimilarself-regulatinginstitutionsamong.othersects'sTheestablishmentofthe(1883-1976).He was an osvii, born in Derajsar(Bikaner), where his mother stayedin occurredonly in 1913'in lesponse asa formally registeredreligious association the family house(haveb), p[sraj sablta youngJain while his father copra worked in Rangapur(Bengal) 15.9.1913,which threatened to classify to theNwalik CelaRefistration BiIt of tlsan accountant(munlm) of I.c. jute beggingon the Nahata,an important merchant.I.c. Nahatawas 'profJssionalbeggars" and to imprisonthem if caught mendicantswith thefirst Jain Osvil who broke the religiousrule againsttravelling overseas and went to streets'L.S.Singhproposedafour-pointresolutiontothelegislativecouncilofthethe UK in 1887.He was thereforedeclared an outcasteby the Bisa Osvalpancayat for the rest of his life, and even Chogmal'sfather sufferedfrom his close contactswith Nahatd.C. Copla differedfrom the rest of the Terdpanthbusiness community through his 55.Terapanthdc_aryasforbadetheirascetic.stovisitlargecitiesandplacesoutsideRajasthanuntil1949pricedent' Bengal was dcclared as a highereducation. In 1908he gaineda law degreein Calcutta,the first of the Marvari 196g:147-8,S. f"--'i".J p.30). Following-ancient (Narhmal childrcn (Timberg 1978:195'193) families only for ascc(ics_butut.o-to, *o."o a-nd from Bikanerto do so, and workedas a specialistin forbiddenarea(anaryaksetr) not no religious- insurancelaw until he was (Mahaprajna1994:197-8)' Consequently' whend.aryo rur.t .p""oi'ri**ru, i" C^rcutta 60. He was famed for 'people until 1959, o"]i:lll: *t"t the end ot the free legal advice he gave to in need' - mostly thelravaks had to return i'"qu"*tv to community could be formed, and :::illt Jainsoutside prominent canbe found amotg ii"t generationcxpatriate Terf,panthMirvaris (who todaycontrol the majorityof the greatlaw firms in the jute season(March-tune;.*n si-lfu, pu,,.* Calcutta)- and developed lndia QtaceBanks 192:8)- into one of the most activesocial workers (karyakartas) of the undcr the control of tho Terapanthcommunity (p. 39, 46). The fact that not a businessman, Anutdjl Katyaryii trust (fountlcd in 1821 in Ahmedabad, but a lawyer,a 56. For irstance thesetlt Lalbhai and his rnan (Tripathi, Dwijendra' nte Dynamics of Tradirion: of education,became the mostinfluential community leader is not for Brsa osval Nagarieths) .Kytyrblai' Conference untypical Jain Banks 19i:103-5) or theJain Enrrepreneunhip.New lett t:tilano[-, tssr,c,rs9ff., .Svetdmbar communities.Jain businessmen 'cultural both of contributed to thc do usuallynot disposeof the necessary capital' (founded 1g03 by Ahrnedabad millcxvners) ln"tra r*1:roo-2), _which to of the reformed (sa4tvegi)Tapii be able to constructa sufficient ideologicalplatform disappearanceof the institutionof theyati and to the-conte-p"t".V."t** on which to build a lay Gacch as.etic. (cf. Cort 1989:100,1991a:402-5, i991b:659)' 150 PeteTFLUGEL The ritual circle of the Teripanth SvetambaraJains t51

The community. This is why they need intellectualsto do this on their behalf. in calcutta and ladnun, and the sharingof expensesfor the four months 'economic of catumtdsof other hand, often do not possess capital'. The theacarya and his group,which intellectuals,on the are about Rs.2.000.000 (Goonasekere 19g6:207) which relationshipof hierarchicalcomplementarity between ascetics and laity is areusually paid by the localsabttapati. characteristic AJsoin recentyears major investmentshave been laity itself,whose leading members are intellectualson the one madein order to thusreplicated within the createa permanentinfrastructure for the new communityinstitutions, on the other. i.e.the Terdpanthi-centre hand and businessmen in l-adnunand assemblyhouses (sabhabhavans) with ribraries Most of the decisiveSabha membersof the time belongedto the conservative, for the laity in major cities. wing of the TerapanthSravaks and were supportersof the National Congress.They reactedto state-legislationbut did not pressfor reformswithin the Teripanth sectitself. FORMALORGA}ISATIoN now defunctTerdpanth Tarury Sangh' 'Howis They were opposedby the youngradicals of the a Jain lay-association,Iike the MS, organised?And how doesit handleproperty? singhi and Siddharaj who even The prime (youth assembly),headed by Bhanvarmal Thalha1ha, official aim of the MS is to representthe interestsof the Terrpanth itself. The changesthey demandedwere not only communityvis-d-vis ((to challengedthe monasticortho<1oxy the institutionsof the modernIndian state, that is consider,(and) (women,untouchability etc.) and business interests, which were promoteor oppose relatedto socialcustoms any legislationor other measuresand enactmentsaffecting Jainism, with the British,si but also lts tenets, best served by maintaining goocl working-relationships culture or order of Jain Sadhus,Sadhvis, shrawaks and shrawikas,'(JSTM with the abolition of child initiation (bdldlka), old fashionedexcretionary 1987:5)'The MS is particularly concerned also concernedwith maintaininglegal control over its ritualisticinhibitions against industry, foreign travel,and charitablefunds as practicesof a-sceticsin towns, with similarcharitable associations of the Jains(cf. Banks lgg2:104- childrenand a.sceticsoutside Rajasthan (cf. Timberg 1918:69). 6). However,until the movementof wives, acdryaKdrlram's recognitionof the MS, the conceptof community (viz. of thosedemands were ratified by dcdryaTulsl forty welfarewas rejected Most, but not all bAldItqA) by the Terapanthon doctrinalgrounds. Instead, the family, and generalsocial changes after Indian Independence and are castewere favoured yearslater in the courseof the as the elementarysocial units (there are still no communitymeals policyof the Terapanth(Mahaprajna 1987:10-13). among the Terapanth nowpart of the officialsocio-religious laity). As non-image-worshippers,the Terapanthiscould not organisation designed promote In the early decades of its existence, the Sabhd wu an the constructionof temples and also rejected the sthanakvdsi 'social notion of CalcuttaTerapanthis. The organisationwas closedto charitable work' purely for the interestsof the as religiouslyiilegitimate, arguing that the propagationof social later, the influenceof dcaryaT:ulsr charityas a religious TerSpanthisfrom other regionsof India. Only under valuewould only servethe rich (Tulsi 1gg5:162ff.,oldfield 1gg2:71). (1946-1960),was the membership of the Sabha widened, and the organisation In accordancewith Tulsi'sreforms the MS thereforechose as its 'educational main aim the promotion of the Terapanthi laity by of transformeditself into the first nation-wideinstitution work' (i.e the propagationof rerdpanthi Jainism),stressing particurarly Terdpanthcommunities all over India as affiliate members. the importanceof meditation recognisingsimilar local and the preservationand publicationof books,which is a Akhil BharutlyaTerapanth Mahasabhd, the traditionalconcern From then on, the CalcuttaSabhd was named of Jains(JSTM 1987:1-6).s8Members of the associationcan be ((any laity.Today almost all of the Terdpanthlay Shrawakaor Shrawika great all Indian assemblyof the Terapanth who hasattained the ageof 18years irrespective of caste,coiour, very few, mostlysmall, local communitiesin remote raceand nationality"(p. associationsare sabhds. Only a 3). It thus appearsas if membershipof the MS is open to all prominentfamily, as is indicatedby the namesgiven in the Jains'But this is not areas,still assemblearound a the case,on the contrary,the generalJain termsjrdvaka andirdvikd the ascetics(Nawatanmal 1991). In due coursethe (male and female laity, 'listeners' annuallists of cdturmdslocations of lit. of the sermonsof the Jinas)have been given a of the Terf,panthilaity for all India' narrow'sectarian MS actedas the centralcoordinating organisation interpretation,reserving them for lay membersof the Terapanthsect signof systematicco-operation alone:'('Shrawak' 'shrawika' under direct instructionof theacdrya. The main outward or meansa personwho hasimplicit faith in the Acharyaof the centralisedplanning of the the Jain Swetambar betweenthe independentlocal communitiesbecame TerapanthiSect, and his religiousviews, and in his rulesof conduct offices(Sakhas) of the MS and limitations, material infrastructure of the ritual vilnr from the two central and in the Sadhurvho followshis order, anclalso in the religious principles of the Jain SwetambarTerdpanthi Sect" (p. 3). Membershipof the MS is thus

57. KeSroyCand Kothari, for instance,u,ho was sccretaryof the TerapanthSabhd in 1924,was praisedby the Ccnsu.sof India 1921 for giving t'considerableassistance in the courseof thc censusoperationst (Keshrotr '(Account of Sheth Kesree Chand [K.C. Kothari]. of the TerapanthiSect of SwetambarJains." In Census Indio 1921,Vo'I. I. India, Part I.- Rcport. Ed. J.T. Marten. AppendixIV, xiii-xiv.Calcutta: Superintendcnt GovernmentPrinting, 1924:appendix). )li' one aim is purchase, "to acquireor sccurecopyrights in Agama pubrications'(JSTM 19s7:5). --r

The ritual circle of the Terdoanth Svetambara Jains l)J PeterFt-ucel t52 STATUSAND POWER acarya'spower' because dcaryu.Thispartly explains the oretlicatedon discipleshipto the One of the main incentivesfor beinga candidatefor any of the key positionsis to gain MS'se '"o'"'oual can remainin the over the managementof the assetsof the MS trusts.The communityproperties ffi:;;;"^,"'o a centralised control of the MS is designedto guarantee The organisationalframework of the Terapanthsect are, like tlroseof other contemporaryJain sub-sects,held in the name of the sect(sangh), but managedby the elected,usually male leadersof the lay nationwidecoordinatio[ofsocio.religiousactivitiesofthe,TeraPanth'li'o.'"formalt"Ylt'1t]'""1- and combinesfeatures of bureaucrattt * structureis modern and democratic' communities(samaj), thus establishing a systemof balancesthat are cruciallydependent andterritorialsegmentation,paralleltothedhatmasahglt,Thehighestrepresentatlve. on the maintenanceof a strict separationbetween ascetics and laity. Decisionsabout bodyoftheMSistheGeneralMeetingofallmembers.Butmoreimportantwithregard investmentsin new socio-religiousprojects are usuallytaken by leadingmembers of the Terapanthcommunity which assemble'at the feet' of the dctuyato discussthe issue totherunningoftheday{o.dayaffairsoftheorganisationisthebiannualAnnualsite of the maryetda" members'who asslmble at the GeneralMeeting of at least 51 informally (antaik go$lht).The dcdryadoes not legally own any property, but he is maltots(N.Itsmainfunctionistheelectionofapresident,whoactsaSthesabhapatiinforn\edof all new developmentsand alwaysasked for his adviceon where to donate (leaderofthelaycommunity)andisthefo'*ulequivalenttotheacaryawithinthe surplusmoney for charitable(educational) purposes and how to spendthe fundsof the overallhierarchicalstructure,ofdualleadership,whichistypicalformodernJainsects.Terapanthfoundations. He will give his blessingsonly if he agreeswith a project,and nobody will act againsthis recommendations.This arrangementis the norm among T\esabhdpa,ifulfilsmainlyrepresentativeandgeneralsupervisionalfunctions'Heand the MS are correctly and reguiationsof tle araryo should ensure that the rules contemporaryJains, with the exceptionof the DigambarTerdpanth movements.fl It is necessaryto distinguishbetween the charitableinstitutions, on the one hand, observed,andhastherighttocriticisethebehavioural.laxity'ofitsmembers.Duringhishe is preoccupied to neglecthis. own businessbecause presidencytt" is notinuiif fo""O and the trusts and landedproperty ownedby them and their members,on the other. Whethera particularfund is treatedas 'secular' as 'socio-religious'property depends withvisitingandsupervisingmeetingsandfunctionsofthelocalsabllasthroughoutlndia.'great on the or Marv6{ firm' he is constantly acarya orthe heal of a traditionai entirelyon the context.The statutethat "any proprietaryconcern whose proprietor is an Like the a Working,Cottttttittee MS is managedand supervisedby move.However, effectively,the associateof (the) Mahasabha"(JSTM 1981:4)can also be a member,facilitates the ofl00members(incl.thepresident)whoaredirectlynominatedbythepresident(andtemporarytransformation of any businesscontrolled by Teripanthis into a charitable withtheconsento|theacarya)foratwoyearsterrn.T\eWorkingCommitteetlansactsinstitution.Charitable funds are sometimesused as communal sources of creditand fulfil major economicfunctions within Jain communities.In fact, the crux of disputesover allnecessarybusinessoftheMs.Itmeetsfourtimesayearandismainlyresponsibleforor committees'and the creationof new departments the framing of regulations'the pilgrimagesites and the internalpolitical dynamic of Jain associationsis often the battle settingupandmanagementofcharitiesandfunds.Italsoappointsthegeneralsecretary'for the controlof communityassets which have been accumulated over decadesor even centuries.6lThese funds have to be investedin the best interestsof the community. thetreasurer,andtheheads(scnyojaks)ofState-committees'andprescribestheirdutiesthe president in the actualrunning of the organisltl*.t:^tot Thereforethe most prosperousand capableindividuals are usuallyelected to the posts (p. 15-S).The key person opelatesits publi spokesmanof the MS and general.".r.oo. t" u.,, as the of chief trustee,treasurer and generalsecretary, who take all economicdecisions for the but the etc' are kept' His main accountsand the voters list office in Calcutta, *t'"'" tt'" MS trustsand managethe fundsof the associationas if it were a business(Mahaprajna 19&7:17).62Tlus potlatch-likesystem favours the rich and suppliesthem with accessto ilt responsibilitiesaretokeepproperaccoun|\toundertakeanylegalactions,andtosign The two'other key personsare in ttre name of the MS (p' 26-30)' all necessarypapers them and the R ryrt"- of mutual controlsbetween the treasurerand the chief trustee. 60. Cf. Sangave1980:376-9, Mehta 1982:100-2,Banks 1992:101-8,123,Carrithers 1989:.231,?3.3. (p' 30-1)' is to preventthe misuseof office illl generalsecretary (r1.Cf. Sangavc1980:329, Reynell 1991:51,53, Banks 1992:6,Carrithers 1988:817-8, Balbir 1990:178.

62.They haveto 'prcserve,maintain, develop and safcguardall the propertiesand fundsof the Mahasabhatt ('give (JSTM 1987:22),and can loans on interest ... without securities' (p. 23, cf. Oldfield 1982:87-8). and Generally,the managementof Jain religiousproperty is basedon trust. However,sometimes the powerful 5g.Byaddingastatutewhichdefinesthewor

The ritual circle of the TerdpanthSvetambara 154 PeterFLUcBt- I Jains i55 itself can profit areoften two sidesof thesame coin. As Dumonr( 19g0:1g7, communityassets and prestige,in the expectationthat the community 215),Bechert (1970:766) and control' in turn' donate Tambiah (1984:a9)have shown,traditionally both Buddhists from their prosperity,because it is expectedthat those in and Jains recognisea hierarchicalcontinuum the organisationanci pay all the expensesoccurring betweenpower and renunciation,and operatewith ambiguous 'duringgenerously to the variousfunds of 'social status-categorieswhich mediatebetween d.hanna thelr two yearsin office.As a rule, only renowned workers'Qtrabhavakas, andanha. The fundamentalnotion, projectsof their sect,will be informing socio-religiouslife, being the concept of karyaknrtas),who donate regularlyto the socio-religious the spiritualry supeiior person through Tulsl's' Qnahapurus),i.e. the sociailyencompassing moral hero, elected.63Among the Terapanth all this was renderedpossible only who throughexemprary acts of propositioneven renunciationconverts raw power into status,and who doctrineof visarjan,whichturned charitable donations into an attractive rulesprimarily throughpersonal giving moral authority'The Terapanthsystem is nominally for businessmen.However, the continuingdoctrinal cievaluationof charitable differentbut operatesin exactlythe of the sectis sameway, exceptthat only the dcaryahas the power generatedtwo paradoxicaleffects: Firstly, the propertyheld in the name to investa personformally with .social' 'religious'from the social socio-religiousstatus: Ter1panth community leaders are regardedas from the religiouspoint of view and as consideredto be the protectors is hidden from of thetreligionin the socialsphere, thus embodying (legai)point of view. Secondly,the prestigiousprocess of givingmoney both morality (dhama) and power publishedby (artha), like ideal Jain or Buddhist kings (d,hannarajas). prrbli. ,ri"*, althoughthe namesof the donorsand the donatedsums are They presentthemselves in are involved public thereforeas individualsof religious communitymagazines. The consequenceof the fact that severalcandidates educationand of flawlessmoral character. processof issuing Politico-economicpower is presupposed,but hidden in secret competitive giving Qnaunseva),particularly during the awayand not explicitlyemphasised reinforcingthe in socio-religiouscontexts. invitations for cdfurmas,is that the total assetscontinue to grow, thus, There are only few legitimateavenues incentive to give even more' for charitabledonations. Most lay-projects andpower? concernreligious publishing and rulsi-inspired How do'I'erapanthis,then, conceive of the relationshipbetween status buildingprojects. The Ms, for example, promotesthe constructionof people often venerateascetics only becauseof their presumedmagico- dhannidlasand of memorials(smdraks) in the villagesof No doubt, lay 'served through direct Rajasthanto honourthose who have the religiouspowers (oi, tej,falcti) which, they think, can be transmitted causeof Jainism,(JSTM 79g7:3,6).The other hand,are most famous of these are the Blkhanjl ka jann contactwith therr toes,hands, and eyes.Charitable transactions, on the sthan in Kantaliya, rhe Jaitasimhajtt

has to be validatedthrough more successful,if they are preparedto limit themselves service(sevd)' community work and to sharesome of that a form of socio-religious wealth with the community. right to confersocio-religious titles' i The socialpressures and competitive by the ai'aryo'whoalone holdsthe constraintsof this public appraisal system,which in the caseof the Terdpanth is restrictedto the funding of the annual Tulsibestowednolesstharr4gdifferenttypesofhonorifictitires(sambodlran)duringhis pilgrimageand Tulsi's moral-educational projectsand practicallye".irdes the wider reign,onbothasceticsandlaity;andtheTerapanthfoundationsgivecashawards'good society,explains individualswho did work \ the political importanceof the selectionp.o."rr., 1 tatch ntpeestoacknowledged lay precedingthe vihdr. Qturaskar)ofup to forcommuniryandreligion,,includingmembersfromothersects(cf.Mahaprajna REGIoNALAND on community workers can be I-oCAL ASSEMBLIES motivatin"geffect of public honours lggl:12).The honorific \ The selectionof membersof and empiricalfactors: For Terdpanthrs the l4rorkingCommittee by the president is carefully explainedby a combinatiJnof rational regulated: recognitionbut alsobecause 20voof the committeemembers are selectedfrom not only becausethey guaranteepublic representativesproposed titles are desirable by the variousaffiliated rerapanth institutions, 'state andS}voare nominated directly from the theySubstantiateclaimstoreaiassets.Foroutstandingcontributionsasceticsreceive bssemblies'of the Terapanthi sect,according to the followingterritorial quotas: kalyanakbdnuspointsfromtheacdrya'whichmaybecashedinascompensationforIn order a1l laVpeople receive cash awards' for negligentconduct' TABLE _ penancesreceived II TERRITORLO\L OUOTAS FOR TI]E SELECTION OT, WORKING COMMITTET MEMI-}ERS tomotivateservicetoth'ecommunitytheTerapanthisalsoemployagreatvarietyof1. Rajasthan (a) Jodhpur Sambhag 5 socialstatuscategories,whichthey'"int"'pt"tintermsoftheJainconceptofthe 7. Assam Z (b) Ajmer Sambhag 1 8. Orissa spirituallysuperiorperson'Theascetics'forinstance'oftenalludetotheMdrvaflethosto the pride (rna-n) I honour (kzat)' or they refer (c) Udaipur Sambhag 5 moral respectability(dbrlt) andfamily 9. Tamilnadu z of politico-religious (d) Jaipur Sambhag and proximityto the holdersof 2 10. Karnataka associatedwith accessio r,lgt office Z only be considered (e) Bi-karer Sambhag 6 pradesh doctrinalpoini of view, this can 11.Ardhra I power,even though, from a-strictly 2. Haryana dishonouring 3 12. Maharashtra (ntaya).public honourtrg (sanmdn) and 3 as a form of kannic delusion 3. Punjab 3 13. Gujarat z 4. Delh.i 2 pradesh (apmdn),bothinreligiousandsocialcontexts'areacofilmonmeansofgeneratingstatus 1,4.Madhya Z 5. Bilar 2 L5.Urtar pradesh differentialsamongthenominallyegalitarianMarvals,whichaffectstheirsocial- derivedfrom I Iaidlaw's (1995:35a)theory 6. Bengal (a) excluding Calcutta 2 credibilityand stirs ."-o"rut"" rnrtinJtr.* 16.Nepal & other foreign countries 2 (b) Calcutta tt Bayly,s(1983)studyofNorthlndiansocietylTT0-1870-thatamongJainssocio-religious (Source:JSTM 1987:11_i2) statustranslates.directly,intoeconomiccreditseemshoweverimplausible(this presupposesmonopolyma.kets),particuiarlyinthelightofgrowingcomplaintsaboutThe table showsthe highly disproportionatenumber of reservedseats for the members vanishingcommunityspiritandg.o*i.'gegotism.Today,evenamongJains,anddespite from calcutta, who still control the All India Jain Svenmbar Terapanthttvfattasabha. lt themoral.e.o.m"ndutionsoftheascetics,businessisonething,andreligionanother'also shows that the territorial divisions of the get the balanceright'67 modern Indian state have been it is crucial for the individualto incorporatednot 'religious' But, only within the but alsowithin the complementary.securar, Insum,throughthemediationofthevalue-ideasofkarma'status'andhonour' organisationalstructure of theTeripanth. However,these territorial divisions are merely formal structures, whichfocusonthesocia|personaofanindividual,Jaincharitableinstitutionsideallya form of well- and important onry with regard to erectoral advantageof wealthyfamilies into matters and for the transformthe relative competitive allocation of-vihdr regions. The limits of effectivecommunities are, in fact, impossible beingandsecurityforthewholecommunity.Theygrantthemaccesstothecharitableto determinein termsof clearrydemarcated geographicalareas (weber r9g5:277).Jain fundsbutexpectadequatereturnsintheformofreligiousdonationsflowingbackintocommunities,like others, arenot substantive,territorially bound entities, but situationally theinstitution,Thesystemaimsatsynthesizingindividualself-interestandcommunityshiftingsegmentary structures, perceived by the participantsin termsof wideningcircles well.beingtohelpthesuccessfulmemberslegitimatetheirwealthandtobecomeevenof personalallegiances and overlappingcommitments to a wholevariety of informal and formal institutions,which are often intentionallyconstructed for specific purposes.l Althoughthe Jain laity are organisedand tend to live togetherin urban neighbourhoods 66.Cf.Weberl985:123,Bay1y1983:389'Reynell1985:1?3'Banls1992:84ff''Cort1991a:407' of familiesof common regional,sectarian, caste, or classbackground, they do not form 67.Cf.Bayly(1983:387,392-3)andSinger(1968)fordifferenthistoricalfornrsofcompartmentalisation' 7

158 PCTETFLUGEL The ritual circle of the TerdpanthSvetambara Jarns 159 'corporative 'press monolithic entities'which their interestsupon their members',as of all communityfunds combined. Thisis possible, because it is the dut Carrithers & Humphrey (1991a:6-1pace p. promote, 8-9) assume,bur multiple overlapping aidor subscribe rothe estabishment' ;;;il";"Jr"j#l"rlXilii:j, networksof social,economic and religiousrelationships. As rule association, a theseare focusedon fund, trust or charity for the benefit of Jains and the causeof the male householders,who competenot only economicallybut also in terms of socio- (JSTM 1987:6)'l-eaders Jainism,, ofany localsabha canapproachthelltorking Conunitteeandask religiousstatus.2 In spiteof the coordinatingactivity of the MS, and the effortsof acarya for help in organisingspecific religious events,once they have gaineJ the btessings Tulsi to transform the entire fourfold sanghinto a corporativereligious organisation, acdryafor their religious.,or of the educarionalproject. The moral principre under$ng this actualcommunity among the Teripanthis is alwaysa situational,temporary affair, and selectionprocess is that all rerdpanth u.ro.iuiio^, families,irraluio*t. have manifestsitself in the assembliesof the membersof thosedormant lay institutions,which the selectedfamily to support or committeefor the time being, materially relatively and socially.Even a are temporarilyactivated by visitingascetics, whose translo cal vihar serially links several poor committeeor familycan momentarilybecome the focusof localTerdpanth associations in a spatio-historicalchain of revivedcommunity institutions. Iay activities, theTerdpanth ancrdraw onto resourcesfrom the whore India_widenetwork of Within the frameworkof the MS the segmentarydynamic manifests itself through Ter'phnth Mdrv.ris for the the supportof theacarya and his projects. process the In this limited way, the of committeeformation. The systemof constituting(sub-)committees, which lay communityacts also as a socio_econr are giventhe powersto raisefunds independently, is one of the crucialmechanisms for resources ur,ouppry' ililTff : fiiiJ;,,i'il.1 the articulationof the competitionfor controlwithin the MS. Committeesare temporary ;f ;m* n* "' ;::'Jj;: organisationswhich are formally establishedby the WorkingCommittee for a specific community,,;::iJ::il"ffi T.[::'tT projects' ::i::::J;i:'il:#::i;,",.,,r,*, socio-religiouspurpose, and thereforethe equivalentof the singhalsof the asceticsand like organisingprovisions for thevihdr. Despite the obvioustendencies the branchesof Marvari firms.68Examples are legal committeesor committeesfor corporatismand towards the bureaucratisation'the vihar isavolatile and contestedprocess which not promotionof educationalor charitablecauses (libraries, scholarships, meditation camps only integratesbut also systematically dissolvesthe unity of the (Sibirs), been elementswhich have free medicalhelp etc.).The paradigmaticcase for committeeformation occurs temporarilyassembled - Atotal communal integrationand reification of a Teripanth duringthe vihdr of the ascetics,whose infrastructure is organisedas a communaleffort community is systematicallyprevented becauseof the principalryunpredictable by a whole seriesof stateand local committees,and duringcaarmas, when the ascetics arbitrary way and in which the acaryadistributes his 'local favours. His actions continualy break are maximally dispersedamong the lay communities.Their presencerequires open a socialspace which vestedinterests, rike the rocarsabhds for to or powerfulfamilies, try action' organisinga whole variety of religiousand social functions,and special- controland monopolise'In thissense the autocraticreligious regime of purpose committees are elected by local sabhas.Terapanthis tend to stress the acdryais indeed the Terapanth the precise oppositeof a dictatorial 'unity' 'artificial' poritical organisation,as the organisational of their lay associationsin order to limit the competition Terdpanthismaintain (Nathmar 196g:123).Although he hasno immediatecontror over betweenthe local sabhds,which are substantivelyindependent and not under direct communityproperty or the sociarlife of his followers,he is not controlof the MS. Throughout year spiritualpower' only the sourceof the the Terapanthiinstitutions are formally united but alsothe effectiveorganisational focusof the sect.The potential and form a single body of members. The rivalry between local sabhassurfaces communityformation - for only and consequentlythe ability to mobilisethe resourcesof before the ntarya-damahotsw, when temporarylocal committeesare set up under the community - is riterally ,life-giving, the embodied in his personarity, manifestation as the tangible auspicesof the MS to competefor the visitsof asceticsduringcdturmas. of Jain uu.ll"r: His social strengthderives not only from his religious The crucial point about committeeselection is the role of the charitabletrusts. position, but arso from his functionarcontribition to the maintenance The localSabhds maintain religious trusts administered by electedcommittees. Various betweenthe latent of a balance competitivetensions between independent businessfamilies which are memberscompete for the control of thesefunds allocatedto a specificsub-committee neverthelessloosely interdependent and tied by marriagelinks and therefore to financea particularreligious event, which they may form However, to submit interested treat asa of credit. to a common social frameworkvis-a-uis competingsocial groupsand the main incentiveis the prospectof gainingtemporary access to the wider nationalpool state'6eThere is a residue the of the ancientrole of the moralking sabhdpati, in the institutionof the who mediatesbetween the drnnnasangh, theraity,and the modernstate. relativeweakness, compared His to thedcarya,,nuy u" peculiarto the 68. It is the duty of the working committee ttto opcn branchesin othcr placesand to form ard establish Terapanthis.However. institutions,departments or committcesor sub-committeesfor furtheranceand fulfilmcnt of the objectives of the Mahdsabha' (JSTM 1987:6). 69. Cf. Weber 1985:201,Elias 1978,:236_47,346_65, Rudolph & Rudolph 1983:206 The ritual circleof the TerapanthSvetimbara Jains 161 PeterFLUGEL 160 among degeneratesinto violenceT3or is fought out in the public courts.toIn order to avoid *mpetitive interdependence the dynamic,s::T::1".t the such outburstsof public self-humiliationthe Terd.panthprefer a centralisedregime of be explainedthrough -."l,,ro,ced the Strategicchoices of it can and regulatedthrough is uotn disputemanagement not only for the asceticsbut alsofor the laity. Osvalssettle their the laity, which ").ur,,'*o",*1i::':'"#::'lrkm":-:ru;:;*:,::':n:;:$::""y'disputestraditionally through the mediationof their localpancayats under the leadership the m of an elder whose advice is widely respected.He is called the kaftA (doer), and structuresamong informally chosenamong prominent local castemembers. Many disputesconcerning influence,l' mattersthat are regulatedby customarylaw are still settledthis way; and even though svstembut his the kartAhas lost his legal powers,his judgementsare enforcablethrough the District therestraint or a sociar NoN-vroLENc: """,:,j::,"T: H:ff#X"s accepr being parttctp MagistrateCourts. A modern equivalentof this institutionis the Terlpanth MS board

74.Cf.I.L.Jani7927, Sangave1980, Sukhalal 1991:46-7, Carrithers 1988:819, Banks 1992:103-6. Reynell 1985:1?2' 1968:118'Jaini 1979:154-5' 70. Cf- Nathmal 75. Similar rules are observedby Teripanth ascetics,who transposcthe Jain ideal of autonomy and Fliigel (o c')' Bayly 1983:38?' self-regulation (Nathmal 1968:122)to the group level, and "do not go to the courts of law" (Nagaraj 1959:8, l:5?3' Luhmann 1984:zl&9ff' 71. Cf. Weber 19?8 cf. L.P. Sharma 1991:230).

?2.Cf.Bechert19?0.onself-regulationseeDumont1980:61. Peter Ft-Ucl't- The ritual circle of the TerapanthSvetambara Jains 163 162

threat of excommunication(cf' l<;amdpana for his superiorjudgement and the implicit is largelyconfined to transitoryexperiences of communalfeelings which often on respect amounts 1994:77)' to nothing more than a formal exerciseof communal self-affirmation(cf. MahaPrajfa'f,.o- for Kapferer a Neo-Kantianperspective it may seemthat the mostimportant means 1983:82,87,104). Effectively, periodical celebrations of religious.o-1nunuliry promotingsocial cohesion is the outwardorientation towards Jain happily coexistwith economicantagonism, social competitionand resolvingdisputes and friction in other are visibly contexts, Ltu"s tt After all, religiousforms of conllict management eventhough the ideologyof communalitymay help preventingopenly violent "-relves. and of ' conflicts "r."it. at the time of the obligatoryethical rituals of repentanceQtratikraman) betweenmembers. "ru"t*r, saryvalsan,the most sacredholiday Jain sectshave to be situatedin a wider historical mutual forgiveness(k;ama ydcan) on the eveningof contextand analysedas integral for thisoccasion and beg eachother for forgiveness socialsub-systems, encompassing both asceticsand laity and of the Jains.The local laity assemble ' their relationshipsto the rest mi dukko4afn' of society,if wants for the injuries inflicted upon eachother during the past year:'micchd one to understandthe actualsocial functions of Jainism.To avoid communal reductionistinterpretations may the evil of it be in vain. Marcel Maussargued that the reasonfor such a variation of both religious and social perspectivesis which may requirbd.D An rites of repentancemust be soughtin the desireto neutralizefeelings of eruy example of the problems associatedwith a monistic approach is authority Marriott's (1976:123-8) threaten social co-operation within segmentary societies with weak analysisof the'inborn vama strategiesof castes,whichfocuses link between exclusivelyon religious ,the, structures.76Weber (1985:201-7,277ff.) similarlyindicated not only the transactions.The onesidednessof his depiction of Jains facilitate the (indeed all vaisyas) 'minimal asceticismand individualism,but also how asceticsoteriological cults as transactors'is revealedonce both religiousand non- family religious transactions constitutionof exclusiveand often elitist'exemplary communities'which cut across are taken into consideration.eIt then becomes clear that effectivelyJain traders ties and political boundaries,and often intersectwith economicinterests. Certainly, combinethe role of minimal transactorsin the religioussphere ((the which and of maximaltransactors among North Indian merchants devotion to a guru or a set of precepts in the socialsphere, as Bayry (19g3:3s6-9) demonstrated for that 19thcent. North Indian merchants attracteda group of devoteesfrom severaldifferent castes fulfilled the requirement in general.In Marriott's (1976)own terms this t'?e 1983:389)' of behaviourcorresponds .optimal involutedsocial relations had to subsistwith wider businesscontactst' (Bayly not to the'minimalstrategy'but to the strategy,,which of he unfortunately reserved However,religious and economicinterests are not isomorphous,and the resolution for the brdhmarc alone: through the "The Bra-hmansearn, through refusal or social conflicts between group-membersis, if at all, rarely achieved controlled acceptance,the minimal transactor,s gain of if nonmixture and integrity for their own substance-code. participationin communal rituals,which is strictly voluntary,and can be avoided They also earn, through their wide distributions,the maximal transactor'sgain commondiscipleship nor membershipin a of universaldomination. Their tactic thus may be .r"."rrury.tt Among the Terapanthneither considered as an as)'mmetrical compromise made up of the more rewarding parts implies the right to expectmaterial help in times of of those two religious (or caste) association oppositesymmetrical tactics' (p. 129). This is symbolicallymanifest in the absenceof communal meals after 'Western distress. Marriott presumesthat the commonsensical assumption, .separability 'therapeutic' effect of the of a of samvatsan.BAs in most public rituals, the performative actionfrom actor, of code(drnrma) from substance (iartra),is generally absent in India (p' 110)'81I wish to argue' on the contrary,that the main socialfunction of the dualist (vrat). J'M' Roberts Jain doctrine was to contribute Mauss & Beuchat (o.c.) p. a67. Most Jain rites involve ceremonial oath taking to a rerative de-substantialisationof popular 76. Cf. preconceptions. .Oaths,AutonomicOrdeals,^ndPo*.r".A^eicuAnthropologistSpecialPublication6'1,6,2(1965)186-212- If this interpretationis correct,it seemsthat in orientatingthemselves - to complex social conditions of 'minimal found that oath{aking - another form of self-denial is tlpiLlly related towardsa transactional' .where judicial through physical Jain asceticcode of conduct,and thereby high political htegrati-on there is no sufficient power to effect determinations de-coupling piu". o. strategfor both", except through psychologicalmechanisms (p' 207)'

'social' of lqantd ydcan immediately after the and sometimes atholt and divdi. Rajasthani 77. In contrast to the Digambars, Svetambarscelebrate the rile osvals organisc meals for castemembers to mark the life-cycle ,rel.igi Terdpanth laity who vow rites, and local castemembers share the utensils obligatory o\s' saqlvatsanpratikranan, which is usuallyperformed collectively. that"arerequired for theseoccasions. (AK I:366). The l<;arnapan6was the'sarr*ap pi, commit themselvesto perform thc tqamA yAcon annually egalitarianksand of 79' cf' Habermas1987:229,349.See alsoweber 1985:304, originallyan asceticritual (Shanta1985;415 ,425 n.44). In contrastto the unstructured Dumonr 1980:90-1,1g2and Luhmann 1982:308ff. other for forgiveness in the th;lairy; Jain asceticsp.actice a hierarchical form of the ritual: they beg each 80. Marriott's (r976:122,1351:::u:!lio,n of.an 'isomorphous, linear order of monasticseniority. The presenceof all asceticsof a gtoup is compulsory. narureof moral and economrctransactions, shared ro an exrenr by Bayly (1983:38s), (rrs:ls+), !1]oraw and nauu 1199o:ro:f-.""."-i'o"..,i""uble in thc the day after samvalson'These light of the contriburionsof Dumonr (1980:165,>uix), par;4986,*ii"""a 78. Sthanakvasi,Mlrtipljak and Brsapanthiholtl communalmeals usually sinier (1%s), Terapanthis celebrate communal are called svami vasalyi (affection for the lord) among the Mlrtipljak. ",r,"^. at al<;oyt(rya (varsitap para4a)' 81. Cf. Humphrey & Laidlaw 7994 for a diametrically meals only occasionally ui th" ti." of breaking fasts(p-orand), especially opposedview. The ritual circle of the TerdpanthSvetambara Jains 165 PCTETFLUGEL IOr+ between pure f impure discussedby Dumont (1980:42-7,191),and its predominant applicationto the actionsof individualliving beings,eJainism themselvesfromthesubstantivisticunderpinningsofthebrdhmansocialsystem,Jainlaitypriestsin the socialtransactional is uniquely disposedto lompetitors of thebrahma0 the enabledto u".or" minute classificationof typesof actionsand correspondingstates of being.With the were maximrsationof profit'82 t"'n'rnately in the. help of the Jain conceptual sphereand also to perspectiveshows systemthe individual devoteeis enabled to anticipate, "n'o'" i' oiti"'"nt: A historical-comparative discriminate However,*, t""t o"'"f '"t'91":.*.:::Tffrff:li::il1[J,il]::::J"T: and to pre-judgetypes of events,and may acquirea sharpenedawareness thatit is unrearistic t: J'll" :n"' of the moral (karmic) implicationsof alternativemodes of conduct,and eventually Neo-Kantianperspectlve or develop generalised .^ornt",'Yet, from a a socialcompetence which can be of usein both religiousand social pursuits.In other words,Jainism can thatdisputesandconflictsaredeviationsfromtheJainidealofreligiousharmony'orprincip.aleffect of using be seenas a cultural-specificaction-theory which I argue, differently, that the its valuesare .on,ruitooo.83 or motivatesstrategic reasoning, and by meansof which conflictsbecome calculable:87 In that schematisedritual procedures 'ready-muO"' of Jainism' i'e' the words the uuro"-iaeas of the AcaringasDtra"He who knowsthe violencedone for the sakeof special objects, decontextualisedsymuoticcodes,isnottheavoidanceofconflictperSebutits knowswhat is free from violence;he who knowswhat js free from violence, from1-T1*:ffi knows i",-."ii,",ion.IrJainism isseen the violencedone for specialobjects" (AS 1.3.1.4).Jainism can thus be interpreted ilT,ffi::i.il:';t.1ff.1l'"; 'immune-system', uo"'u"interpretative schemes' rike as a protectivedevice, a historicallyadaptive which compensatesfor mechanisms thevulnerabilities that are structurallyinbuilt in a givenpattern of socialdifferentiation. *:*:p"l;;:X;:',T;-Ti#,':i"?J!""1'1";effectively function as protective law, tacked up orl*lu",r*, thereby One can add a historical dimensir-rnto this type of analysisin ethics and anticipateconflicts and correlatingthe rituuts, becausethey changes for society,or second lrde, in the Jain doctrinaland ritual systemwith changesin the relativepredominance transformtheminto,*n.ug"uur"affairswhichoonottt,,""t"nthecollapseofthesocial of the principal forms of social differentiation,that is segmentary,hierarchical, and functional differentiation (economicallyconstituted orderpersebutare,",","",tothesocialfabric.sByframingexpectations,classifyingrewardsand penances'ethics class-societies).sStudies of the conduct.aswell as religious gpes of proper ^"d i;;; procedures socialdivision of labour haveshown that underconditions of functionaldifferentiation, for Jonflict analysisbut also ,ro, oj, sophisticatedlanguages paradoxically,both individual and law provide to.physical violence' independenceand mutualdependency increase, and that without having to resort interests processesof individuation and social integration generated for negoriatin, interpretativeand procedural through competitive "rr^#oiic can be analysedu. u .",-or Similarly,doctrinal J;l;r* interdependenceare complementaryboth in a socio-economicand a moral sense.If schematathatare.on,*."othroughu,",i",ofbinaryoppositions:theprincipalJain indeed "what happenswithin one actor is by nature not much different from what categoriescanfori*tu,,."begeneratedwiththehelpoftheasl'rnmetricalcode happensbetween actorstt (Dumont 1980:ncxvi)8ethen it follows,first, that a socialethos changesin violence/rron'uiot"nt"combinedwith'"tonOu'ycodeslikesoullbody'of the fundamental accordancewith the type of socialdifferentiation, and, second,that moral ,p".jtj. ,"munti. content permitted, etc. Becauseof tt educationvia generalisedethical rules prohibited / " the brahnrunicdistinction and regulationswill only be effectiveif these violence, *t i.tr .ut. across opposition of no.,-"loi*ce / reflect some genuinesentiments in the world - and if their actual social functjons

86' Cf' AS 1.1.6.2.Theextensior of thesenotions hity' is consideredas an to corporativegroups is merelymetaphorical, but none the 82.InprinciplebothBrahmansandJainssevered^themselvesfromthesphcre:'lT:.d."."production(cf.t*)"N*-'r"'"Jain lesseffective in cutting through the ,structural wittiaml iqa3:121f' Dlmont-t??9J],tt" universeof casre. weber 1978 ll, 1978:49)' ;';"-Jains' (Schubring irtermediary category 87' From "pp";; Marriott's (1976:110)poirt ofvierv, Jainismcould be describedas a form of ethnosociology.To '1989:426' 195:5' 12' my mind the diffcrencc Laidtaw betweenDumont's (1980:45,,odx, )oodii) dualistic distinction of form ard function 83. Cf' Weber lg18l1"12l1'Cort and Marriott's non-dualist approach is largcly based on a shift between observer's and participant,s perspcctive,and has nothing 112)' to do with cultural predisposit.ionsas such.Laidlaw (1995:28)dismisses the 34.Marriott(19?o)acknowledgesthispossibilityindirectlvinnoting.|"1|:::'"*.donotexchangewitb(p' .un.l"ar,. arc consideredt" nJ" pclttttl"f-antagonists" cognitivccontent the Jainkamta theory altogctheiu, each other at all, even rndirect'iy' 88. Cf' Luhmann 1984:37-9, te9r: a't*toratisch'miicbte ich Habermas 1981:2,t8-2.I modificd Luhmann,sschcmatism, which is clearly 85.Cf.JiirgenHabermas'..TreffenHegelsEinwiindegcgenKantauch'aufdieDiskursetbikzu?'Iu*;t,i,i*u.p, (tseol' i-nsufficient,by- substitutingDumont's 'hierarchy' ,stratification,, ,r, nxi'ii',nii,;;. ;;4':r""* notion of for and ad6ing Habermas, ErtiiuterunSen J" *i' un' ut U"tt* to'functional differentiation' ncnnenrdie unsdaruber info'.notln' 1"':.?I!:HHJ: $""lt} equivalent in brackets. alledie Intuitionen Verletzbatkeitvon Personen und Riicksichtnahmeder extreman "l;il?;;;n, a;" Schooung 'l;;?:;:ff "in" 89.A fundamentalaxiom of Jainism:cf. AS r.l -7.1, ;t;;;ciiuh."^'o 1.2.5.5,1.3.3.1. See also G.w. Mead.Mind. setf& society i:':fif from the standpoint of o sociar Behavionsr. chicago: The University i'#f,:ij'.:1,".*:tl:n*lil'n*ru*Ly;:1f of chicago r."l 1io:a; roor. (1984:509-13)' -

circle of the TerxpanthSvetdmbara Jains 167 PeterFt-Ucel The ritual 166

centredsegmentary system, which principally only acknowledgesdifferences of individual complementarityof socialisationand individuationexplains remainlatent. Because the therefore the status,was thus combinedwith an outward emphasison hierarchyand the claim to role of personality-structuresfor social integration,and ,t,. fro*in.", relativeto the restof society.Group statuswas not primarily generaltheory of asceticismmay be predicatedon the superiorcorporative status socialimplications of asceticism,a fiom externalconstraints can only be determinedby birthrightbut functionally,in termsof economicsuccess and the collective fact that, within society,a senseof freedom even thoughtheir preciseform behaviouralpurity. In this way classificatoryprinciples gradually encompassed those of achievedby way of internalisedmodes of self-control, and the type of constraints casteand genealogy.It is yet anotherirony of historythat the onceliberating iconoclastic variesindirectly in accordancewith socialpre-conceptions anti-ritualismof a subalternelite, like the Terdpanth,who regard'(possession in all its experienced.s forms as the root of sin" (Mahaprajna1987:16), has turned into a systemof legitimation for a now economicallydominant group, wbose members combine politico-economic secularismwith a form of religiousindividualism which does not demandexpensive social III, A COMPARATIVEPERSPESTIVC charity (beyondthe contributionsto the communalpotlatch), but propagatesa cult of processesand self-developmentand national character building via asceticismand moral education.The In this article I have focusedalmost exclusivelyon the intracommunal way in which processesof critiqueof charitythus allowed the Teripanthi to severtheir substantiveritual linkswith structuresof the Terapanth,although I have indicatedthe I haveconcentrated on the rest of the society,while maintainingan universalistfagade through the propagation internaldifferentiation reflect changes in the socialenvironment' circle as a key mechanismfor the of abstractethical values for the private religion of the individual.e2In the words of the descriptionof the catalyticfunction of the ritual (cthe functionsare predicated Nair (1969:40) outcomeof Bhiksu'scrusade agairut traditional religion was freedom maintenanceof a self-regulatingsocial system whose contextual are ultimatelyunplanned' to a small section of society from the conventionsof collective responsibilityfor on the dynamicinterdeplndence of conflictinginterests' and socialimplications' promotingsocial welfare.tt Now I want to add a few final observationsabout the wider introverted and In responseto suchcriticism and to the changedsociai circumstances acaqrd Tulsi The historicai development of the Ter6panth' from an organjsationwith a self- launched his reform prograrnme.He made it clear from the beginning that the Anuvrat conservativeascetic splinter to a proselytisingmodern religious of the initial movementin particular was not intendedas a religiousprogramme but as a social proclaimedmass appeal, can only be understoodbefore the background of the laity,who did not initiative for the improvementof the moral standardsof society.e3In his analysisthe ieligiousmarginalisation of the asceticsand the relativepoverty Bisa osvxl Jains,but to a fundamentalproblems of post-independenceIndia are causedby the transformationof belong to the classof in{luentialcourt officials,like other arid westefndistricts the feudal castesociety into a modernclass society: "Today's society is torturedby class group of highly specialisedoverland traders, who operatedin the routes through the Thar consciousness.Both the havesand the haves-notseem intent upon denyingeach other's If nq*tnun.ni Th" diminishingimportance of the caravan competitivepressures existence"(Mahaprajna 1994:187); "the accumulationof wealth in one pole givesrise desert and the scarcityof local resourcesgenerated increased which in turn contributed to the attemptstowards aggression and destructionfrom the other pole and neither which forced most of tbem into a semi-permanentdiaspora, co-operation'within the philanthropy nor violent classstruggle will resolve this conflict" (Tulsi in Guseva to the strengthemngof variousforms of social and religious with local, casteand 1911102). For him the only practicaisolution of this problemis a combinationof (Jain) wider categoryof the Marvaris,reiigious sectarianism combined involving elements:(a) the reduction the emergenceof sociallyself-conscious groups' moral educationand statesocialism, three of classdifferences and contributedto the 'grabbing of the modernstate instincts'through attitudinal changeand behaviouralmodification, (b) the whichwere able to defendcommon interests vis-2r-vis the institutions of their family- reductionof the numberof beggarsthrough the limitation of charity(((the more is given and the traditional castesociety. The internallyvalued egalitarianism

Jain asceticslive anong householdersand are 90. In contrastto individualrenouncers living in the forest, entirelydependent on them. 92. Cf. Dumont 1980:157,221,221.,301, Jaini 1979:'309-12,Carrithcrs 1989'.232. 91.Cf.Gupta,B'L.,TTadeattdConttnerceinRajosthalDuingthcl6|hCenrury..J-ipur:JaipurPublishing Rampurias,Baids and other osval 1gg?:30-1,gg on the relativelymodest role of the DagaslKotharis, sThe House, competitionof 93. Cf. R. Misra, Jains in an urban setting". Bulletin of the Anthropological Survey ol India 2L,7 in the 18th cent. kingdim of dikun",, and on the local merchantsas regional*hotes"il"rs (1972):61, Sangave1980:55-6, Mahipraj na 1987:20, 23,'36. (Dumont 1980:387'n 65j)' S."h-- trader!, which can also be found in Gujarat The ritual circle of the Terapanth Svetambara Jarns 169 PeterFt-Ucel 168

doesnot call for peopleto gift awaywhat they havein excessbut simply exhortsthem tothepoor,themorewillbethenumberofthepoorinthisworld''(p.101)),,aand(c) to leave it for use by society" (Mahaprajna 1987:16).Not surprisinglythis thereductionofthesocialviolencethroughthejustredistributionofthemeansof recommendationappealed only to few membersof the dominantstrata, and is at present productionbythestate,andtheorganisationofco-operativeeffortsofal,lmembersofwith a critique of not a seriousoption for the countryas a whole.In practiceno distributionof richeshas such lip-sewice to state-socialismcombined society.esHowever' taken place, and as with Gandhi'ssarvodaya movement, nothing but the defenceof privatecharitabilityetrectivelydeepenstheriftsinsociety,becauseitreleasestherich particularisticinterests and the vain attemptof discipliningthe rich remained.Effectively fromtheirtraditionalso.iutoutigutions,whilenotionallydelegatingallsocial the Terdpanthlegitimised the regimeof the CongressParty after Independence, but faces responsibilitiestoanimpoverishedandincreasinglycorruptStateapparatus.Guseva difficultiesin the changedpolitical climate of today,where Hindu-Nationalism seems the comments: only ideologicalinstrument left for the traditionalelites to containthe growingtensions .IntheopinionofAcharyaShriTulsi,inasocialiststatelikelndiaitisthegovcrnmentwhichmust bctween of riches and adjust a just mutual relationship betweenthe classes(cf. Van der Veer 1994:94-8). direct social life, re;lis;;ust distribution , The only real impactthe Terapanthreform programmecould haveis in the field variousgroupsinthesociety.Thisprogrammeisarcflectioncharacteristicofmanybourgeoisclasst(p' 102)' lookingupon stateas a publicorgan above of moral scholirs and a part of Indian bourgeoisie, education,i.e. in the field of socialisationfrom above,but only if the attempts Moreimportantly,thelndianstateisconceivedasapublicorganabovereligion. to move the Governmentto includeprelqa dlryan andjivan vijndn into the national lndianrulerswerealwaysforcedtoSupportSeveralreligionsatthesametinreinorder curriculum take fruition. Critics perceive this endeavourprimarily as a secrarian '(criticised totranscendreligiousdiff",en.".toacertainextent.Theoptionforthecontrolofthe initiative,although the Terlpanthisthemselves the Acharyaby declaringthat sociallydisruptiveside-effectsofcapitalismthroughanall-encompassingreligious he no longer insistson the people becomingJainas" (L.P. Sharma r99l.287). In their nationalismisblockedinthissituation'Notsurprisingly,socialeliteshavetherefore stresson meditation and innerworldlyasceticism these initiatives resemble Anagf,rika traditionallychosenthealternativeindividual-centredoption,thatistheideologyofthe Dharmapala'sreforms in Sri tankd, which havebeen characterisedin the literatureas even in s:ituationsof 'Buddhist 'protestant which remainsindifferent and self.controlled a form of modernism'or Buddhism',in extensionof the Weber integraipersonality, ways potencyof Jain asceticismis usedin multiple 'protestant' conflictand tension.Today the moral thesis.eTWeber (1978 II:203, 212, 2I7) himself broadly contrasted and 'hinduistic byspatiallydispersedsocialelitesinordertopromotetheideologicalhegemonyofnon- and buddhistic'religions, only exceptingJainism to a certainextent from his 'innerworldly 'otherwordly violentpluralismwithinthecontextofthelndianStateincompetitionwithsimilaricons broad oppositionof western asceticism'and South Asian who was initially criticisedby the Terapanthis -'Jain of religiousnationalism,e6 like Gandhi' asceticism'.His analysisof protestantism'as a still rituaiistic and therefore 'internally forinstrumentalisingasceticismforpoliticalends(Chopra1945:35),ortheBJPhero contradictory'intermediary doctrine, which associates Jainism as a wholewith Rdrn,whoseviolentdepictioninHindumythologyisalsorejected(Mahaprajna7994:215- aristocraticand middle classconsciousness, informs much of the recent sociological 243).lncontrastro-unyofitscompetitorstheTerapanthopenlyadmitsthepolitical writing on the Jains.However, as criticslike Elias (1978II:312), Luhmann (1984)and which correspondto Gandhi's its new A4uvrat andJtvan viinan initiatives, Habermas(198La2\ haveargued, Weber's individualist bias led him to exaggeratethe characterof propagates but for one difference'Anuwat Sarvodaya(universal welfare) movement' ((It role of rational thinkingand of soteriologicalideologies for processesof modernisation. 'the of a charitableredistribution of wealth: primarilyself-control for masses"instead Insteadthey stressthe unplannedcharacter of historicalprocesses, and investigatethe dynamics of social differentiation through competition, generating both greater am WssenschaftentII' Werke l0 FranKurt independenceand interdependence.The inbuilt structuraltensions of such processes Hegel, En4klopiidie der phitosopltkchcn die 94. Cf. G.W.F. gottlichenGeistes.in dic wirklichkeit t6t'*'ito"."n"a"Jsi"n"*r,irn""'a". which enforceboth the individualisationand the compartmentalizationof roles, they Main:Suhrkamp,Orrl sein soll' durch dic Sittlichkeit ;;;'J das' was i' d;; **;t"H;iligkeit Befreiung der wirklichkeit, ;; das Vcrdienst des argue,may compel the individual(and society)to developfar-sightedness, self-control .i.ti'io wia"rrpr"uch verwickelnd, 'I-iitigkeit verdringt ... srau des o.il;;r"i;r";r.",'ta"*, gilt die des iie s.r"i"h"*ng d.""tb"n entspricht) and other featuresof rationality.The variousforms of Jainismand other religions,I Weqschenkensder Habe ;;;;;;."., a.i. Selbster$'erbs...n(P. 358)' argue, are rationalisationsof the social-psychologicalprocesses involved. In fact, accep(the thc communistteaching but do no( g5. sAnuvratis that they acccpttho idea of equalityfrom say capitalas an instrument .""*1""a,',i"f upprou. of the,idea_of appealro violence.S" f^;'".';;i;i.-i, Thus they its exceisiveaccumulation and exploitation' of organiscdcom."r." u"ii,[,"n"il;;;";;i";rto the capitalists?,(Guseva 1971:103). wish to hold back the proletariat from violenceby re.educating 97. Bechert 19'10:7"75,Gombrich & Obeyesekcrc1988:6. 1994:xiii'107' 9rj. Cf. Carrithers 1988:838-41,Van der Veer r

110 Peter FLUcg,L The ritual circle of the Terapanth Svetdmbara Jains 177

Durkheim'sqtheory of 'competitivemodernisation' and of the emergenceof 'religions still appearas an exclusivistascetic movement, after Independencethe Terapanthwas of the individual', can be modified, and it may be argued,that the transition from the first Jain tradition to symbolicallyincorporate the new structuresof the modern predominantlysegmentary and hierarchicalforms of socialdifferentiation to modern Indian state, and to reject Jain communalismin favour of a Gandhiesquepolicy of forms of functional differentiation,is necessarilyaccompanied by different types of religioustolerance; whereas the principalimage-worshipping traditions, because of their individualism:(1) the heroic individual of segmentarysociety, (2) the hierarchical different doctrinal and organisationalstructure, continued to combinesectarianism on individualof feudal society,and (3) the atomisedindividual of modernsociety. A strict a regionallevel with a lay dominatedJain communalismon a national level. In other 'traditional' 'protestant' separationbetween religion and societyis only possiblein the latter case,where it words,from different starting-pointsboth and movementsdrift 'combined' necessarilytakes the form of anti-ritualisticsubjectivism. Modern Jainism,this is the towardsa strategy,although at presentonly the Digambar lay movements argumentof this paper, revealsvarious intermediary solutions within the global trend havethe potentialto developegalitarian forms of religiouscommunalism. The radically towardsmodern cuits of the individual.ee changedsocial circumstances after Independencethus turned traditional inclusivists into Dunqont (1980) distinguishedthree general types of interaction between exclqsivists,and exclusivistsinto inclusivists.Because of their greatinternal diversitythe traditionaland modern featuresin India: ('rejection,mixture, in which traditional and Sthanakvasismust be treated as a specialcase. Many Sthanakvtuitraditions are very modern features exist happily side by side, and combination,which unites them orthodoxeven though their biggestsub-sect, the SramaqSangh, adopted a centralised intimately in new forms of a hybrid nature and ambiguousorientation [here: organisationstructure and modestreforms similar to the Terdpanth.Other Sthanakvtui communalism,religious totalitarianisml"(p. 229). Similar adaptivestrategies can be groups,like Amar Muni's Virayatan,are engagedin social work, thus blurring the found in any contextof modernisation.The Terdpanthattempt to encompassmodern distinctionbetween ascetics and laity. In one respectthe Bisapanthtraditions resemble socio-economicsecularism within a traditionalreligious framework signifies in Dumont's the Terlpanth more closelythan any other Jain sect,because they too respondedto terms a shift from a radical rejectioniststrategy to a mired strategy.In contrastto adaptivepressures through organisational involution, that is by recognisingtwo different Bhiksu'soriginal 'asceticJainism' today's Terapanthis promote most of the featuresof typesof ascetics.Yet the administrativefocus of their sectsare the bhatldraksand not reformism(focus on scripture,meditation, anti-ritualism, scientific outlook, modern lay- the acdryas.The relativestrategic position of the main contemporaryJain sectscan be associations,innerworldly asceticism,etc.) but contain them within an orthodox summarizedin diasrammaticalform:10r ideological and institutional framework, with the acdrya as the social focus. This MIXTURE approachdiffers markedlyboth from the 'traditionalJainism' of the Murtipljaks and 'lay Traditional Bispanthisand the Jainism' of the Digambar Ter6panthis,because by strictly Jainrsm separatingsociety and religion the Terdpanthstill restrictsthe sphereof Jain group religion to a bare minimum.lmAlthough from a 'traditional'Jain perspectiveit may

98. Most of thesearguments originated from Hegel (o.c.)and Marx, Das KapitalI. MEW 23, Bcrlin: Dietz Verlag (1867) 1917: e.g. the link between capitalism,protestantism and individualism(p. 93), the link betwcen individuation and social dependency through the division of labour (p. 122), negaLivesolidarity Ascetic Lay (p. t89f.) and competitivemodernisation (p.377t.). RLJECTION Jainism Jainism COMBINATION

99.I an obviouslynot proposingto revertto a purelysocio-economic explanation, as criticizedby L. Dumont (The 'Ascetic 'original' 'revivalist' FunctionalEquivalents of the Individual in CasteSociety'. C/S 8 (1965),p. 89, but to correlatethe Jainism'thus covcrsboth and forms.In practicevarious combinations of these history of the competing world-vicwswith social history. It would be interestingto correlate types of basic orientationscan be observed.Cf. Van der Yeer's (7994:22)distinction between'orthodot' and either 'reformist' renouncersand types of differentiation. moderate or radical tendencies,which exploitsDumont's analysiswhile outwardly dismissingit 'traditional' 'ascetic' 'lay as 'ahistorical'(p. 17-8).A key doctrinaldifference between and both and Jahism' - - 102.I don't think Barks' (1992:196-211)distinction of'orthodot','heterodox'and'neo-orthodot' Jain belief is a weakenedemphasis on the conceptof the four rirtlrs which is nonethelcssrespected on the part of catcgoricsworks. My use of the admittedlyunfortunate term 'traditionalJainism' corresponds to Dumont's the latter. 'traditional (1980) Hinduism' and Gombrich & Obeyesekere's(1988:+10) 'traditional Buddhism',that is 'mixed' = hegemonicforms of religion which are sociallyall-inclusive, but distirct from modern forms of 101.T = TcrapanthSvctambar,s= Sthinakvlsi,M = M0rtipljakSvetdmbar,D BisapanthiDigambar, integration.To avoidambiguity I use'lay Jainism'instead of Weber's'protestant Jainism', which corrcsponds DT = Digambar Tcripanth, Kanji Panth,Raycandra Sampradiy. Arrows indicatecurrcnt developments. to Bechert's'Buddhistmodernism' and Obcycsekere's'ProtestantBuddhism'. All categoriesare analytical. t]2 PeterFLucel The ritual circle of the Terdpanth Svet6mbara Jains Lt-t

To conclude,fe Terapanthi reforms between 176G1980are unique becausethey ..--. "The SvetambarM[rlipojak Jainl,ayman.'Jot4nalof IndiarPhilosophy l9(1991a\ effecdvelyreplaced .l'e traditionalsyltem of nedievalJainisr! whereid€ally all spheres 39r-420. of life are formallyencompass€d by religion,with a mi(ed tradiiionaland modern ---. "The SveEmbarMlrtipujak Jain MendicaDt." M@ (N.S.)26 (1991b)651{?1. ideologicalsysternwhere.certainspheresbavetheirow[values,sPecialbul'bydefinition...... 'Defk8Jainnn:ReknnintheJahTndition.The1994Roopt-alJaindure. absolutewithin lheir sphere'(p. 316). Udversity of Toronto: Cenrerfor SouthAsian Sludies,1995. Dtmonr,lrrub. Homo Hiemchicu:: The Catte systema'd its InplicatiotLt. C,3mpld€ RevisedEnglish Edi.ion. Chicago:The Univenity of ChicagoPress, 1980. Elias, Norbe.t. Ubu den Prczes det Zit'ilkatir, 1-2. FrankJuaan Main: Suhrkamp, REFERENCFS (1939)1978. Flngel,PeteL Ask*e und Devotiot D6 titue e Ststends TetupanthSvetambatu.Iait]{-. AK = Ji.p.abhE, S.dhvi & SadhviSq^mtekha. A,nrt KdaS.2 Volumes.7. Edition. Docloral Dissertation,Joham€s Guterberg-Universi$t Mainz, 1994. hdDnn: Adars SahitySangh, 1990. Gornbrich,Richard & Garanath Obeyesekerc.BuAdhitn Tnnsfomed-ReIiBbu: Aange AS = A.dlanga Srtra. "rt. H. J^cobi,Surcd Booksof th. EastVo]l 22 (1884) r-2r3. ia Sn Lanka- PnnceronUnjveFily Press,1988. Babb'ta\r'renceA.-4,Jed'Lo|dAscetic:andKi'8sinaJaiaRi|ualcu1fr.Be|k.|ey.GooDa5ekere's.A'Rernci4tio4an.IMonastbi'ma'n Udversity of California Press,1996. Universiryof Califonia, 1986. Balb4 Nalid. "Obs€rvations$r la seclejaina desTerapanrhi." AE1 1 (1983)39-45. Guseva,N.R. Ja,riy'r. Bombay:Sindhu Pubiications, 1971. ---. .Recent Developnentsh a Jaina Tnha: Hallinapur (U.P.) - A prelininary Habermas,Jii.gen. fteone deskom,nunikativen Hahdel6. 2 B:inde.Franlturt am Main: Reporr." InThe Hittoty ol the Sa$edPIac6 in India at Relled?nin TtuditiDnal Suhrkamp,198G1981. Lite ture. ln-191. t-Eiden:E.J. Brill, 1990. Heeslerlnan,Jan C. Tfte7trner Conflict ol Tnditio : Esarsia InAi@ Ritual,Kngship a d Banks,Marcus. OryarnrtA Jainitm h India andEnstand. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992. Srder)'.Clicago: The Universityof ChicagoPress, 1985. Bayly,C.A- Rulers,Tow,Ltnen Mn Bazat6: Nonh Innian Societ,in theAge ol E par6ion. Holrns.ror4 Savitri. [email protected] Politicsof Renunciation:Jain wnea Md ^ceticisn ia Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1983. Rajar,rra'r.M..d thesis,Univenity of Edinburgh,1988. Bechert'Heinz"TheravadaBuddhistsang}a:soneGeneralobser%1ioosonHi5toricalHumpbrey,caroline&James|aj.]|aw'TheArhe|ypalAction'ofRnuaLA|heo|yof|iaI and Polirical Factorsin irs Developmed.'#S 29 III-N (1970)761-778. iq8truted br the tah nk of,o6rrp. Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1994. BKs=BrhatKnIpasa|f'Tr'w.schubrin8aTheKalpa'sutra-AnoldcoIectionofJaiqRanu.a.Jain-osval'ofCalcuttaasan.e1hnicgroup'.Asocio-histolicalperspelve.,, DisciplinaryRules for Jairn monks.'1The lndian Antiqualy 39 (1910\257-267 . Man in Indio 61,4 (1981)383-403. Buddhanall, Muti. Tedpatlth kd i tihat. Prthan kha!4: Terdpa,th ke prtham ca, Jaini, J.L. "Parricidal Desecrationof S.i KesariaPar$zn rh." Tlte laina Gazette dcarya.4th RevisedEdilion. calcuua: Jain sveErDbarTerapanth Mah.sabha x)clls, No-263(1927) 146-149. Prakagn, (1964) 1995. Ja;ni, PadmanabhS. Tne Jarra Path ol PutiJication.Berkeley: U versityof Califomia C.a:llar,Colette. Atone,nents in the Ancied Ritual oI the.IuiM Monk:. LD. Series49. Press,1979. (Is Ahmedabad:LD. Inslihrte of Indologr, 1975. ---. tber€ a popular Jajnisn,?, h TheArsembly of l,irreneri.Ed. M. Carri.bers& Caujthers,Michael. "Passions of nationand community in th€ BahubaliAffair.'Mod€m C. Humphrey,18?-99. Cambridge: Cambridge University Pr€ss, 1991. A:ian Studi* 28 (\988) x1-310. Johnson.W.J.;/am{eri Soul'.KMtic Bondageaad ReliSio6 Cha,ge inEa'It tainisn with (Naked ---. A5ceiicritr SouthernDigambar Jainisn ." Mar N.S.24 (1989\219.235. SpecialRelerence to Unldsvaiand KudalaadL Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass,1995. Chopra,Chognal.,4 Srpt Hittott of E TetupanthiSect of the Swaambarlains ann tu rSrU = Meno@dun of Associatioa& Adicle: of Asvciation. Calcutta:Jaio Swetamber Ierlerr. 4th Edidon. Calcuua:Sd Jain SwelanberTerapanrhi Sabha, (1937) 1945. TerapanthiMahasabfia, 198?. Co4Joh||E.Liben|ioandwebein8:ASn/dro|theM,dipaja*]aino|No|thGujara|.KapferI,Bnce.ACeIebratiolroJDe]no|L\.B|oong|ol| Ph.D. dissertatioqHaFard Univecity, 1989. l-aidlaw, Janes. The Reli4ionof the SvefimbarJain Merch@tIsin Jaipur Ph.D thesis, CarnbridgeUniversity, 1990. 174 Peter FLucgL The ritualcircle of the TerlpanthSvetambara Jains 175

(Oligopolistic -----. Richesand Rudolph,Lloyd & SusanneHoeber Rudolph. Competitionamong State Renunciation:Religion, Economy, and Socieqta,nong the Jains. Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1995. Elites in PrincelyIndia." ln Elites.Ethnographic Approaches. Ed. G.E. Marcus, Luhmann,Niklas. 193-220.Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,1983. Funktionder Rerigion.Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp,(1977) r9gz. ----. Bombay:Popular Prakashan, 1980. SozialeSysteme. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp,19g4. Sangave,Yi\as. Jaina Cottrtnunity.2nded. Mahzprajna, Yuvacarya. Schubring,Walther. The Doctine of thelainas. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass,1978. steeing trte wtee! of Dharma (A Biographyof Acrrarya Tursi). I-adnun,Jain VishvaBharati, (1996) 1994. _ Schubring,Walther & Colette Caillat.Drei Chedastttras.Alt- und NeuindischeStudien ---. Acdrya Tukt: 11.Hamburg: De Gruyter,1966. A PeacemakerPar Excellence.Rajsama{rd: Anuvrat ViSva Bharati. 1981. Shdnta,N. La VoieJaina: Hktoire, Spiitualit1, We des ascbtespbleines de I'lnde.Paris. Mahias,M'C- Ddlivranceet - OEIL, 1985. convivialit€:Le systitneculinaire des Jaina. paris: Editions de ('The In la Maisondes Sciences de I'Homme,19g5. Sharma.G.D. Marvaris:Economic Foundations of an lndian CapitalistClass." Marriott, McKim. ((Hindu tBusinessCommunitie.r in India. Ed. by D. Tripathi,9-25. Ahmedabad: Manohar, transactions:diversity without dualism.r,In Transactionand meaning:directioru 1984. in the anthropolog of exchangeand symbolicbehavior. F,d. B. Kapferer,109-142. philadelphia: Sharma,L.P. Advent and Growth of the TerapanthJain Sect:A ComprelrcnsiveHistorical Institutefor the Studyof Human Issues,1976. Mehta, M. The Srudy.Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Jodhpur University, 1991. Ahmedabad Cotton TextileIndustry: cenesis and Growtlt. Ahmedabad: New Order Book Company,l9gZ. Sheth,N.R. "TheoreticalFramework for the Studyof IndianBusiness Communities." In Nagaraj, Business Communities in India. Ed. bv D. Tripathi, 185-201. Ahmedabad: Mun. Gtimpses of rerapanth. carcutta: The Jain Swetamber .rerapanth Mahasabha,1959. Manohar,1984. Nair, V.G. Singer,Milton. lndian Joint family in Modern Industry."ln Structureand Change "Iarnismand TerehpanthLsm.Bangalore: Shri AdinathJain SvetambarTemple. "The 1969. in Modem Indian Socie4'.Ed. M. Singer& B.S.Cohn, 423-452'Chicago: Aldine, Navratanmal,Muni. published 1968. stuan Samudravol.1-1g. by UttamcandSethia. calcutta: ------,((Max Studies.Ed. Sri Jain SvetdmbarTerdpanthi Mah6sabh6, 19g1. Weber and the Modernizationof India." ln Llax Weberin Asian ---. TerdpanthPrwas-Pravtu. A. Buss,28-45. I-eiden: E.J. Brill, 1985. kdnln: sri Jain svetambarTerrpanthi Sabha,1991. Nathmal, Muni Singh, fala Sukhbir et. al. In Abstractof the Proceedingsof tlrc Council of [today Acarya Mahaprajna].Acharya BtilTirtha Suraksha Honour, Nurture and Festivity:Aspects of FemareRetigiosity amongst rain lvomen ph.D. Trust, Shri Todarmal SmarakBhawan, 1992. in Jaipur. Dissertation,University of cambridge, 19g5. r16 Peter FI-ucnl

Tulsi, Acarya. Illunination of Jaina Tenets(laina SiddhantaDtpika). Tr. S. Mookerjee. I-adnun:Jain VishvaBharati, 1985. Tulsi,Acdrya & YuvacaryaMahaprajna (eds.).Wctory of Discipline.Jaydcarya Series Vol. 1. [-adnun:Jain VishvaBharati, 1981. -----.Terdpanth:Ma4'ddd Aur Vyavastltd(Jaydcarya).I-adnun: Jain VishvaBharati, 1983. UtS = UttaradhyayanaSiltra. Tr. H. Jacobi, SacredBooks of the East Vol. 45 (1895) 1-232. Van der Veer, Peter. Religiotu Nationalkm: Hindus and Muslirns in India. Berkeley: University of California, 1994. Weber, Mu<.Gesammelte Aufsiitze zur ReligiorusoziologieII. Tiibingen: J.C.B.Mohr (Paul Siebeck),1978. ------.Mrtschaft und Geselkchal.Tiibingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck),i985. Williams,R. Iaina Yoga.I-nndon,1963, reprint Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass,1983.

Rp,suuB

Ir pr6sentarticle montre commentune sectejaine sp6cifique- Ies Svetambara Terdpanthi- organisentl'interaction rituelle entre les ascdteset les laicssur une base suprar6gionale,et commentelle s'agencede manidrestrat6gique au sein de l'ensemble du contextepolitique et religieuxdans le sous-continentd'aujourd'hui. [.a doctrineet le rituel jains apparaissentcomme un niveau interm€diaire,g6n6rateur d'exp6riences religieusessignificatives et d'harmoniesociale ; mais,en mOmetemps, ils font office de moyensdestin6s i mobiliseret d l€gitimerdes int6r€ts politiques particularistes. I-a premidre partie d6crit l'histoire et le fonctionnement interne de la communaute monastique (dhannasaiglr)des Terdpantht, ainsi que I'organisation reiigieusede leurs p6r€grinationsannuelles (vihar). [-a secondepartie souligne le r6le de Ia principale organisationlaique, la TerdpanthMahCuabhd, pour le maintien du rituel de p6r6grinationet, indirectement, pour la prosp6rit6de la communautCdes la\cs (samaj), tandis que la troisidmepartie se termine par des observationscomparatives sur les orientationsde l'6volution des principalessectes jaines dansle contextede la soci6t6indienne moderne.