Obsah / Contents Dejiny

MESTO a OBSAH / CONTENTS DEJINY

ŠTÚDIE/ARTICLES

Skorka, Renáta – Weisz, Boglárka: The Town and the Widow: The Journey of Elisabeth of Luxembourg to Pozsony ...... 6

Kadlec, Petr: Bielsko: The Education Centre for Industrial Production between Austrian Silesia and Galicia at the Turn of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries ...... 22

Bartošová, Nina: Planning through a Prism of Individual Interests: Historical Events Deﬁ ning the Area of Bratislava’s Former Key Industrial Zone ...... 39

ROZHĽADY/HORIZONS

Abdel-Ghani, Taher: City Symphonies: The Urban Culture of Expressionist Cinema in 1920s Berlin ...... 64

KRONIKA, RECENZIE, ANOTÁCIE/ CHRONICLE, REVIEWS, ANNOTATIONS ...... 79

Štúdie Articles MESTO a DEJINY

The Town and the Widow: The Journey of Elisabeth of Luxembourg to Pozsony

Renáta Skorka* – Boglárka Weisz** vol. 8, 2019, 2, pp. 6-21 DOI: https://doi.org/10.33542/MAD2019-2-01

Due to the vacancy on the Hungarian throne after the death of Albert I, King of Hungary, the pregnant queen set out for Pozsony (now Bratislava, Slovakia; Pressburg in German) to give birth to the future Hungarian king in the vicinity of the Habsburgs. However, Ladislas the Posthumous was born en route, in Komárom (now Komarno, Slovakia). The queen, having seized the Holy Crown of Hungary, went to Székesfehérvár to have her son crowned there in accordance with the Hungarian customs. Thus, her action preceded the crowning of Wladislas Jagiello, who had been invited to Hungary in the meantime by a group of barons to take the Hungarian throne. The city of Pozsony constantly supported Elisabeth and her court in realizing their plans. The reports of the queen’s envoys and the account book of Pozsony help us reconstruct the exact course of events leading up to the queen’s arrival in her beloved city.

Keywords: Kingdom of Hungary. Coronation in Székesfehérvár. Road network in Transdanubia. Habsburg dynasty. Jagiellonian dynasty. Pozsony (now Bratislava, Slovakia).

One of the almost inexhaustible groups of sources on Pozsony’s urban history is represented by the city account books, which, in addition to the inner relations of the city, can provide ample information about the settlement’s network of relationships. Based on the account books of Pozsony from 1439 and 1440, we seek to answer the question of how the city behaved in a troubled political situation. Following the death of King Albert, the expectant Queen Elisabeth of Luxembourg turned to the citizens of Pozsony, among other cities, looking for supporters, and her cry for help was answered. How did the city help the widow – who was not deterred even from stealing the Holy Crown – achieve her political ambitions in the face of opposition from many barons of the country? By what route did Elisabeth get to her beloved city after the heir to the throne was born and crowned? What did the queen give the city in return for all this? Elisabeth of Luxembourg must have been on the estate of her cousin László Garai, ban of Mačva (banus Machoviensis), when she received notifi cation that her husband Albert I, King of Hungary, had died in Neszmély, on 27 October 1439. At least, this is what the memoirs of the queen’s confi dential attendant, Helen Kottanner, inform us.1 The exact whereabouts of the queen is not known, but the chambermaid to the queen, who was at that time in Visegrád, refers to the Garai estate as being located “beyond Buda”,2 that is, to the south of Buda. The fi rst concrete piece of information concerning the whereabouts of the widowed queen, who was already in the second half of her pregnancy, comes from 1 November. On that day she issued a charter in her own estate

* The author is a member of the “Lendület” (Momentum) Medieval Hungarian Economic History Research Team (LP2015-4/2015) at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Research Centre for the Humanities (hereinafter HAS RCH), and associate research fellow at the HAS RCH Institute of History ([email protected]). ** The author is head of the “Lendület” (Momentum) Medieval Hungarian Economic History Research Team (LP2015-4/2015) at the HAS RCH, and senior research fellow at the HAS RCH Institute of History (weisz. [email protected]).

1 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 8. 2 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 8.

6 MESTO a DEJINY in Adony (in villa nostra Adon vocata), found in Fejér County.3 On November 3, the widow was already in Óbuda,4 another settlement belonging to the queen’s estate, where she issued a charter on the following day, as well.5 Since she was next reported to be in Visegrád on 9 November,6 it is probable that Albert was laid in his fi nal resting place while Elisabeth was still in Óbuda, but certainly before she arrived in Visegrád. Albert’s body was fi rst transported from Neszmély to Győr in order to be taken from there to Vienna. However, this did not happen, and the royal corpse was fi nally taken to Fehérvár.7 The reason for the hurried journey of the expectant mother to Visegrád was that Elisabeth fi rmly believed she was carrying the future king under her heart. She wanted to make sure that after his birth, her son would receive the crown jewels (and above all the Holy Crown) kept in Visegrád, which were required to make his reign legitimate.8 However, the Hungarian dignitaries did not want to waste time, either. Referring to the needs of the country and the Ottoman threat, they were unwilling to wait for the child to be born, and did their best to convince the widow queen to get married again as soon as possible.9 We may possibly give credit to Bonfi ni’s account that the Hungarian political elite wanted to decide upon the person of the future husband at a parliamentary session, which also provided an excellent opportunity for them to put pressure on the queen in the matter of marriage.10 Elisabeth seemed willing to submit herself to the decision of the diet. She left Visegrád,11 the city that meant so much to her, and returned to the more centrally located city of Óbuda. She hardly left Óbuda between 27 November and 29 December. She issued charters in Buda (in the royal residence) only twice, on 7 December and on 23 December.12 Her long stay in Óbuda can probably be explained by the repeated postponement of the parliamentary session. From 3 January to 23 January 1440, however, the presence of the queen can be continuously and regularly demonstrated in Buda with a single intermission,13 and we can infer from this that a diet may have taken place at that time. Elisabeth seemingly

3 Adony is known to be one of the estates which was returned to Elisabeth’s mother, Queen Barbara, by her husband Sigismund, King of Hungary, and her son-in-law Albert, Duke of Austria, in May 1424. According to a charter dated 25 May 1424, herds of horses also belonged to Adony (Adon cum equaciis ibidem habitis), see: Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos Levéltára, Diplomatikai Levéltár [Hungarian National Archives, Diplomatics Archives] (hereinafter DL) 39 284. 4 Óbuda was a property of the queen at this time. 5 Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos Levéltára Diplomatikai Fényképgyűjtemény [Hungarian National Archives, Diplomatics Photocopy Collection] (hereinafter DF) 239 735. DL 80 700. 6 DL 13 457. Cf. IVÁN, A visegrádi vár története, 44. 7 Regesta Imperii XII, 275. 8 The royal couple entrusted the Holy Crown to György Bazini, their conﬁ dant and leader of Visegrád, in the summer of 1439. See: PÁLOSFALVI, Koronázástól koronázásig, 129. 9 PÁLOSFALVI, Koronázástól koronázásig, 129. 10 BONFINI, A magyar történelem tizedei, 166. 11 However, on 19 November 1439 she still issued her charter in Visegrád, see: DL 24 532. 12 According to a misconception existing in Hungarian scholarly literature, Queen Elisabeth spent much of December 1439 and January 1440 in Buda. MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 283, note 41. For the beginning of her stay in Buda, see: DF 250 205. For her last charter issued in Buda, see: DL 97 175. In chronological order, the two documents issued in Buda are: DF 213 039. DF 287 582. 13 For her charter dated 3 January 1440, see: DF 281 455. For her charter dated 23 January, see: DF 270 875. On the eve of Epiphany, she was in Esztergom (DF 239 741), but on the day of Epiphany she was again in Buda (DF 250 207).

7 MESTO a DEJINY abided by the January decision of the diet, according to which the thirty-three-year- old woman was supposed to marry a sixteen-year-old “Christian peasant”,14 Wladislas III, King of Poland. The widow apparently agreed to take this teenager as her husband in order to satisfy the political expectations and gain time, but in reality she had absolutely no intention of marrying the Polish king, whether she were to bear a boy or a girl. Spending no more time in Buda than necessary, she was in Visegrád again on 23 January.15 However, she did not stay there for a long time, either. She proved to be careful and cautious enough not to give birth to her child in Visegrád, as the Hungarian dignitaries expected her to do. It was her deliberate intention to get as far from Wladislas’ supporters as possible amidst the changed political situation, which is why she wanted to give birth to her child in Pozsony, on the western border of the country, but still in Hungarian territory. Her decision was considerably infl uenced by the fact that King Albert I stated in his last will and testament on 23 October that if he had a son, he should have his seat in Pozsony.16 The queen was in close connection with the city of Pozsony after the death of Albert. Elisabeth had already sent a letter to the burghers of Pozsony on 3 November, a few days after her husband died, because they were apparently trying to postpone carrying out an order the king had issued on 29 September 1439: Nearly a month before his death, Albert had called upon the burghers of Pozsony to pay 4,000 golden fl orins to László Csetneki, Bishop of Nyitra (now Nitra, Slovakia) and governor (gubernator) to the Archbishop of Esztergom, for the leasing of tithes from the archbishop in the Pozsony cultellus.17 László Csetneki was supposed to hand over the sum in question to the Polish Miklós Stiborici, because the latter had lent Albert 7,000 golden fl orins until Saint Martin’s Day (11 November) to cover the costs of organizing the defence of the kingdom against the Ottomans and other enemies.18 On 18 October, the king warned the citizens of Pozsony from Esztergom that their delay in paying the money was causing harm to the country and its inhabitants (land and leut darumb scheden emphiengen).19 The burghers of Pozsony obviously made every eff ort to postpone handing over this hefty sum of money, so with regard to the imminent deadline of repayment, on 3 November, Elisabeth called on them to pay the 4,000 golden fl orins to Csetneki without delay.20 One day after the deadline, on 12 November, Elisabeth wrote another letter to the burghers asking them to send two or three of them (duos aut tres ex vobis potiores) to her in Visegrád, who would take part in the negotiations.21 This event provided an excellent opportunity to talk about the claim for payment that must have been ignored by the burghers of Pozsony. The issue of the debt, however, had apparently not then been settled, as the widow sent a letter from Buda to Pozsony on 22 January. She demanded at this time for the much talked-about 4,000 golden fl orins to be handed

14 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 259. 15 DF 239 747. 16 DF 258 374. 17 Cultellus was a territorial unit of tithing. 18 DF 239 728. 19 DF 239 731. 20 DF 239 735. 21 DF 239 736.

8 MESTO a DEJINY over to Stiborici or one of his men.22 After returning to Visegrád, on 28 January, she called upon the city to pay Stiborici before 2 February.23 By the time Elisabeth’s letter arrived in Pozsony, the widow had already made a plan to steal the Holy Crown from Visegrád, where it was kept, and to travel to this border town via Komárom. In order to dispel suspicion, the queen, who was in a very advanced state of pregnancy, left Visegrád well in advance. On 8 February, she reminded the citizens of Pozsony from Komárom that they had to pay 4,000 golden fl orins to Stiborici and told them again to send two or three delegates to her in Komárom.24 The burghers of the city seem not to have mobilized their efforts at the queen’s request. Thus, on 15 February, Elisabeth sent an envoy to them in the person of Christoph Fladnitzer,25 who this time passed on the queen’s message orally, instead of in writing.26 The words of the envoy, who had carried messages many times before, were eff ective. During the night of 17 February, the town dispatched two of its distinguished citizens, Bartholome Scharrach27 and Peter Jungetel,28 to Komárom.29 Somewhat later, Hans Leitgeber and Ludwig Königsfelder30 also visited the queen, and we also know that they certainly did not arrive empty-handed. According to the account books, they delivered wine to the court of Elisabeth.31 The queen was about to leave Komárom in the morning hours of 21 February. The wagons and servants were ready to set out for Pozsony when the woman went into labour one week early. The stealing of the Holy Crown from Visegrád was also scheduled for the time of their departure to Pozsony, so Helene Kottanner arrived in Komárom with this crown jewel just as Ladislas was born.32 The former plans had to be reconsidered because of the unexpected turn caused by the early birth of the child. Due to the queen’s confi nement to bed after childbirth, her journey to Pozsony had to be postponed, especially since there was harsh wintry weather at the end of February.33 Therefore, the widow’s court had to settle in Komárom for a long

22 DF 239 746. 23 DF 239 747. For the details of the conﬂ ict, see: C. TÓTH – LAKATOS – MIKÓ. A pozsonyi prépost és a káptalan viszálya, 177–178. 24 DF 239 748. 25 Christoph Fladnitzer was appointed by Ulrik Cillei as the leader of Sopron in 1440. ENGEL, Magyarország világi archontológiája, 416. 26 DF 239 749. 27 Bartholome Scharrach was the lord mayor of Pozsony in 1429, as well as the judge of Pozsony from 1433 to 1435, and from 1449 to 1450. He was also a councillor in Pozsony from 1435 to 1436, from 1437 to 1439, and from 1446 to 1447. MAJOROSSY, Egy határ menti szabad királyi város, 465–466. ORTVAY, Geschichte, 419. 28 Peter Jungetel was a councillor in Pozsony from 1439 to 1440, from 1444 to 1445, and from 1447 to 1448. He was also the lord mayor of Pozsony from 1442 to 1444, and the judge of Pozsony from 1450 to 1452. ORTVAY, Geschichte, 422, 454. MAJOROSSY, Egy határ menti szabad királyi város, 466. 29 Archív hlavného mesta SR Bratislavy [Archives of the Capital of the Slovak Republic, Bratislava], Magistrát mesta Bratislavy [Bratislava Town Hall] (hereinafter MMB), K 2. (Komorná kniha [Chamber books] 1439–1440) fol. 178v. (here and henceforth according to the old page numbers, 358). 30 Ludwig Königsfelder was a councillor from 1436 to 1437, from 1438 to 1439, and from 1443 to 1444. He was the judge of Pozsony from 1442 to 1443, from 1447 to 1450, and from 1467 to 1468. He was the lord mayor of Pozsony from 1453 to 1454, from 1457 to 1460, and from 1465 to 1467. ORTVAY, Geschichte, 423, 451. MAJOROSSY, Egy határ menti szabad királyi város, 466. 31 MMB K 2. fol. 179r. (359). 32 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 266. 33 The Account Book of Pozsony records that a ship had to be cut out of ice on 3 February, see: MMB K 2. fol. 93r. (183).

9 MESTO a DEJINY period of time. Elisabeth’s last charter issued in Komárom was dated 11 May 1440,34 which indicates a stay of over three months in Komárom, in possession of the illegally obtained Holy Crown. The citizens of Pozsony were informed about the birth of Ladislas by two messengers. They obviously also made it clear to the burghers that the city did not have to provide the queen and her retinue with hospitality yet. This must have been a huge relief for the burghers of Pozsony, who gave the two messengers twenty golden fl orins on 26 February.35 Of course, the city was still supposed to send presents to the queen. On 28 February, the wine steward (vaszieher) loaded two dreilings (ternarius)36 of wine from the cellar of the cannon master onto wagons. The city’s coat of arms (schilt) was painted onto the barrels, which were delivered to the queen lying in childbed (kindlpett) by Ludwig Königsfelder and Hans Leitgeber. The two wagons carrying the wine were accompanied by two horsemen, and some boys also sat on the wagons to help with the loading and unloading of the barrels.37 In March, another delegation and further wagonloads of wine left Pozsony for Komárom. This time, on 7 March, the city sent Peter Jungetel to the queen, riding in the company of four attendants. The latter were supposed to help him cross the Danube. Winter was obviously still very harsh, as they had to cross the frozen river.38 Despite the diffi cult road conditions, Jungetel luckily made it to Komárom, on 9 March.39 The queen received him on the following day, and it turned out that the city had to dig a little deeper into its pockets. The queen’s court in Komárom needed half a mázsa of oil,40 the same quantity of fi gs (veigen), 100 herring, and one cask (Lagel) of sweet wine, as it was the middle of the forty-day Lent. After the meeting, the emissary from Pozsony did not leave “empty-handed”, either. Elisabeth gave him one hundred golden fl orins for the costs for one of the urban slaughterhouses (Schlachtpruk)41 to be constructed at the time.42 Additionally, she gave Pozsony the mortar kept in the courtyard, and promised that she would also inform the count about this so as to prevent a confl ict.43 On 22 March, Bartholome Scharrach and his four companions representing Pozsony returned to Komárom – perhaps bringing food for Lent – and stayed there until Easter.44 On 27 March 1440, Easter Day, the queen rose from childbed. According to Helen Kottanner’s memoir, Matkó Tallóci and Imre Marcali arrived in Komárom shortly after this. Returning from their delegation in Poland, they carried news of the election of Wladislas as the King of Hungary, and tried again to persuade the queen to marry the

34 DL 13 544. 35 MMB K 2. fol. 206v. (414). 36 It corresponded to approximately 2148 litres. Cf. BOGDÁN, Magyarországi űr-, térfogat-, súly- és darabmértékek, 173. 37 MMB K 2. fol. 96v. (190). MMB K 2. fol. 179r. (359). MMB K 2. fol. 195v. (392). 38 MMB K 2. fol 97v. (192). MMB K 2. fol. 103r. (203). 39 DF 241 783. 40 This corresponded to 49.11 or 58.93 kilo. BOGDÁN, Magyarországi űr-, térfogat-, súly- és darabmértékek, 456. During Lent, an increased amount of oil was consumed as a substitution for animal fat. Cf. KULCSÁR, Így éltek a lovagkorban, 94. 41 On the other slaughterhouses of Pozsony, see: MAJOROSSY, Community and Individuality, 6–32. 42 The slaughterhouse was built next to the Zwinger, between Wedritz Gate and Saint Martin’s Tower. Cf. “Item auch an den tag II mawern in zwinger dy gemawert haben zwischen Bedriczer thar und Sannd Mertein thurm zu dem Schlachprukchel ydem XX d[enar] wienner facit XL d[enar] wienner.” MMB K 2. fol. 110v. (220). 43 DF 241 783. 44 MMB K 2. 179r. (359).

10 MESTO a DEJINY

Polish ruler. The widow had the two noblemen captured in Szőny, and after shipping them to Komárom, she took them into captivity.45 On 1 April 1440, Elisabeth wrote a letter to the city of Pozsony. Claiming that she needed an army (wir nimz volkch bedürff en werden), for which she wanted money (darczu wir gelt haben müssen), she asked the city to give her 2,000 golden fl orins in return for the tithes.46 The city did not hand over the entire sum of money then, but must have made a commitment to pay the money in instalments – perhaps 500 golden fl orins at a time, as will be discussed below – over the following months. In April, however, not only considerable fi nancial support was sent from Pozsony to Komárom, but we also know for certain that Paul Lang and Peter Jungetel, accompanied by six boatmen (schiff geselle), shipped a cask of Malvasia wine, meat for frying and cooking (fl eisch czu proten, czu syden), eggs (ayer), sugar (zokker), and oats (hafen) for the queen on 12 April.47 The widow received further help, as well: One day before Wladislas arrived on Hungarian soil – that is on the 22 April48 – Elisabeth turned to the city in the hope of some more money to hire an army.49 She ordered the burghers of Pozsony to hand over 100 of the promised 500 golden fl orins to his emissary, Leonard Arberg, without delay, the rest of the money to be paid later. On the following day, the city sent Lienhard Horndl50 on a ship to Komárom, together with three sailors (schiffl eute). The latter were also responsible for dragging the ship upstream (dieselbige zulln hinwider gegen dem wasser geczogen haben).51 The account book does not contain entries for goods connected with this delegation, from which we can infer that Horndl must have been charged with handing over the requested sum. By the time he arrived in Komárom, the queen and her chambermaid had already worked out their secret plan, namely that they would take the few-week-old Ladislas to Fehérvár and have him crowned there on the next major ecclesiastical feast-day, on the holy day of Pentecost (15 May).52 The two women apparently shared their plan with Horndl, who hastily returned to Pozsony so that the city could appoint suitable delegates and dispatch them to the crowning city, Székesfehérvár. Elisabeth was certainly still in Komárom on 11 May.53 She even addressed a letter to the burghers of Pozsony on that day, in which she expressed her gratitude to the city in case they had already given 500 fl orins to Christoph Liechtenstein.54 If, however, they had not done it yet, she asked them not to do so, but instead to send the money to her via her emissary, and give him an escort to Somorja (now Šamorín, Slovakia).55

45 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 267–269. 46 DF 239 753. 47 MMB K 2. fol. 179v. (360). 48 Wladislas was in Késmárk (now Kežmarok, Slovakia) on 23 April 1440. SROKA, Itinerarium, 66. 49 DF 239 758. 50 He was a well-known merchant in Pozsony. He was a councillor in 1440, and chamber count (comes camerae) to the Pozsony mint in 1442. Cf. ORTVAY, Geschichte, 455. WEISZ, A pozsonyi kamara felállítása, 30– 32, 46–47. 51 MMB K 2. fol. 179v. (360). MMB K 2. fol. 110r. (219). 52 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 270. 53 Cf. DL 13 544. 54 On 2 April 1440, Elisabeth informed the burghers of Pozsony of the arrival of Liechtenstein and other nobilities, and asked for time hoping that her meeting with Liechtenstein would also be beneﬁ cial to the city of Pozsony (DF 239 754). Her charter dated 5 April 1440 reported that Liechtenstein had arrived in Komárom, and promised to send help to the burghers of Pozsony (DF 239 756). 55 DF 239 759.

11 MESTO a DEJINY

The letter must have been written when the queen still did not know the time of her departure to Fehérvár, because Somorja was situated along the road to Komárom. However, Liechtenstein was no longer in Pozsony when the queen’s letter arrived in the city. On 12 May, the city gave him forty buns (semellen) and a cask of Malvasia, and Lienhard Horndl accompanied him to Köpcsény (now Kittsee, Austria).56 The road led via Köpcsény to Hainburg, or in the other direction, to Oroszvár (now Rusovce, Slovakia)57 and Győr. From Győr one could travel either to Komárom or to Fehérvár. According to a letter written by Stefan Ranes, judge of Pozsony, and Paul Lang, councillor, dated 17 May, in Komárom, Duke Albert VI and Liechtenstein missed the coronation (but this is in contradiction with the memoir of Helen Kottanner, who was present at the coronation ceremony). This may suggest that they travelled together, and after going from Pozsony to Köpcsény, Liechtenstein probably headed for Austria, instead of Oroszvár. It cannot be ruled out either that having returned from Komárom, Horndl told Liechtenstein to escort Albert, the guardian of Ladislas, to Fehérvár for the coronation.58 On the evening of 14 May, the envoys from Pozsony, namely Stefan Ranes,59 who was the judge of Pozsony, as well as Lienhard Horndl and Paul Lang,60 set out for Fehérvár on Horndl’s coaches escorted by a few riders,61 to attend the coronation of Ladislas. According to the plans, they were to stay in Fehérvár for four weeks (until 11 June).62 The emissaries from Pozsony did not travel empty-handed this time, either. Their wagons were loaded with buns (semellen) made of wheat fl our, two Küfels of salt (salcz), two large loaves of bread (proten), two lats of saff ron (s a ff r a n ), half a pound of pepper (piper), one Vierdling of ginger (ingber), and three pounds of olive oil (pawmöl).63 Stefan Ranes and Paul Lang collected István (perhaps István Rozgonyi) on the way, and that is why they arrived in Komárom as late as 17 May.64 Horndl, on the other hand, travelled directly to Fehérvár, so he probably arrived in time for the coronation, unlike the other two emissaries from Pozsony. Elisabeth left Komárom for Fehérvár with her child late in the afternoon, on 12 May.65 She was accompanied by Ulrik Cillei, as well as Tamás Szécsi and his brothers. They spent the night in Tata. On 13 May, they arrived in Gerencsér, where they had “very

56 MMB K 2. fol. 195v. (392). 57 DF 239 369. Cf. KOVÁCS, A pozsonyiak vámmentessége, 362. 58 For events related to the guardianship by Albert beginning on 10 April 1440, see: LANGMAIER, Erzherzog Albrecht VI., 47–51. 59 Between 1437 and 1441 Stefan Ranes was the judge of Pozsony. MAJOROSSY, Egy határ menti szabad királyi város, 466. 60 In 1439, he was a councillor in Pozsony (ORTVAY, Geschichte, 454), and in 1451, he was the deputy lord mayor of Pozsony (MAJOROSSY, Egy határ menti szabad királyi város, 466). 61 MMB K 2. fol. 182v. (362). 62 Item am heiligen Pﬁ ngstag obund ist unser richter und der Linhart Horndl und Lanng Pauel ausgefaren mit etzlichen reitunden gesellen ken Weissenpurgkch zu unser genedigen frawen, der kunigin, als man unsern genedigen herren, den kunigk Lasla kronen schold, und beliben aus und untz in dy vierde wochen. MMB K 2. 180r. (361). 63 MMB K 2. 180r. (361). 64 Historical Diplomatics 4. 14, Miscellaneous Records from the History of Győr V., Collectanea ad historiam civitatis Jaurinensis No. 5, kept in the János Czech Collection at the Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books, Library and Information Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (hereinafter János Czech Collection). We are indebted to Bálint Lakatos for calling our attention to this source. 65 According to the letter by Stefan Ranes, judge of Pozsony, and Paul Lang, councillor, dated 17 May, in Komárom, the queen left Komárom on Thursday evening (phincztag ze abent). János Czech Collection, 14. V. 5.

12 MESTO a DEJINY poor accommodation, and wanted to eat, but didn’t get much food there, because it was Friday”, so they had to fast. They arrived in Fehérvár on the following day.66 On the holy day of Pentecost, on 15 May, Miklós Újlaki knighted Ladislas before the coronation,67 and the child was crowned king by Dénes Szécsi, Archbishop of Esztergom. During the coronation, the Holy Crown was held over the head of Ladislas by Ulrik Cillei, and Miklós Újlaki knighted several others.68 According to the sources,69 the coronation was also attended by Benedek, Bishop of Győr; Mátyás Gatalóci, Bishop of Veszprém; Helen Kottanner; Elisabeth, Princess Royal; Bertalan Frangepán; Tamás Szécsi and his brothers; the citizens of Fehérvár;70 András Harapki Botos; László and Imre, sons of Voivode János Tamási;71 Imre and László Kanizsai;72 the citizens of Buda and other unspeciﬁ ed cities;73 the delegates of the Esztergom Chapter;74 the sons of Benedek, son of Him Debrentei;75 and János Rozgonyi the Younger.76 On 18 May, Elisabeth issued a charter in Fehérvár,77 but on 27 May, she wrote a letter in Győr.78 According to Helen Kottanner, when Wladislas entered Buda (that is on 21 May),79 they were still in Fehérvár, and decided to leave the city on hearing the news. They wanted to go to Veszprém ﬁ rst, but the city did not let the queen in. The next destination was Győr, and the Bishop of Győr agreed to their entering.80 They set out after 21 May. The burghers of Pozsony sent three young men to wait for the city judge with a boat (zullen) on the Danube on the night of 23 May. They expected him to return from his visit to the queen in Fehérvár.81 This means either that the judge of Pozsony travelled to Fehérvár after a short detour to Komárom, or that the burghers of

66 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 270–271. 67 This account by Helen Kottanner is also supported by the report of the well-informed envoys of Pozsony, who were in Komárom at that time: vor der chrönung hat in [ti. Lasla] Wanﬁ Niclas ze ritter ge slagen. János Czech Collection, 14. V. 5. 68 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 272–273. 69 Pál Tóth-Szabó lists several nobilities and cities, but does not give the sources. Even though many of them must have truly attended the coronation ceremony, we mention only those whose presence can be supported by written sources. Cf. TÓTH-SZABÓ, A cseh-huszita mozgalmak, 174. Nevertheless, it is also possible that some of the persons mentioned by the narrative sources did not attend the coronation in reality. 70 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 273. According to the memoir of Helen Kottanner, Duke Albert VI was also present at the coronation ceremony, but the letter of the envoys of Pozsony contradicts this. Cf. János Czech Collection, MTA KIK Kézirattár 14. V. 5. 71 THURÓCZY, A magyarok krónikája, 269. BONFINI, A magyar történelem tizedei, 166. Thuróczy records in his chronicle that László Garai also attended the coronation, but the memoir of Helen Kottanner clearly refutes this. MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 269. 72 BONFINI, A magyar történelem tizedei, 166. 73 HORVÁTH, Magyar Regesták, 59–60. 74 On 18 May, still in Fehérvár, Elisabeth ordered the castellan of Visegrád Castle (at the request of the delegates of the chapter who were visiting her) not to disturb the chapter and its tenants. DF 237 810. 75 Elisabeth was in Fehérvár in May, when she had their charter regarding Szalónak Castle (now Burg Schlaining, Austria) transcribed by the Fehérvár Chapter. DL 100 558. 76 PÁLOSFALVI, Rozgonyiak, 906. 77 DF 237 810. 78 HÁZI, Jenő. Sopron királyi város története, 197–198. DF 202 696. DL 30 312. 79 Joannis Dlugossii seu Longini canonici Cracoviensis Historiae Polonicae Libri XII. Tomus IV. Libri XI. XII. Cura et impensis Alexandri Przezdziecki. 1711, 734. 80 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 274. 81 MMB K 2. fol. 122.r. (243).

13 MESTO a DEJINY

Pozsony did not know that the judge had stayed in Komárom. From these two options, the latter is less likely. In any event, the judge did not arrive. Thus, the burghers of Pozsony hired again three boatmen to wait for the judge with a boat (zullen) on the night of 24 May, expecting him to return from Komárom.82 The judge did not arrive in Pozsony that night, either. Nevertheless, he must have made an appeal to the city, as on 25 May, buns (semellen) and bread (prot) were sent with a ship (s c h i ff ) and a sailor to Győr, in honour of the queen, who was in the company of the judge, Stefan Ranes, and Lienhard Horndl.83 The ship certainly got to Győr on the same day, so we can assume that the queen also arrived in Győr on 25 May or already on 24 May. According to the memoir of Helen Kottanner, their journey to Győr took two days, 84 and if we give credit to her account, then a courier was certainly able to get from Fehérvár to Pozsony in one day. Considering that the burghers of Pozsony assumed that the judge would arrive in their city at night, on May 23 (or on 24 May at latest), we have good reason to believe that they were informed by a messenger that the judge had started his journey back on 23 May. He certainly needed a whole day to get to Pozsony. If we accept what Helen Kottanner recorded, we can reconstruct the events as follows: on 22 May they were informed that Wladislas had entered Buda, and decided to take to the road on the following day. They arrived in Győr late at night, on 24 May. The judge of Pozsony must have sent a courier from there to Pozsony with a request, which was granted by the city on the next day. According to the reconstruction made by György Györff y, the road connecting Győr and Fehérvár ran via the settlements of Pér, Dörög, and Örs (in Győr County) to Veszprém County. It continued there via Aszár and Bér to Fejér County, where it led via Sárkány, Dobos, Medved, Mór, Söréd, Igar, and Barc to Fehérvár.85 This means that it followed roughly the course of modern road No. 81. Late medieval toll stations, however, mark another route. After Győr, the next major toll station along the road to Fehérvár was Pázmánd. From there, the road must have run via Örs and Ászár to Hánta,86 and then to Mór. In the Middle Ages, the section of road between Mór and Igar led through Orond (instead of Söréd) to Igar. (cf. the map) On 13 December 1403, King Sigismund – confi rming the privilege of Pozsony granting them exemption from tolls – referred to several toll stations where it was apparently diffi cult to enforce the exemption of Pozsony from the payment of tolls. These included Győr, Pázmánd (Pasuan), Hánta, Mór, and Fehérvár.87 In 1415, the king stepped up against the collection of tolls from the Transylvanian Saxons at Óvár, Mór, and Pázmánd (Pazon).88 Lajos Glaser identifi ed Pazon mentioned in the charter with

82 MMB K 2. fol. 122v. (244). 83 MMB K 2. fol. 196r. (393). 84 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 275. According to a twelfth-century itinerary, the journey from Hainburg, “took two [days] to the castle called Rau. From that castle it was three days to the castle called Wzzenburch”. In other words, one could get from Győr to Fehérvár in three days. KRISTÓ, Az államalapítás korának írott forrásai, 160. 85 Cf. GYÖRFFY, Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti földrajza. (The maps of counties Győr, Komárom, and Fejér). 86 The army of Henry III, Holy Roman Emperor, used this road in 1051. They set oﬀ from Bodajk, and passing through Bársonyos and Örs, they left the country. Cf. SRH I. 179. VESZPRÉMI, Az Árpád- és Anjou-kor csatái, hadjáratai, 102. For the road between Hánta and Ászár, see: Codex diplomaticus Hungaricus Andegavensis VII. Ed. Tasnádi Nagy Gyula. Budapest, 1920, 295. 87 DF 240 491. 88 Urkundenbuch, 639–640.

14 MESTO a DEJINY a desolate settlement (puszta) called Pázmán, found to the north of Dunaföldvár.89 However, if we take into account who the charter was addressed to, it seems more likely that the place in question was, in fact, Pázmánd, located in Győr County. King Sigismund named three people in connection with the three toll stations: Zubor oversaw the toll station at Mór, while Ulrik Wolfurt was in charge of the collection of tolls at Óvár. The castellan of Gesztes and Vitány Castles was mentioned in the charter, because the tolls collected in Győr County at Bőny, Pázmánd, and Szentvid belonged to Gesztes Castle, although the estates themselves did not form part of the lands of the castle.90 Based on these, it is clear that the charter of the Transylvanian Saxons,91 who normally travelled to the west via Fehérvár, refers to Pázmánd, which is found in Győr County. A record from 1447 also shows that the route from Győr to Fehérvár passed through the toll stations at Mór, Orond, and Igar.92 In that year, János, son of István Rozgonyi, complained that people arriving from Pozsony and Győr bypassed these toll stations and took an illegal road (falsa via) to Fehérvár via Zámoly (per possessionem Zamor) without paying tolls.93 All four settlements belonged to Csókakő, so they must have been owned by the same person who knew very well which roads the merchants were supposed to use when crossing his estate. In order to cross Zámoly, travellers had to turn oﬀ the road connecting Győr, Bőny (Győr County), Igmánd (Komárom County), and Buda, and continue their way through Csákvár and Zámoly to Fehérvár.94 This detour had two possible courses. One of them passed through Bicske (Fejér County), which belonged to Vitány Castle and which was also a toll station.95 Nevertheless, there must have been another route that ran through the Környe toll station, which belonged to Gesztes Castle, and thus forked oﬀ from the road to Buda at Bánhida,96 the toll station of Vitány Castle. However, travellers arriving from the Vágköz and Csallóköz were not allowed to use this latter route, because it was regarded as an illegal road for them.97 We know this, because in 1457, Imre Somogyi and Mihály Kaplati, castellans of Gesztes Castle, and toll-collectors of the Környe toll station attacked some people at Nagydinnye, questioning whether they were using the right road. At the request of János, son of János Rozgonyi, however, the authorities of Komárom County decided the road running from the Danubian river-crossing place at Vas, through Bana, Nagydinnye, Ete, Apostol (Komárom County), and Mór (Fejér County) to Fehérvár was the legal and right road (iusta et vera via) to be used by people coming from the Vágköz or Csallóköz, whereas the road leading through Környe was an illegal

89 GLASER, Dunántúl középkori úthálózata, 150. 90 Cf. 1440: DL 13 900; 1453: DF 261 686, 1455: Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Hauptarchiv – Urkunden (1177–1526) 3608a. Accessed October 20, 2018. http://monasterium.net/mom/AT-WStLA/HAUrk/3608a/ charter. 91 Cf. WEISZ, Vásárok és lerakatok, 69. 92 The road along these toll sites was also used by the burghers of Pozsony and Buda. Cf. 1403: DF 240 491, 1437: Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus ac civilis I–XI. Studio et opera Georgii Fejér. Budae, 1829– 1844, vol. X/7, 874. The road between Fehérvár and Igar was mentioned in 1374, CD, vol. IX/4, 627. 93 DL 14 124. 94 On the road see: GYÖRFFY, Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti földrajza, vol. II–III. (Maps of counties Győr, Komárom, and Fejér). 95 Cf. DL 24 732. 96 Cf. DL 24 732. 97 However, this road was not a detour for every merchant or traveller, since toll stations were set up only along roads that were regarded as legal ones, at least for travellers arriving from certain directions.

15 MESTO a DEJINY road (falsa et iniusta via) for them.98 After Mór, they certainly used the route crossing Orond and Igar, which was discussed above. János Rozgonyi stepped up in protection of the toll stations under his control, namely the ones at Mór, Orond, and Igar. This suggests that the road crossing Környe bypassed these toll stations, and certainly led through Csákvár and Zámoly to Fehérvár.99 Gesztes Castle – as well as the Környe toll station belonging to that – was in the possession of Miklós Újlaki. The assault launched by the castellans of Gesztes Castle may also be explained by the conﬂ ict between their lord, Miklós Újlaki, and János Rozgonyi and his brothers. This was not the only case when the castellans of Gesztes Castle took action against people whose way led through the toll stations of János Rozgonyi and his brothers. In 1461, for example, Simon Konde Újfalui, castellan of Gesztes Castle, and his men assaulted merchants travelling along the legal road (libera via) from Győr to Buda. The merchants were set upon between Bánhida and Szár, and were deprived of their goods as well as the money they were supposed to pay at the Bicske toll station, which belonged to János Rozgonyi.100

Figure 1: Road networks between Győr and Székesfehérvár

98 DL 93 280. 99 This road was also used by the burghers of Fehérvár, who were attacked by János, son of István Rozgonyi on his estate at Környe, in 1446. They were deprived of their goods in the value of 800 golden ﬂ orins, DL 88 211. 100 DL 15 648. Bánhida was also a toll station belonging to Vitány Castle (DL 24 732). Thus the owner of the toll was János, son of János Rozgonyi, here as well.

16 MESTO a DEJINY

Which route must the queen have used when she travelled from Fehérvár to Győr? According to the account by Helene Kottanner, after crossing the Vértes Hills, they reached the plain.101 On the basis of her description, both routes are plausible. How- ever, if we also follow the journey of the judge of Pozsony, we can notice that while the queen was in Fehérvár on 23 May, the judge was expected to return from his visit to the queen from Komárom on 24 May. This suggests that the queen travelled from Fehérvár to Győr via Komárom. This reasoning is not infl uenced by the question of whether the judge of Pozsony travelled from Komárom to Fehérvár, or waited for the queen in Komárom. The queen stayed in Győr for approximately two weeks, where her last charters were dated 7 June.102 It had already been decided in Győr that she would travel from there to the city of Pozsony. Her charter dated 2 June 1440 was written as part of her preparations for the journey. In this document, Queen Elisabeth ordered the Jews living in the city of Pozsony to pay their taxes due to the royal treasury for Pozsony for one year beginning with the date of the charter, which money was meant to be spent on guarding and preserving the city (pro subsidio custodie et conservacionis eiusdem civitatis nostre).103 The queen must have arrived in her beloved city, Pozsony, on 11 June 1440,104 because the city hosted a dinner in her honour fi rstly on that day, which was a Saturday, and for a second time on the Sunday. The account book keeps record of the ingredients used for the two meals, their quantities, and the amount of money spent on them. There is a clear diff erence between the ingredients of the meals served on the Saturday and Sunday. While on the Saturday, carp (kerphin), river-fi sh and small fi sh (pachfi sch, klain fi s c h ), and crayfi sh (kreussen) were served, on the Sunday, there were various kinds of meat (fl e i s c h s ), including oxen (oxen), calves (kelber), ham (pache) and poultry – hens and chickens (alde, junge hüner). Additionally, wine, milk (millich), and sour cream (millichram) were put on the table only on the Sunday. Similarly, vinegar (essich) and oak wood (aichen holcz) were used for cooking only on this day. All this suggests that the Saturday was a fast day, which is supported by the fact that two types of cheese – matured and fresh (vierdige, hewrige kais) – were then off ered, whereas on the Sunday, we fi nd only matured cheese on the menu. Vegetables used in preparing the dishes, including leafy greens (gruen kraut), parsley (petersil), onions (zwiefel), shallots (aschlach), and other ingredients, such as salt (salcz), fat (smalz), eggs (ayer), pearl barley (gerstprein), coarse-ground fl our (gries), and fi ne white fl our (semel mel), as well as bakery products, like buns (semellen) and bread varieties (pollein prot, lab prot), were off ered on both days. Fruit was also served on both days. However, on the fi rst day they had only cherries (kyrschen), and there was a wider selection of fruit on the Sunday: cherries (kyrischen), apples (ephel), and – specifi cally for Princess Elisabeth (Queen Elisabeth’s daughter) – strawberries (erdper). Pozsony on many occasions helped the widowed Queen Elisabeth of Luxembourg on her long journey from Visegrád through Komárom to Székesfehérvár, and then via Győr to Pozsony. The city provided her with food, material assets, and an escort during her long journey. The queen, who had had her son crowned but could not secure him

101 MOLLAY, Die Denkwürdigkeiten, 275. 102 Codex diplomaticus domus senioris comitum Zichy de Zich et Vasonkeo. Vol. IX. Ed. Kammerer Ernő. Budapest, 1899, 12. DL 80 722, DL 80 723, DL 80 724. 103 TELEKI, Hunyadiak kora, 84. 104 […] amici dilecti civitas ipsa est ipsius domie regine, vosque similiter sue serenitatis estis. DF 239 762.

17 MESTO a DEJINY power, certainly assured the city of her continuing patronage. Siding with the queen, Pozsony undertook to stand up to the political majority of the Hungarian Kingdom and step into the focus of national politics. They were not even afraid of the possible military consequences of their actions.

Appendix

Archív hlavného mesta SR Bratislavy [Archives of the Capital of the Slovak Repub- lic, Bratislava], Magistrát mesta Bratislavy [Bratislava Town Hall], K 2 (Komorná kniha [Chamber books] 1439–1440), fol. 298r–v. (according to the old page numbers: pp. 603–604). Photograph: DF 277 058.

[fol. 298r] Czerung auf unser fraw dy künigin

Item am sambstag vor Sannd Veitstag [11 June 1440] cham unser genedige fraw, dy künigin, hab wir geben czum obundessen umb manicherlay ding, als man das hernach geschriben sindt anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo.105

Item umb 3106 grosse kerphin 7 ß d. wienner Item umb pachfi schs und ander klain fi schs 1 lb. 24 d. w[iener] Item umb 2000 kreussen 3 ß 10 d. wien[er] Item umb 1 hafen smalcz 6,5 ß d. wiener Item und mer umb 2 hefen smalcz, paide umb 1 lb. 28 d. [wiener] Item umb gruen kraut und petersil } Item umb 2 libra ayer 70 d. wienner Item umb czwieff al und aschlach 38 d. w[iener] Item umb 1 putten kyrschen 60 d. wienner Item umb 4 virdige kais per 24 d. Wienner 3 ß 6 d. wie[ner] Item und umb 6 hewrige kais per 10 d. Wienner 60 d. wienner Item umb 4 kveffl salcz per 10,5 d. Wienner 42 d. wien[er] Item umb 31 hafen klain und gros 7 ß 24 d. [wiener] Item umb 1 libra polleins prot per 1 newen d. facit 12 ß d. wien[ner] Item und umb 5 solidus semellen, ye czwa per 1 newen denar, facit 5 ß d. wienner Item und umb 32 gros lab prot per 3 d. Wiener facit 3 ß 6 d. wien[er] Item am suntag vor Sannd Veitstag [12 June 1440] hab wir geben umb fl eischs czu dem mal umb 1 oxen vom Larentz Viertzker 3 fl . auri Item von dem Pernhart Fleischker 1 guten pachen umb 2,5 fl . auri

Summa 9 l. 83 d. und 5,5 ﬂ .

105 For the costs of the Saturday dinner in an inaccurate source edition, see: KNAUZ, A magyar egyház régi szokásai, 179–180. 106 The Roman numerals found in the text are written here as Arabic numerals.

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[fol. 298v]

Item von den Sigel von Teben 3 kelber per 50 new d. facit 7 ß d. wienner 15 d. w[iener]107 Item umb 24 alde huenner per 10 d. Wienner facit [without amount]108 Item und umb 56 junge hüenner per 7,5 d. Wiener facit 7 ß d. Item umb gerst prein 40 d. wienner Item und umb 5 vierdige kais per 24 d. Wiener facit 0,5 lb. d. Item und umb 2 spen veril per 22 d. Wienner facit 44 d. Item umb gruen kraüt und petersil 50 d. wienner Item umb czwiefal und aschlach 32 d. wienner Item umb ephel 40 d. wienner Item umb millich und millichram 83 d. wiener Item umb erdper der jungen künigin 24 d. wiener Item umb gries und semel mel 60 d. wienner Item der jungen künigin und der alden umb 1 putten kyrischen und ander leuten 70 d. wienner Item umb polleins prot 400 lab per 1 new d. facit 2,5 lb. d. wienner Item und umb 300 semellen 7,5 ß d. wienner Item umb 4 fl aschn mit wein der kunigin besunder von der Hanns Pewrin 2 fl aschen paid zu 12 pinten per 9 d. Wienner und von den Hanns Feyrtag 2 fl aschen, darin ist gegangen auch 12 pint per 12 d. Wiener czum mall und czu ainen slof trunk facit 1 lb. 12 d. wienner Item umb ein fi ertl essich und 2 pint per 15 d. facit 6 ß d. wienner Item ain dreyling wein von dem czehent wein Item und umb 2 fuder aichen holcz 0,5 lb. d. wienner

Summa summarum 19 lb. 58 d. wien. und 5,5 ﬂ . auri

Summa 9 lb. 7 ß 5 d.109

BIBLIOGRAPHY Archív hlavného mesta SR Bratislavy [Archives of the Capital of the Slovak Republic, Bratislava], Magistrát mesta Bratislavy [Bratislava Town Magistrate] Czech János gyűjtemény Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, Könyvtár és Információs Központ, Kézirattár [János Czech Collection at the Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books, Library and Information Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences] Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos Levéltára, Diplomatikai Levéltár [Hungarian National Archives, Diplomatics Archives] Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos Levéltára Diplomatikai Fényképgyűjtemény [Hungarian National Archives, Diplomatics Photocopy Collection] Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv

107 There should be 225 Vienna denars, that is 7.5 solidi here. 108 The sum, that is 240 denars (1 libra), is missing. 109 This is 15 denars more than the listed sums.

19 MESTO a DEJINY

BOGDÁN, István. Magyarországi űr-, térfogat-, súly- és darabmértékek 1874-ig [Volume, surface, weight, and unit measures in Hungary to 1874]. Budapest: Akadémia Kiadó, 1991. BONFINI, Antonio. A magyar történelem tizedei [Decades of Hungarian history]. Translated by Péter Kulcsár, Budapest, 1995. Codex diplomaticus domus senioris comitum Zichy de Zich et Vasonkeo. Vol. IX. Ed. Kammerer Ernő. Budapest, 1899. Codex diplomaticus Hungaricus Andegavensis VII. Ed. Tasnádi Nagy Gyula. Budapest, 1920. Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus ac civilis I–XI. Studio et opera Georgii Fejér. Budae, 1829–1844. ENGEL, Pál. Magyarország világi archontológiája [Secular archontology of Hungary] 1301- 1457. I. Budapest: MTA TTI, 1996. GLASER, Lajos. Dunántúl középkori úthálózata [The medieval road network of Transdanubia]. In: Századok, 1929, vol. 63, pp. 139–167, 257–285. GYÖRFFY, György. Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti földrajza. Vol. II–III [The historical geography of Hungary in the age of the Árpáds]. Budapest: Akadémia Kiadó, 1987. HÁZI, Jenő. Sopron királyi város története [The history of the free royal town of Sopron]. Part I, volume 3. Oklevelek és levelek 1430-tól 1452-ig [Charters and letters from 1430 to 1452], Sopron, 1924. HORVÁTH, Mihály. Magyar Regesták a bécsi császári levéltárból [Hungarian regestae from the imperial archives in Vienna] 1118–1605. In: Történelmi Tár, 1861, series 1, vol. 9, pp. 1–96. IVÁN, László. A visegrádi vár története a kezdetektől 1685-ig [The history of Visegrád Castle from the beginnings to 1685]. Visegrád: Visegrádi Mátyás Király Múzeum, 2004. Joannis Dlugossii seu Longini canonici Cracoviensis Historiae Polonicae Libri XII. Tomus IV. Libri XI. XII. Cura et impensis Alexandri Przezdziecki, 1711. KNAUZ, Nándor. A magyar egyház régi szokásai [Old customs of the Church in Hungary]. In: Magyar Sion, 1868, vol. 6, pp. 177–194. KOVÁCS, Viktória. A pozsonyiak vámmentessége az Anjou- és a Zsigmond korban [The exemptions from paying tolls and customs duties of the burghers of Pozsony in the Angevin and Luxemburg periods]. In: WEISZ, Boglárka (ed.). Pénz, posztó, piac. Gazdaságtörténeti tanulmányok a magyar középkorról. Budapest: MTA BTK TTI, 2016, pp. 341–367. KRISTÓ, Gyula (ed.). Az államalapítás korának írott forrásai [Written sources on the age of the foundation of the Hungarian state]. Szeged: Szeged Középkortörténeti Könyvtár, 1999. KULCSÁR, Zsuzsanna. Így éltek a lovagkorban [Life in the age of chivalry]. Budapest: Helikon Kiadó, 2007. LANGMAIER, Konstantin Moritz Ambrosius. Erzherzog Albrecht VI. von Österreich (1418– 1463). Köln; Weimar; Wien: Böhlau, 2015. MAJOROSSY, Judit. Community and Individuality in Medieval Urban Space: The Social Topography of Butchers Through the Case of Pressburg in Comparison. In: Czech and Slovak. Journal of Humanities Historica 2, 2011, no. 2, pp. 6–32. MAJOROSSY, Judit. Egy határ menti szabad királyi város középkori igazgatásának vázlatos története [Sketching the urban administration of a free royal town at the border of the Kingdom of Hungary] (Tanulmány egy készülő pozsonyi archontológiai kötet elé) [Introduction to the “Archontology of Pressburg” in process]. In: Történelmi Szemle, 2015, vol. 57, no. 3, pp. 441–471. MOLLAY, Károly. Die Denkwürdigkeiten der Helene Kottannerin. Die ältesten deutschen Erauenmemoiren 1439-1440 [The theft of the crown. The memoirs of Helene Kottanner]. In: Arrabona, 1965, vol. 7, pp. 237–296. PÁLOSFALVI, Tamás. Koronázástól koronázásig. A korona elrablása és hazatérése (1440– 1464) [From coronation to coronation: stealing and regaining the Hungarian Holy Crown (1440–1464)]. In: PÁLFFY, Géza (ed.). A Szent Korona hazatér. A magyar korona tizenegy külföldi útja (1205–1978). Budapest: MTA BTK TTI, 2018, pp. 125–169. PÁLOSFALVI, Tamás. Rozgonyiak és a polgárháború [The Rozgonyis and the civil war] (1440– 1444). In: Századok, 2003, vol. 173, pp. 897–928.

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ORTVAY, Tivadar. Geschichte der Stadt Pressburg. Vol. III. Pozsony: C. Stampfel, 1894. Regesta Imperii XII. Albrecht II. 1438–1439. Bearb. Günther Hödl. Wien; Köln; Graz, 1975. SROKA, Stanisław A. Itinerarium króla Wladyslawa [Itinerary of King Wladislas]. Vol. III. Warszawa: Instytut Historii Pan, 2017. TELEKI, József. Hunyadiak kora Magyarországon [The age of the Hunyadis in Hungary]. Vol. X. Pest, 1853. THURÓCZY, János. A magyarok krónikája [Chronicle of the Hungarians]. Budapest, 2001. C. TÓTH, Norbert – LAKATOS, Bálint – MIKÓ, Gábor. A pozsonyi prépost és a káptalan viszálya [Conﬂ ict between the provost and the chapter of Pozsony] (1421–1425). Budapest: MTA TK, 2014. TÓTH-SZABÓ, Pál. A cseh-huszita mozgalmak és uralom története Magyarországon [The history of the Czech-Hussite movements and rule in Hungary]. Budapest, 1917. Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der Deutschen in Siebenbürgen III. Bearb. Von Franz Zimmermann, Carl Werner, Georg Müller. Hermannstadt, 1902. VESZPRÉMI, László. Az Árpád- és Anjou-kor csatái, hadjáratai [Battles and campaigns in the Árpád and Angevin periods]. Budapest: Zrínyi Kiadó, 2008. WEISZ, Boglárka. Vásárok és lerakatok a középkori Magyar Királyságban [Markets and staples in the Medieval Hungarian Kingdom]. Budapest: MTA BTK TTI, 2012. WEISZ, Boglárka. A pozsonyi kamara felállítása és működése a Zsigmond korban [The foundation of the Pozsony mint and its functioning during Sigismund’s reign]. In: KÁDAS, István – SKORKA, Renáta – WEISZ, Boglárka (eds.). Veretek, utak, katonák. Gazdaságtörténeti tanulmányok a magyar középkorról. Budapest: MTA BTK TTI, 2018, pp. 13–61.

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Bielsko: The Education Centre for Industrial Production between Austrian Silesia and Galicia at the Turn of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries*

Petr Kadlec vol. 8, 2019, 2, pp. 22-38 DOI: https://doi.org/10.33542/MAD2019-2-02

This study deals with the issue of industrial education on the Silesian-Galician border in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Against Cisleithanian-wide trends it depicts the establishment of the so-called state industrial school (Staatsgewerbeschule) in the town of Bielsko in the 1870s and the development of this educational institution, which stood at the top of the system of schools for professional education of the time, until as late as the outbreak of the First World War. Among other things, it focuses on the founding of this important school, its organizational transformations and the composition of its students. In the study Bielsko is presented as one of the most prominent places in the Cisleithanian part of the monarchy from the aspect of educating a qualiﬁ ed workforce at a time of advancing industrialization and the socioeconomic changes it induced.

Keywords: Bielsko. Austrian Silesia. Galicia. Education. Industry. 19th Century. 20th Century.

Introduction The submitted study deals with the issue of education for industrial production in the second half of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, an issue which has been, mainly by Czech historians, refl ected only minimally.1 In the period under consideration the modernization processes, already underway, were becoming more intense, signifi cantly infl uencing the form of the professional training of workers for both small-scale production and the centralised forms of mass production. What seems especially signifi cant are the eff ects of the Industrial Revolution (the introduction and spreading of new technologies, the innovation in working procedures, the secondarization of the economy, etc.), the changes in the demand for certain commodities and workforces, increased due to the liberalization of the market and the improvement of transportation possibilities, and the more precise legislation regulating economic life and social transformations. The new – modern – society that was developing did not only have a new structure, but also other possibilities, ambitions and principles of functioning. It was precisely in this period that, according to Fritz Ringer, the relation between a part of the educational sector and the economic sphere was introduced, while certain forms of science and technical education were becoming at least one of the causes of further economic growth.2 All those involved were to adapt to the new conditions: employers, workforces and even the state, which had been, until

* This study has been fi nancially supported by the Czech Science Foundation (GAČR) grant reg. no. 18- 04624S entitled Vzdělání, hospodářství a společnost 1848–1914: Socioekonomické souvislosti rozvoje profesně-vzdělávací infrastruktury v rakouském Slezsku. 1 The above-mentioned has two mutually related consequences: 1) a marginal refl ection of the issue of education in the modern Czech historical production related to the economic and social aspects of the development of the so-called long nineteenth century; 2) what remains the factual support of the current Czech production still being only older works, which – however valuable they might be – show defi ciencies from the aspects of methodology and heuristics. See: GRUBER, Politika, 627–840; DVOŘÁK, Vznik a vývoj; ČERNOHORSKÝ, Vývoj, 9–43. 2 RINGER, Education and Society, 1–5.

22 MESTO a DEJINY then, active only to a minimal extent. It is no coincidence that it was precisely in this period that the policy of the state dealing with professional education was formed, reacting both to the economic and social transformation and the economic competition from abroad. The motives for the state’s engagement, forced by circumstantial pressure, were not only economic, but partly also social-political, as the prospering economy stimulated by education was to help preserve social stability and public order. In this respect the Habsburg Monarchy was surpassed by countries like France, Great Britain and some German states (e.g. Württemberg, Prussia and Bavaria). It is therefore no wonder that these countries were where the Austrian state drew inspiration from in the second half of the nineteenth century when forming its own system of professional education.3 The aim of this study is to introduce the role and importance of the so-called state industrial schools (Staatsgewerbeschulen), which found themselves at the top of the Austrian system of vocational industrial education, created under state supervision from the 1870s. The general development trends will be depicted through the example of one speciﬁ c school, which was established in the mid-1870s in Bielsko on the border of Silesia and Galicia. It is precisely the placement of a state industrial school in Bielsko, a town situated on the border of one of the most developed parts of Cisleithania – Silesia (and, within it, the nearby developing industrial Ostrava-Karviná region) – and the south-west part of the considerably more backward Galicia which constitutes one of the speciﬁ cs of this educational institution.4 In three sections the study will depict, respectively, the basic aspects of the development of industrial education in Cisleithania up until the First World War, the circumstances of the establishment and development of the school in Bielsko and, last but not least, also the characteristics of its students (territorial, ethnic and religious origins). The basis of the text will be archival and printed sources which, until now, have been used by researchers only minimally or not at all. While the archival sources come from the Provincial Archive in Opava, the printed sources (period magazines, annual school reports, journalism, school statistics) are deposited in various libraries both in the Czech Republic and abroad (Olomouc, Opava, Brno, Prague, Vienna).

State industrial schools and the formation of an industrially-oriented infrastructure of professional education in Cisleithania from the mid-nineteenth century until the First World War5 A systematically and conceptually grounded infrastructure of professional education was formed in the Habsburg Monarchy only in the 1870s and the ﬁ rst half of the 1880s,

3 For more details see: ENGELBRECHT, Geschichte, 7–85, 193–220; SCHERMAIER, Fachschulen. WESTRITSCHNIG, Berufsbildung. For a useful comparison with mentioned countries see: BLANKERTZ, Bildung im Zeitalter; DAY, Schools and Work; LECHNER – PÖGGELER, Allgemeinbildung und Berufsbildung. 4 The text is a contribution to the history of Cisleithania in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Like other Czech and foreign authors (Milan Hlavačka, Milan Myška, Gary B. Cohen, Karl Josef Westritschnig, Josef Schermaier, etc.) I use shortened and, as in the practice of the period, commonly used terms for territorial units (Silesia, Galicia, Moravia, Bohemia, etc.) within the administrative borders that these parts of Cisleithania had in the period addressed. For more details about the function of Bielsko (Bielsko-Biała) see: PANIC, Bielsko – Biała. 5 This text will leave aside the educational possibilities focused on trade and agriculture. These are discussed in more detail e.g. in: LOM, Vývoj vzdělávání, 5–97; FABER, Entstehung und Entwicklung; RAŠTICOVÁ, Zemědělské školství; WESTRITSCHNIG, Berufsbildung, 172–176, 276–285, 517–528, 558–562; KADLEC, Rozvoj předlitavského obchodního školství, 33–55.

23 MESTO a DEJINY and it must be said that in the Cisleithanian and Transleithanian part this process took place under very diff erent circumstances. The above-mentioned does not mean that previously there had existed no educational possibilities preparing people for the carrying out of craft and trade activities, or for the fi nding of employment in the developing industrial production. While some alternatives had ceased to exist over the years, others remained until the fall of the monarchy in 1918. Such was the case regarding the progression typical of guild organizations, apprentice – journeyman – master, which remained as a model of qualifi cation, professional and socioeconomic progression even after guilds had ceased to exist as a result of the adoption of liberal trade legislation in the late 1850s (Gewerbeordnung in 1859). The reason was that despite the increasing study possibilities, practical education with the so-called Lehrherrn remained an essential part of the qualifi cation profi le of the upcoming generation of Cisleithanian sole traders, small-scale producers and merchants even in the early twentieth century. The Austrian legislation took into consideration vocational certifi cates as certifi cation of completing the attendance of extracurricular lessons even in the period preceding the First World War.6 After the introduction of Maria Theresa’s school reforms (1774), it was also possible to acquire certain competencies necessary for one’s future profession in elementary education – this was the only educational segment where the state was engaged in matters of professional education before the mid-nineteenth century. Until the reorganization of elementary education in the late 1860s, there existed the not very functional “revision lessons” (Wiederholungsstunden), taught on Sundays as a double period for young adults up to the age of 20 who had already completed the required compulsory school attendance. At the same time the higher level of elementary schools, the so-called Hauptschulen, also ceased to exist, schools where, if possible, subjects taking into account the future professional aspirations of the students (accounting, drawing, construction, mechanics, etc.) had been taught.7 As early as in the period before the mid-nineteenth century, several vocational schools of varying focus and organization of classes were established. It was the initiative and fi nances of (professional) interest associations and private persons that played the decisive role in their establishment. The schools that held a special place among them were Realschulen, which were two- to three-year schools with classic day lessons and a diverse curriculum and purpose. Some of them served as preparatory schools for studies at polytechnic schools (Vienna, Prague, Graz, Trieste), while some had the character of independent schools for the education of experts carrying out jobs of a technical or agricultural nature, or for offi ce workers in these fi elds (Rakovník/ Rakonitz, Liberec/Reichenberg, Brno/Brünn, Lviv/Lemberg, Brody).8 In reaction to the termination of prohibitive tariff measures and from fear of the impact of foreign competition on Austrian industry, in 1851 the state made considerable modifi cations to the organization and purpose of the then Realschulen, reforming them into three- to six- year secondary schools focusing on professional education and teaching construction, accounting, engineering, chemistry, drawing, etc. Realschulen designed in this way soon spread across the entire monarchy, preparing their graduates both for starting

6 WESTRITSCHNIG, Berufsbildung, 238–239. REBEC, Úplný Řád živnostenský. 7 KÁDNER, Vývoj, 72–74. ENGELBRECHT, Geschichte, 196. GRUBER, Politika, 678. ČERNOHORSKÝ, Vývoj, 19. 8 See: KADLEC, Základní aspekty, 27.

24 MESTO a DEJINY work in industry and for further studies at vocational universities.9 Realschulen lost their character of institutions focusing on professional education in 1867–1868 when, following criticism of their curricula and in connection with the reorganization of polytechnic schools, they transformed into schools focusing on general education, i.e., in fact, preparatory schools for studies at vocational universities. Therefore, at a time when economic growth was culminating, the unifi ed and state-regulated and systematized school professional training paradoxically lost its basic element without adequate compensation, which fundamentally disrupted the creation of a qualifi ed workforce. In the 1860s the state started to fi nancially support vocational schools established by other founders. What played the decisive role in this process was the renewal of the Ministry of Trade (1861), whose initiatives and subsidies helped the birth of a number of textile, glass, ceramics and other schools. From the late 1860s the increasing number of fi eld-profi led vocational schools were joined by a new type of school – the so- called professional development schools (Fortbildungsschulen), designated as for those who were already professionally active or were in the process of practical training in workshops. These schools diff ered from other schools with classic day lessons in that their lessons were concentrated into the evening hours of workdays and into Sunday mornings. The organization of Fortbildungsschulen was fi rst anchored in legislation in Lower Austria (1868), while a Cisleithanian-wide regulation, with partial changes modifying the form of these schools until the fall of the Habsburg Monarchy, was issued in 1883.10 The rise of industrial Fortbildungsschulen had two fundamental consequences: 1) two lines of management of industrial education were introduced: the Ministry of Trade supervised fi eld-profi led vocational schools and the Ministry of Education (Ministerium für Kultus und Unterricht) supervised industrial Fortbildungsschulen. This led to disputes about competencies and uncoordinated events; in the hope of overcoming them, a joint ministerial committee for issues of industrial education was set up (1872–1874). The two lines of management of industrial education were only removed by the centralization of this educational segment into the management of the Ministry of Education in 1882; 2) a so-called dual system was introduced in the education of apprentices: apprentices gained the necessary experience in school workshops or in real company conditions with the so-called Lehrherrn, while theoretical education was provided by industrial further education schools (further divided into general and fi eld-profi led). This system remained in practice until the Habsburg Monarchy ceased to exist.11 Although the initiative and both material and fi nancial support of non-state agents signifi cantly infl uenced the shape of the Cisleithanian infrastructure of professional education, it was the attitude of the state that played the decisive role. Despite the fact that the Austrian state had already started to engage in this fi eld in the 1860s, we can only speak of the formation of a state policy of industrial education from

9 In the school year 1852/1853 there existed 22 Realschulen in the Habsburg Monarchy, while in 1865/1866 this number had already risen to 76. Statistische Uebersicht (1852/53), 32–35. Statistische Übersicht (1865/1866), 24–31. 10 For more details about the development of industrial Fortbildungsschulen in Cisleithania, see: KADLEC, Průmyslové pokračovací školství, 15–34. 11 ENGELBRECHT, Geschichte, 199. SCHERMAIER, Fachschulen, 8–9.

25 MESTO a DEJINY around the mid-1870s. It was precisely at this time that the fi rst programme materials were created and a process was launched which was to gradually escalate until the end of the period considered. During this process, industrial education was unifi ed and institutionalized, the granting of subsidies (tied to the meeting of conditions dictated by the state) was systematized, it was agreed that vocational schools would be transferred to state management and new state schools established, the legislation regulating the running of industrial education was improved, and school equipment, didactic aids and the education of teachers was reorganized. Aware of its importance, the state purposefully took control over this educational segment, forming it to its liking with the aim of supporting domestic industrial production and ensuring social stability. Of all the causes of and motives for an intensive and systematic engagement of the Austrian state in industrial education, the most important seem to be these: the eff orts to maintain the competitiveness of Austrian industry or, more precisely, education focused on training for industrial production (in this respect, shortcomings in comparison with developed countries were revealed, e.g., by the World’s Fair in Vienna in 1873); the necessity to react to the economic crisis after 1873 and the eff orts to stimulate the economy by, among other things, creating a qualifi ed workforce; political pressure from new political elites, professional interest groups, employers and employees; and the reaction to the crisis of traditional crafts and the so-called cottage industries which, in some regions, were in danger of falling into social unrest.12 A distinct manifestation of state engagement in the fi eld of industrial education and its eff orts to conceptually grasp this educational segment were the so-called state industrial schools (Staatsgewerbeschulen), the fi rst of which were established in the fi rst half of the 1870s. Until the end of the period under consideration these schools, clearly inspired by the German model, constituted the basic pillar of the system of schools which were to provide the Austrian economy a suffi cient workforce both for mass production and for small-scale production. They fulfi lled the roles both of industrial education centres of supra-regional signifi cance and of model schools integrating various educational levels and forms of teaching. Their bases were the so-called higher industrial schools (Höhere Gewerbeschulen) and schools for masters/foremen (Werkmeisterschulen). These four-year and two-year (respectively) day schools were further complemented by affi liated vocational courses and Fortbildungsschulen with shortened classes on workday evenings and on Sundays. Besides these courses, we must also mention holiday courses for teachers at further education schools. Depending on the local conditions, an internal diff erentiation and specialization of the schools was being formed: while some schools were shaped to be construction-technical or engineering-technical in focus, in other schools a chemical-technical or art-industrial focus was preferred. The so-called state industrial schools were established in land centres and in places with an increased concentration of industrial activities.13 The system of industrial education in Cisleithania, formed under state supervision by the 1880s, looked like this:

12 For a useful perspective of contemporaries, see: TOBISCH, Das Kleingewerbe; DUMREICHER, Die Pﬂ ege; DUMREICHER, Das gewerbliche Unterrichtswesen; WILDA, Die Organisation. Zur Frage der Erziehung. For comparison: ENGELBRECHT, Geschichte, 12–25. 13 More detail in: WESTRITSCHNIG, Berufsbildung, 308–381.

26 MESTO a DEJINY

1) schools with all-day classes – vocational schools for the individual industrial branches (Fachschulen; textiles, wood/stone processing, sculpture, art, glassmaking, for girls),14 general craft schools (Allgemeine Handwerkerschulen, from 1885, preparing young people for learning craft trades)15 and multifunctional Staatsgewerbeschulen;16 2) schools/courses with evening and Sunday classes – industrial Fortbildungsschulen for apprentices (for individual fi elds or general for diff erent fi elds)17 and special vocational courses for professionally active craftsmen and those employed in mass production. These schools and courses were usually connected either to schools providing basic education (Allgemeine Volksschule, Bürgerschule) or to other vocational schools.18 Despite the distinct quantitative and qualitative progress in education for industrial and craft production, in the early twentieth century there was discontent with the existing form of vocational schools. The reform of various types of schools (mainly Fortbildungsschulen and textile schools) was called for not only by teachers and experts in education, but also by representatives of the economic sphere. While some remedial action was indeed taken, the implementation of further changes was prevented by the outbreak of the First World War.19

The birth of the centre for industrial education in Bielsko and its development until 1914 The industrial school in Bielsko ranks among the very oldest institutions of its kind in Cisleithania. It was opened during the ﬁ rst wave of school establishing in the early 1870s, speciﬁ cally in 1874, thus joining the already established industrial schools in Vienna, Graz, Brno, Chernivtsi, Prague and Turnov.20 The foundation of the school was accompanied by three phenomena typical during the establishment of similar schools in Cisleithania. Firstly, the initiation for the establishment of the school came from the state, which turned in this matter to the local school authorities and professional

14 In the school year 1913/1914 there existed a total of 229 vocational schools in Cisleithania focused on one fi eld, including girls’ schools of various types, and according to incomplete statistics they were attended by almost 34,000 male and female students. Zentralblatt, 260–312. 15 In the school year 1913/1914 there existed seven schools of this type, attended by 2,224 students. Zentralblatt, 315–316. 16 By the school year 1913/1914 a total of 29 Staatsgewerbeschulen had been established in Cisleithania (Vienna – 4, Linz, Salzburg, Graz, Klagenfurt, Ljubljana, Trieste, Gorizia, Innsbruck, Trento, Prague, Ústí nad Labem, České Budějovice, Chomutov, Pardubice, Pilsen – 2, Liberec, Smíchov, Brno – 2, Zábřeh, Bielsko, Lviv, Kraków, Chernivtsi) along with one non-state industrial school (Vienna – Neustadt, Lower Austrian Land Industrial School). On the level of these schools there were two elite schools for the textile industry (Lehranstalt für Textilindustrie) in Aš and Brno. According to the incomplete statistics for the school year 1913/1914 (the data for fi ve institutions are missing), just before the First World War these schools were attended by almost 15,000 students (14,848). Zentralblatt, 245–259. 17 In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the distribution of school education for apprentices expanded considerably. In the school year 1913/1914, the 1,538 Cisleithanian Fortbildungsschulen were attended by approximately 171,000 persons. Zentralblatt, 317–319. 18 For a more detailed introduction of the individual types of vocational schools, see: SCHERMAIER, Fachschulen, 39–240. 19 See: WEIGNER, K reformě. ČERNÝ, Nutná reforma; HAMANN, Referat, 63–118; GRUBER, Politika, 772–793. 20 DUMREICHER, Die Pfl ege, 9–16.

27 MESTO a DEJINY associations of industrialists (Bielitz-Biala'er Gewerbeverein).21 In addition, later it was also the town hall in Bielsko that actively engaged in the matter of establishing the industrial school (material expenses and services connected with running the building). Secondly, in the initial period of its existence the school experienced a profound transformation, which fundamentally changed both the organization and content of the lessons. As we will show below in more detail, in the case of the industrial school in Bielsko this period can be delimited by the years 1874 and 1882, when it gained the form which would then characterize it until the end of the period considered. Thirdly, the potential of local institutions for professional education was made use of, some of which were integrated into the industrial school. Why had the Silesian town of Bielsko been chosen over other towns? In the early 1870s, the strategy of the state was to establish industrial schools in the crownland capitals or, alternatively, in industrial centres, which off ered the necessary demand for education of this focus.22 In this context Bielsko seemed like a logical choice, as it was an industrial locality with a textile production tradition and developed engineering. Besides, Bielsko played the role of the supra-regional education centre, where a Gymnasium, a Realschule and an educational institute for primary school teachers (Lehrerbildungsanstalt) were situated.23 A higher concentration of teachers may have played a certain role in the considerations, as in this way the essential need for the teaching of general educational and scientifi c disciplines could be covered. What had apparently played the key role was Bielsko’s location. Situating the industrial school here considerably increased the distribution of technical education on the Silesian- Galician border, as in the 1870s the nearest schools of this kind had existed only as far away as in Brno and Kraków. In addition, directly in the town and the neighbouring Biała, and in the adjacent region and, in particular, in the nearby Ostrava region there existed a considerable demand for a qualifi ed workforce for the developing industry, which it was necessary to saturate as the previous “import” of experts from other Cisleithanian regions and from abroad was no longer suffi cient. However, the vote to place the school in Bielsko had not been unanimous. Serious consideration had also been given by the Minister of Education to establishing the industrial school in the neighbouring Biała. Although there existed important arguments for the latter place (spatial, etc.), in the end the decisive recommendation of the ministerial committee was in favour of Bielsko. The reason was the concern that Biała, which, from the administrative aspect, belonged to Galicia, would not, in the long term, guarantee maintenance of German as the language of teaching, which was considered crucial for didactic reasons. What also played a large role was the existence of a weaving school in Bielsko, which was expected to become incorporated into the industrial school in the future.24 When the industrial school in Bielsko was opened in autumn 1874, it consisted of a construction-technical and an engineering department, which were further divided into a preparatory course, a secondary and a higher school. While the preparatory and higher school were formed of two fi ve-month courses, the secondary school had three of them. It was a classic school with day lessons, always taking place from Monday to Saturday. It must be added that the individual daytime courses were being opened

21 Jahresbericht (1872), 266. 22 DUMREICHER, Die Pﬂ ege, 7. 23 PANIC, Bielsko – Biała, 280–294. 24 DUMREICHER, Die Pﬂ ege, 16. Jahresbericht (1872), 266.

28 MESTO a DEJINY gradually and that the preparatory school lasted only until 1877.25 The institution only gained the form typical of the school until the end of the Habsburg Monarchy after its reorganization in 1880–1882, which occurred in reaction to the unsatisfactory number of students indicating that the industrial school did not quite correspond with the needs of the region.26 During the transformation, the former school was replaced by an institution comprising two basic parts with day lessons: a two-year school for foremen (Werkmeisterschule) and a four-year higher industrial school (höhere Gewerbeschule), where both schools were further divided into an engineering-technical and a chemical- technical department. In the school year 1882/1883, the former incorporated the local weaving school (established in 1865), while a year earlier this educational institution, already known as the Staatsgewerbeschule, had also incorporated the local industrial Fortbildungsschule (established in 1870). Thus the reorganization of the school, which took place in the early 1880s, made use of the teaching staff and spatial potential of the older educational institutions in the town, which, for that matter, had already been expected a decade earlier. In addition, a commercial department was opened as part of the school (from 1891 the status of a trade Fortbildungsschule), where, like at the industrial Fortbildungsschule, only a few lessons a week were taught, on Sundays and workday evenings. In the early 1880s the above-mentioned educational alternatives were supplemented by eight special courses focused on engineering, wood processing, construction and chemistry-technology (fabric dyeing).27 Later, the most striking changes in the organization of the industrial school in Bielsko included the weaving, dyeing and fi nal treatment fi elds of study breaking off and becoming special parts of the industrial school, and the widening of the off ering of affi liated courses with, among other things, courses for girls and holiday courses for Fortbildungsschulen teachers. The industrial school in Bielsko thus served not only as a centre of industrial education in the strict sense (for education for industrial production and craft and partly also for trade), but also as a training centre for those teaching at vocational schools. Like other educational institutions of this kind in Cisleithania, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the industrial school in Bielsko could therefore be characterized by a diverse internal structure and a colourful palette of fi elds of study as well as various forms of study.28 On the most general level the industrial school in Bielsko was to provide the theoretical basics for various crafts and industrial branches and to educate its students practically as much as was needed. As far as educational goals were concerned, this multifunctional school was to interconnect the varied educational institutions focused on industry and crafts, to deal with the lack of qualifi ed experts in industry, to educate, in compliance with the needs of the time, independent sole traders and entrepreneurs, and thus to generally boost the economy at least on the regional scale. With respect to its placement in Bielsko, those that were to profi t from the local industrial school were Silesia, south-west Galicia and north-east Moravia, which all lacked an educational institution of this kind. The purpose of the school had changed and widened since

25 See: Zemský archiv v Opavě [Provincial Archive Opava] (hereinafter ZAO), fund (hereinafter f.) Zemská školní rada Opava [Provincial Education Council Opava] (hereinafter ZŠR), cart. 514b, sign. 27. 26 Das gewerbliche Schulwesen in Schlesien, 5. 27 Das gewerbliche Schulwesen in Schlesien, 8. 28 See: Oesterreichische Statistik (1889/90), 64–69; NEUBAUER – DIVIŠ, Jahrbuch, 274–288; Jahrbuch des gewerblichen Unterrichtswesens (1913–1914), 59–82, 158–206.

29 MESTO a DEJINY its establishment in connection with the organizational changes of the early 1880s. Originally the school served only those who were professionally active (fi tters, masters, workshop managers), to whom it provided adequate theoretical education as part of its secondary level and, in its higher level, that education essential either for the passing of various construction examinations or for leading machine shops.29 Regarding the period after the reorganization, it is necessary to distinguish the purpose of the individual parts of the industrial school. The higher industrial school prepared its graduates mainly for leading positions in the establishment of larger factories, whereas the school for foremen was designed for independent craft masters (Gewerbemeister) and for workshop masters (Werkmeister, Werkführer). While both aforementioned parts of the school connected the representatives of diff erent focuses or related professions, the special courses had a more clearly defi ned learning objective. They were intended for the improvement of individuals in a specifi c craft and technical drawing in accordance with recent technical and technological progress. The industrial Fortbildungsschule was intended mainly for apprentices, while the so-called commercial department served the industrial school students and those who wished to broaden their skills with knowledge related to trade activities.30 The diverse educational tasks of the school corresponded with the diff erent conditions for acceptance to the individual parts,31 and the diff erent forms of study (classic day lessons versus evening/Sunday lessons) as well as the content of the lessons. The curriculum of the industrial school in Bielsko had changed in relation to the organizational changes, which can be documented with regard to the example of the school years 1875/1876 and 1889/1890. Here we shall focus on the two highest educational levels of the school – the so-called higher industrial school and the school for foremen – as the industrial Fortbildungsschule and commercial department that were added later complied with regulations valid for Fortbildungsschulen.32 We have stated above that at fi rst the school was divided into a construction-technical and engineering department, which were further divided into a preparatory school, a secondary school and the so-called higher school. In the preparatory school of each department a total of 36 lessons were taught every week, where the following subjects were, for the most part, common to both departments: German, calligraphy, geometric drawing, mathematics, ornament drawing and geometry. While the students of the engineering department went on to learn machine drawing, the students of the construction- technical department learnt to draw architecture. What was typical of the preparatory school lessons was the development of drawing competencies – various types of drawing took up 2/3 of the lessons. The number of lessons at the two higher levels of the school was rather excessive as there were 56 lessons a week, always from Monday to Saturday from 7 a.m. to 12 noon and from 2 to 7 p.m. Generally it can be said that

29 ZAO, f. ZŠR, cart. 514b, sign. 27, the concept of the school programme for the school year 1874/1875. Zur Frage der Erziehung, 3. 30 See: Jahres-Bericht (1881–82), 11. Jahres-Bericht (1889/90), 33, 38, 90. 31 While for acceptance to the higher industrial school a quality general education basis of the applicants was necessary (corresponding to the level of the fi rst four years of the Gymnasium or Realschule), the school for foremen required suffi cient experience (originally two, later three years). In order to be accepted to either of the basic parts of the school, it was necessary to sit an entrance examination. The specifi c conditions of acceptance applied to vocational schools focusing on weaving, dyeing and fi nal treatment. NEUBAUER – DIVIŠ, Jahrbuch, 57–59, 78–79. 32 KADLEC, Průmyslové pokračovací školství, 18–19, 28.

30 MESTO a DEJINY even here considerable emphasis was put on drawing, geometry (including descriptive geometry) and modelling, i.e., skills which were in considerable demand in the industry of the time. Other subjects taught in the construction-technical department included mathematics, the study of building constructions, German, Technische Naturlehre (a combination of physics and chemistry), the study of building materials, mechanics, chemistry, design making (Entwerfen), cost calculation and accounting. In compliance with its focus, at the secondary school of the engineering department the main subjects were the study of machines and trigonometry, while at the higher school the curriculum included not only technical subjects (technology, shading, analytic geometry) but also general subjects (geography, history).33 In the curriculum of the so-called higher industrial school, from the late 1880s there was a tendency towards a gradual specialization of the students and an emphasis on the interconnecting of technical presentations with practical demonstrations and activities. What is evident is the complexity of the technical knowledge as well as a decrease in the originally excessive number of lessons. In the individual years of the four-year studies, 35–39 lessons a week were taught. In the ﬁ rst year, common both to students of the engineering-technical and the new chemical-technical department of the school, seven subjects were taught (German, geography, algebra, geometry and geometric drawing, experimental physics, chemistry, drawing/Freihandzeichnen). In the second year the students also started studying machine drawing and, most importantly, the classes were divided into the individual departments. The students with an engineering-technical focus had an increased number of mathematics lessons and a high number of descriptive geometry lessons, whereas the students of the chemical-technical department had more chemistry lessons, including practical lessons in a laboratory and presentations about mineralogy and geology. Studies in the last two years took place almost separately on the basis of the focus of the students; only German, history and geography remained as common subjects. Almost a half of the weekly number of lessons at the engineering-technical department was taken up by engineering, where the students learned the construction of various machine parts as well as whole machines, engines, compressors, etc. Other subjects included mathematics, theoretical and applied mechanics, chemical technology, construction, mechanical technology, statics and dynamics, and the study of surveying. At the chemical-technical department over a half of the weekly number of lessons was taken up by practical lessons in a laboratory, complemented by theoretical presentations about chemical and mechanical technology, mechanics, engineering, construction and analytical chemistry. In addition, the studies at the higher industrial school were concluded with a school-leaving examination, whose passing was tied – like in other secondary schools – to the right to one-year voluntary military service. The school for foremen consisted of one- to four-semester courses depending on the study focus. The maximum time was spent by students of the engineering-technical department, and the minimum time by students of the sporadically opened vocational milling school. A high number of lessons was typical – 49 lessons a week, which, in the case of the engineering-technical department, included not only general and relatively widely applicable subjects (German, geography, mathematics, Naturlehre, trade documents, accounting and drawing) but also technical-theoretical subjects (machine drawing,

33 See: ZAO, f. ZŠR, cart. no. 514b, sign. 27, the curriculum for the individual parts of the school for the school year 1875/1876.

31 MESTO a DEJINY the study of machines, the study of projection) and practical lessons in workshops (this took up approximately 1/4 of the lesson time).34 It should be added that another important part of the education process at both highest levels of the industrial school in Bielsko was regularly organized ﬁ eld trips, during which theoretical knowledge and real practice were interconnected. Led by their teachers the students visited local and regional as well as more remote companies to get to know the current trends in technology and work organization as well as methods for the processing of various raw materials, and to become more familiar with the materials used and innovations of all kinds.35 There is no doubt that the classes taught at the state industrial school in Bielsko were of high quality. Like at other schools of this type in Cisleithania, erudite ﬁ gures, whose authority went far beyond the horizon of the school, could be found teaching here. The reason was that quite a few teachers were very active in professional and school organizations and in various expert committees, ranking among recognized experts with abundant publications and advisory and expert activities (Julius Zipser, Emil Joch and others).

The students and graduates of the industrial school in Bielsko Although the need for industrial schools was obvious and emphasized by contemporaries, at the beginning the number of students did not refl ect this need. The oldest schools, opened around the mid-1870s, received little interest in studies in the early years. The institution in Bielsko was no exception, as signalled by the enrolment in autumn 1874 when only 37 students enrolled at the school.36 In the following years a maximum of around 50 students studied at the school. This signalled that the industrial school’s off ering was failing to correspond with local needs, not only in its form of studies, but also in its educational content.37 Change was brought about only by the above-mentioned reorganization of 1880–1882. The modifi cation of the organization and the widening of the study options increased the attractiveness of the school, which led to an increased number of students, mostly comprising the students of evening and Sunday courses, i.e., professionally already active persons who were increasing their qualifi cations at the school. This can be documented for the school years 1881/1882 and 1909/1910: in the former case the total number of students was 373 (53 of them studying at the higher industrial school, 11 at the school for foremen, 68 in specialized courses for masters/journeymen/foremen, 146 at the industrial Fortbildungsschule and 95 in the commercial department), while in the latter case as many as 800 students were attending the school (187 at the higher industrial school, 115 at the school for foremen, 245 in specialized courses, 125 at the trade Fortbildungsschule and 128 at the industrial Fortbildungsschule).38 Although the school in Bielsko did not reach the size of the largest schools in Vienna, Prague

34 Jahres-Bericht (1889/90), 39–44. 35 Jahres-Bericht (1889/90), 5–6. Jahresbericht (1899/1900), 11–13. Jahres-Bericht (1909/1910), 16–17. For more details about ﬁ eld trips, see: KADLEC, V zájmu vlasti, 62–68. 36 For comparison: in the same period 39 students enrolled in the lowest years of the industrial school in Brno while 52 enrolled at the school in Chernivtsi. Jahresbericht (1874), 168. 37 Statistischer Bericht (1880, 1881), 410. 38 Jahres-Bericht (1881–82), 6. Jahres-Bericht (1909/1910), 22.

32 MESTO a DEJINY or Brno, it ranked among the institutions with the higher numbers of students within Cisleithania.39 The state industrial school in Bielsko served as a supra-regional educational centre, which is documented in data related to the territorial origin of its students.40 According to this data, the school mainly served the population of the respective region, the Silesians and the population of the neighbouring north-Moravian and Galician regions. Generally it can be said that both parts with the daily form of study (the higher industrial school and the school for foremen) had a larger action radius. For the most part their students came (in some years up to 3/4 of them) from various Silesian regions and only partly from the school’s locality. The rest came from the neighbouring Galicia (only a minority of them were directly from Biała) or, alternatively, from municipalities in northern Moravia, Bohemia, Hungary and, though only exceptionally, from other parts of the Habsburg Monarchy or from abroad. The territory from which the students of evening and Sunday courses, i.e., various specialized courses, the industrial and trade Fortbildungsschule, came to the school was signifi cantly smaller. More than a half of them came directly from Bielsko or Biała, the rest coming mainly from accessible places in Silesia (the Cieszyn, Frýdek and Fryštát regions) and south-west Galicia (e.g. Kenty, Kraków, Oświęcim, Chrzanów). In other words, the school in Bielsko created a reservoir of qualifi ed workers not only for the surrounding Silesian, but also for the Galician regions, thus contributing, on the one hand, to the advancement of industrialization in both lands and, on the other, to the ongoing social transformation. The territorial origin of the students even signifi cantly aff ected other characteristics such as ethnicity and religion, even though in both cases the composition of the students did not refl ect the exact composition of the populations of the starting regions. According to the data from the annual reports, the school desks of the industrial school in Bielsko were dominated by students originating from a German-speaking milieu, who regularly formed more than 80 % of all students. As the statistical statement for the school year 1913/1914 shows, the dominance of children from these families was higher in the case of the daily form of study than in the case of evening/Sunday courses.41 Besides the diff erences in territorial origin, what contributed to this were the diff erent social characteristics of the students of both primary parts of the school (see below). The remainder of the students was formed mainly of Polish-speaking children from the municipalities of the Silesian and Galician region of recruitment. Only sporadically was the ethnicity of the students diff erent from German or Polish; and then, in most cases, they were children from Czech-speaking families. It must be added

39 Oesterreichische Statistik (1889/90), 64–69. Österreichische Statistik (1899/1900), XVII, 102–103. Österreichische Statistik (1909/1910), 164–165. 40 If not stated otherwise, the following characteristic is based on data printed in the annual reports of the school for the school years 1881/1882, 1889/1890, 1899/1900 and 1909/1910. We have the most comprehensive information about the composition of students of the daily form of study, mainly for the students attending the higher industrial school. 41 At the end of the school year 1913/1914 a total of 757 students were registered at the industrial school in Bielsko. Of the 352 students attending the parts of the school with all-day classes, children originating from the German-speaking milieu formed 92 % (323 persons). Of the 405 students attending evening/Sunday courses within the school, students from the German-speaking milieu constituted 86 % (350 persons). The remaining part was formed mainly of children from Polish-speaking families (7 % and 13 % respectively), together with individuals speaking other languages (mainly the descendants of Czech parents). ZAO, f. Zemská vláda slezská v Opavě [Silesian Provincial Government in Opava] (hereinafter ZVS), inventory number (hereinafter inv. no.) 1965, cart. no. 3691, sign. V/50/K-8, The statistical statement of students for the school year 1913/1914.

33 MESTO a DEJINY that the ethnically varied area of recruitment for the students in Bielsko indicated that a part of the students could rightly be expected to be bilingual (polyglossia). Those represented over-proportionately at the industrial school in Bielsko were Protestants and Jews, numerous in the local population and together forming about a half of all students. The diff erent social context, professional aspirations and prestige caused that while Protestants and Catholics were spread out across all parts of the school relatively equally, the Jews were concentrated at the higher industrial school, at the school for foremen and in the trade department.42 The social origins of the students of the higher industrial school and the school for foremen indicate that these schools were intended mainly for self-reproduction in the industrial and craft production of active people, as the majority of the students was recruited from the families of industrialists and sole traders or, alternatively, from qualifi ed workers and mid-level factory staff . From other groups, those large in numbers included individuals originally from farming and merchant families, which shows the tendency to use studies with this kind of focus in connection with the ongoing socioeconomic transformation towards an intergenerational professional reorientation and horizontal social mobility. To a smaller extent than at the Gymnasien and Realschulen of the time, descendants from intelligentsia families were represented. According to incomplete data this was apparently mainly the case of children from the lower categories of the intelligentsia (lower offi ce workers, teachers). What was most likely refl ected here was the higher prestige of secondary schools focusing on general education, the diff erent ideas about the future employment of the descendants of members of the intelligentsia in contrast to other parts of the population, and a greater adoration for humanities. In the case of the evening/Sunday courses students, we have access to data about their professional orientation, which corresponded not only with the educational content of the respective courses but also with the socio-professional characteristic of Bielsko and its vicinity. For this reason, the student composition of these courses was dominated by four professional groups (crafts): construction, engineering-technical, trade, clothing and textiles.43 We know little of the previous education of the students of state industrial schools, the school in Bielsko included. In its case we have access to certain data merely for the highest educational level – the higher industrial school. The characteristic of its students refl ected the relatively high demands for acceptance: an emphasis on a quality general educational basis and drawing skills. In the 1880s, roughly a half of the students was constituted by the graduates of the four years of Realschulen, probably especially those whose professional ambitions were not directed towards university education. Until the First World War, the four-year so-called lower Realschulen represented institutions from which an important, albeit gradually slightly decreasing (to approximately 40 %), part of the students of the higher industrial school was recruited. Throughout the years,

42 The statistics which are available regarding the composition of the students do not provide information about the language (ethnic) identity of speciﬁ c students. It is therefore impossible to characterize for example students of a Jewish origin from the language aspect in more detail, and we can only presume that a higher number of bilingual or even multilingual persons would be found among them. 43 The aforementioned groups formed the dominant part of the students even before the outbreak of the First World War. In the school year 1913/1914, 64 students could be categorized into construction professions (crafts), 163 into engineering-technical professions, 78 into clothing and textile professions and 93 into trade professions. Only seven students were doing or preparing for a diﬀ erent profession at the time. See: ZAO, f. ZVS, inv. no. 1965, cart. no. 3691, sign. V/50/K-8, The statistical statement of students for the school year 1913/1914.

34 MESTO a DEJINY there was a considerable decrease in students who had completed all four years at any of the Gymnasien: in the early 1880s their share was around 35 %, while in the pre-war school years it was only about 7 %. The reason was that the Bürgerschule, which was reformed in 1883 and whose students already made up 53 % of those attending the higher industrial school before the First World War, was enforcing itself ever more as the most suitable preparation for studies. It should probably not come as a surprise that the largest part of the students of the school in Bielsko had previously studied in Silesia, mainly in the local educational centres (Bielsko, Cieszyn, Opava) or, alternatively, in municipalities not far from the Silesian border (Moravian Ostrava, Místek, etc.).

With the establishment of the industrial school in 1874, and mainly after its reorganization into the so-called state industrial school (Staatsgewerbeschule) in the early 1880s, Bielsko took its place among the centres of industrial education in the Cisleithanian part of the monarchy. It became one of the pillars of the developing infrastructure of professional education, which, under the supervision of the state, began to be formed from the early 1870s in an attempt to not only preserve the competitive level of industrial production but also to help the traditional forms of craft production and to maintain social stability. Through its engagement in the educational sphere the until then not very active Austrian state tried to face the challenges which had arisen due to the ongoing complicated socioeconomic transformations and the liberalization of economic activities. The decades following the establishment of the fi rst industrial schools proved the legitimacy of industrial education regulated by the state in the form of multifunctional industrial schools, which served on a supra- regional scale to produce a qualifi ed workforce for the industrializing economy. The evidence of the functionality as well as a certain timelessness of such schools is, among other things, that they also operated (albeit with some modifi cations) in the successor countries in the inter-war period. The importance of the industrial school in Bielsko is underlined by three fundamental factors, which all infl uenced the decision to establish a school in this very place: the tradition of craft and industrial production in the town and its vicinity, the relative proximity to the developing Ostrava-Karviná industrial region and its placement on the border of Silesia and Galicia. In accordance with the intention of the establisher, the professional qualifi cations and knowledge crossed not only the borders of the region but also the land borders, which is documented in the student composition of the school in Bielsko. The industrial school in Bielsko can be perceived as an umbrella educational institution within which various education levels, forms of study and fi elds of study were included. Their off erings followed from the local needs and demand. Unlike most other schools of the same type, the industrial school in Bielsko lacked a department where the workforce for the construction industry could be educated. Thus, one of the two main parts of the school, besides the usual engineering-technical department, came to be a chemical-technical department (where dyeing and other subjects were taught) and a weaving school, which corresponded to the socio-professional character of the population in the student recruitment area. In accordance with existing demand, these were complemented by irregularly opened evening and Sunday courses and by industrial Fortbildungsschulen for the education of industrial and merchant youth. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the importance of the industrial school in Bielsko did not follow “merely” from the fact that it considerably infl uenced

35 MESTO a DEJINY the size and quality of the qualiﬁ ed workforce for industrial production in Silesia, north-east Moravia and south-west Galicia; the extracurricular activity of its teachers together with the role of the school as a training centre for Silesian vocational school teachers was also very important. Thanks to this school Bielsko had, in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, become a true centre of education for industrial production in the broadest sense of the word. At the same time the above-mentioned constitutes the main reasons why the issue of industrial education, including the establishment of centres of vocational education, should receive greater reﬂ ection from historians.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Zemský archiv v Opavě [Provincial Archive Opava], fund Zemská školní rada Opava 1869– 1928 [Provincial Education Council Opava 1869-1928] Zemský archiv v Opavě [Provincial Archive Opava], Zemská vláda slezská v Opavě (1747) 1850–1928 [Silesian Provincial Government in Opava (1747) 1850–1928]

ČERNÝ, Eduard. Nutná reforma pokračovacího školství. Praha: Dědictví Komenského, 1906. Das gewerbliche Schulwesen in Schlesien. Troppau: K. k. schlesische Landesregierung, 1887. DUMREICHER, Armand von. Das gewerbliche Unterrichtswesen. Ofﬁ cieler Ausstellungs- Bericht. Wien: K. k. Hof- und Staatdruckerei, 1874. DUMREICHER, Armand von. Die Pﬂ ege des gewerblichen Fortbildungs- und Mittelschulwesens durch den österreichischen Staat im Jahre 1872. Wien: Carl Gerold’s Sohn, 1873. HAMANN, Wilhelm. Referat über die Reorganisation der Textilfachschulen. In: Zentralblatt für das gewerbliche Unterrichtswesen in Österreich, 1910, vol. XXVIII, pp. 63–118. Jahrbuch des gewerblichen Unterrichtswesens und der technisch-wirtschaftlichen Gewerbeförderung in Österreich. Schuljahr 1913–1914. Wien: K. k. Schulbücher-Verlag, 1913. Jahres-Bericht der k. k. Staats- Gewerbeschule in Bielitz (österreichisch-Schlesien). Schuljahr 1881–82. Bielitz: Ed. Klimek, 1882. Jahres-Bericht der k. k. Staats- Gewerbeschule in Bielitz. Schuljahr 1889/90. Bielitz: Eduard Klimek in Bielitz, 1890. Jahresbericht der k. k. Staatsgewerbeschule zu Bielitz. Österr. Schlesien. Schuljahr 1899/1900. Bielitz: Johann & Cari Handel, 1900. Jahres-Bericht der k. k. Staats-Gewerbeschule zu Bielitz. Schuljahr 1909/1910. Bielitz: Johann & Cari Handel, 1910. Jahresbericht des k. k. Ministeriums für Cultus und Unterricht für 1872. Wien: K. k. Hof- und Staatdruckerei, 1873. Jahresbericht des k. k. Ministeriums für Cultus und Unterricht für 1874. Wien: Carl Gorischek, 1875. NEUBAUER, Johann – DIVIŠ, Josef (eds.). Jahrbuch des höheren Unterrichtswesens in Österreich mit Einschluss der gewerblichen Fachschulen und der bedeutendsten Erziehungsanstalten. 13. Jahrgang. Wien; Prag: F. Tempsky, 1900. Oesterreichische Statistik, Vol. XXVIII, Part 4: Statistik der Unterrichts-Anstalten der im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königreichen und Ländern für das Jahr 1889/90. Wien: K. k. Statistische Central-Commission, 1892. Österreichische Statistik. Vol. LXVIII, Part 3: Statistik der Unterrichts-Anstalten der im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königreichen und Ländern für das Jahr 1899/1900. Wien: K. k. Statistische Central-Commission, 1903. Österreichische Statistik. Neue Folge. Vol. 7, Part 3: Statistik der Unterrichts-Anstalten der im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königreichen und Ländern für das Jahr 1909/1910. Wien: K. k. Statistische Zentralkomission, 1913. REBEC, Tomáš. Úplný Řád živnostenský. Komentář pro potřebu praktickou. Praha: Knihtiskárna a nakladatelství dr. Ed. Grégra a syna, 1911.

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Statistische Uebersicht ueber die oesterreichischen Gymnasien am Schlusse des Schuljahres 1852/53. Wien: Carl Gerold und Sohn, 1853. Statistische Übersicht über die österreichischen Gymnasien und Realschulen am Schlusse des Schuljahres 1865/1866. Wien: Carl Gerolds Sohn, 1867. Statistischer Bericht über die Industrie Schlesiens sowie über die anderen wirthschaftlichen Verhältnisse dieses Kronlandes in den Jahren 1880 und 1881. Troppau: Handels- und Gewerbekammer für Schlesien. TOBISCH, Ed[uard]. Das Kleingewerbe und der gewerbliche Unterricht. Reichenberg: A. Schöpfer, 1872. WEIGNER, Leopold. K reformě pokračovacího školství. Časová úvaha. Praha: Výchova rodičů, 1905. WILDA, Eduard. Die Organisation der österreichischen Staats- Gewerbeschule insbesondere der k. k. Staats- Gewerbeschule zu Brünn. Brünn: Buschak und Irrgang, 1875. Zentralblatt für das gewerbliche Unterrichtswesen in Österreich, vol. XXXIII, 1915. Zur Frage der Erziehung der industriellen Classen in Österreich. Separat-Abdruck aus dem Jahresberichte des k. k. Ministeriums für Cultus und Unterricht für 1876. Wien: Carl Gorischek, 1876.

BLANKERTZ, Herwig. Bildung im Zeitalter der großen Industrie. Pädagogik, Schule und Berufsbildung im 19. Jahrhundert. Hannover; Berlin; Darmstadt; Dortmund: Schroedel, 1969. ČERNOHORSKÝ, Zdeněk. Vývoj učňovského školství v Československu. Praha: Státní pedagogické nakladatelství Praha, 1973. DAY, Charles R. Schools and Work. Technical and Vocational Education in France since the Third Republic. Montreal; London; Ithaca: McGill-Queen´s University Press, 2001. DVOŘÁK, Karel. Vznik a vývoj odborného školství. Praha: České vysoké učení technické v Praze, 1969. ENGELBRECHT, Helmut. Geschichte des österreichischen Bildungswesens. Erziehung und Unterricht auf dem Boden Österreich, Vol. 4: Von 1848 bis zum Ende der Monarchie. Wien: Österreichischer Bundesverlag, 1986. FABER, Ferdinand. Entstehung und Entwicklung des landwirtschaftlichen Schulwesens in Österreich unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der politischen, wirtschaftlichen und rechtlichen Hintergründe. Dr. nat. tech. diss, Universität für Bodenkultur Wien, 2004. GRUBER, Josef. Politika odborného školství. In: TOBOLKA, Zdeněk Václav (ed.). Česká politika, Vol. 5: Kulturní a zvláště školské úkoly české politiky. Praha: Jan Laichter, 1913, pp. 627–840. KADLEC, Petr. V zájmu vlasti, regionu i svém vlastním. K otázce cestování učitelů ve druhé polovině 19. a na počátku 20. století. In: Marginalia Historica, 2017, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 51–70. KADLEC, Petr. Průmyslové pokračovací školství v rakouském Slezsku do první světové války: základní vývojové tendence. In: Slezský sborník, 2018, vol. 116, no. 1, pp. 15–34. KADLEC, Petr. Rozvoj předlitavského obchodního školství do první světové války na příkladu rakouského Slezska. In: Historica. Revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy, 2018, vol. 9, no 1, pp. 33–55. KADLEC, Petr. Základní aspekty vývoje reálného školství na Moravě a ve Slezsku do počátku 20. století. In: Slezský sborník, 2014, vol. 112, no. 1, pp. 23–68. KÁDNER, Otakar. Vývoj a dnešní soustava školství. Vol. 1. Praha: Sﬁ nx Bohumil Janda, 1929. LECHNER Elmar – PÖGGELER, Franz (eds.). Allgemeinbildung und Berufsbildung. Konkurrenz und Kongruenz der Konzepte im Europa des 20. Jahrhunderts. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2009. LOM, František. Vývoj vzdělávání v zemědělství českých zemí. Praha: Vysoká škola zemědělská v Praze, 1982. PANIC, Idzi (red). Bielsko – Biała. Monograﬁ a miasta. Vol III: Bielsko od wojen śląskich do zakończenia I wojny światowej (1740–1918). Bielsko-Biała: Wydział Kultury i Sztuki Urzędu Miejskiego w Bielsku-Białej, 2010.

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RAŠTICOVÁ, Blanka (ed.). Zemědělské školství, výzkum a osvěta jako předpoklad hospodářského a sociálního rozvoje venkova v 19. a 20. století. Sborník příspěvků z mezinárodní konference věnovaný památce Samuela Cambela. Uherské Hradiště: Slovácké muzeum v Uherském Hradišti, 2004. RINGER, Fritz. Education and Society in Modern Europe. Bloomington; London: Indiana University Press, 1979. SCHERMAIER, Josef. Fachschulen in Österreich – Schulen der Facharbeiterausbildung. Die Fachschulen für einzelne gewerbliche Zweige. Frankfurt am Main; Berlin; Bern; Bruxelles; New York, NY; Oxford; Wien: Peter Lang, 2009. WESTRITSCHNIG, Karl Josef. Berufsbildung in Österreich während der Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918. Bildungsebenen – Bildungsarten – Bildungsprinzipien. Klagenfurt: GRIN Verlag, 2015.

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Planning through a Prism of Individual Interests: Historical Events Deﬁ ning the Area of Bratislava’s Former Key Industrial Zone*

Nina Bartošová vol. 8, 2019, 2, pp. 39-62 DOI: https://doi.org/10.33542/MAD2019-2-03

This study aims to uncover the background of a former key industrial zone of Bratislava that was developed not only in proximity to the Danube, but also relatively close to the historical centre. It was ﬂ ood area at the time, considered peripheral with an unfavourable reputation, separated by railway lines from the city, with winds blowing southeast – away from populated areas – thus making it a seemingly ideal place for industry. However, a current perspective – when just a fraction of historical buildings remain, and are surrounded by new high-rise structures, and with society familiar with industrial contamination – oﬀ ers an opportunity to look more closely at past planning processes, as they might be more relevant to present-day decision-making than we might have thought.

Keywords: Industry. Bratislava. Heritage. Planning. Development.

Introduction Prešporok (Pressburg in German, Pozsony in Hungarian), as the city of Bratislava was called until 1919,1 used to be one of the most important industrial centres of the Hungarian kingdom of the Austro-Hungarian Empire – a fact that is not immediately apparent because of the small number of industrial structures preserved up to the present. Comparing historical documentation and period images with the current situation naturally brings the attention primarily toward the questionable processes that led to the destruction of buildings that were once a source of pride in the city, as a symbol of its progress. Although the situation is far from ideal, in terms of both industrial and modern heritage, a number of experts have already addressed the issues of insuﬃ cient protection for more recent and less traditional heritage.2 Though some might argue that little of the industrial heritage is left to protect, there are still some structures deserving attention and proper evaluation, and therefore further research. However, this study focuses on a diﬀ erent issue: the analysis of historical events that led to development of a key industrial zone in the area of the former Mühlau (Nivy), in spite of its relative proximity to the historical centre (Figure 1). The research has been based on the premise that the recent and oft-criticised development in this area can, paradoxically, be seen as parallel to the industrial zone’s previous development. In addition, a deeper understanding of those events might serve not as an apology for current development, but rather a guide of what not to ignore in planning, which could be helpful for future development in the adjacent Winter Harbour area.

* This article represents research of the Faculty of Architecture at Slovak University of Technology in Bratislava (STU) funded by VEGA grants no. 1/0444/17 Tradition and Innovation in Architecture as a Phenomenon of the Long Century, and no. 2/0074/17 Unintended City: Architectural and Town-Planning Conceptions of the 19th and 20th century in the Urban Structure of Bratislava. 1 For consistency we will use the term “Pressburg” until 1919 and “Bratislava” from 1919 in the remaining parts of this article, except when citing from period literature. 2 A recent article by ŠUŠKA, Historické priemyselné štruktúry, 241–262, see also: ŠULCOVÁ, Historický industriál.

39 MESTO a DEJINY

Figure 1: The area of the former Mühlau (Nivy) in yellow and its relative closeness to the historical city centre (black), and the area of Prešporok at the turn of the 20th century (darker grey). The dotted lines represent the railway connection, and the Danube is left in white. The light grey colour represents today’s area of Bratislava.

For our research, the most important information was gathered via careful study, comparison and analysis of historical maps and plans. The majority of those are in the possession of the Bratislava City Archives, but have not been accessible for a number of years, due to problems of storage. Therefore, except for a small selection of plans made available for a very short time, we depended heavily on other sources, particularly on period publications, some of which are available on the internet. Although the historian Viera Obuchová mentions that some excellent research into our study’s focus area was done by the Municipal Institute of Monument Protection (Slovak abbreviation: MÚOP) in the 1980s, it is nowhere to be found.3 The topic of this study is the continuation of previously published research, and reﬂ ects mainly on studies by experts from the Slovak Academy of Science (Department of Architecture, Institute of History) among others. Information about opinions that were generally prevalent in the past has been obtained through examination of the period press (journals and magazines in German, Slovak and Czech) and from archival documents.

Delayed Industrialisation Although Pressburg appeared to be a ﬂ ourishing industrial town at the turn of the twentieth century, there was a signiﬁ cant delay in industrialisation compared to other places in Europe. It was not until the last quarter of the nineteenth century that a more noteworthy number of industrial enterprises appeared in the town,

3 OBUCHOVÁ, Najstaršie továrne Bratislavy, 21.

40 MESTO a DEJINY after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise (1867) and the abolition of guilds (1872)4 brought more favourable conditions for the development of industry.5 Apart from the political and related economic situation that caused this delay, the local industry faced challenges from other disadvantages rooted deeper in history, in the early manufacturing period (1725 – 1825). Progress in important industrial centres around Europe was based on previous successes in manufacturing, existing knowledge concerning production, expert skills, and a functioning economic structure that could be further developed. Although manufactured production had been present in Pressburg for some time, it had also been delayed. During the reign of Maria Theresa it was “explicitly emphasised that Hungary should remain a non-industrial, agrarian country – a supplier of raw materials to other countries – while other of the empire’s countries should be developed, building on the development of crafts to date”.6 This was based on the fear that Hungarian industry could potentially create undesirable competition for the Austrian lands. Later, this opinion changed, and the situation improved even more during the reign of her son, Joseph II, who encouraged the development of manufacturing in Slovakia and the rest of Hungary.7 We can argue that one of the consequences of the above-mentioned circumstances was that the development of industry was not taken seriously enough to be underpinned by city planning before industrial enterprises started to build their ﬁ rst factories.

Growth of Industry In addition to the aforementioned historical turning points that allowed industry to develop in Hungary in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, legislative measures – “industrial laws” – enacted between 1881 to 1907 were important too.8 From 1881, the law promised tax advantages for industrial enterprises that established business in the country. This support for Hungarian industry was meant to protect it against the more developed Austrian and Czech industries. In reality, it was the social class of landowners who pushed their interests through, hence of all the tax advantages just a small proportion went to existing factories, an even smaller amount to new factories, and the majority went to support landowners and their production (distilleries).9 Austria, on the other hand, defended its own interests, and succeeded in ensuring that support was not given to any types of production that already existed within its domestic industry. It is necessary to stress that all the important enterprises established in Pressburg were mostly in the hands of Hungarian or Austrian investors, as well as some investors outside of Austria-Hungary. The Slovak bourgeoisie was not able to compete with them, and even the state was against the concentration of Slovak capital, suggesting

4 Modern Slovakia, along with the rest of the Hungarian area, was an exception within Europe, while guilds and manufacturers had equal rights – a situation that inhibited the development of the latter. ŠPIESZ, Manufaktúrne obdobie na Slovensku, 71. 5 HALLON, Firma Pittel a Brausewetter, 11. 6 ŠPIESZ, Manufaktúrne obdobie, 48. 7 ŠPIESZ, Manufaktúrne obdobie, 70. 8 HALLON, Význam industrializačnej politiky, 121–148. 9 BIANCHI, Zákonodarstvo a vývoj priemyslu, 127.

41 MESTO a DEJINY

Slovak fi nancial enterprises were dangerous for the state unity of Hungary.10 Pressburg, on the border of today’s Hungary and Austria, close to both Vienna and Budapest, with the Danube River connecting all three cities, became an attractive place for business. Nevertheless, the city did not fully benefi t from the advantages the Danube off ered until important regulation of the river took place between the years 1886 and 1896.11 Railway connection was equally important for the bloom of industry. The Central Hungarian Railway received a concession under advantageous conditions back in 1844, which allowed construction of a steam railway connection from Marchegg through Pressburg to Budapest. This line started operating in 1848.12 The already existing horse- drawn railway, which had begun operating in 1840, “envisaged only an acceleration of the transport of agricultural products to Pressburg and via the Pressburg - Marchegg - Vienna line”.13 However, until the Franz Joseph Bridge (designed by engineer Francois de Sales Cathry and constructed by the chief city engineer Anton Sendlein) opened in 1891, Pressburg’s only connection to the right bank was a pontoon bridge, which dated from 1829.14 The new bridge’s construction was realised as a part of the railway project connecting Pressburg to Szombathely. Although discussions regarding construction of a permanent bridge over the Danube dated back to 1877, the work, fi nanced by the Hungarian government, did not begin until April 1889.15 The industrial laws from 1881 and 1888 further simplifi ed the legal processes of railway construction. With some exceptions, most industrial enterprises were located in proximity to the river and railways.16 The oldest available maps show the fi rst factories were concentrated between the rails of a former horse-drawn railway (along today’s Karadžičova Street) and the Danube River.17 This area, called Mühlau in German or Malom Liget in Hungarian, is today part of the Nivy quarter (part of Ružinov borough, Bratislava II), and had been previously characterised by fi elds, meadows and groves. There were a number of mills, and later a toll house, a tavern and warehouses.18 A map, dated 1873, marks among the fi rst industrial enterprises a cloth factory, a paper factory and a charcoal factory (Spodium Fabrik).19 Könyöki’s guide, published in 1873, mentions a sugar

10 Of the 100 tax-reliefs, 49 applied to upper Hungary (the territory of Slovakia), but only 6 to Bratislava (less than Dolný Kubín, Banská Bystrica, Košice or Levoča). BIANCHI, Zákonodarstvo a vývoj priemyslu, 130–131. 11 “The Danube by Bratislava was regulated in three phases, with the earliest works dating back to 1772–1780. The second stage occurred between 1832 and 1834, followed by a third phase of systematic river channelising (1886–1896).” (PIŠÚT, Využitie historických krajinomalieb, 173–194). Regulation between the years 1886 and 1896 was realised according to the plans of Italian engineer Enea Grazioso Lanfranconi (BARTOŠÍKOVÁ, Prístav v Bratislave, 30). 12 The ﬁ rst train with a steam locomotive arrived in Bratislava on 20 August 1848 (KUBÁČEK, Uhorská centrálna železnica, 35–36). 13 SZOJKA, Bratislava a železnice, 15. 14 SZOJKA, Bratislava a železnice, 104. 15 KAČÍREK – TIŠLIAR, Petržalka do roku 1918, 55. 16 One of the exceptions was Grüneberg’s brush factory in Blumental, established already in 1866, which developed from a brush manufacturer (RAINER – ULREICH, Karpatendeutsches Biographisches Lexikon), though the historian Viera Obuchová dates the origins of the factory to 1872 (OBUCHOVÁ, Priemyselná Bratislava, 168). 17 The Považská railway used rails of the former horse-drawn railway, and also horse-drawn passenger wagons called “Tramway-Züge” (SZOJKA, Bratislava a železnice, 38). 18 HORVÁTH, Bratislavský topograﬁ cký lexikón, 189. 19 Staré mapy.

42 MESTO a DEJINY reﬁ nery owned by Mr Geyduschek and Mr Pollak’s Spodium Fabrik in Mühlau. There was a wine cellar and bottling plant owned by Palugyay and Sons near the train station; a potato-sugar factory, a candied fruit factor, a champagne factory and a cigar factory in Blumental; and also a malt factory.20 Another map, dated 1895 (Figure 2), marks a cloth factory (Posztógyár, no. 42), a canvas factory for linen and jute goods also known as Klinger’s factory (Vitorlavászon Len es Jutta-áruk gyára, no. 43), and a charcoal (activated carbon) factory (Spodium Fabrik in German, Csontszén Gyár in Hungarian, no. 44) in Mühlau.21

Figure 2: This map, dated 1895, shows a cloth factory (Posztógyár, no. 42), a canvas factory for linen and jute goods (Vitorlavászon Len es jutta-áruk gyára, no. 43) and a charcoal factory, i.e., an activated carbon factory (Spodium Fabrik, no. 44). Source: Pallas Lexikon, digitized by Arcanum Database Ltd for the Hungarian Digital Archive of Pictures, https://dka.oszk.hu/000600/000626

There were also other factories in areas further from the historical town centre, such as Kühmayer’s factory, built on the site of the former seventh mill in 1868; the bullet factory of J. Roth (1870) in the area of Patrónka, northwest from the centre; the Stein Brewery (1872) and Ludwig’s Mill (1880), near the former horse-drawn railway station; and the explosives factory Dynamit-Nobel (1873) far to the northeast. Looking further aﬁ eld, the Stollwerck factory (1895), the Siemens factory, the Thread factory “Cvernovka” (1901), and the Danubius factory (1907) were not as concentrated within a compact area as was the case for factories located in the Mühlau area. Most of the

20 KÖNYÖKI, Kleiner Wegweiser. 21 There was also a tobacco factory (M. kir. dohánygyár, no. 73) and Grüneberg’s brush factory (Grüneberg-féle kefegyár, no. 63), indicated on the map that is partially displayed in Figure 2.

43 MESTO a DEJINY important factory complexes were built by construction companies either of the Feigler family or Pittel and Brausewetter, founded in the 1970s.22

Mühlau – the Ideal Place for the Development of Industry? The Mühlau area did not become an industrial quarter as a result of progressive planning. It was rather a consequence of various independent decisions made by the city, with no detailed idea of how the city should evolve in the future. In the period when the fi rst industrial factory areas were established in the vicinity of Pressburg, the city did not have a regulatory plan, and construction was the result of individual decisions made by the Chamber of Industry and the city. The Danube River had been regulated only to a certain extent – along the south bank of the river – while the area that is now occupied by the Winter Harbour was still a shore of the Brenner Island.23 The regulation that took place at the end of the nineteenth century signifi cantly lowered the danger of fl ooding, and in its wake the number of factories in the Mühlau area increased. But even before that, the decision to develop industry in Mühlau seemed quite natural, in spite of its relative proximity to the historical centre, as the risk of fl oods made it inappropriate for urban expansion.24 According an article published in Pressburger Zeitung in 1891, in general there was a good deal of uncritical enthusiasm toward industry, as the city was developing into “a beautiful Hungarian industrial emporium”.25 However, opinions over Mühlau’s suitability were not as homogenous as may appear at fi rst glance, as illustrated by a number of daily press articles published in the 1890s. There was quite a strong ongoing debate in a number of articles published in the local German-language newspaper Pressburger Zeitung throughout 1894. Various authors argued over whether the area, soon to become the city’s key industrial zone, would not be better used as a park. The discussion started with the eff orts of the industrialist Heinrich Klinger, owner of a factory for linen and jute goods, to build some 30 workers’ apartments on a site that he bought from the city in Mühlau, on the edge of the area “bounded by the path leading past the jute factory directly to the Danube and, on the other side, by Szegnergasse”.26 According to a later published article, Klinger’s planned constructions were not approved by the city, which insisted that this inundation area should be used as a park – an idea criticised by its author.27 A follow-up article forwards the argument that the most rational use for the area was to designate it for industry because of its proximity to the river, railway connections and the adjacent territory where the Winter Harbour and trading port were being constructed, and because the prevailing wind direction would blow smoke from the factories away from the city. The author ironically states that a park would be more

22 POHANIČINOVÁ, Tvorba Feiglerovcov, 110–115. See also: POHANIČOVÁ – BUDAY, Storočie Feiglerovcov, 116–131. 23 The fi rst regulation of the Danube River had happened during the reign of Maria Theresa, concerning the Isle of Pečeň (nem. Pötschen/ maď. Pö(c)csen). More in: PIŠÚT, Zmena bratislavského Dunaja, 103–113. 24 Information published in Pressburger Zeitung on 4 January 1883 (Tagesneuigkeiten, 1) gives information about a signifi cant fl ood that left a large area inundated. 25 Erasmus Hafenlauf stellt darüber Betrachtungen an, wie spät oft manchmal die Erleuchtung kommt. In: Pressburger Zeitung, 17. 5. 1891, vol. 128, no. 135, p. 5. 26 Neue Arbeiterhäuser. In: Pressburger Zeitung, 14. 1. 1894, vol. 131, no. 12, p. 2. 27 Zum Bau von Arbeiterwohnungen in der Mühlau. In: Pressburger Zeitung, 14. 11. 1894, vol. 131, no. 312, p. 2.

44 MESTO a DEJINY a “delightful hideaway for the homeless and vagabonds, where one should never go unaccompanied, or at least never without a good stick”. At that time, the General Assembly had apparently already off ered the sites to industrialists at reasonable prices as good places to build factories: “One cannot overturn such important decisions in order to obtain a few dozen crippled trees as an appendage of very questionable value”.28 A similar opinion was presented in an article from November 1894: “A year ago, nobody would have dreamed that any opposition could arise against the use of areas of Mühlau”, claiming that everyone must consider it the most suitable place for factories – or really the only place. “Even if one could think of Blumental, that area did not have a sewage system and the land is much more expensive. The train connection and water connection were not available either.” For workers’ dwellings, the author proposes an area near Schulpe’s colony called Pöllnmauth (today’s Žilinská), where earlier vineyards had been destroyed by the phylloxera blight. These areas would be healthier and more appropriate for residential houses than “the damp mosquito-fi lled area of Mühlau, where today’s young generation catches frogs in the swamp”. To conclude, the author hopes for the “growth of a cleverer generation” who would not think of building houses in Mühlau, hoping the parcelling of the area for factories would “quietly” continue according to the city’s original plans.29 According to the line of the Danube River as pictured on the map from 1895 (Figure 2), this was still before both its regulation (1886 – 1896) and the construction of the Winter Harbour, which started at the end of the nineteenth century in the area of Brenner Island.30 The period when these discussions about Mühlau’s future were appearing in the press was before the foundation of the Apollo Oil Refi nery, in the area bounded today by the streets Mlynské nivy (from the north), Dostojevského rad and Karadžičova (from the east), Košická (from the west) and Landererova (from the south). The Apollo Oil Refi nery not only occupied the largest site, but its position so close to the historic centre today seems rather surprising. The refi nery was established in 1895, and production started in December of that year.31 As can be seen on maps from the beginning of the 20th century (Figures 3, 4), the factory premises occupied a signifi cant area to the south of Klinger’s factory and the charcoal factory.32 On the map, north of those factories, along Továrenská Street at a corner position, is a cable factory, established by the industrialist Egon Bondy in 1894, which originally produced clock springs and then cables.

28 Von der “schönen” Mühlau. In: Pressburger Zeitung, 24. 11. 1894, vol. 131, no. 322, p. 2. 29 Noch einmal die “liebliche” Mühlau. In: Pressburger Zeitung, 25. 11. 1894, vol. 131, no. 323, p. 2. 30 See also: BARTOŠÍKOVÁ, Prístav v Bratislave. 31 Photocopies of oﬃ cial documents are available at the Slovnaft Archive. See also: STANISLAV, Raﬁ néria Apollo, 14; Československá republika: Bratislava, 135. 32 AMB, Zbierka máp a plánov.

45 MESTO a DEJINY

Figure 3: This map, from the beginning of the 20th century, shows our focus area after the regulation of the Danube River. The Apollo Oil Reﬁ nery already occupies the largest area (and later it also took over the area of Klinger’s factory). We can also see a fertilizer factory (műtrágyagyár) on the north-east of Apollo, and the city electrical works on the north-west (Városi villamos művek). Source: BOROVSZKY. Magyarország vármegyéi és városai, digitized by Arcanum Database Ltd for the Hungarian Digital Archive of Pictures, http://mek.oszk.hu/09500/09536/html/0017/7.html

Quite surprisingly, while there were several articles discussing whether Klinger’s workers’ houses were appropriate for the area, we were not able to fi nd a single article questioning construction of an oil refi nery so close to the centre. It is possible that the public were ill-informed about its construction in advance, as the decision regarding its establishment had been made in Budapest, and consequently an area in Mühlau that belonged to the city was sold to the company for that purpose.33 The oldest mentions we could fi nd in the local press were a brief note providing information about the Apollo joint stock bid, which appeared in the newspaper Nyugatmagyarországi hiradó on the 8 August 1895, the year the factory was established; and an article reporting on an administrative inspection in the presence of the city’s mayor, Gustav Dröxler, two years later.34 An article published two years later in Pressburger Zeitung, gave information on a report by the Building Commission regarding the installation of odour-prevention devices that were reportedly working properly.35 Another article from the same year contained details of an excursion by Pressburg Academy of Commerce

33 According to a promulgation from 13 February 1895 signed by the mayor of the city, Gustav Dröxler, the area was sold to Arpád Spitz, Budapest resident and company general director (IŽO, Dejiny Apolo raﬁ nérie, 264). 34 Hirdetmény. In: Nyugatmagyarországi hiradó, 8. 8. 1895, vol. 8, no. 181, p. 2. 35 Der Schluss der vorgestrigen Repräsentanten-Sitzung. In: Pressburger Zeitung, 5. 11. 1897, vol. 134, no. 306, p. 2.

46 MESTO a DEJINY

Figure 4: Highlighted is the area of the Apollo Oil Refi nery drawn on a map base from 1994. Source: AMB, Zbierka máp a plánov (Collection of Maps and Plans), no. 1052. students, who visited a number of the larger factories in the town, including the Apollo Oil refi nery, where they learned about production processes.36 The only documented opposition to the Apollo Oil Refi nery is in the form of complaints by the owners of the adjacent industrial areas, which we found in the archives of Slovnaft a.s., the enterprise that took over Apollo after the Second World War. Opposition was raised after Apollo sought permission to construct a new plant in 1936. To those complaints regarding bad odour, noise and danger, Apollo responded that the Bratislava had no regulation regarding the construction industrial buildings, and the authorities did not prescribe any minimum distance that had to be abided by. Apollo concluded that the new plant, designed “according to the newest technological progress” for extracting local mineral products, was of national interest, as its products would no longer have to be imported from abroad.37 It was not until 1900 that an article appeared in the Pressburger Presse entitled “Die Schornstein-Jagd” (chimney-hunting) openly criticising the way the city approached industrial development. Though it considered the rational pursuit of industrial development and economic independence to be praiseworthy, it found the

36 A pozsonyi kereskedelmi akadémia. In: Nyugatmagyarországi hiradó, 6. 10. 1897, vol. X, no. 228, p. 3. 37 Slovnaft Archive, Municipal Notary Oﬃ ce, document from 1936.

47 MESTO a DEJINY circumstances in Pressburg extreme. It went beyond questioning the extent to which industrialisation in the city had progressed, suggesting that Pressburg would never become an industrial city like, for example, Brno even if “a hundred factories are built here, because they will always have only all the downsides and disadvantages but very few of the advantages of those factories, built with foreign money and whose owners live abroad and consume their income there”.38 The main criticism the article’s author raises is that Hungary was being used for cheap labour, rather than being given the chance to acquire the necessary capabilities on its own. The author claimed that the industrial movement brought “thousands of foreign elements into the country” which, in the end, “brings us into even greater dependence on foreign countries”. In addition, he questions whether Hungarian industry, “or rather ‘industry in Hungary’ (because we will not have a ‘Hungarian’ industry for a long time yet), can win a place among the international competition. Therefore, we can only expect our salvation from a gradual, long-established industrial movement of the people, schools and society.”39 On top of that, the article speciﬁ cally criticises the development of industry in Mühlau and the “total lack of plans” relating to the expansion of the city that allowed a factory district to arise so close to the city centre, a situation that risks undermining the sanitary conditions of Pressburg, something that should be “seriously feared”.40

Toward Regulation of Industry As already mentioned, at the time when the key industrial zone in Mühlau was starting to form, there was no proper regulation to guide new construction. According to architect Eugen Barta, the Chief City Councillor active in the ideas of city regulation and modern urban planning, the fi rst geometric land survey of the city took place between the years 1849 and 1850, and on its basis a position plan by the engineer Miklós Halácsy was created. Barta specifi es that this plan contained just some of the regulation of existing streets, and a supplement to the building statute of the city “foresaw the elaboration of a regulation plan, but this imperative command did not happen”. 41 This means that when the fi rst industrial boom occurred, in the 1870s, there was no general plan or detailed vision of the future development of the city that could guide the most eff ective placement of new factories in a way that would not interfere with future urban growth or pose other problems in the future. Barta goes on to describe a new general land survey that took place in 1894–1895, according to which new maps were produced to scales of 1:2880 and 1:1440, but without any contour information about height. In 1909, the City Council commissioned a new regulatory plan from Professor Antal Palóczy from Budapest, which was accepted after series of negotiations in 1917.42 The fi rst attempt to regulate specifi c areas for industry came, according to published research by architectural historian Henrieta Moravčíková and her colleagues, not from the city, but rather from “an important industrialist from Pressburg, the Director of the First City Savings Bank”, Johann Ludwig, who also happened to be a member of

38 Die Schornstein-Jagd. In: Pressburger Presse, 28. 5. 1900, vol. 3, no. 122, pp. 1–2. 39 Die Schornstein-Jagd. In: Pressburger Presse, 28. 5. 1900, vol. 3, no. 122, pp. 1–2. 40 Die Schornstein-Jagd. In: Pressburger Presse, 28. 5. 1900, vol. 3, no. 122, pp. 1–2. 41 BARTA, Regulácia mesta, 27. 42 ANDRÁŠIOVÁ et al. Plánované neplánované mesto, 221.

48 MESTO a DEJINY

Figure 5: Plan for the regulation and expansion of the city by the City Technical Department from 1906, with red lines representing the industrial channel (highlighted). Source: AMB, Zbierka máp a plánov (Collection of Maps and Plans), no. 1048. the City Council.43 Ludwig had a vision of city development that included construction of an artiﬁ cial waterway – an industrial canal – that would connect the Danube with the River Váh. A plan based on his ideas, presented in September 1905, was prepared by Royal Counsellor Viktor Bernárdt, the former Commissioner of Hungarian State Railways. Although, according to the authors of the article, the plan was not accepted, among other regulatory issues, it opened up discussion concerning the regulation of an industrial zone to the east of the city. Had it been taken further, it might have helped

43 MORAVČÍKOVÁ et al. Červený alebo modrý?, 30–43.

49 MESTO a DEJINY to extend the discussion about regulation, as the representatives of the city ordered an expert assessment of a regulatory plan designed by its Technical Department.44 A copy of the plan for regulation and expansion of the city by its Technical Department from 1906, located by Moravčíková and colleagues in the Széchenyi Library in Budapest, can also be found in the City Archives of Bratislava (Figure 5). However, it was they who fi rst identifi ed the red lines as regulatory directives, including the lines representing the industrial canal. On this plan, the proposed canal follows a “slightly curved line leading from the Winter Harbour northeast, to the Dynamit-Nobel factory and follows the easternmost border of the city”. As the authors conclude, the line of the waterway, together with the concentration of industry at the sides of the channel, refl ected the intention approved by the City Council in 1905.45 Finally, the city contracted Anton Palóczy, an architect and professor from Budapest (as a follow-up of a request for assessment of the above mentioned plan), to prepare a new regulatory plan in November 1906.46 Though Palóczy worked on the regulatory plan for 10 years, due to the social changes after the First World War it was never accepted in its entirety. As Moravčíková et al. conclude, the city considered neither the plan prepared by its Technical Department in the early twentieth century nor Palóczy’s plan binding, and for individual decisions they used whichever one seemed to proposed a more suitable solution.47

The Industrial Canal Johann Ludwig’s idea for an industrial canal was taken seriously: the newly-formed Department for the Promotion of Industry accepted his proposal and agreed to address it at the General Assembly, as stated in an article in the Pressburger Presse. The plan was to start the canal at the second basin of the Winter Harbour, and to lay a broad, navigable channel inland, in the direction of the dynamite factory. The material excavated from the canal bed was to be used to raise the left and right banks, in order to create fl ood-proof foundations for the factories. A lock (chamber lock) was to be created between the canal and the entrance to the Winter Harbour.48 However the proposal, with estimated costs of 600,000 crowns, only considered a segment about 2 km long, up to Tirnauerstraße (Trnavská Street). The article further specifi es that the construction would be a major burden on the city’s budget for “about 20 years”. The author expresses the opinion that the town would have to take on sacrifi ces, and that it “should not bleed to death on this project, the benefi ts of which will only come to future generations”.49 The author of the article assumes that the investment could still be balanced by the favourable location it would create for enterprises, which would be willing to pay the price, but on the other hand, the Trade Minister, Franz Kossuth, should take into account that the canal would go beyond the city’s own interests: “as the

44 MORAVČÍKOVÁ et al. Červený alebo modrý?, 35. 45 MORAVČÍKOVÁ et al. Červený alebo modrý?, 37. 46 Along with the article from Nyugatmagyarországi hiradó cited by MORAVČÍKOVÁ et al. there was also an article published in Pressburger Zeitung (Die Revidierung des Stadtregulierungplanes. In: Pressburger Zeitung, 01. 11. 1906, vol. 143, no. 299, p. 3). 47 MORAVČÍKOVÁ et al. Červený alebo modrý?, 35. 48 Der Industriekanal. In: Pressburger Presse, 18. 2. 1907, vol. X, no. 473, p. 1. 49 Der Industriekanal. In: Pressburger Presse, 18. 2. 1907, vol. X, no. 473, p. 1.

50 MESTO a DEJINY

Commission’s report rightly points out, it is not merely a local matter for Pozsony, but an excellent means of promoting industry, that is, a national interest. By striving to create ideal foundations for new factories and the conditions of viability of new industries, we are doing a great service to the Government’s policy of promoting industry. The request is therefore justifi ed only in so far as it takes on part of the burden arising from that undertaking.”50 As might be expected with such an important matter, it was not accepted unanimously by City Council representatives, even though the majority (65 of 69) agreed with it during a General Assembly of the Municipal Committee held on 18 March 1907. The city’s representative and well-known master-builder, Ludwig Eremit, raised a number of doubts regarding the canal. What kind of goods would actually be transported by water? How would the water be provided? What would happen if it froze in the winter? And would it be possible to cross the canal by train? He also expressed concern that the proposed line of the canal would take “the most beautiful, most valuable land”, and that the workers’ houses would also require more space than Mr Ludwig was claiming.51 In the end, the industrial canal was never constructed, probably due to fi nancial diffi culties and the First World War that soon followed. After this, industrial planning was again left haphazard for some time.

Modern Planning: Industry in Czechoslovakia The establishment of the ﬁ rst Czechoslovak Republic after the First World War brought a radical change for industry in the Slovak sphere. Bratislava, which became Slovakia’s capital in 1919, adjusted to the new situation with a “programmatic, pro-Czechoslovak conception”.52 It was important to deal with the issues of the city’s development in order to align with the new situation and increased construction activity. After a short-lived “Regulatory and Art Commission for the city of Bratislava and municipalities of Petržalka and Karlova Ves” (1921–1923) initiated by the Czech and Slovak architects Alois Balán, Klement Šilinger, Josef Marek and Eugen Barta, a special Regulatory Department was established in the years 1924–1925, which proposed the most necessary partial regulations, while preparing conditions for a regulatory plan competition announced in 1928.53 It is necessary to note that conditions in the newly established state were not advantageous for local industry. The existing enterprises had been built using foreign capital, with a regard to the large duty-free space of the former Hungary, to which the majority of the market was oriented. Now, Czechoslovakia’s direct neighbours were countries which – apart from Romania – had no political inclination towards its government, and were therefore not potential trading partners. In addition to this, Slovak industry had to compete in the newly created state with the stronger Czech industry, which had previously accounted for approximately “80 % of the industrial potential of the Austrian part of the monarchy”.54

50 Der Industriekanal. In: Pressburger Presse, 18. 2. 1907, vol. X, no. 473, p. 1. 51 Annahme des Antrages bezüglich des Industriekanals. In: Pressburger Zeitung, 19. 3. 1907, vol. 144, no. 77, p. 3. 52 ŠČEPÁNOVÁ, Veľká Bratislava, 89. 53 BARTA, Regulácia mesta, 28. 54 HALLON, Industrializácia Slovenska, 17. HALLON, Miesto a úloha industriálneho dedičstva, 90.

51 MESTO a DEJINY

Nevertheless, for some industrial sectors – such as electrifi cation – the establishment of Czechoslovakia had a positive impact, though this was not a natural outcome of progress, but rather a result of state policy.55 The state also tried to amend the situation in industry through a process of so-called “nostrifi cation”, an attempt to relocate the headquarters of major companies controlled by capital from Austria and Hungary to the territory of Czechoslovakia, though a number of key companies remained in the hands of foreign capital due to a lack of fi nance or a lack of interest from domestic investors.56 The positive activity of Czech capital manifested itself more noticeably in the economic boom period from 1924 to 1929 that followed the economic crisis (1921–1923).57 It is not unreasonable to assume that the diffi culties Slovak industry was facing at this time might be connected to why Pressburg was not pressured to relocate its key industrial zone west of the harbour further to the east.58 The fi rst city regulatory initiative in the interwar period came from the architect Dušan Jurkovič, who headed the government Commission for Heritage Protection in Slovakia. The architectural historian Soňa Ščepánová points in her recent research to an article by Dušan Jurkovič in the bi-monthly magazine Nová práce, where he talks about the option to build a high-rise city quarter as a counterweight to the castle, consisting of “department stores, hotels and residential buildings of even 12 to 15 stories high, or even skyscrapers as a closed entity, designed as one architectural unit”.59 From Jurkovič’s vague description of the quarter’s location “on the east side, perhaps between the Danube River and the future main railway station”, which is not further accompanied by any plan to identify the position of the railway station, we can only guess whether his bold proposal overlapped with the currently exiting high-rise quarter in the former key industrial zone.60 Though at the time opinions regarding the main railway’s location varied, Jurkovič writes in an earlier article published in the newspaper Slovenský denník that it should be located in the area between Blumental church and the dynamite factory.61 This means that “his” high-rise quarter would likely have been further north from the river than the current projects of both Panorama City and Twin City. Jurkovič highlighted the importance of a good rail connection with the harbour, and he believed that the construction of the new railway station should be undertaken at the same time as the Winter Harbour as they – together with Devin Castle and Bratislava

55 HALLON, Industrializácia Slovenska, 61. 56 In Bratislava, this concerned the textile industry and the electric transport company (HALLON, Industrializácia Slovenska, 51). 57 HALLON, Industrializácia Slovenska, 68–69. 58 The Czech capital city Prague, on the other hand, according to an article published in magazine Nová práce, noted the importance of locating industry as far as possible to the east, and planned an industrial city according to the newest modern principles, particularly those from America. (ZÁKREJS, Cesta k organisaci průmyslu). 59 JURKOVIČ, Stavební otázky, 17–20. 60 Even though Ščepánová locates the high-rise zone on the riverbank, in reality Jurkovič might have thought about an area further north. The confusion is caused by a presumed typographical error in the original text, where the word “hlavní nábřeží” (main riverbank) should be rather “hlavní nádraží” (main railway station) as in: JURKOVIČ, Stavební otázky, 17. 61 Veľká Bratislava. Rozhovor s architektom Jurkovičom, vládnym komisárom. In: Slovenský denník, 3. 10. 1920, vol. 3, no. 225, pp. 1–2.

52 MESTO a DEJINY

Castle – were the common pillars of the single building of “The Great Bratislava”.62 He did not further address the question of which zones the industry should ideally occupy. Regarding workers’ housing, he believed that Slovak workers were too connected to a rural kind of life, and should therefore be located near Dynamitka, on the left side of the road to Rača, while “the sites on the right side of the road before the dynamite factory and behind it by the railways must be reserved for industrial enterprises”.63 Even though industry in general faced challenging times, Bratislava, according to the architect Balán, was intended to become a “hub of central European commerce”,64 for which the Danube River and harbour became crucial. It was expected that in connection to the harbour, an adjacent area of suitable size would be created, with appropriate functions to support all the harbour’s needs.65 With the new political situation, Bratislava harbour was ready to be developed, as the regulation of the Danube River had already been completed and the Winter Harbour was constructed.66 As boat transport was cheaper than railway transport, in general it made sense to locate industrial buildings in the proximity of the harbour.67 Accordingly, most of the reproduced regulatory proposals submitted for the competition of 1929 (the original plans were not available) locate the industrial zone in connection to the harbour.68 Even though the winning proposal, designed by architects Dryák and Tvarožek, was approved in 1933,69 with regard to the industrial planning tackled by this study, it is the proposal by architects Alois Balán, Jiří Grossmann and Arnošt Suske – awarded third place (or in fact second, as ﬁ rst place was not awarded) – that seems especially important (Figure 6). Out of the few known proposals, it seems to be the only one that thought of moving the key industrial zone out of its existing placement toward the southeast. While it would still be adjacent to the harbour, the proposal freed the area for inner-city type construction of either high-rise (meaning four stories at the time) or mid-rise buildings.70

62 Veľká Bratislava. Rozhovor s architektom Jurkovičom, vládnym komisárom. In: Slovenský denník, 3. 10. 1920, vol. 3, no. 225, pp. 1–2. 63 Jurkovič considered the proposed workers’ living area healthy, as the wind would blow the smoke to the Danube and beyond. See: Veľká Bratislava. Rozhovor s architektom Jurkovičom, vládnym komisárom. In: Slovenský denník, 3. 10. 1920, vol. 3, no. 225, pp. 1–2. 64 BALÁN, Regulácia a výstavba mesta Bratislavy, 1. 65 There was no interest in developing the area during the Austro-Hungarian Empire, as the monarchy was more interested in developing harbours in Vienna and Budapest, where the main railways were centred. 66 HABERLANDOVÁ – KALOVÁ, Prístav v Bratislave, 59. 67 HROMÁDKA, Zemepis okresu bratislavského a malackého, 24. 68 Images from Architektura ČSR (1958, vol. XVII, no. 1, 11–7) with an overlay highlighting the industrial zone were published in: BARTOŠOVÁ, Fading industrial heritage, 105–112. 69 ANDRÁŠIOVÁ et al. Plánované neplánované mesto, 221. 70 In comparison to the plan published by Ščepánová (ŠČEPÁNOVÁ, Veľká Bratislava, 99), the proposal printed in Hromádka (HROMÁDKA, Zemepis okresu bratislavského a malackého) shows a slightly diﬀ erent copy, showing a larger area, accompanied by a legend (unfortunately in black and white, therefore some of the functions are not legible).

53 MESTO a DEJINY

Figure 6: Regulation plan proposal by the architects A. Balán, J. Grossmann and A. Suske from 1929. Source: HROMÁDKA. Zemepis okresu bratislavského a malackého, 77.

Regulation Battling with Private Interests Even before the city had an approved regulatory plan, the city authority was trying to focus industrial production in a designated area via partial regulations. For example, in 1926, the Technical Department’s proposed widening of important roads north of the key industrial area had been approved (Oberufer Road and Feriby Road, now Mlynské nivy and Prievozská Street).71 Around that time, a regulation issued by the City Council on 13 April 1926 and approved by the Regional Authority on 7 February 1928 declared that all the lots south of this road should be reserved exclusively for industrial and commercial uses, and lots on the north side could be developed with mixed industrial and commercial enterprises and also residential buildings, “provided that the mixed

71 Proposed in 1925 by the Technical Department, approved in April 1926: the road with regulatory lines 10 x 10 meters on both sides from the axes, would start at the Helle factory toward Feriby (now Prievoz), according to the Technical Department. The new building heights on this street – either solitary or as complex of buildings – would have had a maximum of three stories, 12.0 m in height (AMB, ÚHA, Regulácie, Box no. 842).

54 MESTO a DEJINY construction responds to the interests of public safety and good taste”.72 The idea was to concentrate industry below Oberufer and Feriby Roads and further to the east, therefore it was determined that the municipality of Prievoz (Feriby in Hungarian, Oberufer in German) should analogously designate an industrial zone in its area.73 There was another a proposal, also supported by the Port Shipping Authority (Poriečny plavebný úrad), to change the cadastral boundaries of Feriby, as Warehouse no. 17 was no longer in the area of Bratislava. However, the matter was too complicated to deal with at the time, and the municipality of Prievoz did not became part of the Bratislava until 9 March 1945, as District XV of Greater Bratislava.74 While the regulatory plan was further amended in 1932, due to the need to build a parallel road to the Winter Harbour, from Ludwig Road (now Košická) to the new gasworks (Prístavná ulica), such changes did not interfere with the general idea. Paradoxically, what actually blocked, or at least slowed down, the pursuit of a designated industrial zone were the individual interests of private owners of specifi c lots. Documents available in the City Archives of Bratislava illustrate how individual controversies aff ected big decisions regarding industry. For several years, a dispute between the city and Knechtsberger Company aff ected the process of setting clear boundaries for Bratislava’s industrial zone. The Knechtsberger Company did not agree with the city’s decision to dedicate all areas south of Feriby Road to industry, proposing to reduce the industrial area, as their interest was in erecting residential buildings.75 At that time (1934), the City Council decided not to issue a regulatory plan for the area, but, for the time being, to subdivide it into allotments for gardening. However, the Regional Authority advised the City Council not to divide the Knechtsberger Company area into small parcels, “as previous experience suggests that it leads to illegal construction activity by the socially weakest classes in a manner completely inadequate in terms of hygiene and construction principles and regulations”. Meanwhile, on 15 April 1937, the City Council accepted a proposal from the Regulatory Advisory Board to enlarge the harbour and its industrial zone (Figure 7), and stabilised the industrial area in the southeastern part of the city (according to a map to the scale of 1:5000). At the same time the City Council of Prievoz was asked to approve the proposal and take it into account regarding its cadastral area, so that the area to a distance of about 900 meters from the left bank of the Danube toward the east would become an extension of the Winter Harbour and the establishment of an adjacent industrial area. Also, the National Railway Directorate in Bratislava was requested to make a proposal for planned railway facilities for the city available.76

72 AMB, ÚHA, Regulations, Box no. 842 (letter from the Representative body, 12 April 1926). 73 Bordered by the Little Danube on the south; by the great Danube River on the west; by the common border between the municipalities of Bratislava and Feriby, from the Danube river up to the southeast tip of the Bratislava cadastre to site no. 12124; by the mentioned site on the east; and extending to northeast up to the Little Danube. As in: AMB, ÚHA, Regulations, Box no. 858. 74 Together with Račišdorf/Rača, Vajnory, Lamač and Dúbravka. Veľká Bratislava skutkom. In: Gardista, 10. 3. 1945, vol. VII, no. 56, p. 3. Prievoz pripojili k Veľkej Bratislave. In: Gardista, 29. 3. 1945, vol. VII, no. 71, p. 3. 75 The plan was such that the eastern border would be deﬁ ned by a road “from Oberufer Road to a road underpass at the east of the projected harbour railway station and through the sandbanks (piesčiny) toward the small Danube, while the area to the east of this road could be designated for residential building, although no infrastructure would be provided in a foreseeable period.” As in: AMB, ÚHA, Box no. 858. 76 AMB, ÚHA, Box no. 858.

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Figure 7: Proposal for harbour enlargement and its industrial zone. The coloured areas are applied according to the regulation documentation for the “stabilization of the industrial area of Bratislava’s port”. Source of data: MOLINEK, Robert. Komunikačné otázky mesta Bratislavy. In: Slovenský staviteľ, 1936, no. 9, p. 263, AMB, ÚHA, Regulácie, box no. 858.

It was planned that the main street of the industrial area – which was also to be the main peripheral road of the city – would be 30 m wide, and that it would lead as straight as possible from the end of the proposed cargo station, smoothly passing under the eastern part of the cargo station, then proceed straight toward a proposed bridge over the Little Danube, north of the Vlčie hrdlo area. Along the peripheral road, a 50 metre-wide green belt was proposed for health reasons, to separate the area from adjacent residential areas, and leave open the option to build bypasses (railways, roads) in the future.77 The Regional Authority stated, on 21 July 1937, that the existing regulation of the enlargement of the industrial zone of the Bratislava harbour, approved on 15 April 1937 according to the public interest, had been changed “to the detriment of public interest”, apparently solely from a private (proﬁ t-driven) initiative that was, above all, interested in the sale of the subdivided area. In the end, it seems that private interests prevailed, or at least managed to halt the original plan. Even though, on the 12 May 1938, the Regional Authority decided to reject the proposal to subdivide the lots into allotments for gardening, on 23 May 1938, the Regional Authority recommended that the City Council should reduce the eastern border of the industrial zone and limit it to the planned road from Oberufer Road toward an underpass planned for the eastern part of the future harbour railway station.

77 MOLINEK, Komunikačné otázky, 274.

56 MESTO a DEJINY

From Key Industrial Zone to New High-Rise Quarter Although there were other attempts to limit industry to specifi c areas even after the Second World War,78 we have not found any mention that would render the industrial zone that we focus on in this research especially problematic. After 1948, the former regulatory plans were replaced by “more complex tools in the form of urban studies and land-use plans”.79 The changes in the focus area came later, after the fall of socialism in 1989, when social and economic changes led to a large sell-off of previously city-owned land and properties to private owners. The new development that arose during the resulting real-estate and construction boom was, according to architectural historians Moravčíková and Szalay, “the outcome of a trajectory changing the post-socialist city into a global and capitalist one”.80 It is those private subjects that still in reality control “all of the central development areas for Slovakia’s cities”.81 The fi nancial crisis of 2008 did not change this situation, rather merely holding up new construction, but in the meantime, it facilitated the demolition of a number of industrial complexes. The privatisation of former industrial sites by private investors refl ected their fi nancial interests; not only were they mostly ignorant when it came to discussions of the buildings’ heritage value, but they actively evaded processes established by law. Regarding our focus area, 80 % of the Apollo refi nery was destroyed during bombardment by the Allied forces on 16 June 1944, but on the premises of the Kablo factory, a historical boiler house (in the process of being listed and, therefore already protected) was torn down in January 2008.82 In July of the same year, a listed 1911 building that was part of the Gumon factory was torn down and, as was the case with Kablo, the investor managed to avoid paying a fi ne.83 As urban geographer Pavel Šuška further comments, interest in new economic uses of former industrial areas naturally rises with the decay of industrial production.84 Shifts in the economy towards the service sector, and the attractiveness of centrally located positions within the city for new construction, made the historical industrial areas valuable to investors. At present, the complete transformation of our zone of focus is nearing completion. Apart from a few historical objects remaining from the industrial era – such as the two storey building on No. 10 Továrenská Street (formerly part of the Klinger factory, later taken over by Apollo), the power plant designed by the important Slovak architect Dušan Jurkovič from the 1940s, and Design Factory (formerly part of Apollo), whose future is unclear in the moment, and a few other structures – this area is now characterised by the high-rise residential tower designed by Zaha Hadid Architects and the Twin City offi ce complex on the premises of the Kablo factory. While changes in the area’s function might have been unavoidable and even positive – we have questioned the appropriateness of industrial production in the neighbourhood of the city in this study – the motivations behind the processes, subordinated to individual economic interests and with disregard for the “higher

78 See, for example, the development plan proposed by Kamil Gross (Zastavovací plán 1949) or the regional plan submitted by Ján Svetlík (Územný plán 1954). As in: ŽALMAN, Urbanistický atlas Bratislavy, Sheet 5. 79 ANDÁŠIOVÁ et al. Plánované neplánované mesto, 217. 80 MORAVČÍKOVÁ – SZALAY, Problémy navrhovania a výstavby, 13. 81 MORAVČÍKOVÁ – SZALAY, Problémy navrhovania a výstavby, 16. 82 ŠUŠKA. Historické priemyselné štruktúry, 255. See also: ŠUŠKA, Aktívne občianstvo, 102. 83 ŠUŠKA, Historické priemyselné štruktúry, 255. 84 ŠUŠKA, Historické priemyselné štruktúry, 255–256.

57 MESTO a DEJINY good” of public interest, are clearly problematic. Demolition and new construction were pushed by investors, whose decisions were not based on any expert studies or in-depth research evaluating whether such high-rise structures were at all desirable in the area. In addition, work on the foundation of new development on the adjacent site of the Panorama City towers in 2013 uncovered a large oil lake: residue from the former Apollo Oil Refi nery. The smell of oil was also present while the foundations for Zaha Hadid’s Sky Park were excavated, and even though the area was decontaminated during construction, the problem remains, as the deep-laid concrete structures pushed the contamination further – that is, closer to the city.85 Though the future of our focus area is already almost completely planned, with the exception of uncertainty relating to individual buildings (such as the already mentioned Design Factory), knowledge from past experiences might be very useful in relation to the adjacent area of the Winter Harbour in the near future. Although there have been few ideas proposed as to how to use the area – the most visible ones being by investors and their architects – defi nite decisions that will determine its future are still pending. Thanks to the fact that it is still operating in its original function, to a certain extent, the area has not seen the same kind of rushed demolition with ambiguous intentions described above, and the Monument Board of the Slovak Republic has succeeded in listing several buildings in the harbour premises: the River Transport Authority building from the 1940s (Dom lodníkov, listed in 2008), the tugboat Šturec (2011), a boat workshop and the ship lift (2015). Several other warehouses on the site (No. 14, 16, and 17) are still in the process of becoming listed.86 What will be an issue in the harbour area, as it was in the zone of the former Apollo factory, are the legal aspects. Again, as in most former industrial sites, the harbour premises are not city properties. This does not necessarily mean that the city has no legal tools to infl uence the result, but it is more diffi cult, and it might take more time to apply the necessary strategies. This can be advantageous for an owner/investor ready to act promptly to carry out their intentions, carrying with it the risk of irreplaceably destroying some of the architectural heritage as well as environmental or spatial values. Reuse of large industrial areas is a diffi cult challenge, requiring not only fi nancial resources, time and expertise, but, most of all, the willingness to initiate an open discussion among all the various stakeholders involved in the decision-making process or otherwise aff ected by its results.87

Conclusion As far as our research shows, the area that is now deﬁ ned by the streets Mlynské nivy, Dostojevského rad, Karadžičova, Košická and Landererova became the city’s key industrial zone not as a result of strategic planning of premeditated decisions, but rather through a series of individual circumstances. In each of these situations, industrial development in the area seemed reasonable and beneﬁ cial. Even among existing publications, we have not seen any that would question this decision. To the contrary, they supported the argument that the area, as a peripheral zone with the advantage

85 DUGOVIČ, “Bratislavskí developeri stavajú mrakodrapy na rope”, Denník N. Accessed 10 December 2017. https://dennikn.sk/965678/bratislavski-developeri-stavaju-mrakodrapy-na-rope-toxicke-latky-sa-z-apollky- siria-podzemim-mapy/ 86 BARTOŠOVÁ, Waterfronts as Integral Part of Cities, 660. 87 See more in: BARTOŠOVÁ – HABERLANDOVÁ, Industriál, 56–60.

58 MESTO a DEJINY of the Danube and railways connections, was naturally the best option, and the issues encountered later were a result of the growth of the inner city. However, this study indicates that the decision was questioned, even during the “heroic times of industry”.88 In fact, while some of the motives were reasonable – such as the need for good transport connections and consideration of the prevailing winds – others, such as allowing somewhat dangerous heavy industry (Apollo, and later also the Gumon enterprise, established as a part of the cable factory), were choices that were most probably driven by private interests. Once established, a much greater eff ort would be required to move industry from this zone to areas further from the city. The Apollo Oil Refi nery, benefi ting from its strong position as “an important enterprise for state interests” throughout various political regimes (Austria-Hungary, interwar Czechoslovakia and even the Slovak Republic under the Nazi regime) defi ned the character of the zone. The political and social changes triggered by the fall of socialism in 1989 again brought forth a desire for individual subjects’ economic profi t. Although the stakes were now diff erent, they again acted at the expense of generally benefi cial solutions that would focus on society as a whole, and a more sustainable development of those zones in the context of the entire city. In most cases, appropriate procedures that could have ensured a proper evaluation of the industrial structures, their heritage value and their conservation were omitted, or not satisfactorily applied. Therefore, instead of seeking the best ways to repurpose or adapt these buildings, many of them were demolished. While we think it is important to focus on protection of individual structures, their heritage values and potential for further use,89 what could be benefi cial in the quest for a solution is a fuller understanding of a situation, whether past or present. The issue of protecting industrial structures in Bratislava is closely connected to the history of planning, not just regarding the localities where they were built, but also regarding what kind of industry is allowed to be established around a city. A failure to take not of the negatives from the past regarding planning will inhibit society’s understanding of the complexity of the topic. On the other hand, a better understanding of the issue’s complexity – seeing a bigger picture – might also help heritage experts to enter the necessary discussion with a more open mind and propose solutions that are sustainable. While there has been a slight shift in the situation in recent years, and several buildings have been listed and repurposed for modern use, heritage values still represent more of a burden then an asset for owners/developers. Although they sometimes refer to the historical background of industrial sites, this comes not from a deep understanding and respect for cultural values, but rather more as means to commercially promote their investment projects with a well-known name. Hence, those positive examples of conserved industrial buildings incorporated into new developments do not really represent a reliable outcome of successful protection of heritage in the country, but are mere fragments of conservationists’ eff orts in the struggle to protect at least some of the structures from being erased from the fabric of the city. A more visible change will not occur until there is a stronger will among the parties representing diff erent values to participate in mutual discussion driven by a common aim to benefi t both the larger society and the environment.

88 Term used by HROMÁDKA, Zemepis okresu bratislavského a malackého, 92. 89 Demolition should be seen as the last option, after all other possibilities have been examined.

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Multidisciplinary Scientifi c Conference on Social Sciences & Arts. Conference Proceedings. Vol. 6 Science & Arts. Sofi a: STEF92 Technology, 2019, pp. 657–664. BARTOŠOVÁ, Nina – HABERLANDOVÁ, Katarína. Industriál očami odborníkov/pamätníkov [Industrial heritage in the eyes of expertise/experience]. Bratislava: Vydavateľstvo STU, 2016. BIANCHI, Leonard. Zákonodarstvo a vývoj priemyslu v Uhorsku za dualizmu (1867–1918). In: Právněhistorické studie, 1973, vol. 17, pp. 113–144. BOROVSZKY Samu (ed.). Magyarország vármegyéi és városai. Pozsony vármegye. Budapest, 1904. DUGOVIČ, Matej. “Bratislavskí developeri stavajú mrakodrapy na rope”, Denník N. Accessed December 10, 2017. https://dennikn.sk/965678/bratislavski-developeri-stavaju-mrakodrapy- na-rope-toxicke-latky-sa-z-apollky-siria-podzemim-mapy/ HABERLANDOVÁ, Katarína – KALOVÁ, Petra. Prístav v Bratislave. In: Pamitaky & múzeá, 2015, vol. 64, no. 1, pp. 59–63. HALLON, Ľudovít. Firma Pittel a Brausewetter v dejinách Slovenska. Priekopník betónového staviteľstva z Bratislavy. Bratislava: Historický ústav SAV, 2014. HALLON, Ľudovít. Industrializácia Slovenska 1918-1938: (Rozvoj alebo úpadok?). Bratislava: Veda, 1995. HALLON, Ľudovít. Miesto a úloha industriálneho dedičstva v dejinách priemyslu – na príklade fi rmy Pittel a Brausewetter. In: KRÁĽOVÁ, Eva. Stopy priemyselného dedičstva na Slovensku. Bratislava: Slovenská technická univerzita v Bratislave, 2010, pp. 82–97. HALLON, Ľudovít. Význam industrializačnej politiky Uhorska pre technický vývoj na Slovensku v období druhej priemyselnej revolúcie 1867-1918. In: Historické štúdie: ročenka Historického ústavu Slovenskej akadémie vied, 2013, vol. 47, pp. 121–148. HORVÁTH, Vladimír. Bratislavský topografi cký lexicon. Bratislava: Tatran, 1990. HROMÁDKA, Ján. Zemepis okresu bratislavského a malackého. Volume 1. Bratislava: Nákl. učiteľstva, 1933. IŽO, Augustín. Dejiny Apolo rafi nérie – predchodcu n. p. Slovnaft 1895-1945: Tabuľky a prílohy. Bratislava: Slovnaft, 1974. JURKOVIČ, Dušan. Stavební otázky velké Bratislavy. In: Nová práce, 10. 4. 1921, vol. III, no. 2, pp. 17–20. KAČÍREK, Ľuboš – TIŠLIAR, Pavol. Petržalka do roku 1918. Bratislava: Muzeológia a kultúrne dedičstvo, o. z., 2014. KÖNYÖKI, Jozef. Kleiner Wegweiser Pressburg’s und seiner Umgebung. Pressburg: Selbstverlag des Comité’s, 1873. KUBÁČEK, Jiří. Uhorská centrálna železnica. In: KUBÁČEK, Jiří et al. Dejiny železníc na území Slovenska. Bratislava: ŽSR, 1999, pp. 35–36. MOLINEK, Robert. Komunikačné otázky mesta Bratislavy. In: Slovenský staviteľ, 1936, no. 9, pp. 272–274. MORAVČÍKOVÁ, Henrieta – LOVRA, Éva – PASTOREKOVÁ, Laura. Červený alebo modrý? Začiatky moderného plánovania Bratislavy [Red or Blue? The Start of Modern Planning n Bratislava]. In: Architektúra & urbanizmus, 2017, vol. 51, no. 1–2, pp. 30–43. MORAVČÍKOVÁ, Henrieta – SZALAY, Peter. Problémy navrhovania a výstavby vo vzťahu k súčasnému slovenskému mestu [Problems of Designing and Construction in Relation to the Contemporary Slovak City]. In: Ročenka slovenskej architektúry, 2016/2017. Bratislava: Slovart, 2018, pp. 6-27. OBUCHOVÁ, Viera. Najstaršie továrne Bratislavy alebo základný výskum technických pamiatok Bratislavy z hľadiska pamiatkovej starostlivosti. In: Technické pamiatky Bratislavy: Zborník Mestskej správy pamiatkovej starostlivosti a ochrany prírody v Bratislave. Bratislava: Mestská správa pamiatkovej starostlivosti a ochrany prírody, 1985, pp. 17–26. OBUCHOVÁ, Viera. Priemyselná Bratislava. Bratislava: Marenčín PT, 2009. Pallas Lexikon [A Pallas nagy lexikona]. Budapest, 1895. PIŠÚT, Peter. Využitie historických krajinomalieb na rekonštrukciu regulačných prác v koryte rieky – príklad Dunaja v Bratislave. In: Geographia Cassoviensis, 2008, no. 2, pp. 173–194.

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POHANIČINOVÁ, Jana. Tvorba Feiglerovcov v ére rozvoja priemyslu a dopravy – moderná architektúra svojej doby. In: KRÁLOVÁ, Eva (eds.). Stopy priemyselného dedičstva na Slovensku. Bratislava: STU, 2010, pp. 110–115. POHANIČOVÁ, Jana – BUDAY, Peter. Storočie Feiglerovcov. Bratislava: Trio Publishing, 2015. STANISLAV, Ján. Rafi néria Apollo v perimetri dokumentov: súvislosti a dôsledky bombardovania 16. júna 1944. Banská Bystrica: Múzeum Slovenského národného povstania, 2017. ŠČEPÁNOVÁ, Soňa. Veľká Bratislava architektov Aloisa Balána a Jiřího Grossmanna [The greater Bratislava of architects Alois Balán and Jiří Grossmann]. In: Architektúra & urbanizmus, 2019, vol. 53, no. 1–2, pp. 88–102. ŠPIESZ, Anton. Manufaktúrne obdobie na Slovensku 1725-1825. Bratislava: Slovenská akadémia vied, 1961. ŠULCOVÁ, Jana. Historický industrial – “stopa budúcnosti”. In: DVOŘÁKOVÁ, Viera (ed.). Monumentorum tutela. Ochrana pamiatok 20. Bratislava: PÚ SR, pp. 338–343. ŠUŠKA, Pavel. Historické priemyselné štruktúry v meniacej sa mestskej krajine Bratislavy. In: Geografi cký časopis [Geographical Journal], 2019, vol. 71, no. 3, pp. 241–262. ŠUŠKA, Pavel. Aktívne občianstvo a politika premien mestského prostredia v postsocialistickej Bratislave. In: Geographia Slovaca 29. Bratislava: Geografi cký ústav SAV, 2014, pp. 1–145. SZOJKA, Ladislav. Bratislava a železnice: železnice v Bratislave do roku 1918. Bratislava: HMH, 2011. ZÁKREJS, Vladimír. Cesta k organisaci průmyslu. In: Nová práce, 15. 9. 1922, vol. IV, no. 18, pp. 169–173. ŽALMAN, Peter. Urbanistický atlas Bratislavy. Bratislava: GDA Visual, 2016.

62 Rozhľady Horizons MESTO a DEJINY

City Symphonies: The Urban Culture of Expressionist Cinema in 1920s Berlin

Taher Abdel-Ghani vol. 8, 2019, 2, pp. 64-77 DOI: https://doi.org/10.33542/MAD2019-2-04

The Golden Twenties was known to be a period of vibrancy for Berlin which had then became the third largest municipality in the world. Berlin led a sophisticated culture in fi lm, literature, painting, architecture and science. Yet, despite such pros, there emerged a reputation for decadence, for example prostitution and homosexual behaviour. German expressionism had a metaphorical symbolic relationship with the city and the built environment, as Germany began to regain its physical, social and economic structure after the First World War. Its fragmented urban, architectural and spatial character has been depicted as dream-like, chaotic and negatively disordered. On a parallel ideological level, the rapidly changing phenomenon of cities had great infl uence on artists, poets, writers and fi lmmakers who found metropolitan street life to be the stage of the magic and chaotic energy then known as city fi lms. This paper highlights the vivid forms of the expressionist city – Berlin’s roaring twenties – arising from the alchemy between dark representations and the urban experience. Through a tripartite coalition between Heinrich De Fries’s mimesis theory, Michel De Certeau’s fl âneur and Karl Grune’s 1923 expressionist city fi lm Die Straße (The Street), the paper explores the cinematic representation of a once-divided metropolitan city.

Keywords: Urban Culture. Expressionist Cinematic City. Berlin. 1920s.

Introduction Modernism presented a break with tradition in Europe beginning in the 1890s. No longer was space dependent on its corporeal form; space was visually transcribed through its subjective experience. The study of the visual senses proved to be a greatly infl uential addition to the fi eld of the history of art and architecture in Germany during the time. “Paintings, sculptures, and buildings were evaluated according to psychological and physiological criteria”.1 Such images were used by Walter Benjamin to describe the value of the camera in discovering the underlying elements of our urban environment through the close examination of familiar objects.2 Parallel to this theory was Siegfried Kracauer’s contemporary approach to cinematic imaging, which he praised for its technological advancement over photography.3 Whilst architecture was struggling to make sense of German aesthetic theory, the new modernist discipline of cinema was already surging ahead, creating spatial depth and movement within a single two-dimensional frame. Cultural life in Weimar Germany has attracted great interest, and several scholarly names have focused on the visual manifestations of modernity, the rise of the avant-garde and the left-wing revolutionary art that appeared during the early 1920s, not just in Germany but other European nations as well. What has not been explored in detail, which this paper attempts to fi ll in, is the relation between the cultural history of Weimar Germany and its social, political and economic phases. It is common knowledge that German society underwent dramatic social transformation following the economic crisis between 1929 and 1933, but little is

1 SCHWARZER – SCHMARSOW, The Emergence of Architectural Space, 50. 2 VIDLER, Warped Space, 114. 3 HANSEN, With Skin and Hair.

64 MESTO a DEJINY known concerning particular aspects of disorder. Cinematic scenery, back then, shifted towards a more subjective, distorted language to depict what the nation was going through; it sought to represent the fragmented and irrational impulses of the modern metropolitan life. This dynamic relationship between fi lm and urban modernity is what is known as the City Symphony. German Expressionism had an ambiguous relationship with the city and the urban environment. Simply put, expressionism rejected naturalistic representation and favoured more expressive, dream-like imaginings of the subconscious, of the repressed condition. This paper adopts Heinrich De Fries’s mimesis theory and Michel De Certeau’s fl âneur in considering Karl Grune’s 1923 expressionist fi l m Die Straße (The Street) to refl ect the symbolic composition of Weimar’s socioeconomic culture.

Modernism…& Urban Dystopia Pre-World War I Berlin was a city craving international recognition – to potentially rival London’s imperial stature and Paris’s cultural splendour. The “Elektropolis”, as Berliners themselves called it (Evans, 2014), was a hub of technological advancement and scientifi c innovation, especially in the fi elds of physics and medicine. The nickname had its origins back in the 1896 great industrial exposition of Berlin, held on the 25th anniversary of the German Reich, which showcased a collection of 3,780 businesses and that attracted a total of 7 million visitors.4 Prior to the exhibition, Max Ludwig Goldberger, then chairman of the Verein Berliner Kaufl eute und Industrieller (Association of Merchants and Industrialists), had written a book called Land der unbegrenzten Moglichkeiten (country of boundless possibilities) the title of which was an equivalent catchphrase to the USA’s land of opportunities. It was a call for the world to shift its attention towards what Kaiser Wilhem II had ambitions for the city to become: a Weltstadt (World City).5 Upon his arrival in Berlin in the autumn of 1891, Mark Twain, accompanied by his wife and three daughters, called it “the newest city I have ever seen”.6 Alongside the rapid spread of the modern aesthetics that were reaching daily residential uses, for example the compact bed, the sink unit in the kitchen and children’s bunk beds,7 German culture was fl ourishing vividly. The descriptive writings of Friedrich Otto about Berlin’s golden twenties8 encompass colourful insights into Brecht’s and Zuckmayer’s theatrical plays, Grosz’s and Kollwitz’s drawings and Weill’s and Schoenberg’s music, as well as the diverse productions of the UFA fi lm studio – also mentioning its intention to defy foreign propaganda.9 Speculators fl ocked to the clubs and bars and revolutionized the city’s cultural scene. This creative phase was presented to the public in the form of street theatre, cabaret and jazz. By December 1925, a year after the stabilization of the currency, a sense of ultra-modernism surrounded Berlin’s Theater De Westens when American cabaret

4 GEPPERT, Fleeting Cities. 5 “Berlin 1914: A city of ambition and self-doubt”, BBC. Accessed 12 February 2019. https://www.bbc.com/ news/magazine-25635311. 6 AUSTILLAT, Mark Twain in Berlin. 7 HALL, Cities in Civilization. 8 OTTO, Before the Deluge. 9 KREIMEIER, The Ufa Story.

65 MESTO a DEJINY performer Josephine Baker, declared an “erotic goddess”,10 brought her show from Paris. The following year, German-American cabaret conferencier (master of ceremonies) Erich Lowinsky organized a “Berlin’s Got Talent”11 show where young talents were given the opportunity to perform before the public. For the fi rst round, 187 applications were received and all accepted – named the Kabarett der Namenlosen (Cabaret of the Nameless), as if boasting of being “one of the city’s typical instances of tastelessness”.12 In his 1937 talk to an audience of urban planners, Lewis Mumford provided an answer to the socio-existential question “What is a City?”, claiming it to be a “theatre of social action […], a stage-set [which], well-designed, intensifi es and underlines the gestures of the actors and the action of the play”.13 Along the historical timeline, the city has always been a place of excitement, a theatrical arena where citizens display their characters to each other. The title “Modernism & Urban Dystopia” is borrowed from Gyan Prakash’s introduction to his book Noir Urbanisms,14 in which he sets out to portray phases of modernity that included the introduction of capitalism and technology alongside the emergence of a routinely consumerist society – a dystopian vision that acted as an initiation for expressionism. Despite Berlin’s roaring atmosphere, there existed, on the same sociological level, a reputation for decadence. Prostitution and homosexual behaviour became part of the city’s underground economy and culture or, as Mel Gordon puts it, a ‘Voluptuous Panic’.15 So, on one side of the street, pianist Ernst Engel was performing at the Jockey Bar16 – which received a stellar guest-list comprising of Ernest Hemingway, Jean Cocteau and Marlene Dietrich – while on the other side, Artist Ernst Ludwig Kirchner’s prostitutes were roaming in their colourful outfi ts giving provocative glances to the men.17 Despite a diff erence of almost a decade between pianist Ernst and artist Ernst – the latter being the older one – it was defi nitely a confl icting time for Berliners. Illegal acts took to the streets, to the point that liquor-sellers travelled from one corner to the next selling their wares for one mark per glass. Eroticism became an obsession among the German public as they went out searching for guide books to Berlin’s erotic entertainment venues.18 In addition to the entertainment side, the public’s fascination extended to police reports of lustmord (lust crimes) – and with the increasing numbers of the fascinated, publishing houses decided to release inexpensive lust-homicide novels that involved scientifi c psychosexual analyses.19 Berlin’s partial population were

10 “Josephine Baker in Berlin”, Cabaret Berlin. Accessed 25 February 2019. http://www.cabaret-berlin. com/?p=440. 11 “Berlin’s Got Talent”, Cabaret Berlin. Accessed 25 February 2019. http://www.cabaret-berlin.com/?p=63. 12 KÄSTNER, The Cabaret of the Nameless, 562. 13 MUMFORD, “What is a City?”, 28. 14 PRAKASH, Noir Urbanisms. 15 GORDON, Voluptuous Panic. 16 “Ernst Georg Wilhelm Engel”, Comedian Harmonists. Accessed 26 February 2019. http://www.comedian- harmonists.net/?page_id=676. 17 “Kirchner & the Berlin Street”, Thread for Thought. Accessed 26 February 2019. http://www. threadforthought.net/kirchner-berlin-street/. 18 GORDON, Voluptuous Panic, 256. 19 GORDON, Voluptuous Panic, 229.

66 MESTO a DEJINY nothing more than mere clones of Odysseus’s shipmates, turned by Circe’s curse into pigs – “and when they had drunk she turned them into pigs by a stroke of her wand, and shut them up in her pigsties”20 – quite an inspiration for George Grosz’s 1927 artwork.21 Grosz’s half-male half-odd-creature characters were dominated mostly by the elite classes of Germany, i.e. businessmen, the clergy and generals. Similarly shocked was Christopher Isherwood upon his arrival among the “neon-lighted shops and bars of Kurfuersten-damm, and [he] entered a modernistic hotel where [he] was surrounded by thick-necked cigar-smoking businessman who might have stepped right out of the cartoon of George Grosz”.22

Figure 1: (Left) Ernst Kirchner Street, Berlin (1913) depicting prostitues. (Right) George Grosz Circe (1927) depicting sexually available women and boorishly lewd men during the 1920s

20 HOMER, The Odyssey, 70. 21 “George Grosz: Circe 1927”, MoMA, Gallery from German Expressionism: The Graphic Impulse. Accessed 2 March 2019. https://www.moma.org/collection/works/33643. 22 ISHERWOOD, The Berlin Stories, 4.

67 MESTO a DEJINY

Figure 2: Cabaret dancers in Berlin, 1928. By History ASM (January 31, 2016). Source: http:// historyasm.blogspot.com/2016/01/how-sexual-was-weimar-germany.html

Mimesis of a Fragmented Timeline Berlin’s cityscape underwent a period of social conﬂ ict. Its confrontation with “the new commercial structures and façade renovations in the city centre, the modernist styles in light advertising, shopwindow design, and cinema architecture”23 eventually left the city with micro narrative fragments that became the subjects of visual exploration. Expressionist writer Hugo Ball, who later became a Dadaist, described Berlin’s crisis of modernity in words that draw a clean-cut outline of the silhouette of Cesare, the somnambulist in the 1920 expressionist picture The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari:

“Man lost his heavenly face, became matter, chance, conglomerate, animal, the product of insanity, or abrupt, inadequate and convulsive thoughts. Man lost his special position, which reason had vouchsafed for him”.24

On a similar level, Michel de Certeau’s ﬂ âneur-like illustration of walking through the city captures the untangling of complex features and activities. He conceives of a lack of authors or spectators, but rather of a group of moving human ﬁ gures whose “celestial eye[s]” transform them into gods.25 It can be interpreted that De Certeau was attempting to contrast the masses with Joh Fredersen’s character in Fritz Lang’s Metropolis – for it is not just a single God that looks upon the city, but a whole community of gods that have organized an “all-seeing power”.26

23 HAKE, Topographies of Class, 134. 24 MURPHY, Theorizing the Avant-Garde, 52. 25 DE CERTEAU, The Practice of Everyday Life, 92. 26 DE CERTEAU, The Practice of Everyday Life, 92.

68 MESTO a DEJINY

The very nature of representation has been under constant debate in the search for a concrete deﬁ nition. The earliest form of representation was in the theatrical tragedy of the ancient Greek playwright Aeschylus, The Edonians,27 where he likens the sound of musical instruments to the voices of raging bulls. György Lukács’s perception regarding the novel is that,

“Literature is considered to be representational when it produces a ﬁ gure of either a particular and recognizable historical, social or psychological reality or, in a more abstract manner, a ﬁ gure of an ideal, mythical, metaphysical ‘reality’”.28

Berlin’s fragmented timeline was depicted, among the majority of the artworks of the period, as the reservoir of urban uncanny, a feeling of discontinuity, instability and disorder within the urban order of reason, transparency and technology. What emerged from the brutally honest form of art back then, that is to say Expressionism, is an alchemy between dark representations and the urban experience. Such alchemy is endorsed in compositions of photography, art, cinema and architecture, where the familiar turns unfamiliar, and the urban order gives way to the unsettling infl uence of dark mysteries and memories. Dystopic images provide the infl ection of human critical meanings, ranging from urban anxiety to utopian desire. Heinrich De Fries fi rst coined the term mimetic in Raumgestaltung im Film (Spatial Organization in Film) as the act of vision, focusing on the role of perspective and composition to turn a two-dimensional picture plane into a three-dimensional experience.29 Objects in space were abstract, and narrative was the tool that gave the fi lm structure and purpose. German cinema presented a certain phenomenon where cinematic images created a series of spaces that would unfold in time, and as Henri Bergson extends the argument, “the image itself is the system of relationships between its elements, which is a set of relationships in time from which the variable present only fl ows”.30 Eventually, expressionism produced two ideas about abstract space: the fi rst deals with a space as a three-dimensional dynamic mass, where depth is perceived in a projected fi lm image behind the plane of a cinema screen, whereas the second presents a spatial depth defi ned by an abstract and fragmented surface space to create the notion of the illusion of space.

The Expressionist Cinematic City: Symphonizing Metonymic Space The post-war Berliner was an element in an unstable environment attempting to reconstruct itself in extreme angles. Spatially opposing both the Impressionist appreciation of nature and the majesty of the human form and the well-mannered Baroque, the expressionist city sought to depict the inner harsh reality of modern- paced movement and not to shun the violently unpleasant eﬀ ect.31 Extending the Berliner’s gaze from the crude, jagged forms of Die Brücke to the honeycombed maquernas inside the concert hall of Großes Schauspielhaus – designed by Hans

27 HALLIWELL, The Aesthetics of Mimesis, 17. 28 CARROLL, Representation or the End(s) of History, 201. 29 HOLT-DAMANT, Constructs of Space. 30 BERGSON, Matter and Memory, 209. 31 PEDULLÀ, Sull’albero di ciliege.

69 MESTO a DEJINY

Poelzig who applied the same technique to the set of the 1920 fi lm The Golem32 – expressionism’s ambivalent relationship with the city had begun to blossom. German Expressionist cinema beginning in the 1920s, and this specifi c period coinciding with the time of the Weimar Republic, it is also called Weimar Cinema. Two major branches would mark expressionist fi lms at the time, the “romantic” and the “modern”.33 The romantic is mostly referred to as being highly infl uenced by the works of the German Romantic painter Casper David Friedrich – specifi cally The Abbey in the Oakwood painting – with long shots of landscape dissolving within absurd geometrical images of buildings, plays of light and shadow, and magnifi ed doors and windows. Alongside the use of slow-motion and double exposure fi lmmaking techniques, the romantic expressionist style sought to bring fantasy, non-realism and a hypnotic picture to the foreground, which later inspired other genres to emerge, for example fi lm noir. On the other hand, meanwhile, the modern gave rise to a new genre of fi lm known as the “city fi lm” which “created urbanity as the modern space, and during the 1920s in Europe, this modern city par excellence was Berlin”.34

Figure 3: Casper David Friedrich The Abbey in the Oakwood, 1809–10. The painting suggests a deam-like environment of landscape that would be a great inspiration for Expressionist artists

32 “Dreamscape, nightmare, city: the weirded urbanisms of german expressionist ﬁ lm”, 3:AM Magazine. Accessed 13 March 2019. https://www.3ammagazine.com/3am/dreamscape-nightmare-city-the-weirded- urbanisms-of-german-expressionist-ﬁ lm/. 33 “German Cinema between 1920 and 1930”, Modernism Lab. Accessed 13 March 2019. https://modernism. research.yale.edu/wiki/index.php/German_Cinema_between_1920_and_1930. 34 MENNEL, Cities and Cinema, 21.

70 MESTO a DEJINY

As previously mentioned, expressionist cinema’s vivid relationship with the city produced a striking fi lm art genre that infl uenced several art movements that were to follow. The exaggeration and formal irregularity that appeared on screens across Germany were more of a “revolutionary impulse […] inscribed into its poetics of representation”35 – questioning the dominance of the ideological and epistemological foundations of current social discourses. There emerged an affinity between expressionism and the city that captured the gaze of several expressionist fi lmmakers, who “incorporated elements from the other arts in order to distinguish their own work from conventional fi lms”.36 Their camera was a visual narrative tool that accepted the current fragmented condition while putting great emphasis on subjective dream-like glimpses of old and new modalities: abstract images of towers, malls, nightclubs and other places the public encounter on a daily basis. Within this framework, The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari reveals a quite distorted human fi gure who haunts the city – a fi lm about psychosis, sleep and murder. It seeks out to blur the thin line between fi ction and reality, with images such as contorted doors, black and white spiral staircases, sharp edged crenellations and tormented sets. The slanted buildings suggest a horror-like nightmare haunting the city during its sleep time, an environment that was created to evoke an unreal space.37 The story was actually a revolutionary resistance against the omnipotence of a state authority that had declared war during World War I.38 Caligari was the political fi gure that idolized the power to violate all human rights policies and values. This fi lm recreates reality in a fun house mirror to give the feeling of a wavy-like dream. Familiar forms are replaced with troubling forms. Instead of fi lming “real” houses, corridors or stairways, it was necessary to produce and expand what Lotte Eisner called “Landschaft mit Seele” (landscape with soul).39 Thus, fi lmmakers were forced to create fi lms about the soul’s interior life within the pure and abstracted interior space of the studio. Furthermore, the fi lm carries a distinct relation to Postwar Germany through the character Dr Caligari and his ability to travel and kill indiscriminately, which is a symbol of the nation’s state of disarray. The horror content of the fi lm’s story represents a country in the midst of turmoil at its most basic level, a metaphorical visual aspect of Germany’s struggle to survive.40

35 MURPHY, Theorizing the Avant-Garde, 51. 36 HAKE, Expressionism and Cinema, 331. 37 “Dreamscape, nightmare, city: the weirded urbanisms of german expressionist fi lm”, 3:AM Magazine. Accessed 13 March 2019. https://www.3ammagazine.com/3am/dreamscape-nightmare-city-the-weirded- urbanisms-of-german-expressionist-fi lm/. 38 “The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari”, Modernism Lab. Accessed 15 March 2019. https://modernism.research.yale. edu/wiki/index.php/The_Cabinet_of_Dr._Caligari. 39 EISNER, The Haunted Screen, 151. 40 “The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari: Dark Relationship with Postwar Germany”, The Artifi ce. Accessed 15 March 2019. https://the-artifi ce.com/the-cabinet-of-dr-caligari-dark-relationship-with-postwar-germany/.

71 MESTO a DEJINY

Figure 4: The notion of ‘landscape with soul’ as represented in an abstract sharp-edged mirror, The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari, 1920. Source: http://screenprism.com/insights/article/why-is-the-cabinet-of-dr.-caligari-considered-the-deﬁ nitive-german-express

A Closer Look at Karl Grune’s Die Straße (1923) Die Straße (The Street) is considered among the early street fi lms that address the lure of the metropolitan universe crowded with the multiple narratives and complexities of the modern era. It follows a bourgeois middle-aged man who is lured away from his empty dull life into the pleasures of the big city night-life, leading to unfortunate consequences. Despite the use of expressionist lighting techniques, there is no use of distorted sets. Being focused more on the inner feelings of the main protagonist, the fi lm is mainly synthesized somewhere between expressionism and impressionism. It takes quite a lighter approach to convey the nightmarish atmosphere of the city as opposed to Caligari. Premiered in Berlin on 29 November 1923, the fi lm portrays the main protagonist as the curious fl âneur wandering from street to street, distressed and alone amidst the crowds and speeding automobiles. His emotions of longing for the city are expressed earlier in the fi lm when, lying down at home, he glances at the ceiling and on it is projected the shadow, from the street lights, of a couple creeping in – a sight that doesn’t seem to be visible to his wife who is routinely preparing soup. It can be argued that the main character has been promised sheer joy, excitement and adventurous

72 MESTO a DEJINY lifestyles, all brought to the world by the twentieth century41 – further expressed in the fi lm by the harlot who seduces the man to follow her all night. Drawing a few visual inspirations from the 1920 expressionist picture Von Morgen bis Mitternachts (From Morn to Midnight), the fi lm induces a nihilistic tone refl ecting Weimar’s bleak societal issues. In one scene, the man follows a young woman in the street whose face is immediately replaced by a skull mask upon him seeing her. Very similarly to in Von Morgen, the young woman in both scenes is a nihilist symbol of modern society as a composite of dead individuals running around aimlessly.

Figure 5: (Left) Woman’s face transformed into a skull, The Street (1923). (Right) The same eﬀ ect applied earlier, From Morn to Midnight (1920). Both women express the condition of death and nothingness.

Our main character here is considered what Baudelaire refers to as “a kaleidoscope gifted with consciousness, responding to each one of its movements and reproducing the multiplicity of life […] he is an ‘I’ with an insatiable appetite for the ‘non-I’”.42 Unlike Walter Ruttman’s Berlin: Symphony of a Metropolis (1927) – where the camera is the fl âneur fi gure – Karl Grune created a contemporary city stroller who is a symbolic refl ection of ourselves sauntering around observing everything encircling our vicinity. As much as the view of the city visible in the background scenery of the public park – where the man won’t get close to the harlot as people pass by – is quite vivid and gives a positive impression of a city’s social silhouette, eventually it is all an illusion. Guilt creeps through the protagonist as spectacles light up in omniscient neon, gazing directly at him, as though he is being watched. The whole city watches everybody – the blurry lines between the public and the private have become a defi nitive feature of modernism. Additionally, the protagonist is compelled to follow a luminous neon sign on the ground pointing towards the cabaret entrance – a sign that would later be tackled by Jean-Luc Godard in his 1965 picture Alphaville.43 Leisure becomes overwhelming, the wonderment of the city lights are starkly juxtaposed with a feeling of vertigo when the cabaret scenery starts spinning around, and the image of the protagonist’s wife fades away from within the frame of the ring.

41 HARVEY, The Condition of Postmodernity. 42 BAUDELAIRE, The Painter of Modern Life, 15. 43 ABDEL-GHANI, The Conspicuous Past-Present Similitude.

73 MESTO a DEJINY

Figure 6: The main protagonist gazes out of his window onto the “pleasures” of the street as a means to escape his routine life, The Street (1923)

Figure 7: Street lights light up as “human eyes” watching everybody. The main character creeps away in fear, The Street (1923)

74 MESTO a DEJINY

On a parallel note, an old blind man lives with his grandson whose father leaves them for the sake of pursuing luxurious profi t – a major core generator of fragmentation and discontinuity generated by the metropolitan city, casting retrospection upon the major shifts heralded by the coming of the twentieth century.44 This corresponds to Georg Simmel’s concern that, with postmodernity, an individual’s mind is stimulated to such an extent that it ceases to show any reaction to the disruptions and complexities of the modern city.45 This stimulation is further visualized when the boy gets lost in the midst of the bustling traffi c and the blind man struggles continuously not just to fi nd him but also to fi nd his way around. That scene alone, sliced from the movie as a whole, can be argued to be the underlying scene for Virginia Woolf’s 1926 statement, “the past could be unrolled, distances annihilated […] in the chaos of the streets”.46 The continuous intercuts between progression, both in the streets and inside the cabaret, reveal the state of fl ux that dominated the city at the time. Anthony Coulson’s interpretation degrades the street from any active participation in the main narrative; rather it is more of a metaphorical feature of blindness, vulnerability and distraction.47 The frenzy-like activity of the street is a direct refl ection of the nervous exotic energy of city dwellers isolated from one another by their own attempts to fi nd refuge solitarily. On a similar note, the behaviour of the citizens inside the cabaret, despite having an expressionistic stylized manner, mirrors the exterior urban scenery. As clarifi ed by Coulson, these are human fi gures who “move ghostlike in and out of the shadows, untouching, unseeing and unknowing”.48 A spatial manifestation of Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby, the city’s social inequality denies social mobility – as is further emphasized through intercuts. The middle-aged bourgeois and the old blind man are separated by Berlin’s disaffi rmation of clear and concrete directions. To facilitate complications, the character of the harlot bridges the two storylines by the end of the fi lm, signifying the fading away of the boundaries between cabaret and legitimate theatre. The harlot, among other erotic performers such as Anita Berber, contributed to the formation of the city’s notorious underground culture that encompassed drug- use and prostitution. Other expressionist city symphonies that followed would be F.W. Murnau’s The Last Laugh (1924), G.W. Pabst’s Joyless Street (1925), Walter Ruttman’s Berlin: Symphony of a Great City (1927) and Fritz Lang’s Metropolis (1927). All of these, produced in the same decade, emphasize the dangers and pleasures of modern urban life.

Conclusion The city has always been particularly important in understanding how social change manifests itself. Berlin’s ‘roaring twenties’ period was of many social contrasts. While a large portion of the population struggled with high unemployment and deprivations in the aftermath of World War I, the upper class society gradually recreated prosperity and transformed Berlin into a cosmopolitan city. Films have become a subject of attention within urban studies to be addressed as cultural visions of what cities represent, as it is considered to be a peculiar spatial form of culture. Expressionist ﬁ lms

44 SIMMEL, The Metropolis and the Mental Life, 175. 45 SIMMEL, The Metropolis and the Mental Life, 176. 46 WOOLF, The Cinema, 176. 47 COULSON, Entrapment and Escape, 193. 48 COULSON, Entrapment and Escape, 194.

75 MESTO a DEJINY have refl ected Berlin’s social diff erences in class, gender, age, race, and ethnicity, and portrayed such urban patterns code neighbours as rich or poor, or landscapes as urban or rural. Since the turn of the 20th Century, dystopic images have created prominent fi gures in literature and cinema as sociological representations of the modern city. What characterizes expressionism is not just the bleak mood but also the mode of interpretation – a uniquely crafted critical reading of specifi c historical conditions to diagnose crisis and catastrophe.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ABDEL-GHANI, Taher. The Conspicuous Past-Present Similitude in Godard’s Alphaville. In: International Social Sciences and Interdisciplinary Studies, 2018, no. 2, pp. 45–61. AUSTILLAT, Andreas. Mark Twain in Berlin: Newly Discovered Stories & an Account of Twain’s Berlin Adventures. New York: Berlinlica Publishing LLC, 2015. BAUDELAIRE, Charles. The Painter of Modern Life & Other Essays. Edited by Jonathan Mayne. London: Phaidon, 1999. BERGSON, Henri. Matter and Memory. Massachusetts: Courier Cooperation, 2004. CARROLL, David. Representation or the End(s) of History: Dialectics and Fiction. In: Yale French Studies, 1980, no. 59, pp. 201–229. COULSON, Anthony. Entrapment and Escape: Readings of the City in Karl Grune’s The Street and G.W. Pabst’s The Joyless Street. In: SCHEUNEMANN, Dietrich (ed.). Expressionist Film: New Perspectives. Rochester: Camden House, 2003, pp. 187–211. DE CERTEAU, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University of California Press, Ltd., 1984. EISNER, Lotte. The Haunted Screen: Expressionism in the German Cinema and the Inﬂ uence of Max Reinhardt. Berkeley; Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008. GEPPERT, Alexander. Fleeting Cities: Imperial Expositions in Fin-de-Siècle Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. GORDON, Mel. Voluptuous Panic: The Erotic World of Weimar Berlin. Los Angeles: Feral House, 2006. HAKE, Sabine. Expressionism and Cinema: Reﬂ ections on a Phantasmagoria of Film History. In: DONAHUE, Neil H. (ed.). A Companion to the Literature of German Expressionism. Rochester: Camden House, 2005, pp. 321–343. HAKE, Sabine. Topographies of Class: Modern Architecture and Mass Society in Weimar Berlin. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 2008. HALL, Peter. Cities in Civilization. London: Weidenfeld & Nocolson, 1998. HALLIWELL, Stephen. The Aesthetics of Mimesis: Ancient Texts and Modern Problems. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002. HANSEN, Miriam. “With Skin and Hair”: Kracauer’s Theory of Film, Marseille 1940. In: Critical Inquiry, 1993, vol. 19, no. 3, pp. 437–469. HARVEY, David. The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990. HOLT-DAMANT, Kathi. Constructs of Space: German Expressionism, Mies van der Rohe and Yasujiro Ozu. In: GUSHEH, Mayam – STEAD, Naomi (eds.). 20th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. Sydney: Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand, 2003, pp. 152–157. HOMER. The Odyssey. Translated by Samuel Butler. California: CreateSpace, 2011. ISHERWOOD, Christopher. The Berlin Stories. New York: New Directions Publishing Corp., 1945. KÄSTNER, Erich. The Cabaret of the Nameless (1929). In: KAES, Anton – JAY, Martin – DIMENDBERG, Edward (eds.). The Weimar Republic Sourcebook. Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University of California Press, 1995, pp. 562–563. KREIMEIER, Klaus. The Ufa Story: A History of Germany’s Greatest Film Company, 1918- 1945. Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University of California Press, 1999.

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MENNEL, Barbara. Cities and Cinema. London; New York: Routledge, 2008. MUMFORD, Lewis. “What is a City?” taken from Architecture Record 1937. In: MILES, Malcolm – HALL, Tim – BORDEN, Iain (eds.). The City Reader. London: Routledge, 2000, pp. 28–33. MURPHY, Richard. Theorizing the Avant-Garde: Modernism, Expressionism, and the Problem of Postmodernity. Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 2004. OTTO, Friedrich. Before the deluge: A Portrait of Berlin in the 1920s. New York: HarperCollins, 1972. PEDULLÀ, Gabriele. Sull’albero di ciliege. Conversando di letteratura e cinema con Alberto Arbasino. In: Contemporanea, 2003, no. 1, pp. 147–159. PRAKASH. Gyan (ed.). Noir Urbanisms: Dystopic Images of the Modern City. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000. SCHWARZER, Mitchell – SCHMARSOW, August. The Emergence of Architecture Space: August Schmarsow’s Theory of “Raumgestaltung”. In: Assemblage, 1991, no. 15, pp. 48–61. SIMMEL, Georg. The Metropolis and the Mental Life. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1903. VIDLER, Anthony. Warped Space: Art, Architecture, and Anxiety in Modern Culture. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 2000. WOOLF, Virginia. The Cinema. In: Selected Essays. Edited by David Bradshaw. Oxford: OUP, 2009, pp. 172–176.

“Berlin 1914: A city of ambition and self-doubt”, BBC. Accessed February 12, 2019. https:// www.bbc.com/news/magazine-25635311. “Berlin’s Got Talent”, Cabaret Berlin. Accessed February 25, 2019. http://www.cabaret-berlin. com/?p=63. “Dreamscape, nightmare, city: the weirded urbanisms of german expressionist fi lm”, 3:AM Magazine. Accessed March 13, 2019. https://www.3ammagazine.com/3am/dreamscape- nightmare-city-the-weirded-urbanisms-of-german-expressionist-fi lm/. “Ernst Georg Wilhelm Engel”, Comedian Harmonists. Accessed February 26, 2019. http:// www.comedian-harmonists.net/?page_id=676. “George Grosz: Circe 1927”, MoMA, Gallery from German Expressionism: The Graphic Impulse. Accessed March 2, 2019. https://www.moma.org/collection/works/33643. “German Cinema between 1920 and 1930”, Modernism Lab. Accessed March 13, 2019. https:// modernism.research.yale.edu/wiki/index.php/German_Cinema_between_1920_and_1930. “Josephine Baker in Berlin”, Cabaret Berlin. Accessed February 25, 2019. http://www.cabaret- berlin.com/?p=440. “Kirchner & the Berlin Street”, Thread for Thought. Accessed February 26, 2019. http://www. threadforthought.net/kirchner-berlin-street/. “The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari”, Modernism Lab. Accessed March 15, 2019. https://modernism. research.yale.edu/wiki/index.php/The_Cabinet_of_Dr._Caligari. “The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari: Dark Relationship with Postwar Germany”, The Artifi ce. Accessed March 15, 2019. https://the-artifi ce.com/the-cabinet-of-dr-caligari-dark-relationship- with-postwar-germany/.

Kronika Chronicle MESTO a DEJINY

EURÓPSKY UNIKÁT [AN EUROPEAN UNIQUENESS] KOŠICE, 6. MÁJ 2019

Košičania si na jar tohto roku pripomenuli 650. výročie výnimočnej udalosti spätej s košic- kými dejinami. Dňa 7. mája 1369 totiž uhorský kráľ Ľudovít Veľký z rodu Anjouovcov udelil ko- šickej mestskej obci erb, utvorený modifi káciou jeho rodového erbu, čo potvrdil aj osobitnou lis- tinou. Košice týmto nadobudli špecifi cký primát v celej Európe. Doterajšie heraldické výskumy totiž potvrdzujú, že ide o najstaršiu doloženú erbovú listinu v európskom priestore (a tým aj vo svete), ktorú istý panovník adresoval mestu. Tie ďalšie známe pochádzajú až od začiatku 15. storočia. Mesto Košice preto oslávilo pozoruhodné jubileum radom podujatí, medzi nimi tak- tiež vedeckou konferenciou, ktorú v Historickej radnici zorganizoval Archív mesta Košice. Konferenciu otvoril svojím príhovorom košický primátor Jaroslav Polaček, poukazujúc okrem iného na vhodný význam takéhoto primátu pri formovaní zdravého lokálpatriotizmu. Prítomní historici následne predstavili okolnosti vývoja dobovej heraldiky, vojenstva a blízkych kráľovských miest. Takto Ladislav Vrteľ, predseda Heraldickej komisie Ministerstva vnútra SR a herold Slovensko, zaradil najstarší košický erb do európskeho kontextu, pričom poukázal na zaujímavé paralely s vývojom francúzskej heraldiky. Jozef Kirst predstavil sled košických erbo- vých listín, v čom inak Košice takisto predstavujú raritu, aspoň teda v uhorských podmienkach, keďže ešte do konca stredoveku ich celkovo získali až štyri. Na najstaršie pečate mesta Košice upriamila pozornosť poslucháčov maďarská historička Boglárka Weisz, keď vyzdvihla ďalšie možnosti využitia písomných zmienok k skompletizovaniu našej predstavy o tunajšom sfragis- tickom vývoji. Drahoslav Magdoško sa zameral na vedúcu mestskú elitu okolo roku 1369, keď stáli na čele Košíc naďalej predstavitelia niekoľkých miestnych starých rodov, ktoré máme dolo- žené už od 13. storočia. Hlavné črty uhorského vojenstva v druhej polovici 14. storočia, s ktorým bola dobová heraldika tak úzko spätá, opísal Vladimír Segeš. Ako potom poukázala Éva Gyulai, pozoruhodným faktom je, že dokonca až na chórovú lavicu farského chrámu Bardejova, teda Kostola sv. Egídia, sa dostal erb Reného z Anjou, neapolského kráľa z prvej polovice 15. sto- ročia. Doklady o neskorostredovekej košickej ikonografi i nedávno historiografi ou zdôraznené- ho miestneho kultu Svätej krvi podrobne rozvinul Peter Zubko. Stredoveké zmienky o košic- kých farároch a okolnostiach vývoja tunajšej farnosti predstavila následne Katarína Nádaská. Ďalšie príspevky patrili opäť heraldike. Marcela Domenová zosumarizovala rôznorodé počet- né prešovské pramene a hmotné pamiatky, na ktorých je dodnes vyobrazený erb mesta Prešov. K erbovej listine Kežmarku z roku 1463 odznel príspevok Boženy Malovcovej. Napokon Mária Fedorčáková skúmala pôsobenie notára Leonarda z Uničova v Bardejove, ako aj jeho podiel na získaní erbu pre bardejovskú mestskú komunitu. Celkovo možno skonštatovať, že konferencia si dôstojnou formou pripomenula cenné košic- ké výročie. Plánovanou je publikácia textov, z ktorých úryvky odzneli na podujatí. Súčasťou slávnostného ceremoniálu, konaného nasledujúci deň, bolo taktiež odhalenie pamätnej tabule k udeleniu prvého erbu, umiestnenej na priečelí Historickej radnice.

Mgr. Drahoslav Magdoško, PhD. Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach

INTERNATIONAL MEDIEVAL CONGRESS LEEDS, UK, 1. – 4. JÚL 2019

K vôbec najväčším svetovým vedeckým podujatiam, zameraným na dejiny stredoveku, patrí medzinárodný kongres, ktorý každoročne organizuje univerzita v anglickom meste Leeds (University of Leeds). Jeho ústredná téma býva vyberaná s cieľom dosiahnutia širokého priere- zového výsledku, tú tohtoročnú preto predstavovali Materialities, čiže rôznorodé aspekty a me- tódy výskumu hmotnej kultúry i prameňov. Nedávneho 26. ročníka, usporiadaného v tradičnom termíne na začiatku júla, sa zúčastnilo vyše 2800 historikov a archeológov z 59 krajín. Po celé

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štyri dni prebiehalo v areáli uvedenej univerzity paralelne okolo 50 sekcií, pokrývajúcich z chro- nologického hľadiska obdobie od neskorej antiky po prelom stredoveku s novovekom, z hľadiska geografi ckého zase územie Európy a Byzantskej ríše. Poznateľne pritom vzrastá záujem o účasť na kongrese zo strany stredoeurópskych kolegov, no Slovensko malo na tomto ročníku predsa iba minimálne zastúpenie. Bloky príspevkov boli otvorené dvomi hlavnými úvodnými prednáškami. Ako prvá vystúpi- la Katrin Kogman-Appel, pracujúca na nemeckej Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster aj izraelskej Ben-Gurion University of Negev. Predstavila okolnosti transformácie židovského náboženského textu Haggadah, odčleneného v 13. storočí od tradičnej modlitebnej knihy sid- ur. Nateraz uvedenú historičku nezaujímala ani tak textová analýza, ako skôr dôvody také- hoto osamostatnenia sa textu a otázka, kto ho za daným účelom používal. V druhej úvodnej prednáške zase Emma Dillon z King´s College London skúmala spletité putovanie poézie seve- rofrancúzskeho pôvodu po panovníckych dvoroch stredovekej Európy, a to so zvláštnym dôra- zom na typy zvukových záznamov. Obe vystúpenia akoby predznamenali jeden široký tematický prúd na tohtoročnom kongrese, ktorý predstavovali analýzy rôznorodých stredovekých textov, umeleckých diel a vôbec artefaktov, zasadené do sociálneho i kultúrneho kontextu. Početné ďal- šie sekcie sa venovali, pochopiteľne, materiálnej kultúre v podobe bývania, odievania, vojenskej výzbroje, cestovania, hygieny a písomníctva. Materialita však v rôznej podobe a miere vypove- dá aj o politických a vôbec sociálnych vzťahoch, na ktoré boli takisto upriamené mnohé sekcie. Osobne som si vypočul príspevky zamerané prevažne na urbánne dejiny. Napríklad arche- ologička Léa Hermenault priblížila svoj výskum miery intenzity využívania jednotlivých ulíc stredovekého Paríža. Blízku tému, no skúmanú primárne na základe iných prameňov, a to pí- somných, predstavila na príklade mesta Ghent Janna Coomans. Hygiena a s ňou späté budo- vanie kanalizácie v stredovekom meste Lipsko sa stalo predmetom príspevku Jilly Rehfeldt. Spektrum anglických písomných prameňov umožnilo Wendy J. Turner, aby aspoň čiastočne pre- bádala dôvody prepúšťania, resp. odchodu do dôchodku služobníctva kráľovského dvora v prvej polovici 14. storočia. Archeologické nálezy, na prvé zdanie akokoľvek fragmentárne či jedno- tvárne, umožnili zase Konstantine Saliari identifi kovať a zaradiť do pozoruhodného kontextu sídlisko bojovníkov v Dolnom Rakúsku z prelomu 10. a 11. storočia, teda z obdobia formovania nových politických štruktúr v podunajskej oblasti, ktoré sa týkajú aj našich dejín. Artefakty i mieru luxusu elít baltských miest Stralsund a Odense priblížili Luisa Radohs a Kirstine Haase. Nábožensko-teoretickej i praktickej rovine vzťahu neskorostredovekej talianskej society k peniazom, pôžičkám a úrokom venovala pozornosť Christina Bruno, a to na príklade postoja observantského hnutia františkánskeho rádu. Čínska historička Ning Kang sa zase podujala na predstavenie vybraných cechov a ich štatútov v neskorostredovekých Benátkach. Zo stredoeurópskych krajín sa kongresu najpočetnejšie zúčastnili poľskí historici a ar- cheológovia, spomedzi nich viacerí inklinujúci k výskumu mestského prostredia. Takto Piotr Kitowski opísal správnu štruktúru pruských miest a zosumarizoval najpodstatnejšie typy pí- somností i potenciálne výskumné témy dotýkajúce sa miestnej elity. Piotr Okniński poukázal na niektoré topografi cké zmeny späté s dôsledkami odporu Krakova voči panovníkovi začiat- kom 14. storočia, pričom zdôraznil, že v poľských mestách nepretrvali tradície o rebéliách, aké sa, naopak, zvykli pripomínať vo viacerých západoeurópskych mestských komunitách. Maciej Tomasz Radomski upriamil pozornosť na radnice malých poľských miest, hoci skromnej archi- tektúry, ktoré aspoň navonok reprezentovali mestský status príslušných sídel, majúcich inak zväčša fakticky vidiecky ráz. Na odznaky stredovekých pútnikov, tvoriacich svojráznu, síce ne- homogénnu rozsiahlu skupinu osôb, upriamil pozornosť Jakub Sawicki. Zaujímavý prípad vy- budovania osobitnej radničnej kaplnky v Krakove predstavila Monika Saczyńska. S ohľadom na parceláciu meštianskych domových blokov poukázal Pawel Czembrzyński na význam ulíc a námestí ako priestorov sociálnej komunikácie. Mnohé príbuzné aspekty analyzovala ďalej Urszula Sowina, nestorka bádania materiálnej kultúry poľských miest. Vzťah takýchto hmot- ných dokladov k organizáciám obchodníkov vo veľkopoľských mestách priblížila Anna Paulina Orłowska. Využívanie zdrojov vodných tokov litovskými vojvodami sa zase stalo predmetom príspevku Anny Pytasz-Kołodziejczyk a na výpovednú hodnotu písomných prameňov k skú- maniu remeselníctva v pruských mestách poukázala Aleksandra Girsztowt. V sekcii s oboma

81 MESTO a DEJINY poslednými menovanými historičkami som vystúpil aj ja, s príspevkom venovaným transak- ciám meštianskych domov v Košiciach na konci stredoveku. Vďaka spolupráci a účasti historikov zaoberajúcich sa stredoeurópskymi dejinami (Zbigniew Dalewski, Martin Wihoda, Robert Antonín, Dušan Zupka, Grischa Vercamer a ďalší) bolo pritom zorganizovaných niekoľko ďal- ších sekcií, aj s okrúhlym stolom, zameraných na okolnosti utvárania a reprezentácie panovníc- kej moci v našom geograﬁ ckom priestore počas raného až vrcholného stredoveku, ktoré vyvola- li nemalú diskusiu. K tomuto kongresu neodmysliteľne patria taktiež sprievodné aktivity a exkurzie pre účast- níkov, sčasti nesúce sa v duchu oﬁ ciálneho hesla „urobme Leeds stredovekým“. Dané podujatia, ako aj samotný vysoký počet participantov a tematická pestrosť ich výskumov celkom prirodzene vedú k nadväzovaniu osobných kontaktov, ktoré sú častokrát utužované opakovanou účas- ťou. Leeds sa teda stane opäť stredovekým v júli 2020, tentoraz na odbornú tému „Hranice“ (Borders).

Mgr. Drahoslav Magdoško, PhD. Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach

ZMENY HRANÍC A POHYB OBYVATEĽSTVA V EURÓPE PO DRUHEJ SVETOVEJ VOJNE [BORDER CHANGES AND POPULATION MIGRATION IN EUROPE AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR] KOŠICE, 19. – 20. SEPTEMBER 2019

V dňoch 19. a 20. septembra 2019 sa v priestoroch rektorátu Univerzity Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach uskutočnila vedecká konferencia s názvom Zmeny hraníc a pohyb obyva- teľstva po druhej svetovej vojne. Podujatie bolo organizované v rámci riešenia projektu VEGA – Výmena obyvateľstva medzi Československom a Maďarskom – fakty a historické súvislosti v do- mácej a európskej politike. Hlavnými usporiadateľmi boli Katedra histórie Filozoﬁ ckej fakulty UPJŠ v Košiciach a Centrum spoločenských a psychologických vied SAV. Tematicky sa podujatie zameriavalo predovšetkým na obdobie 20. storočia, s cieľom zaznamenať pohyby a príči- ny migrácie obyvateľstva v Európe. Konferencie sa celkovo zúčastnilo 23 aktívnych účastníkov, ktorých výstupy boli rozdelené do piatich blokov. Po oﬁ ciálnej registrácii o 12:30 bola konferencia otvorená, všetkých prítomných privítal a úvodnú reč predniesol prorektor pre vysoko- školské vzdelávanie, akademické tradície a obrady, zároveň vedúci Katedry histórie FF UPJŠ v Košiciach Prof. PaedDr. Martin Pekár, PhD. Následne Prof. PaedDr. Štefan Šutaj, DrSc. ako hlavný riešiteľ projektu VEGA poskytol organizačné informácie a úvodné slovo. Prvý deň konferencie, s názvom Hranice a migrácie obyvateľstva v Európe po druhej svetovej vojne, moderovala Mgr. Nikola Regináčová, PhD. Prvý prednášajúci Prof. PaedDr. Štefan Šutaj, DrSc. (Katedra histórie, FF UPJŠ v Košiciach) vystúpil s príspevkom Zmeny hraníc a pohyb obyvateľstva v Európe po druhej svetovej vojne na rokovaniach Parížskej konferencie 1946, v ktorom sa zameral predovšetkým na československé priority na mierovej konferencii v Paríži a jej výsledky. Ozrejmil dva rozdielne prístupy k rozdeleniu hraníc a presídleniu obyvateľstva medzi Maďarskom a Československom a následný transfer obyvateľstva, vyvolaný povojnovými uda- losťami. Priblížil zmeny rozloženia Európy súvisiace s novým usporiadaním hraníc, návratom obyvateľstva, pohybom migrantov a emigrantov, ako aj vojenskej sily. V téme migrácií pokračo- val aj doc. PhDr. Michal Šmigeľ, PhD. (Katedra histórie, FF, Univerzita Mateja Bela v Banskej Bystrici): Podoby migrácií v čase II. svetovej vojny a v povojnovom období (v priestore strednej a východnej Európy). Na úvod priblížil podoby obrovských migračných pohybov v Európe pre- dovšetkým na prelome 19. a 20. storočia a načrtol príčiny migrácií po druhej svetovej vojne. Na prelome storočí prevládala najmä pracovná migrácia, po prvej svetovej vojne sa začínajú objavo- vať podoby etnickej migrácie, vyvolané zmenou hraníc štátov, spolu s objavujúcimi sa totalitný- mi ideológiami. Druhá svetová vojna spustila vlny migrácií v masovej podobe – deportácie, pre- sídľovanie, emigrácie, migrácie, evakuácie, vypovedanie či vyhostenie obyvateľstva. Nasledoval referát Migrácia v Európe po II. svetovej vojne v kontexte európskej integrácie, ktorý predniesol

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Mgr. Alexander Onufrák, PhD. (Katedra politológie, FF UPJŠ v Košiciach). Ponúkol politologic- ký a sociologický pohľad na problematiku repatriácie osôb, azylovej politiky, pôsobenia a aktivity medzinárodných organizácií, ktorých hlavnou úlohou bola ochrana vysídlených osôb po druhej svetovej vojne. Autor vo svojom príspevku predstavil konkrétne náborové programy pracovnej sily pre potreby priemyslu, ktorého sa zúčastnili najmä vysídlené osoby, ako napr. European Voluntary Workers, Balt(ic) Cygnet, Wastward Ho! Zaoberal sa najmä migráciou pracovnej sily a bilaterálnymi medzištátnymi zmluvami, napr. medzi socialistickými štátmi, dohodami medzi Talianskom a Belgickom, ale aj Francúzskom, Švédskom, Luxemburskom či Nemeckom. Posledný príspevok v úvodnom bloku predstavil Doc. Ihor Shnitser, PhD. (Užhorodská národná Univerzita, Užhorod) pod názvom Pohľady sovietskeho vedenia na formovanie hraníc v Európe (1941 – 1946). Priblížil záujmy Sovietskeho zväzu o formovanie nových hraníc v Európe, o ob- novenie hraníc z roku 1941, ako aj úsilie ZSSR získať pobaltské prístavy a najmä správu nad územím Poľska. Svoje záujmy sovietske vedenie obhajovalo ochotou akceptovať etnické hranice, aby tak podoprelo dôvody svojej expanzívnej politiky a získali (získalo) tak výhodné strategické pozície. Blok bol ukončený aktívnou diskusiou, ktorej sa zúčastnili svojimi príspevkami najmä prof. Štefan Šutaj a Dr. Hab. Kryzstof Nowak. Po prestávke nasledoval druhý blok, tematicky sa zameriavajúci na nemeckú migráciu a slovensko-poľské pohraničie po druhej svetovej vojne, pod moderátorskou taktovkou prof. PaedDr. Štefana Šutaja, DrSc. Doc. Mgr. Milan Olejník, PhD. (SCPV SAV, Spoločenskovedný ústav, Košice) predstavil prvý príspevok s názvom Príprava, priebeh a dôsledky evakuácie ne- meckého obyvateľstva zo Slovenska (1944 – 1945) zaoberajúci sa postavením nemeckej menšiny na Slovensku a s ňou spojený politický vývoj (spojeným politickým vývojom) po skončení druhej svetovej vojny. Nemecká menšina predstavovala v medzivojnovom Československu veľmi počet- nú skupinu a postupne so šíriacou sa ideológiou nacizmu sa v priebehu vojny začali meniť aj jej postoje. Výrazne do jej života zasiahlo aj Slovenské národné povstanie a samotné vyvrcho- lenie vojny, smerujúce k vysťahovaniu sa tejto menšiny pred východným frontom. Prvé opatrenia evakuačného charakteru nastali v roku 1944 a nemeckí obyvatelia boli vysídlení nemecký- mi úradmi v dvoch riadených evakuáciách, najmä do Čiech, Rakúska a Nemecka. Celkovo bolo evakuovaných až okolo 120 tisíc Nemcov, na území Československa zostalo okolo 25 tisíc obča- nov nemeckej národnosti. Na tému nemeckej emigrácie nadviazala vo svojom príspevku: Vysídlenie karpatských Nemcov zo Slovenska po druhej svetovej vojne Doc. PhDr. Soňa Gabzdilová, CSc. (SCPV SAV, Spoločenskovedný ústav, Košice). Autorka priblížila situáciu nemeckej menšiny po návrate na územie Československa. Nemci sa po vojne začali vracať z evakuácie, čo sa nestretlo s pochope- ním ako zo strany verejnej správy, tak aj zo strany nových majiteľov obydlí. Riešením tejto problematiky sa stalo vytvorenie pracovných táborov, v ktorých boli nemeckí evakuanti integrova- ní. Na rozdiel od českých krajov na slovenskom území absentovali výraznejšie prejavy živelnej nenávisti voči Nemcom. O ďalšom osude tejto menšiny sa rozhodlo na Postupimských rokovaniach, napokon boli odsúhlasené deportácie do okupačných zón v Nemecku. Po odobratí česko- slovenského občianstva už neboli deportovaní ako občania Československa, ale ako cudzinci. Karpatskí Nemci museli opustiť svoje obydlia, v ktorých stáročia žili, na základe kolektívnej viny. S. Gabzdilová priblížila celkové počty vysídleného obyvateľstva, rozdelenie okupačných zón, etapy deportácie, počty transportov a vysídlených. V poradí tretiu tému druhého bloku Kreovanie slovensko-poľskej časti hranice po skonče- ní II. svetovej vojny a jeho vplyv na migráciu dotknutého obyvateľstva predniesla PhDr. Milica Majeríková-Molitoris, PhD. (Towarzystwo Slowaków w Polsce, Krakow). Autorka predstavila problematiku hraníc medzi Poľskom a Slovenskom po druhej svetovej vojne a rozdielne predstavy oboch strán na nové usporiadanie hraníc. Poľsko presadzovalo predstavu pomníchovské- ho rozloženia slovensko-poľského pohraničia, slovenské politické kruhy reprezentovali predmní- chovskú podobu, zatiaľ čo pôvodné obyvateľstvo sa opieralo o pôvodné uhorsko-poľské rozdelenie hraníc. M. Majeríková-Molitoris priblížila situáciu a reakcie na slovenskej, ako aj poľskej strane, lokálne konﬂ ikty, vytvorenie samosprávy v Poľsku, prestrelku v Chyžnom, vznik výborov a mi- lícií, vyhlásenie plebiscitu, vydávanie dekrétov o vysťahovaní či ilegálne úteky občanov a podobne. Na problematiku slovensko-poľského pohraničia tematicky nadviazal Mgr. Martin Garek,

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PhD. (Ústav pamäti národa, Bratislava) referátom Organizácie a pomoc migrantov z hornej Oravy a severného Spiša po druhej svetovej vojne, ktorý vo svojom príspevku predstavil vznik a činnosť organizácií na pomoc migrantom, ktoré pôsobili v prospech slovenského obyvateľstva, napr. Oslobodzovací výbor severného Spiša, Národná rada odtrhnutých obcí hornej Oravy či Komitét utečencov. Organizácie sa pokúšali zabezpečiť pozitívnu činnosť na spornom území, žia- dali plebiscit, vydávali dvojtýždenník zaoberajúci sa situáciou v spomínaných oblastiach, usilovali sa prinavrátiť odtrhnuté územia Československu, zlepšiť životné podmienky slovenských emigrantov z Poľska a spolupracovať so slovenským obyvateľstvom žijúcim v Poľsku. V diskusii sa k otázkam vrátili Dr. Milica Molitoris, Dr. Hab. Krysztof Nowak, JUDr. René Petráš a ďalší. Po prestávke predstavil tretí záverečný blok prvého dňa konferencie Doc. Mgr. Milan Olejník, PhD., pokračujúc v problematike hraníc a migrácie obyvateľstva v ďalších častiach Európy. Blok otvoril Dr. Hab. Krysztof Nowak (Uniwersytet Ślaski w Katowicach, Katowice), na tému: Ve stí- nu Těšínska. Polsko-slovenské pohraničí a reemigrace Poláků ze Slovenska v polské politice po roce 1945. V príspevku nadviazal na problematiku poľsko-slovenského pohraničia a reemigrá- cie Poliakov zo slovenského územia po druhej svetovej vojne. Autor ozrejmil napätie v oblasti hraníc, najmä konﬂ ikty na území Tešínska. V druhom príspevku PhDr. Helena Nosková, CSc. (Ústav pro soudobé dějiny AV ČR, Praha) priblížila výsledky terénneho výskumu pod názvom: Migrácie Slovákov zo Slovenska a Sedmohradska v Rumunsku do českého pohraničia vo svetle archívnych dokumentov a terénnych výskumov. Autorka bližšie predstavila demograﬁ cké úda- je a národnostné zloženie v českých krajinách, konkrétne v okrese Tachov, kde došlo po druhej svetovej vojne k úbytku obyvateľstva a masívnemu odsunu nemeckej menšiny. Toto územie bolo následne osídlené rôznymi etnikami, najmä Slovákmi z Rumunska, z Gemera, Kysúc a Hontu, ale aj Čechmi, Rusínmi či Rumunmi, ktorí tento región obohatili vlastnou ľudovou a hmotnou kultúrou, ktorú sa im podarilo uchovať si aj v novom kraji. Zároveň H. Nosková v príspevku podrobne priblížila priebeh samotných terénnych výskumov v spomínaných oblastiach. S príspevkom Austria after the war, the masses of people and the new borders, približu- júcim problematiku migrácie obyvateľstva a zmeny hraníc vo vzťahu k Rakúsku, pokračovala Dr. Sabine Stadler (University of Applied Arts Vienna, Austria). Autorka na úvod predstavila politickú teóriu o zmenách hraníc, ktorá je zdrojom poznatkov pre poznanie tejto problematiky, rovnako práce, ktoré slúžili pre jej príspevok ako východiskové. Priblížila situáciu a premeny hraníc v Rakúsku, ako aj významné slovenské osobnosti v rakúskej histórii. Záverečný referát na tému: Dedičstvo bleigburských masakrov po 2. svetovej vojne a ich pripomínanie v krajinách bývalej Juhoslávie predstavil Mgr. Maroš Melichárek, PhD. (Katedra histórie, FF, UPJŠ v Košiciach). V príspevku načrtol udalosti v meste Bleiburg, ležiaceho (ležiacom) v býva- lej Juhoslávii. Cieľom príspevku bolo priblížiť tragédiu, ktorá sa tu odohrala na konci druhej svetovej vojny a postoj súčasnej chorvátskej spoločnosti k týmto udalostiam. Ako pripomienka bleigburských masakrov prebiehajú každoročne v tomto meste kontroverzné oslavy, predstavu- júce snahu o historický revizionizmus chorvátskych dejín. Posledný blok bol ukončený aktívnou diskusiou, svoje otázky k problematike predniesli Dr. Sabine Stadler, Dr. Helena Nosková, Dr. Hab. Krysztof Nowak, Dr. Alexander Onufrák a Dr. Maroš Melichárek. Po plodnej debate Prof. Štefan Šutaj poďakoval aktívnym účastníkom za príspevky a pozval k ďalšej nezáväznej diskusii, ako aj posedeniu pri „čaši vína“, v priestoroch veľkej zasadačky rektorátu UPJŠ v Košiciach. Druhý deň konferencie na tému Výmena obyvateľstva medzi Československom a Maďarskom moderoval Mgr. Alexander Onufrák, PhD. Ako prvý predstavil svoju tému JUDr. PhDr. René Petráš, Ph.D. (Právnická fakulta, Univerzita Karlova, Praha): Absolutní zlom v právní úpravě postavení menšin Československa v roce 1945, ktorý sa vo svojom príspevku podrobnejšie venoval národnostnej menšinovej problematike a mocenským zmenám po roku 1945 z právneho hľa- diska. Predstavil novú koncepciu právneho postavenia menšín, ktorá po druhej svetovej vojne vznikla. Na príklade európskych krajín ako Francúzsko, Švajčiarsko či Československo pouká- zal na rozdiely v koncepciách menšinovej politiky medzi demokratickými krajinami a ako bolo právne postavenie menšín ovplyvňované medzinárodným právom. Autor ozrejmil kontrast medzi právami menšín v medzivojnovom Československu a situáciou po druhej svetovej vojne, kedy (keď) po roku 1945 fakticky neexistovala žiadna právna úprava ich postavenia a toto vákuum bolo zaplnené až v roku 1968 po prijatí zákona o postavení menšín. Rovnako na problematiku

84 MESTO a DEJINY menšinovej spoločnosti nadviazal aj Dr. Habil. Árpád Popély, PhD. (Univerzita J. Selyeho, Komárno), s príspevkom Maďarská menšina na Slovensku po roku 1945 a jej postoj k výme- ne obyvateľstva, pričom sa opieral o bohatý pramenný výskum nachádzajúci sa v Maďarskom národnom archíve. Predstavil pohľad na problematiku výmeny obyvateľstva, budúcich hraníc s Československom a protimaďarských opatrení z pohľadu maďarskej menšinovej spoločnosti. Spomínaný archív ponúka dostupné dokumenty poukazujúce na neblahé postavenie maďar- skej menšiny, najmä dokumenty adresované maďarskej, ale aj československej vláde a politic- kým a cirkevným činiteľom. Autor poukázal na činnosť štyroch ilegálnych maďarských zoskupe- ní – Maďarský výkonný výbor, Maďarský demokratický ľudový zväz v Československu, Výkonný výbor antifašistických Maďarov v Československu a Výbor demokratických Maďarov utečených zo Slovenska, ktoré sa usilovali o zlepšenie postavenia maďarskej menšiny, požadovali ochranu proti československej štátnej moci, upozorňovali európske veľmoci na svoje postavenie, požado- vali intervenciu, plebiscit a územia obývané Maďarmi pripojiť k Maďarsku, odmietali princíp kolektívnej viny, nútené presídľovanie a výmenu obyvateľstva. Príspevok na tému Osídľovací úrad pre Slovensko, jeho vznik, činnosť a hlavné úlohy z po- hľadu archívnych prameňov predstavila Mgr. Daniela Tvrdoňová, PhD. (Slovenský národný ar- chív, Bratislava). Autorka priblížila význam a činnosť Osídľovacieho úradu pre Slovensko vy- chádzajúc pritom z archívneho materiálu, ktorý je uložený v Slovenskom národnom archíve v Bratislave. Hlavnou činnosťou tohto úradu bolo riešenie tzv. maďarskej otázky. Úrad svojimi aktivitami významne zasiahol do výmeny obyvateľstva medzi Československom a Maďarskom, mal vo svojej náplni – presídlenie obyvateľstva do Maďarska, súpis majetku a osôb určených na výmenu podľa dohody, zabezpečiť prechod, bývanie a zásobovanie, prípravu tzv. odsunové- ho a združovacieho plánu, rôzne technické a organizačne pokyny. Štruktúru osobného fondu Antona Granatiera, ktorý je uložený v Slovenskom národnom archíve v Bratislave priblížila vo svojom príspevku Mgr. Kristína Estera Szudová (Výskumný ústav Slovákov v Maďarsku, Békescsaba): Písomnosti Antona Granatiera o problematike výmeny obyvateľstva medzi Československom a Maďarskom. Anton Granatier bol významný slovenský politik a publicista, zároveň člen Reslovakizačnej komisie v Bratislave a vedúci funkcionár Slovenskej ligy v medzivojnovom období, ktorý sa počas svojho života podrobne zaoberal slovensko-maďarskými národ- nostnými vzťahmi. Autorka objasnila a podrobne poukázala na vybrané dokumenty z jeho ži- vota a dokumenty z jeho osobného fondu týkajúce sa výmeny obyvateľstva, rovnako písomnosti z vedeckej činnosti a písomnosti z verejnej a politickej činnosti (úradná korešpondencia). Blok bol ukončený aktívnou diskusiou, po ktorej nasledovala krátka prestávka. Záverečný blok moderoval Prof. PaedDr. Štefan Šutaj, DrSc., ktorý uviedol príspevok Dr. Istvána Janeka (MTA BTK Történettudományi Intézet, Budapest) s názvom: Úsilie ma- ďarského kardinála Jozefa Mindszentyho o zastavenie výmeny obyvateľstva (1945 – 1948). Autor vo svojej prezentácii predstavil osobnosť a činnosť Jozefa Mindszentyho, ktorý sa po- čas svojho života aktívne angažoval v problematike repatriácie obyvateľstva medzi Maďarskom a Československom, upozorňoval verejnosť a tlač na problematiku deportácií, usiloval sa o zastavenie vysídľovania a výmenu obyvateľstva. Jeho cieľom bolo informovať veriacich, kňazov a verejnosť, ovplyvniť verejnú mienku, československú vládu a medzinárodnú tlač, aby tak za- bránil deportáciám a výmene obyvateľstva. S prezentáciou témy Propaganda vo výmene obyva- teľstva medzi Československom a Maďarskom pokračovala autorka Mgr. Lucia Heldáková, PhD. (Katedra aplikovanej etiky, FF UPJŠ v Košiciach), ktorá ponúkla analýzu mechanizmu propagandy výmeny obyvateľstva medzi Československom a Maďarskom. Úspešnosť propagandy bola najmä na maďarskom území veľmi dôležitá, aby boli zabezpečené podmienky princípu recipro- city pri výmene obyvateľstva. Autorka na úvod príspevku priblížila, čo je propaganda, deﬁ no- vala pojem, uviedla ciele a metodológiu, techniky, mechanizmus, formy a hlavné motívy propagandy na príklade situácie v Maďarsku. V tomto prípade síce propaganda nenaplnila všetky podmienky, napriek tomu je možné ju označiť za propagandistický proces pri presídľovaní oby- vateľstva. Nasledujúci referát predstavila Mgr. Barbara Kacerová (Katedra histórie, FF UPJŠ v Košiciach) s názvom: Vybrané problémy výmeny obyvateľstva na rokovaniach Československo- maďarskej zmiešanej komisie pre výmenu obyvateľstva po druhej svetovej vojne, v ktorom autorka priblížila činnosť Československo-maďarskej zmiešanej komisie, ktorá významne zasiahla

85 MESTO a DEJINY do výmeny obyvateľstva medzi Československom a Maďarskom. Rozhodnutia tejto komisie sa priamo dotýkali postavenia presídleného obyvateľstva a celého komplexu právnych vzťahov pre- sídlencov k obom štátom, upravovali a riadili výmenu obyvateľstva. B. Kacerová rovnako priblí- žila problémy spojené s presídľovaním obyvateľstva a nejednotnosť v predstavách na oboch stra- nách. Okrem iného spomenula mimoriadne rokovania spomínanej komisie. Predposledný referát Sťažnosti presídlených Slovákov z Maďarska (vo vybranom regióne južného Slovenska) prezentovali Mgr. Miroslava Gallová a Mgr. Zlatica Sáposová, PhD. (SCPV SAV, Spoločenskovedný ústav, Košice). Autorky predstavili výsledky výskumu výmeny obyva- teľstva a situácie, ktorá nastala po presídlení na území južného Slovenska. Pri výskume sa opierali najmä o sťažnosti presídlencov v Medzibodroží, konkrétne v meste Kráľovsky Chlmec. Zaznamenali rôzne druhy sťažností, ako napr. hmotné požiadavky, hnuteľný a nehnuteľný ma- jetok, na etnicitu, náboženstvo, na základe ktorých mapovali postoj obyvateľstva k týmto udalostiam. Zároveň predstavili ďalšie výskumné otázky, ktoré pri výskume vystali, napr. ako ovplyvnili migračné pohyby dlhodobý vývoj etnickej štruktúry obyvateľstva v pohraničných obciach? Dokázali si reemigranti udržať svoju identitu? Záverečný príspevok konferencie na tému Výmena obyvateľstva v triede. Obraz rokov 1947 – 1948 v školských matrikách, triednych kni- hách a v iných školských dokumentoch predstavil Mgr. József Demmel, PhD. (Výskumný ústav Slovákov v Maďarsku, Békéscsaba). Autor priblížil výsledky etnograﬁ ckého výskumu matrík, ktoré podávajú plastický obraz o slovensko-maďarskom obyvateľstve. Ozrejmil, čo môžu o ná- rodnej identite dobových ľudí povedať matriky zhotovené pre školskú organizáciu. Ponúkol štatistiky viacerých škôl v obciach Tardoš, Békešská Čaba, Sarvaš, Slovenský Komlóš, v škol- skom roku 1947/1948. Výsledky výskumu upozornili, okrem iného, na príčiny výmeny obyvateľ- stva medzi Maďarskom a Československom, na základe presídlenia detí počas školského roka. Matriky uvádzali aj živiteľa rodiny a jeho zamestnanie, čo ponúklo zaujímavé informácie. Na presídlenie reagovali najmä najnižšie vrstvy, ktoré dúfali v lepší život v ČSR. Autor tak pouká- zal na školské dokumenty, ktoré predstavujú vhodný doplnkový prameň k mapovaniu pohybu obyvateľstva. Po záverečnej diskusii hlavný organizátor konferencie Prof. PaedDr. Štefan Šutaj, DrSc. oﬁ ciálne ukončil konferenciu, oboznámil účastníkov s prípravou vedeckého zborníka ako vý- sledku konferencie a podal informácie dôležité pre jeho zostavenie. Na záver poďakoval všet- kým aktívnym prednášajúcim, ako aj členom organizačného výboru za bezproblémový priebeh konferencie.

Mgr. Miriama Filčáková Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach

KOŠICE VO SVETLE NOVÝCH POZNATKOV [KOŠICE IN THE LIGHT OF NEW KNOWLEDGE] KOŠICE, 22. OKTÓBER 2019

Dejepisný spolok v Košiciach si tohto roku pripomenul 25 rokov svojej existencie. Pri jeho vzniku stáli tunajší archivári Pavol Šalamon a Štefan Eliáš, ktorí sa ako prví vystriedali na predsedníckom poste, a taktiež historici Marián Gajdoš i Štefan Šutaj. K ustanovujúcej schôdzi došlo 28. októbra 1994, zakladajúcich členov bolo vtedy pätnásť. Dnes má spolok sedemdesiat členov a vedie ho archivár Gabriel Szeghy. Počas štvrťstoročia svojej činnosti spolok podnikol viaceré aktivity späté s kultúrnym životom v Košiciach a ochranou miestnych pamiatok, za čo všetko mu tohto roku mestskí poslanci udelili Cenu mesta Košice. Spolok vydáva ročenku Košické historické zošity a tradičnými sú tiež ním usporadúvané prednášky vo Verejnej knižni- ci Jána Bocatia s mesačnou periodicitou. V rovnakých knižničných priestoroch preto Dejepisný spolok zorganizoval aj konferenciu pri nanajvýš vhodnej príležitosti svojho výročia. Zúčastnili sa jej členovia i sympatizanti, nechýbalo zastúpenie každej odbornej kultúrnej inštitúcie v meste. Po otvorení konferencie Gabrielom Szeghym sa prítomným prihovoril Daniel Černý, ria- diteľ Slovenského historického ústavu v Ríme, ktorý prevzal záštitu nad podujatím. Následne

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Milena Ostrolúcka zrekapitulovala 25-ročné pôsobenie Dejepisného spolku v Košiciach, ktorého je zároveň podpredsedníčkou. Príspevky účastníkov potom nasledovali v chronologickom slede. Archeológ Peter Šimčík predstavil výskum jedného košického meštianskeho domu, ktorého vý- sledky môžu poukazovať na to, že by Košice patrili k prvým nateraz známym stredoeurópskym mestám s objaveným prevétom. Drahoslav Magdoško sa venoval niekoľkým detailom topografi e stredovekých Košíc, a to pôvodom a lokalizáciou niektorých uličných aj chotárnych názvov. Dosiaľ málo známe až neznáme miesta i objekty súvisiace s vykonávaním rozsudkov za trest- né činy v novovekých Košiciach lokalizoval a bližšie opísal Richard Papáč. Martin Bartoš zase priblížil genealógiu a kariéru meštianskeho rodu Lippay v ranonovovekých Košiciach, z ktoré- ho inak pochádzal aj významný ostrihomský arcibiskup. Činnosti košického jezuitského kolé- gia, jeho interakcii s mestom a možnostiam ďalšieho výskumu danej problematiky venoval prí- spevok Peter Fedorčák. Nesporne aktuálnu tému, zameranú na legendistické prvky v kulte košických učeníkov, od ktorých krutej smrti ubehlo akurát 400 rokov, otvoril a predstavil Peter Zubko. Po obedňajšej prestávke pokračovali vystúpenia venované mladším dejinám. Anikó Bajusz oboznámila prítomných s účelom a obsahom vandrovných knižiek krajčírskych tovarišov z 18. až 19. storočia, ktoré sa zachovali v Štátnom archíve v Košiciach. Na tamojšie archiválie pochádzajúce z činnosti verejných notárov poukázala zase Diana Kunderová. Výsledky svojho podrobného výskumu predstavil následne Viktor Szabó. Podarilo sa mu identifi kovať pôvod väč- šiny vojakov z prvej svetovej vojny, pochovaných na zaniknutom košickom „Cintoríne hrdinov“, ktorý bol za socialistickej éry prekrytý, za absencie dokumentácie, súčasným mestským cinto- rínom. Po ňom Ondrej Ficeri poskytol hĺbkovú sondu zameranú na osobnosť Josefa Kohouta, hlavného policajného kapitána Košíc po vzniku ČSR. Na jeho príklade preukázal prevrstvenie viacerých identít takýchto činiteľov v tomto etnicky pestrom a politicky turbulentnom priestore tesne po prvej svetovej vojne. Téme elít venovala pozornosť taktiež Veronika Szeghy-Gayer, ktorá širším štatistickým výskumom posúdila adaptabilitu na nové pomery u bývalých uhor- ských štátnych zamestnancov, pôsobiacich v Košiciach v rokoch po rozpade Uhorska. Košice sa ale v prvej polovici 20. storočia profi lovali aj ako ďalšie centrum gréckokatolíckeho kultúrne- ho života, na čo zase poukázal David Černý. Zaujímavé okolnosti pamiatkovej obnovy priblížila potom Alena Hrabinská na príklade renovácie sgrafi tovej výzdoby dvoch meštianskych domov z 19. storočia. Košičania 20. rokov 20. storočia si inak cenili tradičné a zároveň noblesné formy kultúrneho vyžitia, o čom vypovedá skutočnosť, že sa vtedy v centre mesta uživilo v tesnom susedstve až niekoľko tanečných škôl. Ich príbeh prebádala a vypovedala Eleonóra Blašková. Celkovo sa konferencia niesla v príjemnej a obohacujúcej atmosfére. Je pochopiteľné, že pri- lákala predovšetkým košických archivárov, archeológov, historikov, knihovníkov i pamiatkárov, ako aj iných miestnych záujemcov o dejiny tohto mesta. V duchu názvu podujatia predstavili po- četní účastníci výsledky svojich nedávnych, prínosných výskumov, ktorých publikovanie sa pri- pravuje. Aj touto cestou tak možno zaželať Dejepisnému spolku v Košiciach ďalšie roky existencie naplnené prospešnou činnosťou.

Mgr. Drahoslav Magdoško, PhD. Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach

POHĽADY NA SLOVENSKÚ POLITIKU V MINULOSTI A ODKAZ PRE SÚČASNOSŤ [PERSPECTIVES ON SLOVAK POLITICS IN THE PAST AND A LINK FOR THE PRESENT] PREŠOV, 28. OKTÓBER 2019

Dňa 28. októbra 2019 sa v Prešove uskutočnilo podujatie s názvom: Pohľady na slovenskú politiku v minulosti a odkaz pre súčasnosť v rámci projektu Osobnosti slovenskej politiky a extré- mizmus. Pre seminár bol vybraný tiež symbolický dátum 28. október, ktorý nám má pripome- núť vznik prvej Československej republiky v roku 1918, prvého demokratického štátu v našich

87 MESTO a DEJINY dejinách. Seminár s panelovou diskusiou sa uskutočnil aj v Košiciach 29. októbra 2019. Určený bol najmä pre učiteľov dejepisu a občianskej náuky na základných a stredných školách. Cieľom bolo rozšíriť si vedomosti o extrémizme a jeho prejavoch, dôkladnejšie pochopiť nacizmus a fa- šizmus ako extrémistické režimy v minulosti, ktoré by sa nemali viac opakovať. Pedagógovia si rozšírili informácie o známych osobnostiach slovenskej politiky, ktoré pôsobili v rámci roz- ličných ideových prúdov. Celé podujatie bolo sprevádzané aj výstavou venovanou Milanovi Rastislavovi Štefánikovi. Seminár otvoril a moderoval PhDr. Miroslav Pekník, CSc. z Ústavu politických vied SAV. Program seminára bol rozdelený na dve časti. Prvá časť bola zameraná na najradikálnejšie prejavy extrémizmu v minulosti, ktoré majú byť „odkazom pre súčasnosť“. V tejto časti vy- stúpili niekoľkí rečníci. Prvým bol doc. PhDr. Vladimír Goněc, DrSc. taktiež z Ústavu politic- kých vied SAV. Vo svojom príspevku Fašizmus a nacizmus: ich korene a formy v medzivojno- vej Európe sa sústredil na interpretáciu extrémistických režimov v minulosti, t. j. fašizmus a nacizmus. Zadefi noval základné črty fašizmu v Taliansku a nacizmu v Nemecku, ich korene a prejavy v 20. a 30. rokoch 20. storočia. Na tento príspevok nadviazal riaditeľ Múzea SNP v Banskej Bystrici PhDr. Stanislav Mičev, PhD. v príspevku Extrémizmus na Slovensku (fašiz- mus a nacizmus). Slovenské národné povstanie. V ňom objasnil princípy totalitarizmu na prí- klade Slovenského štátu v rokoch 1939 – 1945. Poukázal na presadzovanie fašizmu a nacizmu a plnenie záväzkov predstaviteľmi vládnej strany HSĽS voči Nemecku. V tomto prípade však nedošlo k naplneniu princípov fašizmu a nacizmu vo viacerých aspektoch. Spomenuté boli aj autoritatívne režimy v Pobaltí a v niektorých balkánskych štátoch. Pozornosť zameral aj na SNP a jeho význam pre našu históriu. Zaujímavou témou boli Židia a SNP, ktorej sa vo svojom vstupe venovala Mgr. Kristína Dublanová z SNM – Múzea židovskej kultúry. V príspev- ku Účasť židovského obyvateľstva v protifašistickom odboji poukázala na fakt, že v SNP nebojo- vali len Slováci, ale aj Bulhari, Srbi, Nemci, Maďari, Angličania, Američania, Rusi, obyvatelia Nového Zélandu a Židia. Spomínaný bol sústreďovací tábor v Novákoch, kde sa vytvorila ilegál- na skupina Židov, ktorí pomáhali pri príprave a realizácii SNP. V radoch československej ar- mády neskôr bojovala aj židovská rota. Židia boli v nemalom počte zastúpení aj v zdravotníctve a spravodajstve. Hlavný štátny radca pre heraldiku PhDr. Ladislav Vrtel momentálne pôsobí v Štátnom archíve v Bratislave. Jeho vstup bol zameraný na problematiku extrémistických symbolov: Extrémistická symbolika na Slovensku a jej historické inšpirácie. Poukázal na nacistické a fašis- tické symboly, ktoré sa inšpirovali v histórii a v rôznej modifi kácii sa používajú aj dnes v symbo- loch politických strán či rôznych radikálnych skupín. Ďalším rečníkom bol doc. PhDr. Miroslav Lysý, PhD. z Právnickej fakulty UK v Bratislave, ktorý sa vo svojom príspevku Legislatíva a ex- trémizmus zameral na legislatívnu interpretáciu extrémizmu a prejavov extrémizmu. V trestnom zákone SR je zakotvená protiextrémistická legislatíva v podobe defi nícií trestných činov spojených s extrémizmom, akými sú napríklad: podpora a propagácia skupín, ktoré potláčajú základné práva a slobody, hanobenie národa a rasy, atď. Extrémistická skupina je klasifi kova- ná ako: skupina tvorená najmenej tromi osobami s úmyslom spáchať extrémistický trestný čin. Pod slovným spojením extrémistický materiál rozumieme obrazový, textový, zvukový materiál, ktorý zobrazuje symboly hnutí, ktoré potláčajú základné ľudské práva a pod. Legislatíva taktiež defi nuje dva motívy, t. j. úmysel podnecovať k násiliu a neznášanlivosti z rasových a národnost- ných dôvodov a nenávisť národnostnú, náboženskú, rasovú, sexuálnu a pod. Samotný pojem ex- trémizmus v trestnom poriadku defi novaný nie je. Druhá časť podujatia bola orientovaná na niekoľkých slovenských politikov v minulosti. Stručné charakteristiky troch osobností: Vavra Šrobára, Ivana Dérera a Alexandra Dubčeka predniesol PhDr. Miroslav Pekník, CSc. Spomínané osobnosti slovenskej politiky sa aj napriek svojim nedostatkom pohybovali v medziach demokratickej vlády. Dá sa povedať, že ich myslenie a konanie by mohlo byť v inej podobe využité aj v súčasnom politickom živote. Príspevky boli podporené aj premietnutím dokumentárnych fi lmov. Po každom príspevku nasledovala diskusia, počas ktorej mohli pedagógovia klásť otázky rečníkom a spoločne o nich diskutovať. Na záver seminára vystúpil predseda Oblastného výboru Slovenského zväzu protifašistic- kých bojovníkov (SZPB) Ing. Jozef Čorba, ktorý dal do pozornosti novú publikáciu pod názvom

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V boji za slobodu: Protifašistický odboj v prešovskom regióne v rokoch 1939 – 1945 (KRAJKOVIČ, Ján – ČORBA, Jozef – ŠVORC, Peter (eds.). V boji za slobodu: Protifašistický odboj v prešov- skom regióne v rokoch 1939-1945. Prešov: Universum, 2019). Na košickom seminári vystúpila predsedkyňa košického Oblastného výboru SZPB, ktorá upriamila pozornosť na sériu podujatí s názvom Umením proti extrémizmu, ktorá sa uskutočnila v réžii SZPB. Cieľom bolo poukázať na pravý zmysel umenia, ktorého základom má byť kreativita, nie ničenie pamiatok minulosti. Išlo o reakciu na konanie umelca, ktorý zámerne poškodil Pomník padlým II. svetovej vojny v Košiciach. Seminár sa uskutočnil pod záštitou predsedu Prešovského samosprávneho kraja Milana Majerského a predsedu Košického samosprávneho kraja Rastislava Trnku. Na podujatí par- ticipovali Ústav politických vied SAV, Slovenský zväz protifašistických bojovníkov, Múzeum Slovenského národného povstania v Banskej Bystrici, Slovenské národné múzeum – Múzeum židovskej kultúry, Štátny pedagogický ústav, Metodicko-pedagogické centrum, Štátny archív v Bratislave, Sekcia vedy a techniky MŠVVaŠ SR, Ministerstvo kultúry SR, Nadácia Milana Rastislava Štefánika v Bratislave. Pre učiteľov dejepisu, občianskej náuky a iste aj etickej výchovy bol seminár obohatením. Rozšíril vedomosti a tiež perspektívy výučby o extrémizme a jeho prejavoch v minulosti ako od- kaze pre súčasnosť. Učitelia dostali možnosť zapojiť sa do dvoch literárnych súťaži pre základné a stredné školy pod názvom: Hodžov novinový článok a Hodžova esej. Všetci zúčastnení pedagó- govia dostali aj knižný dar, publikácie z produkcie ÚPV SAV.

Mgr. Alena Tabaková, PhD. Gymnázium M. R. Štefánika, Košice

“LIVING TOGETHER”: TOLERANCE, COEXISTENCE, AND RECONCILIATION 5TH INTERNATIONAL BALKAN STUDIES CONFERENCE “BALKAN EXPRESS” PRAGUE, 8–9 NOVEMBER 2019

The conference “Living together”: Tolerance, Coexistence, and Reconciliation was the fi fth edition of the now well known multidisciplinary event dealing with Balkan studies and various topics and issues of the South-eastern Europe region. This year’s “Balkan Express” was co- organized by the Faculty of Humanities, Charles University, the Institute of Ethnology of the Czech Academy of Sciences, the Institute of History of the Czech Academy of Sciences, the Institute of International Studies, the Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, and the Czech Association of Slavic, Balkan and Byzantine Studies. The conference programme of the Friday (the fi rst day) was divided into three parallel sessions, two of them devoted to academic presentations (panels entitled Yugoslavism, Reconciliation, Constructing Collective Identities and Family and Community) and one to movie projections (for example, of a movie called Bottle Herders by Gabriela Fatková which focuses on the Bulgarian Sarakatsani and their ways of continually reconstructing various images of their pastoral past/shepherding, collectivization, and persecution in the socialist period). The fi rst day of the conference ended with a keynote lecture, “The Edition and Publishing House Biblioteka XX vek (The 20th Century Library): Half a Century of a Regional Workshop for the Dissemination of Knowledge” by Ivan Čolović, a key fi gure of Belgrade’s publishing house Biblioteka XX vek and the author of several crucial books on political myths from former Yugoslavia, for example: Smrt na Kosovu Polju : Istorija kosovskog mita, Politics of Identity in Serbia, Politics of Identity in Serbia: Essays in Political Anthropology and many others. After the keynote lecture followed the opening of the exhibition “Monte Bianco Negro” and a concert by the band Džezvica. Although the programme was very inspiring it was not within the reach of an individual to follow all the presentations so I would like to summarize several which I personally visited. The fi rst panel started with a presentation by Božidar Jezernik of the University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, entitled “Constructing the Yugoslav Idea” where he

89 MESTO a DEJINY emphasized the role of Slovene intellectuals in building Yugoslav identity and highlighted an important milestone in the process of constructing Yugoslav identity: a letter to the Slovenian newspaper Slovenija sent from “the old city Golden Prague” in October 1849 in which the name Jugoslavija was used for the fi rst time. The second panellist was Petr Stehlík of Masaryk University, Brno, with the presentation “Yugoslavism in the 21st Century? On the Afterlife of a Seemingly Retired Idea”. Stehlík presented some ideas on the reconceptualizations of Yugoslavism put forth over the past two decades by scholars and journalists such as Mitja Velikonja, Vjekoslav Perica, Tanja Petrović, Viktor Ivančić and Dragan Markovina. Within the panel “Yugoslavism”, two presented their research apart from me (“The Idea of (Br)otherhood and Unity in Yugoslav Popular Music in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s”): Marjana Strmčnik of the University of Ljubljana and Antonio Grgić of the Institute of Architectural Theory, Art History and Cultural Studies, TU Graz. Marjana Strmčnik presented, in her paper entitled “Slovenia Re-invented Celebration: The Day of Youth”, the idea of the reconstruction of the celebration of Youth which has come to life within new social contexts in Kumrovec/Croatia as the “Day of Youth and Joy” (Dan radosti i mladosti). At this manifestation, thousands of people from ex-Yugoslavia, as well young people who do not have that experience, but who have heard the narrations of others, gather once per year (on the Saturday closest to May 25th) in the small village where Tito was born. She has also described how ideas of a political era that has ceased to exist have been transformed to serve the present time. Antonio Grgić presented a paper – “The Monuments of the WWII Antifascist Struggle as Common Cultural Heritage and a Place for Constructing the New Common Narrative in Bosnia and Herzegovina” in which he tried to answer the question of how monuments which in their logic are oriented towards death can have their orientation changed with the fi nal goal to create places which are oriented towards life, places for constructing the new life- affi rming common narrative in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The afternoon programme continued with the panel “Constructing Collective Identities”. Nikola Zečević (University of Donja Gorica, Montenegro) presented a paper “Populism and Historical Revisionism in the Post-Yugoslav Region After 1989” in which he analysed the relation between (anti)fascist heritage in the Post-Yugoslav countries and the ways it is relativized and decontextualized. Piotr Mirocha (Jagiellonian University, Cracow, Poland) brought his contribution “Regional Identities and Alterity in the Croatian and Serbian Media Discourse on Europe after 2012: A Corpus-assisted Study”, analyses of a large corpus of newspaper articles from Croatian (conservative Večernji list, liberal Novi list) and Serbian (centre-right Politika, liberal Danas) press, using a synthesis of quantitative (collocation analysis, topic modelling) and qualitative methods (analysis of discoursive strategies and topoi in representative samples). Anja Zlatović (University of Belgrade, Serbia) broached a very interesting topic in her presentation: “Using the Elements of Irish Culture in a Process of Identity Construction in Serbia”. Her research focuses on the scene in Belgrade based around the elements of what is perceived as traditional Irish culture. Saturday’s programme was also divided into two sections and some participants met at the specifi c section or round table “The future of Balkan studies”, where the introduction was given by Ladislav Hladký from the Institute of History of the Czech Academy of Sciences in Brno. Panel 1, “Beyond Ethnic Lines”, brought three very interesting presentations, one of them being especially original and high in quality – Mario Katić and Robert M. Hayden’s “Reading Local Landscapes: How Do Manifestations of Visible and Audible Coexistence Infuence Everyday Life?”, a cooperation between a Croatian historian from the University of Zadar and an American from the University of Pittsburgh. In their research they are using examples from several small-scale cities from Bosnia and Herzegovina to discuss how physical and audible manifestations of different religious objects frame local everyday life in mixed communities that are often presented as sites of tolerance, coexistence and reconciliation. Another interesting presentation was offered in panel 3, “Coexistence”, in which Markéta Slávková from the Institute of Ethnology, the Czech Academy of Sciences, Prague, described her work on “Srebrenica Stories: A Radio Documentary”. As the chair of the panel “Post-WWII History” I had a great opportunity to listen to the presentations of Krasimira Marholeva (Faculty

90 MESTO a DEJINY of Humanities, Charles University), “The Czechoslovak-Bulgarian Cultural Relationship (1945– 1989)”, and Anna Herran (University of Toronto), “Student Uprisings and Democratic Ideals: Narratives and Commemorations of November 17 in Greece and the Czech Republic”. As the commemoration of the Velvet Revolution is nowadays in full swing, the paper of Anna Herran brought a view on the comparison of The Athens Polytechnic Uprising of 1973 and events from November 1989 in Czechoslovakia. The fi nal working session of the conference was devoted to an academic books presentation where three books were promoted, namely: Etnički konfl ikti (Ethnic Confl icts) – Filip Tesař; Ethnic and National Identity in BiH: Kinship and Solidarity in a Polyethnic Society – Keith Doubt and Adnan Tufekčić; and Balkanizing Europeanization: Fight against Corruption and Regional Relations in the Western Balkans – Vladimir Vučković and Vladimir Đorđević (eds). This very fruitful event with many quality presentations, a rich social programme, and cheerful and friendly people ended with a reading by the author Blanka Čechová from her novel Totál Balkán and the conference banquet in the Lastavica club (organized by the Association for the citizens of former Yugoslavia).

Mgr. Maroš Melichárek, PhD. Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach

PRVÝ DOTYK SO SLOBODOU [THE FIRST CONTACT WITH THE FREEDOM] KOŠICE, 14. NOVEMBER 2019

Revolučné udalosti z novembra 1989 v Československu mali svoju predohru v rozmachu rôznych opozičných aktivít v druhej polovici 80. rokov. Na Slovensku ich prejavmi boli najmä podpisy pod Chartu 77, vydanie publikácie Bratislava/nahlas na jeseň 1987 a Sviečková ma- nifestácia z dňa 25. marca 1988. Začiatkom revolúcie bola študentská demonštrácia 16. novembra 1989 v Bratislave. Avšak za konečný spúšťač vedúci k pádu komunistického režimu v Československu je považovaná bezpečnostnými zložkami brutálne potlačená demonštrácia na Národnej triede v Prahe dňa 17. novembra 1989. Tá spustila všeobecnú vlnu odporu a rôznych štrajkových, demonštračných a manifestačných aktivít. Pád komunistického režimu bol v dô- sledku stále silnejúceho spoločenského tlaku neodvratný. Výročie týchto udalostí reﬂ ektova- la aj interaktívna výstava s názvom Prvý dotyk so slobodou. Podujatie sa konalo pod záštitou Košického samosprávneho kraja v spolupráci s Univerzitou Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach, Verejnou knižnicou Jána Bocatia, Ústavom pamäti národa a hlavným mediálnym partnerom Rádiom a televíziou Slovenska (RTVS). Odbornú garanciu formy a obsahu výstavy prebral au- torský tím z Katedry histórie Filozoﬁ ckej fakulty Univerzity Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach, konkrétne vedúci katedry, prof. PaedDr. Martin Pekár, PhD., odborná asistentka a didaktič- ka dejepisu PaedDr. Alžbeta Śnieżko, PhD. a odborný asistent Mgr. Mikuláš Jančura, PhD. Výstava bola slávnostne otvorená 14. 11. 2019 v priestoroch Verejnej knižnice Jána Bocatia v Košiciach a trvala do konca januára 2020. Cieľ výstavy bol viacvrstevný. Pripomenutie 30. výročia zvrhnutia komunistického režimu v Československu na Slovensku či v Košiciach nemalo charakter štandardného lineárneho his- torického výkladu. Cieľom podujatia bolo upriamiť pozornosť na množstvo otázok, symbolov či „neviditeľných kategórií“, ktorých sme v rámci každodenného života v podmienkach demokra- tického režimu pevnou súčasťou, a že za tieto podmienky nesieme ako jednotlivci zodpovednosť. Interpretačný rámec pre vystavený materiál tvorilo päť dimenzií historického vedomia (iden- tita, historicita, pamäť, priestor, čas) a ich rozvíjanie, pričom cieľovou skupinou neboli len štu- denti či žiaci základných a stredných škôl, ale aj široká verejnosť, na ktorú mal uvedený kon- cept hlboký dosah. V rámci kategórie „identity“, ktorá je založená na pojmoch ako „my a oni“, „my a tí druhí“, mali návštevníci možnosť pozorovať pluralitu identít v štátnom socializme, keď boli aktéri vte- dajších udalostí konfrontovaní otázkami ako napr.: Kto sme? Kým musíme byť? Kým chceme

91 MESTO a DEJINY byť? Kto sú to „oni“? Do akej miery sa identifi kujeme s politickým režimom, v ktorom žijeme? Do akej miery nás identifi kuje politický režim? Zároveň z tejto kategórie prirodzene vyvstá- vajú otázky týkajúce sa kolektívnej a individuálnej identity v súčasnosti: Kto sme? Musíme aj dnes byť niekým, kým byť nechceme? Sme dnes už len „my“? alebo stále sú tu aj „oni“? Kto sú v dnešnej spoločnosti oni? Tí druhí? Čo a kto všetko sa podieľa na formovaní našej identity? Uvedené otázky zároveň otvárajú plynulý prechod ku kategórii „historicity“, ktorá skú- ma miesto človeka v dejinách. Prostredníctvom prezentovaného materiálu výstava informovala návštevníkov o tom, kto a do akej miery sa podieľal na kľúčových udalostiach, ktoré nakoniec viedli k rozpadu totalitného režimu. Dejiny tvoríme my ako jednotlivci, naše rozhodnutia či postoje, čo logicky vedie k prelínaniu historicity so zodpovednosťou, ktorá viac či menej rezono- vala vo všetkých častiach výstavy. Otvorené tu boli otázky, či si aktéri novembrových udalostí, a teda predstavitelia kultúrnej obce, študenti vysokých škôl, médiá, občania stojaci na námes- tiach uvedomovali svoju historickú úlohu. Boli si vedomí dôležitosti zmeny, ktorú naštartova- li? Aké dôsledky malo konanie jednotlivých účastníkov týchto historických udalostí na ich život a na spoločnosť ako celok? Pridanou hodnotou podujatia bolo v rámci priblíženia kategórie historicity vytváranie pocitovej mapy. Tá uvedenú abstraktnú kategóriu zhmotňovala a návštevní- kov postavila pred otázku, aké dejiny píšeme dnes? Je vôbec možné uvedomovať si samého seba v čase? Sú dôležité naše rozhodnutia, postoje, názory? Pri hľadaní odpovedí na tieto otázky sa tak otvorila možnosť diskusie o nezávislej kultúre, o akademických slobodách, o občianskej ak- tivite a základných ľudských právach, a o tom, ako reagovať, ak je niektorý z týchto výdobytkov demokracie ohrozený. Ďalšia z akcentovaných kategórií, „pamäť“, predstavila návštevníkom miesta pamäti kľúčových historických udalostí súvisiacich s novembrom 1989. Návštevníci tak mali možnosť vidieť priestor, v ktorom sa denne pohybujú, vidieť ho nielen ako miesto trávenia voľného času, štúdia, práce, ale aj ako miesto pamäti, majúce svoju minulosť, ktorá je v rôznej forme prítomná aj v súčasnosti. Pozornosť tu bola zameraná nielen na pamätníky a pomníky, ale aj na iné symboly novembrových udalostí, ktoré sa uchovávajú v kolektívnej pamäti (rôzne formy umenia, piesne, móda a pod.). Poznanie miest pamäti na lokálnej úrovni zároveň vedie k empatii k miestam pamäti iných kultúr, štátov a spoločenstiev, ktoré si svoju pamäť uchová- vajú v rovnakej forme a s rovnakým cieľom. Zámerom tak bolo vzbudiť u návštevníkov snahu verejný priestor nielen pozorovať či obdivovať, ale aj čítať. Posledné, avšak základné kategórie, na ktoré bola v rámci podujatia upriamená pozornosť, boli „priestor“ a „čas“. História sa odohráva v čase a priestore, a teda rozvíjanie týchto dvoch dimenzií historic- kého vedomia je pri spoznávaní minulosti kľúčové. Pre návštevníkov boli tieto abstraktné ka- tegórie zhmotnené do tzv. Univerzálnej mapy, ktorá umožňuje pozorovať prienik „veľkých“ a „malých“ dejín v lokálnych, celoštátnych a tiež európskych historických súvislostiach, odohrá- vajúcich sa v rôznych časoch na rôznych miestach. Zároveň spolu s priestorom a časom integru- je v ucelenom koncepte aj ostatné priblížené kategórie. Na konci výstavy bol návštevník „vráte- ný v čase“, aby prechádzkou po retrospektívnej časovej osi objavil, že sviatok 17. novembra bol v roku 1989 starý už niekoľko desaťročí, a teda že sa neviaže k novembrovým udalostiam roka 1989. Práve naopak. Udalosti Novembra ´89 naň odkazujú. Výstava pozostávala zo širokého portfólia materiálov rôznej proveniencie. Základom boli da- vové fotografi e z protestov a mítingov z rôznych miest s osobitným zameraním na Košice a po- chádzali prevažne zo súkromných archívov a archívu Ústavu pamäti národa. Zaujímavosťou bola napr. séria fotografi í autorky Veroniky Januškovej, ktoré boli verejnosti predstavené po prvýkrát. Fotografi cký materiál dopĺňali len krátko pred výstavou objavené situačné správy Štátnej bezpečnosti, ktorá toto dianie dôkladne monitorovala. Materiál bol dodaný Ústavom pa- mäti národa. Verejná knižnica Jána Bocatia prispela bohatým portfóliom dobovej tlače, refl ek- tujúcej dianie. Inovatívnym vstupom boli tiež podobizne aktérov v životnej veľkosti, komiksové prvky a v neposlednom rade originálne grafi cké dizajnérske prvky, ako napr. kreslené podobizne demonštantov či ťažkoodencov v nadživotnej veľkosti, ktoré (ako aj celý dizajn a vizuál vý- stavy) pochádzali z grafi ckého štúdia dizajnérky Mgr. Art. Barbory Kopnickej, Art D. Portfólio materiálu obohacovali dobové fi lmy, reportáže a hudba, pochádzajúce z fondov archívu RTVS, ako aj z fondov Verejnej knižnice Jána Bocatia.

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Formou a obsahom výstava voľne nadväzovala na úspešnú sériu interaktívnych podujatí, ktoré vo verejnom priestore zorganizovala Katedra histórie FF UPJŠ v Košiciach v rokoch 2016 – 2018 (Kto bude ďalší?, Kto bude ďalší? II, Dejiny tvoríš ty!). Ako bolo uvedené, cieľovými skupinami podujatia boli žiaci základných a stredných škôl, ale aj široká verejnosť. Dosah podujatia možno identiﬁ kovať ako hlboký, o čom svedčí bohatá medi- álna prezentácia, ako aj skutočnosť, že výstava bola pre záujem verejnosti o mesiac predĺžená.

Mgr. Mikuláš Jančura, PhD. Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach

ROK 1919 A ČESKOSLOVENSKO: POSTAVENIE A PREMENY PERIFÉRIÍ NOVÉHO ŠTÁTU V PROCESE JEHO KONŠTITUOVANIA [1919 AND CZECHOSLOVAKIA: POSITION AND TRANSFORMATION OF PERIPHERALS OF THE NEW STATE IN THE PROCESS OF ITS CONSTITUTION] PREŠOV, 26. – 27. NOVEMBER 2019

V posledných novembrových dňoch sa na pôde Filozofi ckej fakulty Prešovskej univerzity v Prešove uskutočnila vedecká konferencia s názvom Rok 1919 a Československo.1 Na uskutoč- není tejto konferencie sa organizačne podieľali okrem Inštitútu histórie FF PU v Prešove aj Katedra histórie Filozofi ckej fakulty Univerzity J. E. Purkyně v Ústí nad Labem, Slovenská his- torická spoločnosť pri SAV v Bratislave a tiež Historická spoločnosť kráľovského mesta Prešov. Konferencia prebiehala dva dni, pričom prvý deň bol jej program rozdelený do štyroch blokov a program druhého dňa tvorili dva bloky. Konferenciu otvorili svojím úvodným slovom čle- novia Organizačného výboru. Predseda výboru prof. PhDr. Peter Švorc, CSc. privítal účinkujú- cich a hostí a predstavil v krátkosti cieľ podujatia a organizačné pokyny. Účastníkov privítal aj riaditeľ Inštitútu histórie FF PU doc. PaedDr. Patrik Derfi ňák, PhD. Za Katedru histórie FF Univerzity J. E. Purkyně to bol jej predseda doc. Mgr. Martin Veselý, Ph.D. Po ofi ciálnom otvorení konferencie nasledoval prvý príspevok, s ktorým vystúpila bývalá ria- diteľka Inštitútu histórie doc. PhDr. Ľubica Harbuľová, CSc. V príspevku pod názvom Nepokojná Európa v roku 1919 priblížila situáciu v Európe po ukončení prvej svetovej vojny. Aj keď bol mier ofi ciálne podpísaný už v novembri 1918, revolúcia prebiehala ďalej. Európske štáty radikálne vstupujú aj do ďalšieho roka. V januári 1919 sa snaží povojnovú situáciu riešiť Parížska mierová konferencia, kde rezonuje aj ruská otázka. Európa je zmietaná štrajkami, v niektorých štátoch vznikajú republiky rád, napríklad v Maďarsku, Bavorsku, ale aj na Slovensku. Druhým pred- nášajúcim bol už spomínaný prof. PhDr. Peter Švorc, CSc., ktorý vystúpil s príspevkom Od vzniku Slovenskej ľudovej republiky k Slovenskej republike rád (1918 – 1919). 28. október bol dňom, kedy vznikla prvá Československá republika, avšak jej vznik nebol jednoduchý. Bol to proces, ktorý prebiehal dlhšiu dobu. Deštrukciou československej myšlienky bol vznik Slovenskej ľudo- vej republiky v decembri 1918 a neskôr aj Slovenskej republiky rád v júni 1919. Pre SĽR bola charakteristická prouhorská orientácia a odmietanie spoločného štátu s Čechmi, v druhom prí- pade išlo o socialistický štátny útvar závislý od Maďarskej republiky rád. Obidve republiky exis- tovali len krátke obdobie. Tretím účinkujúcim bol prof. PhDr. Roman Holec, DrSc. z Katedry slovenských dejín Filozofi ckej fakulty Univerzity Komenského v Bratislave. Príspevok s názvom Dunaj v roku 1919 – československá periféria alebo produktívny geopolitický fenomén? bol zau- jímavý z hľadiska výberu témy. Dunaj ako prírodná hranica a tiež spojnica medzi malodohodo- vými mocnosťami nenaplnil po vzniku prvej ČSR svoj hospodársky potenciál. Z ekonomické- ho hľadiska ležal na okraji záujmu nového štátu. Posledným prednašajúcim v prvom bloku bol Mgr. István Janek, PhD., ktorý pôsobí na pôde Magyar Tudományos Akadémia v Budapešti. Vystúpil s príspevkom Slovjacka otázka a maďarská zahraničná politika, kde načrtol slovjacku

1 Podujatie sa konalo v rámci riešenia grantového projektu APVV-15-0036 Východné Slovensko v 19. a 20. storočí vo vzťahu centra a periférie.

93 MESTO a DEJINY otázku ako problém, ktorý vyvstal po vzniku ČSR. Jej propagátorom bol Viktor Dvorčák, ktorý bol presvedčený o tom, že na východnom Slovensku žije národ nazývaný Slovjaci. Ich centrom bola Šarišská župa a používali spoločný slovjacky jazyk (šarišské nárečie). Slovjaci sa neidenti- ﬁ kovali ani s Čechmi, ani s Maďarmi. Táto ideológia bola podporovaná maďarskou diplomaciou. Existovala tu potencionálna možnosť pripútať si územie východného Slovenska k Maďarsku. Všetky aktivity Dvorčáka postupne zanikli a neskôr nemali žiaden vplyv na Slovákov. V druhom bloku vystúpili opäť štyria účinkujúci. Prvým bol historik a archivár doc. PhDr. Václav Ledvinka, CSc., ktorý pracuje na Katedre histórie na FF J. E. Purkyně a tiež v Archíve hlavného mesta Praha. Vo svojom vstupe pod názvom Viděno z Prahy. (Slovensko roku 1919 v do- kumentech pražské radnice a v aktivitách jejích vedoucích představitelů) prezentoval Slovensko ako perifériu vzhľadom na hlavné mesto ČSR Prahu. Začiatkom roka 1919 opadlo prvotné nad- šenie zo vzniku republiky. Vo svojom príspevku sa zameral na tri aspekty. V prvom a druhom príprade išlo o oﬁ ciálne či partnerské aktivity československej vlády voči Slovensku, v poslednom rade sústredil pozornosť na vzťah Prahy k Slovensku počas osláv 70. narodenín preziden- ta Masaryka. Spočiatku sa hlavné mesto snažilo rozvíjať vzťahy so Slovenskom, no postupom času skrácalo záujem o túto časť územia ČSR. Nezáujem Prahy dokazuje aj fakt, že v archívoch nie je zmienka o SĽR či SRR, ktoré vznikli na východnom Slovensku v prvých rokoch existencie ČSR. Druhým prezentujúcim bol Mgr. Jiří Myroniuk, ktorý pracuje v Múzeu mesta Ústí nad Labem. V príspevku Rok 1919 pohledem Františka Fliegera sa zameriava na život obyčajného vojaka, ktorý bol súčasťou bojov o Slovensko po vzniku ČSR. Pamäti, ktoré po sebe vojak Flieger zanechal, sú cenným historickým prameňom. Išlo o človeka, ktorý sa stal účastníkom veľkých dejín, preto považujem tento príspevok za veľmi obohacujúci. Ďalším účinkujúcim bol riaditeľ Archívu Ústí nad Labem Mgr. Petr Karlíček, Ph.D. Vo svojom príspevku Nový stát a jeho peri- férie v karikaturách a satiře (1919) sa venoval rytinám z roku 1919, ktoré poukazovali na boľše- vické nebezpečenstvo a vybraným satirickým časopisom vychadzajúcim v Čechách. Príspevku však, podľa niektorých, chýbala komparácia so slovenskými, prípadne maďarskými satirickými časopismi. Druhý blok zakončil vyššie spomínaný doc. Mgr. Martin Veselý, Ph.D. s príspevkom Ve jménu jeho... republiky. Rok 1919 na Ústecku z perspektívy případů Okresního soudu v Ústí nad Labem. Autor charakterizuje situáciu v meste v sledovanom roku, ktoré vzhľadom na iné mestá nemalo veľký význam. V meste žili českí Nemci, ktorí verili, že ich budúcnosť je spätá s rakúskym Nemeckom. Obidva bloky boli ukončené diskusiou. Všetci zúčastnení mali možnosť klásť otázky prezentujúcim a vzájomne o nich diskutovať. V druhej časti dňa nasledovali ďalšie vystúpenia. V treťom bloku vystúpili ako prví PhDr. Pavel Kreisinger, Ph.D. a PhDr. Karel Podolský z Katedry histórie FF Univerzity Palackého v Olomouci s príspevkom Tragický 4. březen 1919 ve Štenbergu s odstupem jednoho století – souvislosti, rekonstrukce událostí, důsledky, v ktorom popísali krvavé strety sudetských Nemcov s československým vojskom v spomínanom meste. Demonštrácia obyvateľov Sudet bola potlače- ná streľbou vojakov do davu, pričom zomrelo 16 osôb. Ďalším aktérom podujatia bol Mgr. Jan Grisa, člen Katedry histórie FF J. E. Purkyně. Príspevok niesol názov Deutschböhmen v ži- votě a díle Františka Cajthamla-Liberté, ktorý bol zameraný na život a dielo českého publicis- tu a básnika. Cajthaml-Liberté bol zástancom českých menšín a odporcom Nemecka. Jeho dielo sa venovalo „provincii Deutchböhmen“ na severe Čiech počas vzniku ČSR. PhDr. Karel Řeháček je riaditeľom odboru archivníctva a spisovej služby v Štátnom oblastnom archíve v Plzni. Jeho vstup bol zameraný na vývoj menšinového školstva v Čechách v roku 1919: „Z periferie do centra? Rok 1919 ve vývoji českého menšinového školství“. Autor sa v príspevku venoval postaveniu menšín v legislatíve ČSR, tiež školskému systému v českých krajinách. Vyzdvihol pozitíva, ale v konečnom dôsledku veľa zmien ostalo len v teoretickej rovine. Centrum krajiny bolo obviňova- né, že záujem o vzdelávanie v okrajových častiach štátu je nepostačujúci. Školstvom na východ- nom Slovensku sa vo svojom príspevku zaoberala členka Inštitútu histórie FF PU v Prešove doc. PhDr. Nadežda Jurčišinová, PhD. Vo svojom vstupe s názvom Činnosť školského inšpektorátu v Šariši (1919 – 1920) upriamila pozornosť na riadiace školské orgány na slovenskom území po vzniku ČSR. Tiež na problémy, ktoré trápili slovenské školy, ako nedostatok učebníc, personál- ne zabezpečenie škôl, neznalosť slovenčiny a odmietanie zmien samotnými učiteľmi.

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Poslednú časť programu konferencie uviedla archivárka Mgr. Helena Hollá svojím príspev- kom Život v Považskej Bystrici a okolí po vzniku ČSR z Štátneho archívu v Trenčíne, pracovis- ko Považská Bystrica. Zamerala sa na život v Považskej Bystrici po roku 1918. V tomto obdo- bí sa v meste objavujú rôzne letáky, ktoré nabádajú k nenávisti voči Čechom, k neposlušnosti voči republike a podobne. Obyčajní ľudia sa často nevedeli sami zaradiť, nevedeli prijať nové pomery, čo dokazuje zložitosť situácie po vzniku nového štátu. Ďalší príspevok predniesol PhDr. Peter Kovaľ, PhD., člen Inštitútu histórie FF PU v Prešove. Témou bola činnosť Červeného krí- ža v ČSR s názvom Vznik a počiatky činnosti Československého červeného kríža. Prvý deň konferencie zakončil svojím vystúpením Dr. Barna Ábrahám, PhD., ktorý pracuje v Centre jazykov a kultúr národnostných menšín PU v Prešove. Svojím príspevkom obohatil konferenciu o ďalší aspekt, a to menšinovú prózu. V príspevku s názvom Prevrat 1918/1919 a jeho obraz v maďar- skom menšinovom románe porovnal dva vybrané romány od maďarských autorov, ktorí žili na slovensko-maďarskom pohraničí. Ústrednou myšlienkou románov je, že byť Maďarom nezname- ná držať sa striktne starých vecí. Potrebné je nájsť si nové ciele. Jednotliví autori sa nestotožňu- jú ani s Uhorskom, ani s ČSR. Na základe týchto príbehov môžeme pochopiť myslenie a hodno- ty obyčajných ľudí, ktorí sa ocitli na periférii a hľadali nové spôsoby svojej existencie. Aj druhú časť podujatia zakončila diskusia a výmena vzájomných poznatkov medzi aktérmi konferencie. Druhý deň konferencie otvoril PhDr. Milan Vyhlídal, Ph.D. z Katedry vojenského umenia Fakulty vojenského leadershipu Univerzity obrany v Brne. Príspevok Vznik a úkoly čs. vojen- ské zpravodajské služby v roce 1919 bol zameraný na špecifi ká spravodajskej činnosti v sledovanom roku a tiež na francúzsku vojenskú misiu v ČSR, ktorej úlohou bolo pomôcť vybudovať v novej republike armádu, vojenské školstvo a iné. Ďalší účinkujúci Mgr. Tomáš Řepa, Ph.D. je tatiež členom Katedry vojenského umenia FVL UO v Brne. Ako prvý z účinkujúcich sa venoval územiu Podkarpatskej Rusi: Vojenská a politická konsolidace území Podkarpatské Rusi jako současti nově vzniklého Československa v roce 1919. ČSR sa po jej vzniku zaviazala, že Podkarpatskej Rusi poskytne priestor na autonómny vývoj. Očakávania obyvateľov tejto časti územia neboli naplnené. Nasledujúca aktérka podujatia svoju pozornosť zamerala na väznicu Mírov. Samotný názov príspevku začína citátom, ktorý dokumentuje situáciu vo väznici po vzniku ČSR: „Přísahal jsem věrnost císaři a nepředám trestnici nějakému Vopršálkovi!“ Případová studie k dějinám československého vězeňství v letech 1918 – 1919 na příkladu pohraniční vězni- ce Mirov. Na konkrétnom príklade dokumentuje napätú situáciu vo väznici na severe Moravy, konfl ikty medzi správcom väznice a katolíckym duchovným pôsobiacim vo väznici. Prvý blok zakončil svojím vystúpením člen Inštitútu histórie FF PU v Prešove PhDr. Ján Džujko, PhD. s príspevkom s názvom Slovenský východ a upevňovanie československej štátnosti v roku 1919 na periférii krajiny. Autor sa zameriava na prvý po slovenský písaný regionálny denník na Slovensku, prostredníctvom ktorého hodnotí situáciu na perifériách Slovenska po vzniku ČSR. Prouhorskí orientovaní jednotlivci kazili doručovanie denníka alebo ho nedoručovali vôbec, tiež, že samotní pracovníci tlačiarne nevedeli po slovensky. Tieto problémy spočiatku znemožňovali vydávanie a šírenie informácií medzi slovenskými obyvateľmi prostredníctvom denníka. Posledný blok druhého dňa konferencie začal svojím vystúpením už spomínaný riaditeľ Inštitútu histórie FF PU v Prešove doc. PaedDr. Patrik Derfi ňák, PhD., ktorý sa venoval fi nanč- ným inštitúciám na východnom Slovensku. Príspevok niesol príznačný názov Finančné inštitúcie na východnom Slovensku v prvom povojnovom roku 1919. Spomínané boli rôzne typy fi nančných inštitúcií, ako hospodárske, spotrebné a úverné družstvá, na čele ktorých stáli väčšinou miestni kňazi, tiež stredné, malé banky a sporiteľne. Ďalším aktérom bol doktorand pôsobiaci na IH FF PU v Prešove Mgr. Michal Falat. Ako druhý z účastníkov sa venoval obyvateľom Podkarpatskej Rusi: Rusíni a ich miesto v ČSR očami rusínskej intelektuálnej elity. Predstavil pohľad rusín- skych intelektuálov na miesto Rusínov v ČSR. Tretím prezentujúcim bol archivár Mgr. Ľuboš Marek, ktorý pracuje v Národnom fi lmovom archíve v Prahe. Jeho príspevok bol veľmi zau- jímavý z hľadiska výberu témy: Podkarpatoruské kinosály v prvních letech Československa. Predstavil kinosály v ČSR, ktoré premietali rusínske fi lmy. Tie boli vo väčšine prípadov cen- zurované. Ďalším účastníkom s príspevkom Výprava českých přírodovědců na Slovensko 1919 bol člen Historického ústavu Akadémie vied Českej republiky RNDr. Jiří Martínek, Ph.D. Zameral sa na exkurziu prírodovedcov z Čiech na Slovensko, ktorá sa uskutočnila v roku 1919.

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Poslednou aktérkou konferencie bola archivárka Mgr. Eva Greschová z Archívu slovenského múzea ochrany prírody a jaskyniarstva v Liptovskom Mikuláši. Príspevok s názvom Tatranský spolok turistický – krátky, ale významný medzník v dejinách československej turistiky považu- jem za taktiež veľmi zaujímavý z hľadiska výberu témy. Autorka tu spomína počiatky organi- zovanej turistiky a zakladanie spolkov pre vášnivých turistov v prvých rokoch existencie ČSR. Obidva bloky boli zakončené diskusiou a výmenou poznatkov všetkých účastníkov konferencie. Vedecká konferencia Rok 1919 a Československo bola účastníkmi hodnotená veľmi pozitívne. Organizácia a priebeh podujatia bol na požadovanej vedeckej úrovni. Pre slovenských historikov a archivárov boli zaujímavé výstupy českých kolegov a naopak. Účasť na konferencii bola obo- hacujúca nielen pre aktívnych účastníkov vedeckej konferencie, ale aj pre všetkých prítomných.

Mgr. Alena Tabaková, PhD. Gymnázium M. R. Štefánika, Košice

96 Recenzie Reviews MESTO a DEJINY

VAŘEKA, MAREK – ZÁŘICKÝ, ALEŠ (EDS.). CÍSAŘOVNA materiál priamo v texte (v čiernobielej podo- MARIE TEREZIE A STŘEDNÍ EVROPA. 300 LET OD be), pričom rovnaké ilustrácie si možno po- NAROZENÍ REFORMÁTORKY. HODONÍN: MĚSTO zrieť aj detailnejšie v kolorovanej verzii v sa- HODONÍN; MASARYKOVO MUZEUM V HODONÍNĚ; CENTRUM PRO HOSPODÁŘSKÉ A SOCIÁLNÍ DĚJINY mostatnej prílohe. Súčasťou recenzovaného PŘI FILOZOFICKÉ FAKULTĚ OSTRAVSKÉ UNIVERZ- diela je aj prehľadný menný a miestny regis- ITY; KATEDRA HISTORIE, PEDAGOGICKÁ FAKULTA ter či zoznam prameňov a literatúry. MASARYKOVY UNIVERZITY; REAL ACADEMIA SANCTI Úvodu knihy sa zhostil jeden z jej edi- AMBROSII MARTYRIS, 2019, 338 S. torov, Marek Vařeka. Poskytuje v ňom naj- ISBN 978-80-87375-12-9. prv náhľad do udalostí 18. storočia, obdobia vlády otca Márie Terézie – cisára Karola Osobnosť, život i vláda Márie Terézie VI. a jeho snahy o dosiahnutie práva na trón aj po viac ako tristo rokoch od jej narodenia v prvom rade pre svoju najstaršiu dcéru, ar- úplne oprávnene pútajú pozornosť odbornej civojvodkyňu Máriu Teréziu. Zmieňuje sa aj a laickej verejnosti. Na trón nastúpila ako o hľadaní vhodného manžela pre budúcu pa- 23-ročná mladá žena, čo sa nie všade stretlo novníčku, ktorým sa napokon stal František s pochopením. Aj napriek tomu, že postupne Štefan Lotrinský, o ich vzájomnom vzťahu, prichádzalo k uznávaniu tzv. pragmatickej rodine a deťoch. Neopomenul však ani poli- sankcie, upravujúcej okrem iného aj nástup- tickú situáciu a vojenské udalosti v priebehu nícky poriadok po smrti cisára Karola VI., ne- dlhej vlády Márie Terézie a jej snahu o pre- bol nástup na trón pre Máriu Teréziu vôbec sadenie manžela ako cisára Svätej ríše rím- jednoduchý. Musela sa vysporiadať s takmer skej. Spomína tiež stratégiu kráľovnej, kto- prázdnou pokladnicou, susedmi, ktorí si ná- rú presadzovala počas svojej vlády a spočívala rokovali na územia, a tiež vnútornými prob- v sobášoch jej početného potomstva s členmi lémami krajiny. Mnohí, vrátane popredných významných európskych rodov, zrejme v du- štátnikov si nedokázali predstaviť, že by chu hesla „Iní nech si vedú vojny a ty, šťastné žena skutočne dokázala vládnuť a racionálne Rakúsko sa sobáš!“ Do úvodu sa autorovi po- uskutočňovať dôležité rozhodnutia, vrátane darilo umne „vtesnať“ mnoho aspektov zo ži- strategických vojenských a politických uzne- vota a vlády Márie Terézie, vrátane reforiem, sení. Zároveň musela popritom všetkom byť aj náprave pomerov súštátia, ale aj rodinných príkladnou manželkou, matkou a zaistiť po- pomerov. Pozitívne hodnotíme aj uvedenie li- kračovanie rodu. Ako sa však nakoniec uká- teratúry, z ktorej autor čerpal, čo pri úvodoch zalo, Mária Terézia tieto úlohy, ktoré sa na nie je vždy samozrejmosťou. ňu po nástupe na trón takpovediac „zosypali“ Prvým príspevkom je štúdia Zuzany nielen zvládla, ale zaradila sa k výnimočným Lopatkovej s názvom Mária Terézia a reforma panovníkom (nielen) rodu Habsburgovcov. Jej Trnavskej univerzity (1769 – 1777). Ako uvá- meno je dodnes symbolom osvietenstva a je dza samotná autorka, jej cieľom bolo pomeno- spojené s množstvom reforiem. vať a analyzovať reformy Trnavskej univerzi- Recenzovaná publikácia je výsledkom ty v Trnave v rokoch 1769 až 1777, ktoré vzišli medzinárodnej vedeckej konferencie, ktorá sa z iniciatívy cisárovnej a uhorskej kráľovnej konala pod záštitou príbuznej Márie Terézie, Márie Terézie (s. 32). Podľa nášho názoru sa Ulriky Habsbursko-Lotrinskej, v dňoch 14. – jej tento cieľ podarilo úspešne naplniť. V úvo- 15. novembra 2017 v Hodoníne. Uskutočnila de sa zaoberá vznikom Trnavskej univerzi- sa teda tristo rokov po panovníčkinom na- ty, ktorá bola vo svojej podstate založená ako rodení, čo sa samozrejme odrazilo ako v ná- cirkevná inštitúcia s rekatolizačným cieľom zve konferencie, tak aj výslednej publikácie. a nevychádzala z panovníckej autority. Práve Celkovo sa recenzovaná kniha v trinástich tento aspekt sa zmenil v súvislosti s reforma- príspevkoch sústredila predovšetkým na re- mi Márie Terézie, ktoré podstatne zasiahli formnú politiku Márie Terézie, architektúru, do fungovania univerzity, pričom došlo k jej vzťah panovníčky priamo k Morave a mes- poštátneniu a strate autonómie. Autorka tiež tu Hodonín, náhľad do hospodárskych aspek- prostredníctvom nariadení a listín panovníč- tov vlády a šľachtu v období panovania Márie ky prehľadne dokladá úpravy, ku ktorým na Terézie. Príspevky boli ponechané v troch Trnavskej univerzite došlo a ako sa tento re- jazykoch – češtine, slovenčine a nemčine. formný proces narazil na odpor jezuitov i nie- Publikácia obsahuje dokumentačný obrazový ktorých profesorov. Zaujímavé je aj dobové

98 MESTO a DEJINY svedectvo, ktoré reformu Trnavskej univerzi- paralely a architektonické prepojenia oboch ty chápalo dokonca ako „založenie novej uni- zámkov. V úvode sa Koluch venuje deﬁ nícii verzity“ (s. 40). Záver je prirodzene venovaný pojmu rakúska architektúra 18. storočia, čo zrušeniu jezuitskej rehole a stavu, v akom sa sám považuje za problematické a tiež vply- univerzita nachádzala, rozhodnutiu presunúť vu talianskeho a najmä francúzskeho archi- univerzitu do Budína, ako aj dôvodom, prečo tektonického štýlu. Ďalej plynule prechádza sa tak stalo. Príloha obsahuje intimát cisá- k odkúpeniu panstiev Holíč a Šaštín cisá- rovnej z roku 1769 v pôvodnom jazyku (latin- rom Františkom Štefanom Lotrinským. Práve čine). Vyzdvihnúť treba tiež dôsledné citova- táto kúpa do značnej miery predurčila budú- nie prameňov a vysvetľovacie poznámky pod ci vzhľad a charakter zámku v Holíči, podria- čiarou, ktoré aj laikovi umožnia preniknúť do dený jeho hospodárskemu využitiu. Ako autor témy a porozumieť jej. konštatuje, „na panstvo tak prišla nová fran- Pohľad do každodennosti a vnímania cúzska kultúra spoločne s francúzskym život- reforiem Márie Terézie na príklade miest ným štýlom“ (s. 73). Celkovo príspevok umož- hukvaldského panstva poskytuje štúdia ňuje čitateľovi nazrieť do stavebných úprav, Lenky Novákovej. Cieľom autorky bolo na ktorými holíčsky zámok prešiel počas jeho vybraných príkladoch ilustrovať skutočnosť, vlastníctva cisárskou rodinou. Ďalej tiež spo- ako reformy Márie Terézie v oblasti mest- znať architektov, maliarov, tvorcov sochárskej skej správy, školstva a každodenného živo- výzdoby či parkových úprav, ktorí mali tieto ta ovplyvnili bežný život obyvateľov hukvald- zmeny takpovediac na svedomí, v kombiná- ského panstva. Sledovala tiež, aký postoj mali cii s porovnávaním ďalších zámkov a palácov, rôzne vrstvy spoločnosti v tejto oblasti na pa- predovšetkým však so zámkom Hof. Okrem novníčkine nariadenia a zásahy. Ide teda toho je v príspevku zdôraznený silný citový z nášho pohľadu o unikátny postoj k téme vzťah Františka Štefana Lotrinského k zám- sondážneho charakteru. Aj na príklade tejto ku v Holíči. Veľmi oceňujeme ilustrácie, kto- štúdie vidieť, že reformy Márie Terézie sku- ré sú súčasťou príspevku, ako aj fotograﬁ e sú- točne zasiahli všetky vrstvy obyvateľstva časného stavu, pôvodcom ktorých je samotný v celej monarchii. Hoci ich cieľom bolo zlep- autor. Zostáva nám už len veriť, že aktuálny šiť stav krajiny a zaostalosť jej obyvateľov, nie stav zámku v Holíči sa v dohľadnej dobe zme- vždy sa stretli s pochopením. V rámci samo- ní k lepšiemu a opäť sa vráti k životu. správy miest dochádzalo v dôsledku terezián- Iný pohľad na Holíčsky zámok ponúka skych reforiem k značnej byrokratizácii, ná- Ivana Červenková v štúdii Zámok v Holíči, rastu agendy a požiadaviek na uchádzačov miesto návštev cisárskeho páru Márie Terézie o miesta v nej. Obyvateľstvo si tiež ťažko zvy- a Františka Štefana Lotrinského. Ide o príspe- kalo na to, že by mali posielať svoje deti do vok zameraný na oboznámenie čitateľov s ar- škôl. Autorka tiež odsledovala nesúhlas spo- chívnymi prameňmi, ktoré poskytujú údaje ločnosti so zrušením piaristického gymnázia o živote cisárskeho páru počas početných po- v Příbore na príkaz panovníčky a jeho nahra- bytov na zámku Holíč. Aj v tejto štúdii je ba- denie hlavnou školou, ktorá ale nedosahova- dateľná citová väzba predovšetkým Františka la kvalitu predchádzajúcej inštitúcie. Čo sa Štefana Lotrinského na záhorské sídlo, pô- týka opatrení ovplyvňujúcich každodenný ži- vodne patriace rodine Czoborovcov. Na zák- vot poddaných, Nováková sa zamerala hlavne lade zachovaných prameňov si môžeme vy- na protipožiarne opatrenia, stavbu komínov tvoriť pomerne ucelený obraz o návštevách a prevenciu, ktorou chcela Mária Terézia ob- cisárskej rodiny na zámku, o ich aktivitách aj medziť ničivé požiare, ktoré boli aj v 18. sto- členoch sprievodu. Najčastejšie sa medzi čin- ročí veľmi časté. Ani tieto snahy sa však nosťami spomínajú poľovačky, návštevy oko- nestretli s porozumením, nariadenia sa nedo- litých miest, účasť rodiny na bohoslužbách, držiavali a obchádzali aj napriek hrozbe po- exkurzie panstva do priemyselných podnikov kút. Príspevok, ako aj použitie množstva ar- založených cisárom Františkom Štefanom či chívneho materiálu hodnotíme veľmi kladne. účasť na rôznych divadelných a tanečných Architektura holíčskeho zámku ve spojení predstaveniach. Návštevy cisárskeho páru se zámkem Hof, tak znie názov štúdie Petra síce ukončila náhla smrť Františka Štefana Viléma Kolucha. Ako je vidieť už zo samot- Lotrinského, ale členovia rodiny si aj naďa- ného názvu, cieľom autora bolo poukázať na lej našli čas, aby Holíč navštívili a využili

99 MESTO a DEJINY možnosti, ktoré ponúkal. V závere autor- podmienky Prusov a došlo k mierovým jedna- ka ponúka sumár potravín, ktoré boli doda- niam. Autor sa pútavo zaoberá vplyvom, aký né pre potreby dvora na zámku v Holíči počas mala vojna na obyvateľstvo Čiech a Moravy, jednej z návštev v priebehu augusta až za- a tiež priebehom udalostí, pričom na to vyu- čiatku septembra 1761. V krátkosti zmieňuje žil dostatočné množstvo literatúry a detailný aj súpis liekov pre členov dvorského sprievo- dobový prameň. du v rokoch 1751 – 1760. Musíme konštatovať, Pomerne neznámou, ale napriek tomu vý- že štúdia je napísaná veľmi pútavo a poskytu- znamnou postavou sa vo svojej obsiahlej štú- je zaujímavé detaily zo života cisárskeho páru dii s názvom Mária Terézia, Karol Ferdinand počas návštev Holíča. Königsegg von Erps a reformy štátnej ban- Krátky príspevok Galiny Ruckej s tajom- skej správy v habsburskej monarchii zaoberá ným názvom Nenaplněná očekávaní poskytu- Miroslav Lacko. Autor sa snaží zaplniť „biele je informácie o archívnom dokumente nachá- miesto“ v historiografi i a zasadiť osobnosť ko- dzajúcom sa v Štátnom archíve v Hodoníne, morskej správy habsburskej monarchie veľké- nesúcom pečať a podpis Márie Terézie. ho významu, Karola Ferdinanda Königsegga Dokument bol v roku 2017, teda v čase ko- von Erps, do dejinného kontextu. Vzhľadom nania konferencie, zreštaurovaný. Šlo pritom na Königseggovo pôsobenie a funkciu v rám- o snahu zástupcov mesta, aby panovníčka po- ci habsburskej správy ide o text s výrazným tvrdila novoobjavené mestské privilégium. ekonomickým a hospodárskym zameraním, Autorka v príspevku stručne spomína ma- pričom takým podrobnostiam, aké obsahu- jiteľov hodonínskeho panstva a vykresľu- je táto štúdia sa venuje máloktorý historik. je snahy zástupcov mesta o potvrdenie pri- Preto treba vyzdvihnúť Lackov prehľad o eko- vilégia, najprv u kňažnej z Lichtenštajnu, nomickej situácii dvora, súvisiacej s banským pričom po jej odmietnutí sa obrátili priamo podnikaním a obchodom s rudami, ale aj veľ- na Máriu Teréziu. Ako svedčí už názov štú- ké množstvo použitého pramenného materi- die, Hodonínčania napokon konfi rmáciu ne- álu a odbornej literatúry. Autor sa snaží dô- získali. Ide však len o jeden z dobrých príkla- sledne vykresliť Königseggovu kariéru na dov množstva požiadaviek, ktoré boli Márii základe rozhodnutí, ktoré urobil najmä v sú- Terézii adresované. vislosti so svojou funkciou predsedu Dvorskej Ďalšia štúdia Miroslava Svobody s ná- komisie pre baníctvo a mincovníctvo. Venuje zvom Pruská okupace Moravy v letech 1741 – sa tiež ďalšej málo známej postave tohto obdo- 1742 sa aj napriek obmedzenému množstvu bia, kupcovi a bankárovi Jakubovi Künerovi. strán snaží čo možno najpodrobnejšie opísať Celkovo je príspevok prínosný nielen pre re- a zhrnúť vojenský konfl ikt, ktorý sa zvykne cenzovanú publikáciu, ale aj poznanie menej nazývať aj ako prvá sliezska vojna. Po smrti známych osobností, ktoré však stáli v pozadí Karola VI. nebola situácia, v ktorej sa nachá- reforiem Márie Terézie a správy krajiny. dzala jeho dcéra Mária Terézia vôbec jedno- Nasledujúci príspevok s názvom Měnová duchá, o čom svedčia aj vojenské udalosti, kto- politika Marie Terezie od autora Tomáša rým musela krátko po nástupe na trón čeliť. Krejčíka mapuje reformné snahy panovníč- Jej najväčšími protivníkmi sa stali bavorský ky ekonomického zamerania, tentokrát však vojvoda Karol Albrecht a pruský kráľ Fridrich z iného uhla pohľadu. Prvá časť štúdie sa za- II. Posledný menovaný mal na rozdiel od mla- oberá nutnosťou a dôvodmi zavádzania eko- dej panovníčky k dispozícii nielen perfekt- nomických, resp. platobných reforiem. Týchto ne vycvičené vojsko, ale aj dostatok fi nanč- dôvodov a príčin bolo viacero, najmä však tre- ných zdrojov. Snaha Fridricha II. o získanie ba zmieniť vojny, odlišnosť ekonomického vý- Sliezska, ktoré bolo v podstate najpriemysel- voja v jednotlivých častiach monarchie, ako aj nejšou časťou ríše Márie Terézie sa prejavila zastaralé súkromné ťažobné a mincové privi- takmer okamžite po jej nástupe na trón. Z via- légiá. V ďalších riadkoch sa autor venuje po- cerých pochopiteľných dôvodov sa panovníčka čiatkom a významu merkantilizmu či potre- Sliezska odmietala vzdať a rôznymi spôsobmi be výchovy odborníkov na ekonómiu, ktorí sa snažila, aby poddaní vstupovali do armá- boli neraz za svoje zásluhy odmenení nobili- dy a bojovali proti Prusom. Počas bojov trá- táciou. Druhá časť príspevku je už numizma- pili obe strany ťažkosti rozličného typu a na- tickou analýzou zmien, ktoré sa počas vlády pokon Mária Terézia ustúpila, pristúpila na Márie Terézie udiali v monetárnej politike

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(či už šlo o menšie zmeny v obsahu striebra ucelených informácií o úlohe cisárskeho páru alebo váhe mincí, až po úplné novoty, akou nielen v samotných reformách ako nariade- bolo zavedenie papierových peňazí). V záve- niach, ale aj v zmene myslenia ľudu, ktoré re Krejčík stručne podáva obraz o vzhľade bolo kľúčové. Až keď došlo k obratu v myslení, mincí a zvláštnostiach razieb, a tiež úpravách mohlo sa pristúpiť k novotám a úpravám za- v súkromnej držbe mincových práv. Sumárne staralých skostnatených nariadení. Ide o veľ- tak autor umožňuje čitateľom nahliadnuť do mi zaujímavý príspevok, ktorý sa na proble- úprav peňažného a menového vývoja za vlády matiku pozerá z viacerých uhlov pohľadu, čo Márie Terézie. mu veľmi pridáva na hodnote. Podporovanie vzniku manufaktúr Vo svojej druhej štúdii s názvom Nobilitace Máriou Teréziou a jej manželom Františkom jako nástroj vlády Marie Terezie sa Tomáš Štefanom Lotrinským je viditeľné aj z prí- Krejčík venuje téme, ktorú načrtol aj v rám- spevku Michaela Maceka s názvom Maria ci menovej politiky – povyšovaniu do šľachtic- Teresia (1717 – 1780) und ihre kaiserliche kého stavu. Nobilitácia predstavuje fenomén, Porzellanmanufaktur Wien. V úvode autor ktorého korene by sme museli hľadať stáro- podáva informácie o vzniku prvej manufaktú- čia pred nástupom osvietenstva. Práve v čase ry na výrobu porcelánu v Rakúsku a zároveň osvietenského absolutizmu ale dochádza druhej manufaktúre svojho druhu v Európe, k zmene chápania šľachtictva a zároveň sa ktorá bola situovaná vo Viedni. Prioritnú po- tiež upravuje zloženie spoločenských vrstiev. zornosť ale venuje obdobiu, keď táto manuf- Podmienkou nadobudnutia šľachtických vý- aktúra prešla zo súkromných rúk pod štátnu sad, resp. akéhokoľvek titulu boli určité zá- správu, teda do rúk Márie Terézie. Venuje sa sluhy konkrétnej osoby alebo osôb v prospech tiež kvalite vyrábaného porcelánu, technikám panovníka, krajiny a podobne. Tento as- jeho zdobenia, zaujímavostiam o vyrobených pekt sa nezmenil ani v priebehu 18. storočia. kusoch či zásahoch Márie Terézie do jej fun- Nobilitácia slúžila ako motivácia a odmena za govania. V tejto štúdii možno viac ako v ostat- vykonanie zásluh. Autor sa v štúdii zaoberá ných zohrávajú dôležitú úlohu ilustrácie, kto- predovšetkým nobilitáciami v radoch armá- ré pri čítaní textu dotvárajú čitateľov obraz dy a vznikom Vojenského rádu Márie Terézie. o vzhľade a vyhotovení porcelánu z tejto vie- Ilustračne uvádza aj polepšenie mestského denskej manufaktúry. erbu Olomouca a odmenenie tamojších meš- Mimoriadny význam v období vlády Márie ťanov v podobe ich povýšenia do šľachtického Terézie nadobudli reformy z oblasti hospodár- stavu za zásluhy proti Prusom. Príspevok je stva, ktorých prvé výsledky sa prejavili už doplnený prehľadnými tabuľkami, znázorňu- koncom sedemdesiatych rokov 18. storočia. júcimi počty nobilitácií v jednotlivých rokoch Marek Vařeka sa v štúdii Fenomén moder- vlády Márie Terézie, ako aj počty osôb, kto- nizace na příkladu zemědělství v Rakouském rým bol udelený Vojenský rád Márie Terézie. Slezsku v době vlády císařovny Marie Terezie Veľmi zaujímavú tému načrtáva Jiří venuje analýze zmien, ku ktorým došlo v hos- Brňovják v poslednom príspevku s ná- podárstve zásluhou cisárskeho páru, Márie zvom Mezi Rakouskem a Pruskem, loajali- Terézie a Františka Štefana Lotrinského. tou a oportunismem – Šlechta Rakouského Ich cieľom bolo predovšetkým zastaviť hos- Slezska v období vlády Marie Terezie. Autor podárske zaostávanie krajiny za inými štát- v úvode poskytuje prehľad udalostí a miero- mi, pričom hlavným súperom bolo Prusko. vých dohôd po prvej a druhej sliezskej vojne, Habsburská monarchia a krajiny, ktoré ju ktoré zviedla Mária Terézia s Pruskom a jeho tvorili trpeli v čase nástupu Márie Terézie na spojencami. Pre mladú panovníčku skončili trón aj mnohými hospodárskymi probléma- tieto vojenské konﬂ ikty neúspechom a stra- mi, prameniacimi z roztrieštenosti a zaosta- tou väčšiny územia nesmierne významné- losti viacerých oblastí. Problémom sa ukázala ho Sliezska. Po mierových rokovaniach do- byť aj neochota bežných malých hospodárov, šlo k niekoľkým vytýčeniam novej hranice aby zmenili a inovovali svoj prístup k pôde či pruskej časti územia a podstatne menšej ob- chovu zvierat. Potreba komplexného prelomu lasti, ktorá zostala Márii Terézii a začala sa v hospodárskej oblasti nebola ľahká a vyžia- neoﬁ ciálne nazývať ako Rakúske Sliezsko. dala si veľa času, úsilia a prostriedkov. Autor Toto rozdelenie Sliezska však v praxi zna- sa v príspevku zameriava na poskytnutie menalo, že tamojší obyvatelia, predovšetkým

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šľachtici a vlastníci statkov, ktorí mali majet- The author of the publication is Dr Marian ky v oboch častiach Sliezska si museli vybrať, Hochel, PhD, currently affi liated to the ktorej strane preukážu svoju lojalitu a zložia Institute of Historical Sciences – Faculty of sľub vernosti. Práve tomuto aspektu sa autor Philosophy and Science in Opava, a historian v predmetnej štúdii venuje najväčšmi, pričom focusing on the Napoleonic era, Empire style, dokladá aj príklady jednania rôznych šľach- cultural heritage and modern cultural history. ticov či cirkevných predstaviteľov. Svojou He is also the creator or co-creator of several podstatou ide o veľmi náročnú tematiku na exhibitions, for example Třináctá komnata výskum, vyžadujúcu si obdivuhodný prehľad Napoleonova, Výstava napoleonik ze sbírek prameňov a literatúry. NPÚ a partnerských organizací u příležitosti Tristé výročie narodenia panovníčky a re- 200. výročí bitvy u Chlumce a napoleonských formátorky Márie Terézie bolo veľmi dobrou válek v severních Čechách, 23/8–28/10/2013, príležitosťou na uskutočnenie konferencie, Galerie Giacomo, Státní zámek Duchcov; ako aj jej výstupu v podobe tlačenej verzie, ve- and Okouzleni antikou – nová stálá expozice nujúcej sa rôznym aspektom života a rozhod- odlitků antických soch ze sbírek Ústavu pro nutí tejto výnimočnej osobnosti. Recenzovaná klasickou archeologii Filozofi cké fakulty publikácia je dôstojným odkazom nielen na Univerzity Karlovy v Praze na Státním zámku reformnú činnosť Márie Terézie. Predstavuje Duchcov, Národní památkový ústav – Ústav jej osobnosť vo svetle nespočetných rozhod- pro klasickou archeologii Filozofi cké fakulty nutí, ktoré musela počas svojej vlády urobiť, Univerzity Karlovy v Praze, od 3. 6. 2016, a ktoré sa nie vždy stretli so všeobecným sú- Státní zámek Duchcov. hlasom a pochopením. Odbornému čitateľovi The co-author of the publication – the prináša mnoho dôvodov na zamyslenie a mož- author of the methodological chapter and no aj inšpiráciu na ďalší výskum. Avšak pub- the picture section – is Mgr Marta Pavlíková, likácia je iste vhodná aj pre bežného čita- a photographer and conservationist at the teľa, ktorý by sa rád dozvedel niečo nové zo National Heritage Institute (NPÚ), Ústí nad života cisárovnej Márie Terézie, ale aj jej bez- Labem branch, and the creator of several prostredného okolia. Aj na základe menova- exhibitions and works on modern architecture ných dôvodov hodnotíme vznik aj prevedenie and the historical collections of the NPÚ. publikácie veľmi pozitívne a autorom želáme The publication begins with the refl ection veľa úspechov pri ďalšom výskume. of Marian Hochel “Za třináctou komnatou” (Tracing the 13th Chamber), based on the Mgr. Alena Macková memories of François-René de Chateaubriand Trnavská univerzita v Trnave and Napoleon Louis Bonaparte where the author discusses Napoleon’s personality in the context of collective memory, or – HOCHEL, MARIAN PAVLÍKOVÁ, MARTA. TŘINÁCTÁ French “European” identity. Hochel moves KOMNATA NAPOLEONOVA: OBRAZ NAPOLEONA BONAPARTA V MOBILIÁRNÍCH FONDECH NÁRODNÍHO gradually to exhibitions that were devoted PAMÁTKOVÉHO ÚSTAVU. PRAHA: NÁRODNÍ PAMÁT- to the personality of General Bonaparte (for KOVÝ ÚSTAV, 2017, 327 S. ISBN 978-80-7480-087-0. example, in 2016 in the Paris Musée de l’Armée and others). Napoleon’s transformations and Třináctá komnata Napoleonova [The memories of his personality are linked by the thirteenth chamber of Napoleon] represents author to one of the most important places a monograph that is an innovative piece of of his life, the place of his death – Longwood work not only within Czech historiography, but House on the island of St Helena. According I am confi dant to state within Czechoslovak to the author, the ambition of the new historiography more broadly.1 publication was to point at the transformation

1 It is not a secret that research into the history of remained in the research, even though there were the Napoleonic period remains marginal in the Slovak occasional works focusing on regionalism in the environment compared to in Czech historiography period under review, for example: ŠIRKO, Dušan – which provides a very good basis for research LUPTÁK, Miroslav. Obrana bratislavského predmostia (Daniela Tinková, Marian Hochel, Dušan Uhlíř, etc.). vo francúzsko-rakúskej vojne roku 1809. In: Vojenská After Stanislav Hurčík’s death, a certain vacuum história, 2002, vol. 6, no. 1, pp. 3–27.

102 MESTO a DEJINY of Napoleon Bonaparte’s image in state- a catalogue with the identifi cation of selected owned castles and chateaus whose funds Napoleonics and detailed iconographic are managed by the National Heritage analyses. In this context a very interesting Institute in the Czech Republic. The book lithograph, entitled Emperor Napoleon I, is the output of the three-year project stands out, depicting a grave stone with the Napoleonika v mobiliárních fondech inscription “I wish my remains were resting Národního památkového ústavu (Napoleonics on the banks of the Seine in the middle of this in the National Heritage Institute’s Funds), French people I loved so much” (p. 58). The supported by the Ministry of Culture of the author’s iconographic analysis begins with Czech Republic. The exhibition, which was the title “Saint Napoleon?” and points out that held at Duchcov Chateau in 2013 on the the death of Napoleon was an impulse that occasion of the twentieth anniversary of marked the boom of Napoleonic religiosity. the Battle of Chlumec and the Napoleonic The victory of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte Wars in Northern Bohemia (1813), was the in the French presidential election of 1848 inspiration for the publishing of this book. was a confi rmation of the occultist Simon As the author himself states, very many of Vanneau’s thesis that death is the cradle of the visitors to this exhibition showed a great a new life. After the overthrow in 1851, the interest in the accompanying catalogue. The celebration of St Napoleon’s holiday was re- title of the publication (and the exhibition) established and celebrated on 15 August, the has been selected for several reasons – it birthday of Napoleon I (the holiday referred is multifaceted and mirrors its message. to a martyr from the period of ancient Rome – Often we do not know what is hidden in the Neopol, Neopolis or Neopolus, which in Italian thirteenth chamber – similarly the Czech was gradually modifi ed to Napoleon/e). It was lands were unknown for Emperor Napoleon precisely Napoleon’s death that brought to in 1813, we could say a thirteenth chamber the imagination of artists and writers the in which his military corps did not expect image of the Emperor as a genius isolated on anything good. the abandoned island. However, as the author The chapter named “Napoleonika ve points out, Napoleon’s cult had its existential fondech vybraných památkových objektů limits, it was ephemeral as the Republican, a metodika jejich dokumentace” (Napoleonics and the greatest intensity was attained in the in the funds of selected listed structures and Romantic era (p. 58). the methodology of their documentation) is The Critical Catalogue contains an extremely important chapter, covering a collection of extremely interesting and the methodology by which to work with valuable monuments from the National the material which became the content of Heritage Institute, exhibited or deposited the whole publication. Movable cultural mainly in Czech castles and chateaus, each monuments in general and Napoleonics in part of the catalogue containing a quality particular, as the author writes, are being processed reference that is linked to the marginalized to a certain extent in research, analysis of each object. The accompanying and even more, this category of items has not texts are written interestingly and been comprehensively processed, mapped enthusiastically but objectively, and show the or published within the National Heritage author’s extensive insight into Napoleonic Institute. The processing phases that the issues, as well as the arts, culture, literature, author describes lead to the conclusion that etc. in general. I would like to point out the unknown wealth hidden in the National that the individual parts of the catalogue Heritage Institute funds has been uncovered. can be used by educators, historians and The chapter “Napoleon a jeho obraz lay people interested in the personality of v umění” (Napoleon and his image in art) Napoleon Bonaparte, and I myself also use analyses various ways of perceiving Napoleon the publication as part of my teaching at Bonaparte, from the glorious hero to the the Department of History of the Faculty of mythic personality, the man of many faces, Arts at the University of Pavol Jozef Šafárik the man of an act between Homme de culture in Košice (within the courses devoted to and Homme de guerre. Then comes the the French Revolution and the Napoleonic key part of the publication, in the form of era). For example, on pages 128–134 the

103 MESTO a DEJINY author describes the target of a shooting and a list of sources and literature. The named Bonaparte at the Arcole Bridge; it is publication Napoleon’s 13th Chamber: a historical event that belongs to one of the The image of Napoleon Bonaparte in the key Napoleonic myths. In order to pique the National Heritage Institute’s Mobility Funds interest of readers, I will describe no further is a breakthrough not only in the Czech or what interesting artefacts of varied character Slovak environment, but also in the Central can be found in the work, but I will be very European area, and therefore it can be glad to see them use this publication for their clearly recommended to anyone interested own purposes. in the Napoleonic period, to people similarly The chapter “Napoleonská symbolika: enchanted by this personality as myself, and symboly „božského“ Napoleona” (Napoleonic perhaps with this book the tradition of the symbolism: The symbols of the “divine” research of the Napoleonic period shall never Napoleon) includes an analysis of basic fade and will fi nd new enthusiastic devotees emblems of the French emperor – the eagle, who shall continue with it. A magnifi cent Napoleon’s monogram, the star, the Venetian book in its content and its technical and ribbon, the imperial crown, the symbolic visual elements has been published! portrait, the military symbols and allegories. For example, particularly popular were Mgr. Maroš Melichárek, PhD. ancient symbols, fasces (a bundle of wooden Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika rods with a projecting axe head) and military v Košiciach trophies as symbols of victory. Honourable weapons were often decorated received by soldiers from their chief commander (like GOLIAN, JÁN. ŽIVOT ĽUDU DETVIANSKÝHO. Caesar’s soldiers) in the form of thank-you RUŽOMBEROK: SOCIETY FOR HUMAN STUDIES, 2019, gifts to Napoleon’s most worthy soldiers – this 432 S. ISBN 978-80972913-4-1. is evidenced by the sabre of a French offi cer preserved in the North Bohemian Castle and Výskum zaoberajúci sa sumarizovaním the Chateau Frýdlant (p. 257). štatistických dát o spoločnosti ponúka bá- The last chapter, entitled “Němí dateľovi veľké množstvo číselných údajov, svědkové doby? Napoleonika v historické ku ktorým sa dopracuje po časovo náročnom paměti” (Speechless witnesses of time? zbieraní na základe relevantných prameňov. Napoleonics in historical memory) is about Získava však len hŕbu čísel, ktoré je potreb- cultural heritage serving as a mediator né zapracovať do kontextu a následne učesať of historical memory, with reference to do takej podoby, aby podávali podrobný ob- Napoleon Bonaparte’s historical personality raz o štruktúre obyvateľov a zároveň sa sta- and the Napoleonic Wars. As an example li výpoveďou o ich každodennom živote. Preto of the collector of Napoleonic objects in the je veľmi pozoruhodné, ak sa podobný výskum Czech Lands with regard to the formation of podarí, tak ako je to v tomto prípade... ancestral memory, the author points to the V roku 2019 bola publikovaná monogra- remarkable Austrian statesman Klemens fi a s názvom Život ľudu detvianskýho, ktorej Lothar Metternich, who collected a set autorom je kolega Ján Golian, pôsobiaci na of monuments of great value in the West Katolíckej univerzite v Ružomberku. Bohemian castle of Kynžvart (for example, Monografi a, ako naznačuje samotný au- Napoleon’s washbasin from Elbe or strands of tor, predstavuje historicko-demografi ckú Napoleon’s hair cut at Fontainebleau Castle a kultúrnu sondu do každodenného života in 1814; p. 270, 277). ľudí na Podpoľaní v dlhom 19. storočí. Z časo- The work is provided with detailed vého hľadiska sa v práci autor venuje obdobiu notes, attachments (a list of Napoleonics and dlhého 19. storočia, konkrétne historickým a selection from the text of the exhibition medzníkom sú: obdobie vlády Jozefa II. až Napoleon’s thirteenth Chamber, a selection po koniec prvej svetovej vojny (1781 – 1920). from Napoleon’s covenant Testament de Ján Golian tak na viac ako 400 stranách hut- Napoléon in translation and the original ného textu podáva podrobné informácie o po- version, and a small Napoleon medallion), pulácii takmer celého Podpoľania, presnej- a conclusion, a French and English resume, šie bola kvôli potrebám výskumu táto oblasť

104 MESTO a DEJINY ohraničená na farnosť Detva. Monografi a štruktúra obyvateľov hodnotí Slovákov, sa primárne zameriava na skúmanie štruk- Maďarov, Nemcov a Rómov, hlavnými pra- túr populácie na základe analýz cirkevných meňmi sú diela významných slovenských his- matrík. Základom bádania historickej de- torikov, ako aj Sčítania obyvateľov z druhej mografi e sú práve cirkevné matriky, ktoré polovice 19. storočia. Pri konfesionálnej štruk- sú výskumníkmi prakticky až do súčasnos- túre populácie väčšinové obyvateľstvo pred- ti nedotknuté a čakajú na svoje spracovanie. stavovali rímskokatolícki veriaci, v roku 1898 Rovnako dôležitou súčasťou práce je kultúrna to bolo 97,5 % katolíkov, evanjelikov 0,2 % analýza každodenného života detvianskeho a židov 2,3 %. Ani na začiatku 20. storočia ne- obyvateľstva. Okrem tradícií, interpretácií ži- došlo k výraznejším zmenám tohto zloženia. votných okolností jednotlivých ľudí je vykres- Autor sa podrobne venuje aj popisu a fungo- lený aj obraz Detvy a jej populácie, tak ako vaniu cirkevnej organizácie v Detve, ktorú obyvateľstvo žilo, aké vlastnosti Detvanov ešte kvôli lepšej prehľadnosti člení na témy prevládali, spomenutý je aj diskurz dobovej li- ako: založenie katolíckej farnosti, Detviansky teratúry i publicistiky. kostol a farské budovy a iné. Časť Detvianski Veľmi zaujímavou a netradičnou je celko- farári a ich vplyv na demografi cké procesy vo vá podoba, teda vzhľad monografi e v pozitív- farnosti je na prvý pohľad lákavým, žiaľ ne- nom slova zmysle, ktoré zabezpečilo vydava- ponúka vyčerpávajúcu odpoveď, ktorú daný teľstvo Society for Human Studies. názov sľubuje, a teda ako spomínaní farári Monografi u otvára úvodná stať, kto- vplývali na demografi cké procesy vo farnosti. rá predstavuje vstup do problematiky ži- Demografi cký vývoj na Podpoľaní bolo možné vota detvianskeho ľudu v širšom kontexte. sledovať na základe správy miestnej katolíc- Autor v nej stručne hodnotí premeny popu- kej farnosti, preto boli využívané najmä kano- lačného správania sa európskej spoločnos- nické vizitácie Banskobystrickej diecézy z ro- ti vo všeobecnosti, naznačuje príčiny náras- kov 1781 a 1805, jozefínska regulácia farností tu, prípadne poklesu početnosti obyvateľov z druhej polovice 80. rokov 18. storočia, die- v jednotlivých historických obdobiach, taktiež cézne schematizmy. V kapitole sa nachádza- spomína štyri základné fázy demografi ckého jú aj údaje z ofi ciálnych štatistických Sčítaní prechodu. Veľmi prínosnou časťou úvodnej obyvateľov vyhotovované Uhorským kráľov- state sú teoretické východiská a metodické ským štatistickým úradom v druhej polovici postupy, v ktorých autor konkrétne vysvet- 19. storočia až do roku 1910. Autor taktiež po- ľuje časové, ako aj geografi cké ohraničenie núka údaje z populačných cenzov aj napriek skúmanej témy, spolu so základnou analýzou tomu, že nie je možné ich úplné porovnanie cirkevných matrík. Súčasťou sú aj metódy po- s prameňmi katolíckej proveniencie, keďže užívané pri ich spracovávaní. Súčasný stav sa týkali hraníc obcí, a teda nekorešpondova- (skúmanej) problematiky, ako aj časť pome- li s hranicami skúmanej farnosti. Pre obdo- novaná ako pramenná báza výskumu, popisu- bie Československej republiky použil Sčítanie jú aktuálne práce s historicko-demografi ckou obyvateľov z roku 1921 a posledný schema- problematikou, okrem slovenskej historio- tizmus publikovaný v roku 1922. Text vhod- grafi e i diela autorov z Čiech, Maďarska či ne dopĺňajú prehľadné grafy, fotografi e a ta- Poľska. Úvod uzatvárajú výskumné otázky, buľky obsahujúce všetky spomínané pramene ako aj hypotézy stanovené v práci. s početnosťou populácie Podpoľania v jednot- Monografi a sa nečlení na klasicky čís- livých rokoch. lované kapitoly, čo pôsobí veľmi uvoľnene, Druhá časť monografi e má názov Ľud det- celý výskum je rozdelený do šiestich zák- viansky očami dobových pozorovateľov. Ján ladných častí. Prvá kapitola rozsiahleho vý- Golian v nej prezentuje jednotlivé pohľady na skumu tak nesie názov: Základné štruktú- Detvu a jej obyvateľov z pera autorov, ktorých ry dejín Podpoľania. Podpoľanie je oblasť člení na tri základné skupiny. K prvým patria situovaná na južných a juhovýchodných sva- diela tvorcov pochádzajúci priamo z regiónu, hoch pohoria Poľana. Údaje obsiahnuté v ka- nasledovala skupina spisovateľov slovenské- pitole informujú o majetkových pomeroch ho pôvodu, ktorí z Detvana vytvárali takzva- a osídlení v tejto časti Slovenska, nasledu- ného reprezentanta Slovákov. Tretiu skupinu je zamestnanecká štruktúra podpolianskeho zastupujú českí predstavitelia, ktorí prispie- ľudu: poľnohospodárstvo a priemysel. Etnická vali k pozitívnemu vykresleniu vlastností

105 MESTO a DEJINY detvianskych obyvateľov. Súčasťou sú obrazy o narodení detí v uhorskej spoločnosti. Detvy v slovenskej kultúrnej pamäti, „prečo „V kresťanskom prostredí bolo nevyhnutnos- sa práve obraz miestneho rodáka stal symbo- ťou, aby narodené dieťa bolo zaradené do cir- lom typického Slováka“. Pozitívne predstavy kevného spoločenstva sviatosťou krstu.“ Krst o Detve a jej obyvateľoch vychádzali z roman- sa tak stal najdôležitejšou sviatosťou v živo- tickej literatúry, pričom boli citeľné aj v iných te veriacich, ako aj v živote krstných rodičov. žánroch, ako napríklad cestopisné denníky, Práve príchod nového člena do detvianskej ro- na stránkach novín a podobne. Obyvatelia diny sprevádzali určité tradície a zvyky, ktoré sú tak vyobrazení prostredníctvom stereoty- sú rovnako súčasťou kapitoly. Autor podrob- pov v pozitívnom, ale aj v negatívnom pohľa- ne charakterizoval evidenciu krstných mat- de. Na základe diel spomínaných autorov sa rík, priblížil vývoj a vedenie ich zápisov, ako tak naskytuje čitateľovi prerod detvianskeho sa menili jednotlivé záznamy, ako aj to aké hrdinu na korheľa až k nebezpečnému zločin- údaje ponúkajú. Nosná časť kapitoly sa za- covi, ktorý sa vyskytuje najmä v období ustu- meriava na štatistické dáta popisujúce kriv- pujúceho romantizmu. ku početnosti narodených v skúmanej farnos- V poradí tretia kapitola monografi e neti, spolu s vývojovými trendmi v rokoch 1781 sie názov Sobáše, priamym štatistickým dá- až 1920 a analýzou hrubej miery pôrodnosti. tam, predchádza podrobné informovanie či- Neodmysliteľnou súčasťou tejto problematiky tateľa o formovaní sa manželstva v uhorskej sú aj nemanželské deti a ich postavenie, na praxi až po manželskú novelu z roku 1919. ktoré autor pozerá prostredníctvom časového Sobášne zvyky v detvianskej farnosti spre- hľadiska a sleduje ich vývoj a zmeny spojené vádzali viaceré špecifi cké zvyklosti, kto- s týmto statusom. Podobne sú v práci zmapo- ré mali svoj charakter pri pytačkách, zásnu- vané údaje o legitimácií detí, autor v kontex- bách, sobáši, hostine a podobne. Tieto údaje te spoločenského diania ujasnil pomenovania etnografi ckého charakteru informujú o kaž- ako živo a mŕtvonarodené deti, plod, narode- dodennosti v skúmanom regióne, respektí- nia pohrobkov a iné. Výskum v detvianskej ve farnosti. Najstaršie údaje o sobášených vo farnosti poukazuje, že najväčší počet narode- farnosti Detva pochádzajú z roku 1662, pri ných pripadal na prelom kalendárnych rokov, zápise svadobného aktu sa uvádzali mená narodené deti tak boli počaté v jarných me- snúbencov, ich svedkov, zriedka mená rodi- siacoch – od marca do júna. V závere kapitoly čov. V priebehu dejinného vývoja sa zápisy sa nachádza aj analýza mužských a ženských postupne menili, uvádzali sa napríklad len mien. Súčasťou sú tabuľky s najpoužívanejší- mená snúbencov bez zmienky o svedkoch či mi krstnými menami v troch skúmaných ča- rodičoch, najčastejšie krstné meno otca ne- sových obdobiach (1791 – 1795, 1861 – 1865, vesty. Od roku 1843 to bol dátum sobáša, vek 1901 – 1905). snúbencov, ich rodinný stav, bydlisko, meno V poradí piatu kapitolu monografi e pred- kňaza a kolónka na poznámky. Analýza mat- stavujú Úmrtia. Autor v nej charakterizo- rík v Detvianskej farnosti v rokoch 1781 až val tradície a pohrebné zvyky na Podpoľaní. 1920 tak odkrýva populačné zmeny spoloč- Úmrtia boli v tomto období chápané ako sku- nosti, ktoré boli spojené s uzatváraním pr- tok Božej vôle, pozemský život a následne vých prípadne ďalších manželstiev, faktory smrť bola iba cestou k Najvyššiemu. Práve ktoré ovplyvňovali ich rastúcu respektíve kle- evidencia úmrtí, respektíve pohrebov v matri- sajúcu krivku početnosti, ako napríklad poli- kách bola východiskovým prameňom pri zís- ticko-spoločenský vývoj, epidémia, nárast po- kavaní číselných údajov o počte pochovaných, pulácie, hladomor, vojnové konfl ikty a pod. ako aj pri určovaní hrubej miery úmrtnos- Pramenná báza, ktorú autor naplno využil, ti. Z toho dôvodu je veľmi hodnotnou súčas- rovnako poskytuje údaje o priemernom so- ťou práce okrem demografi ckých dát aj cha- bášnom veku snúbencov, ako aj informácie, rakteristika evidencie úmrtí v cirkevných v ktorých mesiacoch v roku dochádzalo k naj- matrikách. V polovici 19. storočia bolo mož- častejšiemu uzatváraniu manželstiev. né na základe zápisov do cirkevných matrík Štvrtou časťou monografi e sú Narodenia, získať údaje o zomrelých, ako napríklad deň autor, podobne ako v predchádzajúcej ka- úmrtia, meno zosnulého, adresa, vek, príčina pitole, začína tento výskum úvodným vstu- a čas úmrtia, ako aj meno farára. Na zákla- pom k problematike, konkrétne informuje de podrobného triedenia získaných dát autor

106 MESTO a DEJINY popisuje v skúmanom období početnosť úmr- tí vo farnosti, pričom sú tieto údaje zazna- menávané kvôli lepšej prehľadnosti pomocou grafov a tabuliek. Podáva tak prehľad zomre- lých aj podľa veku a pohlavia, ako aj príčiny úmrtností ľudí v rokoch 1781 – 1920. Analýza matrík, ktoré boli spravidla vedené spoľahli- vo, umožnila autorovi zaznamenať aj sezón- nosť úmrtí. Posledná kapitola je venovaná Špecifi kám rodinného a nerodinného života, do ktorej autor zaradil cudzincov a miesto ich pôvodu. V detvianskej farnosti sa rovnako objavova- li zmienky o žobrákoch i tulákoch, vojakoch a vojnových veteránoch. Výskum informuje aj o čiernom roku 1873 a epidémiách, ktoré ovplyvnili detviansku spoločnosť. Ján Golian poukazuje na životné príbehy konkrétnych obetí postihnutých epidémiou kašľa, kiahní, cholerou spolu s mapovým vyznačením za- siahnutých oblastí. Predkladaná publikácia sa vyznaču- je kvalitným výstupom v skúmaní demografi ckých procesov vo farnosti Detva. Vhodne zvolené metodologické východiská, množstvo preskúmaného archívneho materiálu, domá- cej, ako aj zahraničnej literatúry podčiarku- jú aktuálnosť danej práce. Keďže je výskum postavený na historickej (historicko-demografi ckej) a kultúrnej časti, je určený nielen pre odbornú časť čitateľov, ale aj pre laickú verejnosť.

Mgr. Nikola Regináčová, PhD. Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach

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Anotácie Annotations MESTO a DEJINY

GABZDILOVÁ, SOŇA. AKO SME ŠTUDOVALI V TOTALITE. Komenského, Slovenskej vysokej školy tech- VYSOKOŠKOLSKÉ VZDELÁVANIE NA SLOVENSKU POD nickej v Bratislave, Vysokej školy poľnohospo- IDEOLOGICKÝM DIKTÁTOM KOMUNISTICKEJ STRANY dárskej a lesníckej, Vysokej školy veterinárnej ČESKOSLOVENSKA (1948 – 1953). PREŠOV: UNIVER- SUM, 2018, 143 S. ISBN 978-80-89946-05-1. v Košiciach, Vysokej školy múzických umení a Vysokej školy výtvarných umení, pôsobenie pobočiek Pedagogickej fakulty, Vysokej ško- Soňa Gabzdilová v publikácii Ako sme ly lesníckej a drevárskej vo Zvolene, Vysokej študovali v totalite. Vysokoškolské vzdelá- školy poľnohospodárskej v Nitre, Vysokej ško- vanie na Slovensku pod ideologickým dik- ly technickej v Košiciach a Vysokej školy že- tátom Komunistickej strany Československa lezničnej v Žiline. Zároveň autorka poukazuje (1948 – 1953) nadväzuje na vlastný výskum, na zmeny v činnosti a postavení rímskokato- ktorému sa venovala v oblasti vzdelávacieho líckeho a evanjelického bohosloveckého štú- procesu a školstva na Slovensku predovšet- dia v systéme vysokých škôl na Slovensku po kým so zameraním na obdobie prvej polovi- roku 1948. ce 20. storočia. V siedmich kapitolách pribli- V štvrtej kapitole je osobitná pozornosť žuje analýzu štruktúry, obsahu vzdelávania venovaná reglementácii vysokých škôl, pre- a ideologického aspektu na slovenských vyso- vierok a prijímacích pohovorov na vysoké kých školách v období rokov 1948 – 1956, po- školy, ktoré boli realizované akčnými výbor- litiku Komunistickej strany Československa mi opakovane v období rokov 1948 – 1950, po- (KSČ) a jej vplyv na oblasť vzdelávania menované paradoxne „demokratizácia“ vy- v Československu. Publikácia sa venuje pre- sokých škôl. Nemalá pozornosť v publikácii dovšetkým priestoru Slovenska, avšak v šir- bola venovaná projektu Štátnych kurzov pre šom kontexte československej politiky a do- prípravu pracujúcich na vysoké školy, kto- sahu vplyvu KSČ na vysokoškolský systém. rý realizovala KSČ s cieľom radikálnej pre- V úvode práce je načrtnutá problematika stavby triednej a sociálnej štruktúry poslu- témy, spoločensko-politická situácia v krajine cháčov vysokých škôl v rokoch 1949 – 1953. a ciele publikácie. Záverečné kapitoly analyzujú upevňovanie Prvá kapitola sa venuje prvým opatre- ideológie marxizmu-leninizmu vo vzdeláva- niam komunistickej strany v oblasti vzdelá- cej sústave vysokých škôl a sociálne otázky vania v uvedenom období, pričom podstatu realizované v univerzitnom živote podľa pre- nového zamerania vzdelávacieho systému na svedčenia KSČ. V závere sa nachádza suma- Slovensku možno badať už v septembri 1944, rizácia získaných poznatkov. Monograﬁ a vy- v čase Slovenského národného povstania. chádza z množstva knižných zdrojov, dobovej Druhá kapitola spočíva v priblížení legisla- tlače, ako aj archívnych dokumentov nachá- tívnych noriem a programových dokumen- dzajúcich sa v Slovenskom národnom archí- tov, ktorými komunistická strana postupne ve v Bratislave, Národnom archíve v Prahe okliešťovala autonómiu vysokých škôl a na- a Štátnom archíve v Košiciach. hrádzala ich striktne riadenou centralizova- Publikácia S. Gabzdilovej nou správou, realizáciou previerok a vylu- Ako sme štu- čovaním študentov a pedagógov, pôsobením dovali v totalite. Vysokoškolské vzdeláva- akčných výborov, zavádzaním ideológie mar- nie na Slovensku pod ideologickým diktátom xizmu-leninizmu, úpravou vnútorného uspo- Komunistickej strany Československa (1948 – ponúka hodnotný náhľad do problema- riadania vysokých škôl a snahou postupne 1953) tiky vysokého školstva na Slovensku po roku transformovať celý komplex výchovy a vzde- 1945. V súvislosti so stavom spracovania da- lávania mladej generácie podľa sovietskeho nej problematiky v slovenskom prostredí mo- vzoru. nograﬁ a výrazne posúva jej poznanie a otvá- V tretej kapitole venujúcej sa vytváraniu ra priestor pre ďalšie skúmanie formovania organizačnej siete vysokých škôl na Slovensku vysokého školstva po roku 1945. Predstavuje možno vidieť jednak nárast počtu vysokých zaujímavý zdroj poznatkov nielen pre histori- škôl, fakúlt a poslucháčov, na druhej strane kov, ale aj laickú verejnosť. podporu študentov najmä robotníckeho a roľ- níckeho pôvodu zo strany KSČ pri vstupe na Mgr. Miriama Filčáková vysokoškolské inštitúcie. S. Gabzdilová po- Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika núka charakteristiku pôsobenia Univerzity v Košiciach

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