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2 PART I Stories About English Speaking Countries

The spread of British English

What do you know about British history?

A conquered land What we know as the English language was born out of foreign invasion and later spread across the world by invasion. From the fifth century AD onwards, waves of invaders from north- ern Europe came across the North Sea to England. They were Angles, Saxons and Jutes and came from present-day Germany and Scandinavia. They drove the Celtic-speaking inhabitants of England westwards into those areas known today as Wales, Cornwall, Cumbria and the Scottish borders. They established themselves and their languages in the territory the Celtic speakers had occupied. The resulting mixture of Germanic and Scandinavian languages became the earliest form of English. In 1066, William the Conqueror led the Norman French invasion of England. For a period of nearly 300 years French became the official language, although English continued to be spoken by the majority of common people. Modern English has its main origins in the mixture of these two languages, Anglo-Saxon and French.

Taking English abroad During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, British navigators sailed across the seas with the aim of extending Britain's power and prosperity. They colonised new territories around the world, taking their language with them. In many cases the process of bringing 'civilisation' to the existing peoples of these lands was accompanied by cruelty and injustice. The first New World settlement was established in Jamestown in 1607. Canada was won from the French in 1763. During the seventeenth century. British rule was es- tablished in the West Indian islands of Antigua, Barbados, Jamaica, St Kitts and Trinidad and Tobago. Australia and New Zealand were discovered during Captain Cook's voyages between 1768 and 1779. At that time too, the British displaced the Dutch as the dominant power in South Africa. Later in that century, Britain, Bel- gium, France. Germany and Portugal all competed for in- fluence in the rest of Africa. British rule was finally estab- lished in West Africa (Nigeria), East Africa (Kenya and Tanzania) and Southern Africa (Zimbabwe). British rule in India was established in 1750, although the East India company had existed since 1600.

New ideas, new words A Portrait of Queen Victoria From the fifteenth century onwards, the British Navy by W. Essex, 1858 slowly became the dominant force on the world's seas. By Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee in 1897, the British Empire had possessions in all five conti- nents totalling about a quarter of the world's land mass and about the same proportion of the world's population. 3 English was imposed as the official language of the new colonies, but often words from the local languages started to trickle into the English of the colonisers. This occurred most frequently where an equivalent word did not exist in English. For example, barbecue and cannibal are words which have been borrowed from the Caribbean. Bungalow, pyjamas and shampoo have come into the language from India.

Independence and change As the twentieth century progressed, a growing desire for independence spread among the countries of the Empire. As the former colonies gained independence, most of them joined the new association of the Commonwealth. Members recognize the Queen as a symbolic leader and share English as a common language, but have their own, independent governments. The pre- sent-day Commonwealth is estimated to have a population of over 100 million. Political independence can be planned for a particular moment. Linguistic independence takes much longer to attain and can become a political issue. Under British colonial rule English was the language of education and administration. But in the newly independent states, it was sometimes associated with the colonial domination of the past. Nationalists campaigned to substitute English with the local variety of British English or one of the indigenous languages. But other citizens felt strongly that abandoning English disadvantaged the new state in its communications with the rest of the world. Not surprisingly, it seems that the trend is towards compromise. In many of the coun- tries of the old Empire British English continues to be accepted for official or semi-official pur- poses. Local languages and varieties of English are used in everyday conversation.

English is a mixture of several languages. Which? How did English become the language of Australia and Canada?

The spread of American English

What do you associate with American culture? Make a list. For example, hamburgers.

The rise of America British colonisation over a period of three centuries scattered the English language to all the continents of the world. But the spread of American English in the twentieth century has con- tributed most to the increasing number of English-speakers in the world today. In the 1770s, the English spoken by the colonists in America hardly differed from the Eng- lish spoken in Britain. These people still referred to Britain as the mother country and their lan- guage was a last, lingering link with the homeland they had left. But once the political break- away had occurred, contact between the two countries diminished and American English began to develop a character of its own. When Noah Webster compiled his first dictionary of American English in 1806, he was clearly thinking of it as a language in its own right. Successive editions of the dictionary gave proof that the gap between British and American English was widening. Languages are con- stantly changing and English is no exception. But in the case of American English, mass immi- gration speeded up the pace of change.

New influences The immigrants, Irish, Germans, Scandinavians, Chinese, Italians, Poles, Russians, Mexi- cans, Hungarians and Jews, flooded into what has become known as the melting pot of American society. But they did not melt into it without adding something of their own. The traditions, cus- toms, food and culture of their nations of origin can all be found to a greater or lesser degree in the America of today. It is not surprising, therefore, that American English shows many traces of the languages which the immigrants originally spoke. Zucchini, bagel, smorgasbord and strudel are all food-related words that have been borrowed from other languages. Nor is it surprising that this great variety of cultures was seen as a serious threat to uniting them into one nation. Immigrants to the United States have to pass a test of competence in English before they can gain full citizenship. The result is that the American population today is the largest body of Eng- lish -speakers in the world.

4 New influences The immigrants, Irish, Germans, Scandinavians, Chinese, Italians, Poles, Russians, Mexi- cans, Hungarians and Jews, flooded into what has become known as the melting pot of American society. But they did not melt into it without adding something of their own. The traditions, cus- toms, food and culture of their nations of origin can all be found to a greater or lesser degree in the America of today. It is not surprising, therefore, that American English shows many traces of the languages which the immigrants originally spoke. Zucchini, bagel, smorgasbord and strudel are all food-related words that have been borrowed from other languages. Nor is it surprising that this great variety of cultures was seen as a serious threat to uniting them into one nation. Immigrants to the United States have to pass a test of competence in English before they can gain full citizenship. The result is that the American population today is the largest body of Eng- lish -speakers in the world.

World domination If the British over the centuries spread English across the world by colonisation, America has spread it even more effectively and quickly by-different means. Who in the world has not heard of Coca Cola, McDonald's, IBM, General Motors, Microsoft and Boeing? It is clear that Ameri- can industries have made their own forms of conquest. The state of the American dollar influ- ences all the money markets of the world. United States foreign policy affects many other coun- tries, both near and far. Along with all this economic and political power, there is also unequalled power in all the fields of communication, information and entertainment. No other country has played a greater part in the development of the computer. America leads the world in the design and manufacture of hardware and in the development and production of software. UNESCO figures show that 94 per cent of Internet communications are in English. Early in the twentieth century, America established itself as the world leader in the new me- dium of the cinema. In 1906, the first full-length movie was made there and in the following year film-making began in the Hollywood area of Los Angeles. In many countries of the world today, most people's familiarity with English comes from films, TV and other types of American enter- tainment.

Spanglish? America is responsible for an overwhelming proportion of the English which is spoken all over the world today: words like hamburger, movie and jeep are known to everyone. Ironi- cally, if there is any challenge at all to the dominance of English, it may come from inside America itself. The last fifty years have seen an enormous number of Spanish-speaking immigrants. Amigo, taco, ranch and lasso are all words of Spanish origin which have crept into the language. In parts of Florida, Texas and California Spanish represents a serious alternative to English as the lan- guage of the community. But the United States remains an English-speaking nation with an un- paralleled influence over the rest of the world.

How does America influence other countries? Does America influence life in your country? How do you feel about the spread of American culture and values around the world?

Escaping History

What have you heard in the news about Ireland? Do you know any Irish people?

Christians and conquerors There were settlers in Ireland from as early as. 7,000 BC, but the Celts, who arrived in about 1000 BC, were the first known inhabitants of the island. They gave the Irish the basis of their language and culture. Saint Patrick, the patron saint of Ireland, is said to have brought, Christian-

5 ity to the Celts around 432 AD. In the eighth century AD the Vikings arrived from Scandinavia. They founded Ireland's two main cities, Dublin and Cork. In the twelfth century the Normans came to conquer, but were in turn conquered by the Irish spirit. It was said that they became more Irish than the Irish. At the beginning of the seventeenth century the British started an invasion that was to last until the twentieth century. They found that it was not possi- ble to defeat the Irish by warfare alone. The weapon the British used was to prove more powerful than any sword or gun. That weapon was plantation. The British took the land from its Irish owners by force, and gave it to British Protestants, who were 'planted' in Ireland. They farmed the land themselves, often bringing their own workforce with them. This made many Irish Catholics homeless. To make matters worse, the British passed laws which obliged Catholic landowners to divide their land among their sons. As the Irish had large fami- lies, Catholics found themselves owning smaller and smaller farms. Soon there was not enough land to go round. The only chance younger sons had to make a life for themselves was to emi- grate, usually to North America. Irish Catholics were also excluded from parliament, the law and public life. Between 1845 and 1851 there was a terrible famine which was caused by a disease in the potato crop. The po- tato was a staple food for many Irish people. A million Catholics died and even more emigrated.

Ulster The British imposed their own language and laws on Ireland and the two countries were in conflict until the Anglo-Irish Treaty was signed in 1921. The country was divided in two, with 26 of its 32 counties becoming the Irish Free State. The other six remained part of Britain and became Northern Ireland, or Ulster. It was in this province that the fiercest examples of Scottish Protestant plantation had taken place. In 1949, the Irish Free State became the Republic of Ireland. The division of Ireland caused a civil war in the Irish Free State. Many people today, both north and south of the border, still do not agree with this partition. They are called Nationalists. The majority of people who live in Northern Ireland wish to remain part of Britain. They are called Unionists. This is the cause of much of the conflict within Ulster. Most of the Nationalists are Catholics and most of the Unionists are Protestants. The majority of the people who live in Ulster work, play and live their lives together and in peace. Hopes for a lasting settlement were raised by the peace agreement, which was reached in April 1998.

Why did so many Irish people emigrate? Name the two sides in the Northern Ireland dispute, what religions do they follow? What do you think can be done to bring peace to Northern Ireland? 6 Ireland

Have you read any works by Irish writers?

A way with words The English language was imposed on the people of Ireland, yet the Irish have produced some of the most imaginative writers of English literature. This creativity goes back to the Gaelic (pronounced Gay-lick) poetry of the Celts. Gaelic is still the official language of Ireland, but the great majority of people speak English. Most televi- sion programmes are in English. The Irish language however, often surfaces in phrases and idi- oms. For example, if an Irishman told you he had great craic (pronounced krak) at a party, he did not take drugs, but simply had great fun. Gaelic is still the first language in some parts of Ireland. These areas are called Gaeltachts (pronounced Gale-tocks). All Gaeltachts have summer schools, which are taught in Gaelic, and many children spend part of their summer holidays there. Gaelic is taught in all schools. The Irish way with words has given English literature some of its greatest works. The play- wright, J.M. Synge went to the Western Isles to learn Irish folk myths before he wrote his mas- terpiece, The Playboy of the Western World. James Joyce revolutionised the way in which nov- els were written with his book, Ulysses. George Bernard Shaw and Oscar Wilde were famous for their wit and clever use of language.

The Celtic tiger Ireland's economy is a rare success story in Europe. It is now known as the Celtic Tiger, and has been compared to the tiger economies of the Pacific Rim. Ireland has always been an agricultural country. It is almost self-sufficient in food and a major exporter. High technology industries have now made Ireland into Europe's largest (and the world's second largest) exporter of computer software. American companies like Apple and Intel have invested heavily in Irish computer factories. The secret of Ireland's success is a young and highly educated population, who speak Eng- lish. The European Union has also played a part by contributing approximately £8 billion to im- prove Ireland's infrastructure and modernize its farms. The result is that for the first time in 200 years young Irish people do not have to emigrate to find jobs. Unemployment is still high at 12.5 per cent. But people are now returning to work in the building industry and in the banks and in- surance companies that are making Dublin an important financial centre. Fortunately, Ireland has not changed in other ways. It is still a popular place for quiet, rural holidays and its green fields are still home to the world's best racehorses.

The day of the Saint Saint Patrick is the patron saint of Ireland and his feast day is celebrated on 17th March. The day is a national holiday and almost every town in the country has a parade of bands and floats. All kinds of floats take part; some are very elaborate, depicting scenes from history, while others advertise products. Dublin is the venue for the largest of the parades. Each float or 'act' must pass through a preliminary competition before being allowed to take part. The shamrock, which is a small plant is the national symbol, and 'wetting the shamrock' means having a drink (or two) on Saint Patrick's Day. After the parade is over, there is often a street ceih (pronounced kay-lee), a traditional dance, and the partying continues until late! The patron saint is still very popular, but the Catholic Church has lost some of its influence in the last few years. The Church has delayed some important reforms, such as divorce, which only became legal in 1997. There have also been a number of scandals that have meant a loss of respect for religion. Even so, 90 per cent of Irish people still say they are Catholics.

Name three Irish writers. Why has Ireland become known as the Celtic Tiger? Do you think Aisling has a good time at Trinity College, Dublin? Does it sound like the kind of place you would like to go to university?

7 Mediterranean islands

Name some of the countries and islands in the Mediterranean. For example, Malta. Why is English spoken in Malta, Cyprus and Gibraltar?

Crossroads or battlefield? The island of Cyprus has always been a crossroads, and sometimes a battlefield, for the peo- ples of the eastern Mediterranean. It has been part of the Greek, Persian, Roman, Byzantine and Turkish empires. It became part of the British Empire in 1925.

Today, Cyprus is divided between two communities: the Greek-Cypriot and the smaller, Turkish-Cypriot. This division began in the 1930s, when Greek-Cypriots began to demand Eno- sis, or unification with Greece. During the 1950s, the British fought a guerrilla war against the Greek-Cypriots and unofficially favored the Turks. After independence from Britain in 1961, there were clashes between the two communities and a United Nations peacekeeping force was sent to the island. In 1974, the military govern- ment in Athens threatened to force unification with Greece. As a result, the Turkish army in- vaded the north of the island. Cyprus has been divided ever since. Cyprus would like to join the European Union, but the disputes between Greece and Turkey must be resolved before that can happen.

Aphrodite speaks English According to the Greek writer Homer, Cyprus was the birthplace of Aphrodite, the goddess of love. The beauty and beaches of Cyprus attract many tourists every year. They come for the his- tory, as well as the sun. There are Greek ruins, Roman baths and Crusader castles. The ancient in- dustries of Cyprus still survive: copper has been mined there since 2,500 BC. A wine which was first made by the Crusaders 800 years ago is still produced today. With its past as a British colony, a busy tourist trade, and a growing business in offshore banking, it is not surprising that most people in Cyprus speak excellent English. Cyprus is a member of the Commonwealth and has a British-style legal system.

East-West partnership Malta is not one island, as most people think, but five. English is spoken by almost every Maltese. Large numbers of overseas students come to the islands to study English there and it is an important business for Malta. Despite this, the first language of the Maltese is Malta, a dialect of Arabic, which is written in the Roman alphabet. The British ruled Malta for 150 years and independence came as recently as 1964. British in- fluence can still be felt on the islands: there are English-style pubs, telephone booths and post boxes. There is even a British-style Labour Party office on Valetta's Republic Street visitors are welcome!

8 Today, Malta fully understands the importance of its location between Europe and the. Mid- dle East and has applied to join the European Union. Besides speaking European languages such as English and Italian, many Maltese also speak Arabic.

At home in the Med Gibraltar is of great strategic importance as it lies on the narrow stretch of water between Europe and Africa and where the Mediterranean joins the Atlantic Ocean. The British recognised this and made it a colony in 1713. Today, it is the only British possession in the Mediterranean. The British feel at home there, as cars drive on the left. British possession of Gibraltar is a sore point with Spain. But, as the Spanish say, "Whenever we talk about Gibraltar, the British talk about the weather or tea."

What languages are spoken in Malta? Why? Why is Gibraltar so important strategically? Do you think of Canada as an English-speaking country?

Canada

Do you think of Canada as an English-speaking country?

English or French? French adventurers founded modern Canada, but it was the British who benefited. Two Vo- yageurs, Radisson and Grisailles, had failed to interest French investors in trading around Hud- son's Bay. So they took their idea to the English who were much more receptive. In 1660. the Hudson's Bay Company was set up and given a royal charter to control the fur trade and ,3.3 mil- lion square kilometers of land, west of Hudson's Bay. The company grew so powerful that it acted as the government of British North America for the next 200 years. It sold the land back to the Canadian government in 1869, two years after Canada became an independent nation. A Hudson's Bay Company still exists today. It is very large with many different businesses, includ- ing department stores. While the French population remained small, the British presence grew. They took over Acadia and expelled the French settlers, some of whom moved to Louisiana in the USA. There they became known as the Cajuns, the people from Acadia. By 1760, the British had captured both Quebec and Montreal and Canada became a British possession.

Peaceful invasion When the British lost their American colonies in 1776, they gained some valuable assets in Upper Canada (today's Ontario). Over 40,000 farmers and craftsmen moved there because they did not wish to live in the newly independent United States. They were known as British Empire Loyalists. They were more politically experienced than the disorganised group of trappers and traders already living in Upper Canada. York, present day Toronto, quickly became the business and political centre. Fearful of being overwhelmed by the Loyalist invasion, the Catholic Church in Quebec en- couraged French settlers to have more children than their British neighbors. This had no effect, again because of relations with the United States. In 1812, Britain was at war with the USA. which threatened to invade. In response, Britain offered emigrants to Canada free passage. The result was a wave of new arrivals and by 1850 Canada's English, Scottish, and Irish populations had increased by 800,000 people.

La Survivance Ever since the British took control of Canada, the main concern of Quebecois has been La Survivance the survival of their Frenchculture and language. Je me souviens (I will remember) is their motto. The French spoken by the Quebecois is unique. Words, grammar and even pronun- ciation still have connections with seventeenth-century French. Holding on to their distinct cul- ture has given French Canadians joie de vivre unknown to their anglophone neighbours.

9 Feeling different has also encouraged many of them to vote for independence from the rest of Canada. Some believe that Quebec could stand alone as a sovereign country, but others are not convinced. The referendum held in 1995 was very close with 50.5 per cent voting against separatism. A lot of Canadians believe that in the next vote Quebec will become a separate country. Whether Canadians are for or against separatism, they realise that it could be the beginning of the breakup of their country. Some people are angry with the Quebecois for causing so much trouble.

Nunavut French Canadians have succeeded in showing that they are a distinct society within Canada. The Native peoples have also managed to recover some of their independence. They lost their lands and were almost wiped out by disease and starvation during the European invasion. There is now an Assembly of First Nations, which campaigns for land and human rights for the indige- nous peoples. In 1999, one-fifth of the area of Canada will officially be returned to the Inuit peo- ple. The name Nunavut has already been chosen for this new territory. This makes the Inuit the largest private landowners in the world. They only have mineral rights to about ten per cent of the land however, and Nunavut will still be administered by the federal government. This is not independence, but it is a beginning.

Who did the land west of Hudson's Bay belong to? Why have so many Quebecois voted to separate from the rest of Canada? What do you think would happen if Canada was divided up into different countries?

Do you think of Canada and the USA as very similar to each other?

The Canadian mosaic Canada has a reputation for being a mosaic of world cultures, in contrast to the USA's melt- ing pot image. In the early days in the eastern provinces, settlers were forced to form mixed-race, multilingual communities because farms were small and good land was scarce. When the west of Canada was opened up, there was so much space that Ukrainians, Ger- mans, Poles and many other national and religious groups were able to form their own separate communities. They kept their own cultures and languages. There are still communities today where English is a second language. The Hutterites, who live on the Prairies, originally came from Russia. They still dress traditionally and farm communal land. The latest groups to arrive are people from China, Hong Kong and other parts of the Pacific Kim. They have brought Asian cultures and business connections to Canada, which until recently looked mainly to Europe and the United States.

A vertical society Canada's expansion took place from east to west. Yet most of its rivers, lakes, prairies and mountain ranges run north to south, forming natural barriers to travel and communications. As a result, all of Canada's regions have easier connections with their neighbours in the USA to the south, than with each other. Conquering Canada's natural barriers was a long and difficult process and the Rocky Moun- tains were the greatest challenge of all. Until the first railway was completed in 1885, all east to west travel was through the USA. The Trans-Canada Highway over the Rockies was not finished until 1962. About 70 per cent of Canadians live within 200 km of the 49th Parallel, the border with the USA. It is the longest undefended border in the world. Because the USA is so close for most people, and because of the natural barriers which separate Canadians from each other, it is not surprising that Canadians in Nova Scotia feel closer to Americans in Maine than to Canadians in British Columbia. They, in turn, consider themselves to be part of the Pacific Northwest, centred on Vancouver and the American city of Seattle. Why then, do Canadians insist on remaining Canadian? Partly it is a fear of being thrown into the melting pot of the United States, and partly because they value the differences between their own culture and that of the USA. 10 The wheels of commerce Cartier's discovery has not been as disappointing as King Francis I of France had thought. Today, Canada is the largest producer of nickel and supplies the world with iron and copper as well as wood, paper, oil, asbestos, gold and silver. In the past these raw materials were shipped to other countries to be processed. After World War II. Canada began to develop its own industries, such as manufacturing cars and aeroplanes. Canada now has the world's seventh largest economy. This has given it a strong position in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which aims to create a single market with the USA and Mexico. Canada has moved swiftly into the future with research and development in fibre optics and communications. This is not surprising considering the great geographical distances and the fact that it was the home of Alexander Graham Bell, the inventor of the telephone. The wealthier provinces of Canada, such as Ontario and British Columbia, enjoy some of the highest living standards in the world. There is still poverty, however, especially in the Maritimes and the north.

What is meant by the Canadian mosaic? What are the geographical barriers between the east and west of Canada? Do you think people should be allowed to own guns?

Would you like to live in Canada? Give reasons.

Maritime backwaters Life on the remote coast of the Maritime provinces has been immortalised in E. Annie Proulx's book, The Shipping News. The weather is often foggy, cold and wet. Some villages can only be reached by boat. 'Newfies' (as other Canadians call the people of Newfoundland), are always aware of the sea. They are mostly of British and Irish origin and have a distinct accent with many colour- ful expressions, such as 'Long may your big good jib draw.' This means Good luck. Nova Scotia also has a strong Scottish heritage. Gaelic is still spoken in some areas. In New Brunswick there are still many French-speaking Acadians, along with descendants of the l.'nited Empire Loyalists. Newfoundland, like the other Maritime provinces of New Brunswick, Prince Hdward Island and Nova Scotia, does not share the prosperity of the rest of Canada. The fishing grounds have been seriously over-exploited. Fishing and shipping have declined and unemployment has grown. The four provinces depend on aid from the rest of Canada.

Eastern tradition Nearly a million immigrants came to Ontario in the first half of the nineteenth century. That trend continues today with one m four newcomers to Canada settling there. It is already home to 36 per cent of the country's population. Yet for all its diversity, it is the most traditionally British of all the provinces. It is not difficult to see why Ontarians believe the sun rises on the Saint Lawrence River and sets on the western tip of Lake Superior. Ontario is home to the English-speaking elite of Can- ada. It is also the richest province, even though 90 per cent of it is covered by forest. This means that 11 million people are crowded into a corridor of land north of two of the Great Lakes, On- tario and Erie. Toronto, Canada's largest city, is the country's business centre, and home to its largest companies and banks. The seat of the federal government is also in Ontario, at Ottawa.

Prairie breadbasket Contrary to popular belief, the Prairies are not completely flat. Apart from the plains of southern Saskatchewan, southwest Manitoba and southeast Alberta, there are undulating forests, magnificent rivers, lakes, the foothills of the Rockies and tundra stretching 600 km to the North- west Territories and the Arctic Circle. The Prairies are the breadbasket of Canada and of the world. For six months of the year they are under snow and ice. A lot of the farmers become 'snowbirds' and spend the winters in Ari- zona, in the USA. After their return in March, work begins in earnest: planting and cultivating 11 the wheat crop. It is harvested in August and transported to the head of Lake Superior on freight trains which are often 150 box-cars long. Canada also has its share of cowboy legends. One was John Ware, a freed slave who in 1882, with a small herd of cattle, settled in the Rocky Mountain foothills. He is remembered in the John Ware Society, which aims to preserve the spirit of the West.

Mountains and forests Almost half the people who live in British 11 Columbia today were born elsewhere. Yet, British Columbians are extremely proud of their homeland. There is something for everyone with the sea, mountains, forests, desert, lakes and vineyards. Above all, for Canada, it is warm. It hardly ever snows in Victoria, its capital. Fishing, mining, forestry and hydroelectric power are practically the only industries, so the skies are clear and the air is fresh. British Columbians fight hard to keep it that way and com- plain very loudly if big business wants to destroy more of the natural environment. In the Queen Charlotte Islands, where the forests are thought to be older than human existence, destructive clear-cut logging has been stopped. Public pressure has also put an end to pollution from paper mills in the Coast Mountains. British Columbia is Canada's door to the Pacific Rim. In recent years this door has welcomed thousands of immigrants from Hong Kong. They have brought investment capital and their ex- pertise for business with them. Canada's future is looking westward.

Why are the Maritimes the poorest of Canada's provinces? Which part of Canada is most like your own country? Which is the most different?

What do you think winter is like in Canada? What winter sports do you think Canadians enjoy?

The big freeze Stephen Leacock, a Canadian humorist, once said that life in Canada consisted of preparing for winter, enduring winter and recovering from winter. Houses are winterised by adding storm windows; cars are winterised with snow tyres and anti-freeze. Winter is when people go underground to shop. All the larger cities have huge indoor or un- derground shopping malls. When it is cold outside, you can go to a mall and shop, see a movie, or have a meal without going outside. People who live 'north of 60' (north of the 60th parallel) are not so lucky. Large parts of the Yukon and Northwest Territories are cut off from the rest of the country, except by air and dog sled. In the Inuit communities, art and music help to prevent people from getting cabin fever (depression caused by long periods indoors) and keep Native culture and arts alive. When it is not cold, Canada can be surprisingly hot. Toronto in summer can be 35°C and very humid. Then, it is time to get out the camping gear and the barbecue and head for the great outdoors.

The great outdoors Plenty of Canadians still have the adventurous, pioneer spirit that built the country. People go canoeing down the 4,200 km of the Mackenzie River, which flows into the Arctic Ocean, or whitewater rafting through the Fraser River Canyon in British Columbia. Some even go kayak- ing among the whales and icebergs up the west coast to Alaska. With so much winter, it is not surprising that Canadians are good at winter sports. Champi- ons such as Kate Pace and Rob Boyd have reached the top of international skiing. Resorts like Whistler and Lake Louise attract skiers from Europe and Japan. Ice hockey (simply called hockey) is so popular it is more of a religion than a sport.

Spirit of Raven The Native peoples of Canada expressed their oneness with nature in their art and legends. Raven, say the Haida people, created the human race in the Gwaii Islands (Queen Charlotte's) and all those descended" from him had special gifts. To live in the shadow of Raven was to be

12 protected by him. Travellers carried a small carving of him. Descendants of Eagle, Bear, and Kil- ler Whale, who were also gods, did the same. Large totem poles, carved with these family sym- bols, stood outside their wooden homes, which were called lodges. Non-Native artists have also been influenced by the spirit of Raven and.Eagle. Kmily Carr, born in British Columbia in 1871, was the first to paint the coastal Native communities and their carvings in the Queen Charlotte Islands. Canadian musicians and dancers have adopted ideas from Native culture by turning tradi- tional dances into ballet.

How do Canadians prepare for winter? Who was Raven? Why were the Mounties formed? Do you have any special police forces in your own country?

Carribean

Who discovered the Caribbean islands? What are the words for canoe and tobacco in your language?

Caribs and Africans Amerindians were living in the Caribbean islands when Christopher Columbus arrived there from Spain in 1492. They were farmers and fisherman. The Europeans soon learned how to use the many local objects and plants that they had never seen before. They borrowed the Amerin- dian names for them which were then adapted into their own languages: for example, the English words hammock, canoe and tobacco. In exchange the Europeans brought the Amerindians dis- eases such as smallpox and influenza. These diseases, together with cruelty and slavery, killed most of the Amerindians and their languages and cultures disappeared. Although Columbus claimed all the Caribbean islands for Spain, adventurers from other European countries colonised many of them. Islands changed hands as a result of wars between Spain, Britain, France, Denmark and the Netherlands: Saint Eustatius changed flags 22 times un- til it finally became Dutch in 1816. The Caribbean islands were very valuable to the Europeans because the land was good for growing crops like sugar and tobacco. The Amerindians were made to work as slaves on the plantations, but many of them died. Then, European traders brought slaves captured in West Af- rica to work on the plantations.

Bananas and hurricanes The sugar, tobacco and cotton grown on the plantations were shipped back to the countries that had colonised the Caribbean. Very little of the wealth that came from these products stayed on the islands. The slaves on the plantations often died of overwork and malnutrition. Today, agriculture is still important, but tourism is a greater source of income. Bananas, the major export crop, are grown in Jamaica and the Windward Islands, but Caribbean growers have to compete against cheaper bananas from Central and South America. Some islands like Antigua do not grow sugar any more, because world prices are so low. Cotton is now grown only for lo- cal use. Large hotels import much of the food they use, so local farmers do not benefit much from tourism. Natural disasters add to the difficulties of Caribbean agriculture. There are hurricanes every year. In 1994, tropical storm Debbie flooded Saint Lucia and destroyed over two thirds of the banana crop. The next year, hurricanes Luis and Marilyn hit Dominica and other areas.

Around the Caribbean There are three main groups of islands in the Caribbean: the Bahamas, the Greater Antilles and the Lesser Antilles. The largest Caribbean island is Spanish-speaking Cuba.

13 The biggest English-speaking island is Jamaica, and other large islands include Puerto Rico and Trinidad. Although the islands are independent states, there are links between them. The University of the West Indies, for example, has campuses in Jamaica, Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago. For international cricket matches there is a West Indies team whose players come from different islands.

What happened to the Amerindians after the Europeans arrived? Which European countries had colonies in the Caribbean?

Bahamas 700 coral islands and 2,000 keys stretching 600 miles across a shallow, tropical sea. Famous for its marine life. Jamaica Home of Bob Marley, reggae music and huge holiday resorts. Puerto Rico Became a colony of the USA in 1898. US Virgin Islands Bought by the USA from Denmark in 1917 for use as a naval base. British Virgin Islands Named by Columbus when he landed there in 1493 on the feast-day of Saint Ursula and the Virgin Martyrs; now a British colony. Antigua With 365 beaches, tourism is the main industry. Montserrat Its volcano erupted and destroyed much of the island, including the capital, in 1996 and 1997. Parts of the island had to be evacuated. Barbados The parliament, called the House of Assembly, dates from 1639. Tobago The name comes from tobacco which was grown by the Carib tribes. Trinidad Every year, a spectacular carnival takes place on the island.

Why do you think visitors come to the Caribbean?

Tourism and poverty Tourism is now the Caribbean's most important industry. Many people work in tourism and there are college courses which give training for these jobs. Luxury resorts, hotels and guest houses cover the coastlines of the islands. Inland, it is a different story. Small wooden houses, without electricity or running water, are still common. Tourists can shower as often as they like, while the local village people have to carry their water from a public tap. Local residents are often not allowed to use the beaches in an attempt to protect the foreign visitors from 'higglers and hawkers' (people trying to sell things). There are not enough jobs in tourism, and unemployment is a major problem on most islands. Urban crime rates are high in places like Kingston, Port of Spain and San Juan (Puerto Rico), and made worse by drug-related problems. Housing is poor and the slum areas are usually the first to be destroyed by hurricanes.

Tropical flavour Both Amerindian and African cultures have survived in Caribbean cooking. The Amerindi- ans grew cassava, yams, maize, arrowroot, peanuts, beans, cocoa and spices. People also ate fish, lobster and conch. They are all still used today. Typical recipes are often based on African dishes brought by the slaves. There are also strong influences from later immigrants like the Chinese and Indians.

Each island has its own speciality. In Barbados, flying fish and chips is a popular lunch,

¡ ¡ while u- u is a filling dish made from breadfruit or cornmeal. In Grenada, also known as the spice island, nutmeg jelly is good for breakfast. Mountain chicken in Dominica is really the legs of a large frog. The East Indian influence is strong in Trinidad. Rotis are a filling and tasty lunch, made of a round, flat bread filled with a peppery stew, shrimp or vegetable curries. Shark-and- bake is a spicy sandwich of fried shark with a variety of sauces, often eaten on the beach. Cook- ing is also spicy in Jamaica, where curried goat is a popular dish.

Calypso and rapso Caribbean music is popular all over the world. Calypso is a mixture of African, European and even East Indian influences. The words of the songs are often witty comments on politics. Each year in Trinidad singers compete to become the Calypso Monarch. In the weeks leading up to Carnival, the season's calypso songs are broadcast all over the islands. Soca tunes and rapso, a blend of calypso and rap, are also popular.

14 Pan music developed from the tamboo-bamboo bands which used bamboo sticks to beat a rhythm on tins, dustbins and pans. Trinidad produces oil, and around the end of World War II people discovered that steel oil drums could be made into musical instruments. Steel band music has a unique sound that is synonymous with the Caribbean. The late Bob Marley was one of the leading Jamaican musicians, who helped make reggae internationally famous. His lyrics were thoughtful, ranging from praise Jah (God) to political comment. Since his death, traditional reggae has been challenged by dance hall, which has a heavier beat and concentrates on guns and sex.

How has tourism affected Caribbean people? What has influenced food and cooking in the Caribbean? Name some types of Caribbean music? Have you ever heard any of them?

South Africa

Where is South Africa and which countries border it? What words do you associate with South Africa? For example, sunshine.

Origins of the rainbow In 1994, Nelson Mandela was elected President of South Africa. In his acceptance speech he promised, "We shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts ... a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world." The colours of the rainbow can now be seen in the South African flag.

15 Today's rainbow nation of South Africa is made up of many different peoples. Southern Af- rica was originally populated by Bushmen called the San. Gradually, the Hottentot people moved in, pushing the San southwest, towards the Atlantic coast. On the east coast lived the Nguni peoples, the Zulu, Xhosa, Swazi and Ndebele. The central areas of the country were inhabited by the Sot ho and Tswana. All of these were cattle herdsmen who lived in tribal groups. In 1652, Jan van Kiebeek was sent by the Dutch East India Company to start the settlement that is now Cape Town. This provided provisions for ships sailing from Europe to India. Dutch settlers soon followed. These were the Boers, who were farmers. In fact, their name means farm- ers in Dutch. Later, they became known as Afrikaners, the people who speak Afrikaans, a lan- guage based on Dutch which over the years has become a separate language. Settlers from other European countries also came to South Africa. French Protestants came to escape religious persecution. During the Napoleonic Wars the British occupied the Cape Colony, as South Africa was called then. They imposed British laws and many British colonists arrived. By the 1830s, the Boers had decided that they no longer wished to live under British rule. They established the Boer republics of the Orange Free State, the Transvaal and Natal. They con- quered the Zulus, but before long were once again under British domination. In the same period many other peoples were added to South Africa's racial mixture. Muslim Malay slaves were brought over to work on sugar plantations, until slavery was abolished in the British Empire in 1828. After that, labourers came from India to do the work. The result is that today's rainbow nation includes five million whites, 3.5 million people of mixed race and 1.5 million people of Asian origin. There are 38 million black South Africans.

Whites only The Boers wanted independence, but they were defeated by the British in two wars between 1899 and 1902. Within the white population they were the majority, but they were surrounded by much larger numbers of black people. Government by the whites only was their way of defend- ing their Afrikaans culture and controlling South Africa. In 1948, the Afrikaner National Party won the elections. "Today South Africa belongs to us once more," said the new Prime Minister, D.F. Malan. He began to impose the policy of apart- heid. The word means separateness in Afrikaans. The original idea of apartheid was separate de- velopment of black and white communities. In reality it meant racism enforced by law. Non- white people had no rights. Opposition to the white government was illegal. Black people were used as cheap labour. Pass Laws restricted their movement round the country. To earn a living, the men migrated from the country to work in the gold and diamond mines, while the women went to work as domestic servants in white households. This broke down the black people's tribal customs and close family unity. Separate townships for Indians, black South Africans and coloureds (people of mixed race) developed around the white cities. Houses in the townships were often without electricity, wa- ter and sewerage. Black people were very poorly paid and had to travel long distances to work in white areas.

Make a list of some of the ethnic groups that live in South Africa today. What was apartheid and what did it mean for the majority of South Africans? How many ethnic groups are there in your country? Do all groups enjoy equal rights? Who was the first President of South Africa after the end of apartheid? Why is he so important?

Resistance to white rule Back resistance to white-only rule in South Africa took a long time to develop. Most non- white people were poor and few were educated. It was very difficult for them to oppose apart- heid. The first, peaceful movement began in 1912, with the formation of the African National Congress (ANC). As only white people had the vote, the government ignored the ANC, which gradually became more radical. 16 On March 26th 1960, police opened fire on a crowd of black demonstrators at Sharpeville township. Sixty-nine people were killed and hundreds were arrested and jailed. The Sharpeville massacre shocked people all over the world. The resistance movement was forced underground and opponents of apartheid began to use terrorist tactics. Many anti-apartheid leaders were sent to jail, but this did not stop the movement. When F.W. de Klerk became President in 1989, he faced great opposition to apartheid, both in- side and outside the country. He realised he had to change the National Party's racist policies. He released all political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela, and permitted opposition political parties. Negotiations to end 40 years of racial suppression began.

The long walk to freedom Nelson Mandela grew up in the village, or kraal, of the Tembu royal family in the Transkei area of South Africa. He went to university, but he was expelled for political activities and, in- stead of returning to the kraal, he went to live in the black township of Soweto, near Johannes- burg. He studied for a Law degree and set up South Africa's first black law practice. He was soon arrested and banned, which meant that he was forbidden to attend any meet- ings or be a member of a political organisation. This did not stop him, with the result that he was one of 156 defendants at a mass trial in Johannesburg in 1961. All were found not guilty. After this he realised that the only way to change apartheid was armed resistance. He went overseas secretly for military training and became Commander-in-Chief of Umkhonto we Sizwe (The Spear of the Nation). In 1962, he was arrested, tried and sentenced to life impris- onment. Mandela spent 27 years in prison on Robben Island, mostly in hard labour. His qualities of leadership shone through and he had a profound effect on everyone he met. When black majority rule arrived. Mandela insisted on peaceful reconciliation between all races. As a result, bloody civil war and revenge for apartheid were avoided.

Hopes and fears There were national and international celebrations when Kelson Mandela was released from prison in February 1990. Elections were held in 1994; for the first time every adult in South Af- rica could vote. The ANC won by a massive majority and formed the first black national gov- ernment. This radical change has brought hopes for a future that will offer opportunities to all South Africans. However, the problems facing the country today are enormous. It is estimated that between 30 and 50 per cent of the population is unemployed. Many people from the country are drifting to the cities to look for jobs, resulting in squatter settlements with unhealthy living conditions. The high crime rate is made worse by the fact that so many people have guns. Educated whites are leaving the country to escape the violence and to find better opportunities elsewhere. Black people, too, suffer from the violence. In Johannesburg, on an average day, there are 14 murders and 24 people have their cars hijacked at gunpoint. On the positive side, Soweto has 126 schools, a university and 23 millionaires. South Africa has been welcomed back into the international community and rejoined the British Common- wealth. Trade, sport, investment and tourism have benefited. Although progress is slow, the gov- ernment has committed itself to providing better and more hygienic housing with electricity and running water. A fresh identity is emerging for the South Africans who, under their new constitution, can enjoy greater freedom than ever before. The new South Africa is non-racist and non-sexist and the terms white and non-white are fast disappearing.

Nelson Mandela's autobiography is called Long walk to Freedom. Explain why you think he chose this title.

17 What problems is South Africa facing today? What could your country do to help South Africa? Is there any censorship in your country? Do you agree with having censorship?

Censorship and freedom Under apartheid there was strict censorship which affected many writers and artists. In spite of this, South Africans of all colours managed to express themselves and the arts did not die. From the 1950s onwards many countries, including Britain and the USA imposed cultural boycotts on South Africa. This meant that South Africa was isolated from outside influences in the arts. Local artists developed their own original style, which was called Resistance theatre and art. Its aim was to encourage resistance to the government's suppression of freedom. Much of it was produced by black South Africans. The country also produced an indigenous form of music enjoyed by all sections of the population. Musicians such as Hugh Masekela, Yvonne Chaka Chaka and Miriam Makeba de- veloped a distinctive South African jazz sound, which has found success throughout the world.Some English-language newspapers tried to write about the news accurately, even though the government censored reports. In 1986, an issue of the Weekly Mail in Johannes- burg carried an almost blank front page, with the heading, "Our lawyers tell us that we can say almost nothing critical... but we'll try." Drum magazine, which began in the 1950s, promoted a number of successful black writers, including Bloke Modisane, Henry Nkumalo, Tennyson Makiwane and Lewis Nkosi. They wrote in the slang of the townships, mixing English, Afri- kaans and black languages. There are several South African authors who are internationally well-known for their writing in English. Among them are Nadine Gordimer, Andre Brink, Athol Fugard and Herman Bosnian. Since the elections of 1994, South Africa has become part of the international community once again and this is clearly demonstrated by the variety of artists, singers and actors who now perform on South African stages.

Eleven languages-including English Afrjkaans and English used to be the only official languages of south Africa. Now there are eleven: English, Afrikaans, Ndebele, Northern Sotho, Southern Sotho, Swazi, Tsonga, Tswana, venda, Xhosa and Zulu. Afrikaans is spoken at home by 60 per cent of white people. It is the dominant language in the country. It Is also the language of the mixed-race, coloured community, who mostly live around Cape Town. The Zulus represent the largest black language group, numbering seven mil- lion, although Zulu is spoken and understood by many more black people. Most black people in South Africa speak several languages.

English is the most widely spoken language and it is rare to find a person with no knowledge of it. Most of the television programmes are in English. Many of the programmes are imported from the USA, so South Africans use American expressions and are familiar with its culture. With so many different influences, South Africans have developed a special vocabulary. Here are a few examples: ag shame attractive dorp country town kraal home in the countryside totsiens goodbye

Education and welfare In the 1950s, Hendrik Verwoerd the Minister of Native Affairs said, “People should not be educated beyond their prospects. The Bantu [black people] shall always remain hewers of wood and drawers of water." White and non-white children went to separate schools with very differ- ent standards of education. Black writer Es'kia Mphahlele replied, "Education for slavery has to be resisted."

18 Attitudes to education have now undergone a revolutionary change. It is illegal to refuse to admit a child to a school because of his or her colour. In practice, however, better schools remain mostly white, because only they can afford the fees. Educational standards for black people are poor and there is widespread illiteracy. The ANC government has made promises to improve education for all, but these will take years to fulfil. One major problem still to be faced is that of South Africa's street children, abandoned by their unemployed parents. There are shelters to help these children, but not enough. What educational opportunities were there for non-whites during apartheid? How has this changed? Do you think people of different nationalities, sexes or religions should be educated separately? What sports do you think are popular in South Africa? What products do you think come from South Africa?

Better than ever It's a sunny day in South Africa," is an advertising slogan, and it is absolutely true. The summers are never too hot and the winters are never unbearably cold. Because of the good weather, being outdoors and taking part in sport is important for most South Africans. They feared that the years of isolation under apartheid, when their teams were not allowed into inter- national competitions like the Olympic Games, might have caused standards to fall below those in other countries. But as soon as they entered international contests again, it was obvious that they were just as good as before, if not better. Rugby has always been followed passionately by the white population, but support for the sport is growing now within the black community. The national team's name of the Springboks has been Africanised to Amabokoboko . When they won the Rugby World Cup in 1995, the whole nation was delighted. Football, much loved by black people, is South Africa's leading sport. The national team is known affectionately as Bafana-bafana The Boys'.

A blend of festivals After the new government was installed in April 1994, many new public holidays and festi- vals were introduced to commemorate the struggle for liberation from apartheid. Amongst these were Freedom Day and Women's Day. Many old traditions remain, as well. The coloured com- munity in Cape Town continues to have a carnival parade each New Year's Day. There is no discrimination against minority religions and races. Portuguese, Italian, Greek, Chinese, Hindu, Jewish and Muslim communities coexist and celebrate their own religious festi- vals. The Dutch Reformed Church represents the largest religious community in South Africa with mainly white, but also black and coloured members. They kept up the tradition of sporting excellence by winning the Africa Cup in 1996. Other sports and activities that are very popular include tennis, bowls, golf, swimming, surf- ing, fishing and boating. Cricket, too, is popular amongst all sections of the population.

Built on a rock This diamond is a rock upon which the future L success of South Africa will be built," said a colonial official when diamonds were first discovered in South Africa in 1867. He was half right. Gold is South Africa's other great resource. The city of Johannesburg lies directly above the world's largest gold fields, which produce 70 per cent of the world's gold. South Africa also pro- duces a large proportion of the world's platinum, manganese, chrome and aluminium. With the collapse of apartheid, and the end of trade sanctions, South Africa's industries are now able to compete in world markets. South Africa has the most developed industrial economy in Africa, which accounts for 40 per cent of national output. It should be in a good position to trade with surrounding African countries. But it still suffers from the years of decline before the political system changed, and constant labour problems. Productivity is low and costs are high.

19 Farming is big business in South Africa. A quarter of the country is desert and 60 per cent of it can only be used for grazing animals, but the remaining land is highly productive. Farming is still dominated by white landowners. Agricultural exports are now booming, helped by the fact that harvests take place in the northern hemisphere winter. South African fruit reaches Elurope when prices are high and there is no local competition.

List all the sports mentioned in the text, which sports are played in both your country and South Africa? Why were new festivals and holidays introduced after 1994? Has the end of apartheid made any difference to the economy in South Africa?

List five reasons for visiting south Africa.

Rediscovering South Africa Until 1994, it was not politically correct for Europeans and Americans to go on vacation to South Africa. Then suddenly, the big-spending tourists rediscovered it. Foreign millionaires bought magnificent houses on the slopes of Table Mountain, overlooking Cape Town. Today, three mil- lion tourists a year visit South Africa, bringing much-needed foreign currency into the country. Even the uglier parts of South Africa's history have become tourist attractions. Robben Is- land, 40 minutes by boat from Cape Town, is where Nelson Mandela spent most of his 27 years in prison. The boat used for prisoners now ferries tourists to the island. The black town- ship of Soweto is also a popular destination. Built in the 1940s to house cheap labour for the mines, it is a symbol of apartheid's hated Group Areas Act, which stopped black people living in or near white areas. The mines themselves are also a fascinating part of South Africa's history. Gold Reef City in Johannesburg is a reconstructed gold rush town, where visitors can see molten gold being poured into bars.

Coasts and landscapes The English adventurer, Sir Francis Drake, called Cape Town, "the fairest cape in all the world." The Cape Peninsular, which has the Atlantic Ocean to the west and the warmer Indian Ocean to the east, has many excellent holiday resorts, with access to miles of sandy beaches and safe swimming. Coastal towns such as Gordon's Bay, Cape St Francis and Port Elizabeth attract all kinds of holidaymakers from home and abroad. The Garden Route is the name given to the coastal road between Mossel Bay and Tsitsi- kamma National Park. All along it the mountains of the Karoo fall steeply towards the sea, their slopes covered in lush forests. There are hiking trails all over the country. They range from gentle walks near Cape Town's Table Mountain, to wilderness adventures. The Drakensburg Mountains offer trekking routes 300 km long, though spectacular scenery. the trail between the Royal Natal National Park to Sani Pass, for example, takes about two weeks.

The big five South Africa's climate, beaches and vineyards are v. 'all popular tourist attractions. But it is the big five that people really come to see – the elephants, rhinos, lions, leopards and buffalo in the great game reserves. Kruger National Park is visited by almost three quarters of a million tourists a year. Only five per cent of it is accessible to visitors, yet it is still not crowded. The park is home to white and black rhinos, lions, elephants, and thousands of other species of birds, animals and plants, living wild on the bushveld. Although the park is almost half the size of Denmark, the numbers of some animals, such as lions and elephants, have to be controlled by culling. This causes controversy among conservationists. Both elephants and rhino are in danger of becoming extinct in some places, because of hunting by poachers. Rather than cull herds when numbers grow too great, it is sometimes possible to move them to other parks.

20 There are nature reserves in all of the country's many different geographical areas, from sub- tropical forest to the Kalahari desert. Whales can be seen off the West Coast National Park; for en- ergetic hikers there are long trails in the semi-desert Karoo Nature Reserve, inhabited by many dif- ferent species of antelope. Hippopotamus (and almost every other kind of African wildlife), can be seen in the Hluhluwe-Umfolozi Game Reserve, in the east of the country, north of Durban.

Why would visitors to Cape Town visit a prison? Why are some herds of elephants culled? Make a list of the things you would like to see and do on a visit to South Africa.

East Africa

What is the connection between early man and Africa?

Our origins Charles Darwin, who formulated the theory of evolution, was the first person to suggest that our ancestors came from Africa. Science has now proved him right. The earliest known human- oid remains were found in the Olduvai Gorge in Tanzania. Australopithecus Africanus is esti- mated to be about four million years old. It was small, only about 1.25 metres high, with a brain one third the size of modern man's. More recognisable as a man is Homo habtlis, who lived in Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda and Ethiopia about 2.5 million years ago. Homo erectus was bigger, with a much larger brain, and used good stone tools. By 7,000 BC large parts of Africa were be- ing farmed and its people were forming king- doms and empires. The East African coast was dominated by Arab traders from the Middle East and inland, indigenous African states were created. Between the eleventh and fif- teenth centuries the Shona kings' city of Great Zimbabwe reached the height of its power.

The struggle for freedom To the Europeans of the nineteenth cen- tury, Africa was a dark, unexplored blank on their maps. By 1900, the great land-grab had begun. The British, French, Portuguese, German and Belgian governments all claimed huge areas. After World War I Brit- ain took over the German colonies. They could now realize the dream of Cecil Rho- des, owner of South Africa's diamond mines: to travel from Cape Town to Cairo on British territory. After World War II, the British colonies of East Africa gradually gained their inde- pendence: Uganda in 1962, Kenya in 1963, Tanzania in 1964. Rhodesia won independ- ence in 1965. Even after this event the coun- try was ruled by a white minority govern- ment that refused to accept black majority rule. The result was a guerrilla war, which lasted until 1980, when Robert Mugabe became Prime Minister of the new I nation, Zimbabwe. To- 21 day, it is still trying to redistribute land to black Africans. The best land is I still in the hands of minority white farmers. Other countries also found difficulties on the road to independence. In Kenya, the Kikuyu people fought, British rule in the Mau Mau rebellion of the 1950s. 1 Uganda was taken over by General Idi Amin Dada I in 1971. He was encouraged by the British because he was anti- communist. But in 1972, he expelled the entire Asian population who ran the country's busi- nesses. Most of them settled in Britain. Civil war followed and the economy collapsed. In the last few I years President Musuveni has managed to repair help country with the help of the Interna- tional Monetary I Fund and returning Asian business people. People first? The countries of East Africa I have many problems to cope with. They are all poor. Out of a population of 18 million Uganda has 1.5 million children who have been orphaned by AIDS. There have been mass killings in Rwanda's tribal war. Yet these countries also hold some of the world's greatest and rarest animal populations. This means that there is a conflict over the use of the land. Do people come first, or animals? Elephants for ex- ample, compete with farmers for land, and their ivory tusks are a valuable and tempting source of income. Poaching has been a serious problem and threat to the elephant populations. After a total ban lasting several years, Zimbabwe lifted some restrictions on its ivory trade in 1997. Luckily, there is a solution that suits both people and animals. Eco-tourism is becoming more and more popular. Tanzania has set aside 25 per cent of its land as wildlife national parks, three of which are World Heritage Sites. In Uganda, the few remaining gorillas of the Ruwenzori Mountains have become carefully guarded attractions. Tourists who go gorilla-tracking are lim- ited to one hour of viewing per day, so that the gorillas are not disturbed in their deep forests, and to reduce the chances of them catching human diseases.

Which countries had colonies in Africa? Are there any World Heritage Sites in your country? Do you think tourism is good or bad for countries like Uganda and Tanzania?

West Africa

Can you name any West African countries? For example, Nigeria.

Slave trade In 1976, a black American called Alex Haley: published a book called Roots. He did not imagine that his book would become a best-seller and also be made into the most popular televi- sion series ever, reaching over 130 million viewers worldwide. Roots is the story of a boy: "His

22 name was Kunta Kinte. Kidnapped from Africa and enslaved in America in 1767, he refused to keep his slave name of Toby. Heirs kept his heroic defiance alive, whispering the name of Kunta Kinte from one generation to another until it reached a young boy in Tennessee ...". When the Portuguese discovered a route round the Cape of Good Hope to India in 1497, they began a new slave trade based upon West Africa. Soon the British, French, Dutch and Danes were transporting West Africans to America and the Caribbean as slave labour. Over 12 million African slaves crossed the Atlantic. The British were the first to abolish the slave trade in 1833. In 1857, America ended slavery, which was one of the causes of the Civil War. Today there are about 60 million people of African descent in the Americas.

Outside influences The great kingdoms of Wrest Africa, such as the Asante (in present day Ghana) and Yoruba (in Nigeria) have often faced powerful outside influences. Until the sixteenth century, the main European visitors to West Africa were traders. But they quickly took a more active part in local affairs. Sierra Leone was founded by Christian anti-slavery campaigners in 1787. Liberia was founded as a home for freed American slaves in 1821. The French and the British eventually colonised West Africa, dividing it between them. The result today is that countries like Nigeria, Gambia and Ghana use English as their common lan- guage, while their neighbours in Togo, Senegal or Benin use French. Even though these coun- tries have been independent since the 1960s, the rivalry between anglophone and francophone regions remains, often \ encouraged by American and European governments and companies. The story of cultural influence, however, has not been entirely one-way. West African art is ancient : and original. Modern European artists like Picasso and Matisse were greatly influenced by its sculpture and carving.

After the Europeans The British and French colonial governments .L drew the borders of the West African states without considering local geography, culture or economics. The result is that, as independent countries, these states have suffered political instability. This has slowed up development. Nigeria is made up of many different ethnic groups, who speak over 200 languages. The Brit- ish united the Muslim north with the richer, Christian south. After independence, regional rival- ries worsened, resulting in a civil war and military government. Military regimes have also taken over other countries in West Africa, such as Ghana and Sierra Leone. In spite of this, West Africa has developed economically, helped by the exploitation of gold, diamonds and bauxite (aluminium) and oil, especially in Nigeria. Plantations have replaced traditional farms in some areas, growing cotton, palm oil and rubber. Development has brought its own problems, especially because of the presence of powerful foreign companies. Liberia was never colonised, but at one time the Firestone rubber company dominated its entire economy. Other developments indicate a brighter future for West Africa. A Ghanaian, Kofi Annan, be- came Secretary General of the United Nations. Nigeria and Cameroon are among the best teams in World Cup soccer. Tourism is growing in countries such as Gambia and Senegal.

What was the book Roots about? List some of the problems West Africa has faced since independence. Do you think rich countries do enough to help developing nations?

Middle East

Why is the Middle East so often in the news?

Wealth and civilisation The Middle East gave birth to the world's first L civilisation and ever since it has been a cen- tre of world events. The Sumerians founded the world's first cities, such as Ur of the Chaldees

23 and Eridu, between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, about 4,000 BC. They invented writing and laws to govern trade and society. In the seventh century AD, the prophet Mohammed, who came from Mecca in modern Saudi Arabia, founded the first Muslim community. The Arab people embraced his religion of Islam and took it with them to the lands they conquered, as far away as Spain, Java and East Africa. Arab scholars kept alive, and added to Greek and Roman learning, while Western Europe largely forgot Classical knowledge during the Dark Ages. Today, the Middle East is again at the centre of world affairs, because of the oil it produces 16,000 million barrels a day. Saudi Arabia is the world's third largest oil producer.

Oil and conflict Although the British and Americans did not colonize the Middle East, they established the oil industry and influenced local politics. Oil was first discovered in commercially viable quantities in Iran, by the Anglo-Persian Oil Company in 1908. The first major oilfield was discovered in Iraq in 1927 and the British Iraq Petroleum Company was granted a concession to drill for oil. Discoveries followed in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar and Oman. The oil is not evenly distributed. Saudi Arabia has by far the biggest reserves, while other countries such as Oman and Bahrain have much less. Oil has brought wealth to the Gulf States and much of the revenue has been invested in edu- cation, health care and infrastructure. It has also brought conflict and instability to the region. In 1994, Iraq invaded Kuwait after accusing her of stealing oil from the Iraqi side of an oilfield. The USA, Britain and other coun- tries sent large forces to Saudi Arabia. In the Gulf War which followed, they recap- tured Kuwait. The industrialized countries of the world depend on Middle Eastern oil, so the region will continue to be at the cen- tre of world affairs.

Developing in English The combination of oil riches and for- eign 1 influence has changed the Gulf States from tribal kingdoms, with camels as the only form of transport, to modern states with six-lane highways, in less than 50 years. These countries did not have the tech- nological expertise to exploit their new- found resource by themselves and largely depended on overseas companies. As a re- sult, large numbers of skilled foreign work- ers are needed in the oilfields and for the many development projects. In Bahrain 60 per cent of working people are foreigners. They are from many countries, including Britain, the USA, India, Pakistan and the Philippines. Few speak Arabic, but all of them speak English as a first or second language. As a result, English is the daily working language of shops, offices and the oil industry. This may not be a permanent situa- tion. Most foreigners are guest workers, useful only while the local people prepare to take over. Arabic is the language of schools in the Arab Gulf States, but everyone in the region knows that they need English at the state universities, where courses like medicine and science are taught in English. Gulf governments provide scholarships for students to go to the USA or Britain. Now satellites, cable TV and the Internet are spreading English throughout the Middle East. Not everyone is pleased at this. Many people complain that these programmes bring the corrup- tion of the West into their homes.

24 Behind the veil As the modern world has come to the Middle East, women have begun to play a bigger role in public life. Today they are working as doctors, lawyers and civil servants. Women like Queen Moor of Jordan and Palestinian negotiator, Hanan Ashrawi, are role models for Muslim women who want to play a greater role in the work place. Many restrictions remain, though these vary from country to country. In Saudi Arabia women must wear an abaya, a kind of cloak, which covers them from head to toe, when they go out. Women are not allowed to work or drive. In Oman, where modesty of dress is still very important, women work in offices, banks and gov- ernment ministries and can drive alone. The veil is perceived as a symbol of repression in the West, but for many Middle Eastern women, it is an essential part of their sense of dignity. Name some of the achievements of Middle Eastern civilizations. Why are there so many foreign workers in the Gulf States? Why is their common lan- guage English? Would you like to work in the Gulf States?

India

Is Indian civilization older than European civilization? When did your country become an independent nation?

25 Rich mixture India'sicient culture is not just a cliche. Apart from China, India is the only place in the world where everyday customs and beliefs go back in an unbroken line of history over 5,000 years long. The first of India's many different cultures and civilizations was that of the Indus Valley, in the north-west. By about 2800 BC, the Indus Valley people had a system of weights and meas- ures. They made pottery and gold jewellery, built cities and traded abroad. Their civilization lasted for about a thousand years.

The Aryans, who replaced them, were nomads. They were not as sophisticated as the Indus Valley people, but they laid the foundations of today's Hindu culture, including the caste system. This divides society up into rigid classes, from which people cannot escape. The simple, tribal society of the Aryans gradually evolved into four main kingdoms, spread across the plains of the Indus and Ganges rivers. In 326 BC Alexander the Great's army invaded northern India. After Alexander left, Chandragupta Maurya, who had fought the Greek invasion, established the first Indian empire,

which extended over ¡¢ of the north. His successors ruled during the golden age of the Gupta Empire which began in the fourth century AD. This was high point of Indian art and learning. Gupta I scholars invented decimal theory, wrote classical Sanskrit literature and built impressive Hindu temples. Other religions, particularly Buddhism, flourished. There were also Christians I and Jains in India, before the arrival of I the next major religious and cultural change.

Islam and the Mughals The Muslim conqueror Mohammed Ghori invaded India in 1206. He left one of his slaves to be the Sultan of Delhi, thus starting the so-called Slave Sultanate. The Turk and later Afghan dy- nasties opened up north India to profitable overland trade with Europe and Central Asia. From the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, another golden age followed under the Mughals, descendants of Genghis Khan. Akbar, one of the most tolerant Mughal rulers, encour- aged painting, music and literature, which reflected the mixture of the many cultures in India. Akbar's grandson, Shah Jehan, built the milk-white Taj Mahal in loving memory of his queen, Mumtaz Mahal. Stories of India's great wealth were legendary in Europe and many countries wanted to open up a direct trade route by sea. In 1498, the Portuguese explorer, Vasco da Gama, made the first voyage round Africa to India. The Dutch, English, French and Danes quickly followed. Gradually, the Mughal Empire became too weak to stop the foreigners exploiting its lack of power and becoming rich on Indian trade.

The British Raj English merchants set up the East India Company / in 1600. Over the next 150 years it estab- lished a monopoly on trade and became so powerful that it eventually developed into a company- government which ruled over much of India. British history books still call the 1857 revolt by Indian soldiers the Indian Mutiny. Most In- dians, however, see it as the first action in a long war of independence. The British put down the revolt and transferred all governing powers directly to the British Crown. This did not stop the independence movement. In 1885, the Indian National Congress was formed. It soon divided be- tween moderates and those who wanted full independence. Little was achieved until a young lawyer, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, returned to his native India from South Africa in 1915. He united the Congress and began to involve ordinary people in the freedom movement. He fought the British in a new way, called ahimsa, which means non-violent, non-cooperation. He campaigned for the untouchables who are the people at the bottom of the caste system, and en- couraged craft industries to replace manufactured, British goods. Mahatma (Great Soul) Gandhi was imprisoned during World War II, but as soon as there was peace, negotiations for independ- ence began. The British finally left India in 1947.

How old is India's civilization? Who was Gandhi and why is he so important? 26 Has your country ever belonged to an empire? How do you think Indians felt at the time of independence? What are the religions of your country? Is religion important in everyday life?

India awakes At midnight on August 14th 1947, Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first Prime Minister, made a speech: "At this midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India awakes to life and freedom." There was a heavy price to pay for freedom – partition. The country was divided. The north became Pakistan, a separate state for Muslims. There was a period of extreme violence, with fighting be- tween the Hindu and Muslim communities and over half a million people died. India and Paki- stan went to war over the territory of Kashmir, which is still disputed between them. Despite par- tition, a large number of Muslims stayed in India, which now has the world's second largest Muslim population. While the British ruled India, the country did not produce enough to feed its 360 million people. Starvation was common. Nehru started a series of five-year plans; the first included land reform and building dams, so that farmers did not have to rely on the weather to irrigate their crops. In the 1960s and 70s Indian farming went through a Green Revolution; better seeds, fertil- izers and farm machinery greatly increased the production of grain. The White Revolution that followed improved the amount of milk the country produced. India's first woman Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, became very popular in the 1970s. Her slogan was Garibi hatao (Remove pov- erty). She nationalized the banks, which then opened branches in villages. The result of this rapid development is that the World Bank now reckons that less than 40 per cent of Indians are below the poverty line, which means they are unable to afford two meals a day. There has not been a serious famine since independence. Although the population has grown to about 1,000 million people, India today exports wheat to China. However, a lot remains to be done. There" are still areas of India where there is great rural poverty. Almost half of India's population is still illiterate. The middle classes are becoming richer and richer, while the slums of the poor multiply. The government is bureaucratic and slow, inefficient and sometimes corrupt, but India is a genuine democracy, with a free press.

Spiritual supermarket According to its constitution India is a secular state. In practice, it is one of the most religious countries in the world. India is the birthplace of four world religions: Hinduism, Buddhism, Jain- ism and Sikhism. Islam, Zoroastrianism and Christianity have also had tremendous impact on the nation's history. India today retains its traditional spiritual life, but many religious practices have changed. Pop bhajans (religious songs) blare out on loudspeakers from New-Age temples, where prayer prices are neatly marked up, as in a supermarket. Instant nirvana (salvation) is promised via special phone lines. The Hindu epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana are serialized on television. India has always exported its religions. Buddhism, which began in northern India in the sixth century BC, now has over 500 million followers all over the world. In the 1960s it was fashion- able for Westerners to follow Indian gurus (spiritual teachers) and some of them founded groups in America and Europe.

What has India done to fight poverty? How do you think rich nations should help poor nations? What religions are practiced in India? Are any of these religions practiced in your country? How have religious practices changed in India?

Have you ever read a book by an Indian author? What do you know about the Indian film industry? 27 Literary traditions Almost every region in India has a literary tradition that goes back several centuries. One of the earliest texts to have survived is the Rigveda-sanhita . It is an Aryan collection of hymns to the gods and is more than 3,000 years old. The Vedic language of the Aryans later developed into the language of Sanskrit. One of the most famous Sanskrit works is the Mahabharata, which is the world's longest poem. Gradually, however, Sanskrit stopped being spoken as an everyday language and was used only by scholars. A new literature began to grow instead in Hindi, the language spoken in north India. Tulsidas, a sixteenth-century poet, wrote Ramchantatnanas , the story of the mythical Hindu God-king Kama. It remains one of India's best-known books today. Literature also flourished in other regions. Rabindranath Tagore, who was born in Bengal, won the Nobel Prize for literature in 1913. He is perhaps the greatest Bengali poet, though he also wrote novels and painted.

The Empire writes back How that it is no longer the language of the imperial power, Indian writers feel free to use Eng- lish in their own way. Many of them have lived in Britain or America. The fertile combination of Indian culture and the English language has produced writers who are popular all over the world. Salman Rushdie won Britain's Booker Prize for his novel Midnight's Children in 1981. He was born in 1947, so he was a child of the "midnight hour" mentioned in Nehru's speech on In- dependence Day. He was the founder of what is nicknamed the Midnight's Children school of literature. Other Indian writers have also explored India's post-colonial experience, using English with curry-flavoured metaphors and original imagery. Vikram Seth's book, A Suitable Boy , which is 1,3491 pages long, has sold 1.5 million copies in hardback and many more in paperback. It tells the story of a Hindu girl's quest to find a suitable husband against the backdrop of a newly inde- pendent India, preparing for the first general election. In 1996, Arundhati Roy received an advance of half a million pounds for her first novel, The God of Small Things. Other welhknown Indian authors writing in English include Anita Desai, Vikram Chandra and Rohinton Mistry.

Bollywood Film-making started in India at roughly the same time as it began in Europe, but now India produces many more films. Hundreds of films are made every year in Bollywood, Bombay. Films are made there in Hindi, Tamil, Telugu and other regional languages. From the first film made by Dadasaheb Phalke in 1913, to the glossy blockbusters now exported to the USA, Egypt, Africa, the Far East and many European countries, Indian films have come a long way. The most popular films feature glamorous stars, songs, dances and lots of action. There is another kind of film too that deals with important social themes. These are made with small budgets and do not rely on elaborate costume and theatricality to make their point. Ardha Satya (Half-truth), for example, told a sad story about politicians robbing the people and corrupting a greedy police force.

New rhythms, old tunes Although film songs hardly represent high culture, they have become a part of modern life. Anywhere in India one is sure to hear famous Hindi film singers such as Lata Mangeshkar, Kishore Kumar, Mohammed Rafi and Mukesh every day on the radio, television, or on a cas- sette player. Despite the overwhelming popularity of film music, the great classical traditions of Hindu- stani and Carnatic music continue to flourish. Hindustani music represents the classic style of north India and Carnatic music is from the south. It is now very fashionable to attend classical concerts and there is always a full house for musicians such as Ravi Shankar, Zakir Hussain and Bismillah Khan. Classical vocalists like Bhimsen Joshi, Kishoribai Amonkar and Kumar Gand- harva are also household names across the country.

28 Name the world's longest poem. What do the most popular Bollywood films contain? What films do you like?

Do you associate more with India: spicy food or computers? Can you name any typical Indian dishes?

Starting from zero Like almost everything else in India, science and mathematics have a long history. Indian as- tronomers used the decimal system as far back as the fifth century AD. The astronomer Aryab- hatta calculated the value of pi to be 3.1416 and the length of the solar year as 365.3586805 days. These are both very close to modern estimates. Before independence, India produced many famous scientists, like biochemist J.C. Rose (1858-1937) who researched plant behavior and physicist, Sir C.V. Raman won the Nobel Prize in 1930 for his discoveries in light diffusion. Yet science and technology in general were not well developed by the British, and India had to make up for lost time after independence. Scien- tific research centers were set up early on. It was not considered a paradox that a country as poor as India should build nuclear reactors and bombs, and launch space satellites. In 1985, a new, young Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, was elected. He enjoyed nothing more than playing with computers and promised to take India into the computer age. Computer educa- tion is now part of the school curriculum and private computer classes are on offer, even in the smallest towns. In the mid-1990s, India took the step of opening its markets to world trade. The result is rapid economic growth, which is needed to keep pace with the growth of India's population; it is likely to be bigger than China's within the next ten years.

Indiasoft India has the raw materials for a strong software industry – lots of English-speaking pro- grammers with university degrees. Only America produces more of these graduates. The result is a software industry that will be worth $2.5 billion dollars in the year 2000. Bangalore in southern India is the centre of the software industry. Distance is no object to communications with customers in Europe, Japan and the USA. Bangalore companies write software for many well-known international companies such as IBM, Microsoft and Fujitsu. The only thing holding up the growth of the industry at the moment is the lack of infrastructure. The city is expanding so rapidly that local services cannot keep pace: getting a new telephone line takes months and connections are often poor. India can offer high quality and low prices. Wages in the Indian software industry are about a quarter of those in Europe and the USA.

Savouring India When the British left India, one of the things they took back to England was mulligatawny soup, a weak version of the real thing, milagu-tannir, a peppery soup. The British still love In- dian food. Many Indians now live in Britain and there are restaurants everywhere serving all the specialities, such as samosa (a deep-fried vegetable pasty), curry and naan (Indian bread). Indian food is found everywhere that Indians have migrated to: Europe, Africa, the West Indies, Austra- lia and America. Mughlai food, which is typical of the north of India, is thought to be particularly mouth- watering, with biryani (rice cooked with meat), fragrant konna (meat curry) and melt-in-the- mouth kebabs. As its name implies, Mughlai food owes much to India's Mughal rulers. In south India, dosas (pancakes made of ground rice and lentils), idlis (steamed rice cakes) with sambhar (a thin gravy made of vegetables and lentils) are welcome at any meal. In Calcutta, on the east coast, fish is imaginatively cooked in many ways. Dohi maach is a fish dish made with yoghurt and mustard seeds. Calcutta is also famous for its desserts, which are quite different from those made elsewhere in the world. They are made from milk, curds, cheese, syrup, clarified butter and flour, which make a delicious, but very fattening end to a meal. 29 What is India's latest, high-tech industry? Which of the dishes mentioned in the text would you like to try? Why? Do you ever try foreign food, or do you prefer the food of your own country?

Pakistan

What happened in India in 1947, and why is this date significant for Pakistan?

A difficult birth Land of the Pure was the name given to Pakistan, when British India was divided to make two separate countries in 1947. In some areas of India the majority of the people were Mus- lims. Under the leadership of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad AH Jinnah, they succeeded in creat- ing their own Muslim state. But the price was high. More than half a million people were killed, as millions of Sikhs and Hindus moved to the Indian side of the new border and mil- lions of Muslims moved to the Pakistani side. The newcomers to Pakistan, called mohajirs , had little in common with other Pakistanis, ex- cept their religion. They spoke different languages and had different customs. At first they were welcomed by the local people. But as the years have passed, ethnic tensions have developed be- tween the mohajirs and various other groups in Pakistan. In the mid-1990s the then Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto, sent the army in to take over the city of Ka- rachi, where the local govern- ment was being run by the mohajirs .

Borrowing language The national language of Pakistan is Urdu and there are many regional languages, but English is used extensively in government, multinational companies, the media and in elite social circles, English is also the medium of instruction in higher education and in private schools. Many people want to learn English and go to expensive private language centers all over the country. During the British Raj, the colonizers borrowed many Urdu words that have entered the English language: jodh- purs (riding trousers) and ba- zaar are two examples. Urdu in turn, has borrowed many English words, such as cup, car, time, shop and appointment, but they are often pronounced very differently.

Flying kites for spring Every spring the skies of Pakistan are splashed with bright, rainbow colors. These are the paper kites of Basant , one of the most popular folk festivals. It is celebrated to mark the beginning of spring, usually on a weekend in March. People wear bright, yellow clothes and cook traditional dishes like biryani (a richly-flavoured rice cooked with meat), qorma (a kind of curry) and kheer (a rice pudding). In the walled city of Lahore, many people hold open houses for their families, 30 neighbors and friends to visit them. Everywhere you can see people on their roof tops, flying beau- tiful handmade kites and having kite-fights, trying to bring down each other's kites.

Who are the mohajirs? What happens at Basant? What do people cook at festivals in your country? Describe a typical dish.

Bangladesh

Where is Bangladesh? Why is it sometimes in the news? On December 16th each year, the streets of Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, are alive with the sound of firecrackers and shouts of Joy Bangla! (Victorious Bangla!). It is Independence Day for a nation which has only existed since 1971. In 1947, when the British left India, and the country was partitioned, it was known as East Pakistan. East and West Pakistan were two separate regions, with 1,500 km of Indian territory in between them. Politically they were the same country and both are Muslim. Although there were fewer peo- ple in West Pakistan than in East, West Pakistan completely dominated the country's economy, armed forces and politics. East Pakistan speaks Bangla and the West speaks Urdu. In 1970, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman won an election, in which he had campaigned for greater autonomy for East Paki- stan. War broke out and after a bloody, nine-month struggle, Bangladesh won its independence.

Bengali New Year In Bangladesh there are six seasons. The New Year begins in April, which falls in the summer- time. New Year's Day is called Pohela Boishak and it is a day of traditional celebration. Women dress up in brightly coloured saris , usually white with red borders, and wear flowers in their hair. Men wear white cotton panjabis , which are like long shirts. For breakfast, people eat hot cheera (beaten rice) and gur (molasses). The smells of fresh ghee (butter), cinnamon and cloves scent the air. According to tradition, good food on the first day of the year guarantees good food all the year round. In Dhaka, Romna Park is the centre of the Boishaki Mela , a funfair and bazaar. Under the Banyan tree there is a concert given by Cha- yanot, the city's oldest music school. A long pro- cession is led by art college students, wearing colourful masks and carrying banners.

Wet and windy Bangladesh is one of the wettest places in the world: over 10,000 mm of rain per year falls in the hills. Most of the country is flat with large rivers, which flood frequently. Bangladesh is also one of the most densely populated countries on earth. There are nearly 755 people per square kilo- metre. The climate is sub-tropical and natural disasters like cyclones are frequent. These often de- stroy the rice crop, which most people depend on, and cause serious loss of life and homelessness. The cyclone of April 1991 killed 150,000 people. 31 Bangladesh is one of the poorest countries in the world. However, a number of very active, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) now work with international aid agencies, and are help- ing Bangladesh to help itself.

Why did Bangladesh want independence? How do people celebrate New Year in Bangladesh? How is New Year celebrated in your country? Write a description and compare. How has knowledge of English helped Rubina?

Sri Lanka

Make a list of spices used in cooking. Where do the spices on your list come from?

Serendib? Medieval Arab merchants, who visited Sri Lanka to trade in pearls and precious stones, called Sri Lanka Serendib. The English word serendipity, which means a happy, accidental discovery, came from this name. Unfortunately, this beautiful and once happy island is torn by civil war. The two main peoples who live in Sri Lanka, the Sinhalese and the Tamils, arrived at different times and from different parts of India. The predominantly Buddhist Sinhalese settled in the south. They now make up 74 per cent of the total population. The Tamils settled primarily in the north and east of the island and today make up 12 per cent of the population. They are mainly Hindu. Since the island was strategically placed on the major Indian Ocean trade routes, it drew European traders who were looking for spices and other resources. The Portuguese were the first to arrive in 1505. They were followed by the Dutch in 1638 and the British in 1796.

The road to war The British found that one of the easiest ways to control their empire was the policy of divide and rule. This meant set- ting the different groups within a country against each other so that there was no national unity. The Tamils were prominent in the British colonial admini- stration, despite being a minority. They also dominated the country's economic and political life. Many Sinhalese re- sented this and felt that the British favoured the Tamils. Ceylon, as Sri Lanka was called then, formally gained in- dependence in 1948, though the country had held its own elections and administration since 1931. At first the country made good progress because of high government spending on education, health and food subsidies. However, the Sinhalese majority governments began discriminating against the Tamil minority. They made Sinhala the official language and there was official bias against Tamils j for government posts. Tamil students had to gain higher marks than Sinhalese for university places. Over 50.000 people have died in the civil war In July 1983 riots, arson and the killing of Tamils in state-sponsored violence encouraged thou- sands of Tamil youths to join guerrilla groups. They were fighting for an independent Tamil state in the north and east of the island. A full-blown war soon raged, | which continues to this day.

Beaches and tea Sri Lanka is one of the most beautiful places in the world with sandy beaches, lush green vegetation, ancient monuments and cultural riches. Tourism is very important to the economy, though war and ethnic tensions have reduced the number of visitors. Golden beaches, sheltered by coconut palms and washed by warm, blue seas are typical of Sri Lanka. The beaches on the southwest between Beruwela and Hikkaduwa are still particularly popular.

32 Tea is one of Sri Lanka's leading exports. The tea estates and factories have become tourist attractions. The country is famous for its spices such as cinnamon, cardamom, cloves, nutmeg and pepper. Underneath the lush greenery and natural beauty, however, is stark poverty and ex- ploitation. Most Sri Lankans work in agriculture and estate workers are paid only for those days they are actually needed to work. The pay is low and the cost of living is rising. There are many social problems and workers have poor living standards.

English for unity The English language used to represent the power of foreign rulers. Today, it is one of the best hopes for bringing peace to Sri Lanka. Sinhalese and Tamil have both been official lan- guages since 1987, and English has a special role as a link language. Many people hope that a greater use of English (especially in schools), will bring both communities closer together. How- ever, English is still the language of the rich and educated. Most Sri Lankans live in villages and only speak their own language. Younger people are keen to learn English; with 30 per cent un- employment, being able to speak it is an advantage in the job market.

Name the two sides in the civil war. What are the causes of the conflict? Name some of the crops grown in Sri Lanka. What problems do agricultural workers face? Sarath describes his favourite place. Write a similar paragraph describing yours.

Hong Kong

Hong Kong is very small. Why is it such an important place?

Opium for tea Trade between China and the outside world has always been important for Hong Kong. In 1841, the British seized Hong Kong Island. They wanted to trade with China and having their own port meant they could force China to accept foreign trade. They could also continue to sell opium, which was shipped from India, to Chinese merchants. Profits from the opium trade paid for the Chinese tea, silks and porcelain that Britain wanted to import. China resisted the illicit opium trade but was defeated by the British in two Opium Wars. The Chinese had to sign a treaty giv- ing Britain the Kowloon peninsula in 1860. Britain took over another part of the mainland, called the New Territories, as well as 235 islands in 1898. These were on a lease from China, which gave the land to Britain for 99 years. Hong Kong remained a British colony de- spite the victory of the Chinese Communist Party, which took over the rest of China, except Taiwan, in 1949. The colony's population grew from one million in 1946 to five million by 1980, as Chinese refugees poured in.

33 The economy also grew fast. In the 1970s, when Deng Xiaoping liberalised China's socialist economy, Hong Kong boomed because it acted as a trading link with the West. The British never gave Hong Kong's people full democracy, as they thought it might offend the Beijing govern- ment and harm trade between the colony and China.

China in charge The Communist Chinese government never recognised the treaties that gave Hong Kong to the British. Britain knew that it would not be possible to keep Hong Kong and Kowloon when the lease on the New Territories ended in 1997. When organising the return of Hong Kong to China, the priority for both the Chinese and the British was to ensure business as usual. There were long, difficult and secret negotiations between Britain and China. The result was the Sino-British Declaration of 1984, by which China agreed to maintain Hong Kong's capitalist system for 50 years after the colony was returned. There were some nervous moments, but Hong Kong's trade has continued to grow fast. It has the world's busiest container port and it is the fi- nancial centre of South East Asia. Both shores of Victoria Harbour are crowded with glittering skyscrapers. Hong Kong now has a higher standard of living than Britain. Despite reassurances from the Beijing government, Hong Kong people are worried about life under Chinese rule. In 1989, the Chinese government crushed pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. The Chinese government has insisted that democracy will not be allowed in Hong Kong and it has abolished the partly-elected Legislative Council. Many Hong Kong residents have bought homes in Canada or Australia, in case things go wrong.

In what ways is Hong Kong a bridge between China and the West? Now that Hong Kong is part of China again, do you think its schools should teach classes in Cantonese or Mandarin Chinese? Do you think business should be more important than democracy?

Singapore

Look at the map. Where exactly is Singapore and why do you think it is important?

Venice of Asia Singapore is a modern equivalent of mediaeval Venice. Both cities are built on islands and have become wealthy by trade. Like mediaeval Venice, Singapore is an independent city-state and is governed by a small group of powerful politicians and businessmen. The story goes that in 1299, a prince of Sumatra (now part of Indonesia) was hunting a lion. It disappeared on an island, which he named Singa (lion) pura (city). Modern Singapore was founded in 1819 by Sir Stamford Raffles, the British Governor of Sumatra. He saw that the is- land was in a key position for trade with Asia, a gateway to the East. Its deep-water harbour was ideal for refuelling large steamships with coal. In the 1920s, Singapore became Britain's main naval base in Asia. During World War II, the Japanese took the British by surprise; they invaded from the landside, and took the city in 1942. All Britain's defensive guns faced the sea. The British returned in 1945, but not for long. Singapore joined independent Malaysia, but there was tension between the Malay and Chinese communities, which led to race riots. The ma- jority Chinese population of Singapore, led by Lee Kuan Yew, wanted independence from Ma- laysia, which was agreed in 1965. But the future did not look bright. The small Chinese city-state was dominated by two large Muslim neighbours, Malaysia and Indonesia.

The lion roars Lee Kuan Yew and his People's Action Party l quickly modernised Singapore. They im- proved transport, housing and education. Foreign investors built hi-tech factories, oil refineries and banks. The old city was redeveloped so that Western tourists could visit a clean, safe part of 34 Asia, with drinkable tap water. Business boomed and is still growing fast. Local companies, such as Singapore Airlines and Times Publishing, have helped to make Singapore the second richest country in Asia (after Japan). All this progress has a price. There is strict control over free speech and the press always supports the government. Even the trade un- ions are a branch of the government. The legal system is extremely strict. It is illegal to import chewing gum into Singapore. There is physical punishment for vandalism and the death pen- alty for smuggling drugs into the country. There is a tiny opposition party. At election time, the government tells voters that if they do not support it, public projects will be cancelled. Foreign criticism has no effect. The People's Action Party simply points to Singapore's com- mercial success.

English-speaking China Singapore has three main communities. The largest group are the Chinese, who make up 76 per cent of the three million population. The next largest group are Malays (15 per cent). The smallest group at seven per cent, is Indian. Chinese Singaporeans feel a close con- nection to China, partly because most of them speak Mandarin, the language of Beijing. Singapore has four official languages: Mandarin, Malay, Tamil (an Indian language) and, most important of all, English. It is the language of government, television and universities. In schools it is a compulsory subject. With so many multicultural influences, it is not surprising that Singapore has developed its own Singlish expressions. If someone asks you how you are, the lo- cal reply is, 'OK, lah!' Multiculturalism also makes Singapore the eating capital of Asia. Its people love to eat out. They have a vast choice that includes Chinese shark fin soup, traditional Indian food, Indonesian mee goreng (fried noodles), or even an English tea.

Why is Singapore like mediaeval Venice? How has Singapore become the second richest country in Asia? Do you think it would be difficult to live in Singapore? Compare your country's level of prosperity and freedom to Singapore's.

Malaysia

Should a country have an official religion?

Modern dilemmas Malaysia is a Muslim country, trying to come to terms with the modern lifestyle that accom- panies rapid economic development. In 1997, three young Muslim women took part in a beauty contest, and were arrested and charged under Muslim law for dressing indecently. This and other incidents have led to heated protests from Muslims who thought the religious authorities were being unduly severe. Malaysia's official religion is Islam, but the country today is a multi-ethnic society made up of Malays, Chinese, Indians and indigenous peoples of Sabah and Sarawak. The constitution

35 guarantees the non-Muslim population of Buddhists, Hindus, Sikhs and Christians total freedom of worship and the ability to live as if in a non-Muslim, secular state. Muslims, on the other hand, are governed by Muslim as well as civil law. This can make their lives com- plicated. Malaysians face many dilemmas. How can their country be- come industrialised without becoming secular and materialis- tic? How can the country open up to information technol- ogy without falling victim to Western pop culture? Islam is alive and well in Malaysia, but tensions exist between the moderate and puritanical elements. This is not a sign of growing fundamentalism, but of a country struggling to find its place in the modern world.

English in Malaysia

B the beginning of the twentieth century, all the states that form modern Malaysia had come under British rule. English became the language of administration and the medium of instruction in major schools. In 1957, when the country gained political independence, Malay was declared the national language, but making it the official language took much longer. For example, children in national schools did not receive their entire education in Malay until 1970. From then on, English diminished in importance in all areas of life except for commerce and technology. In spite of this, after Malay, English is still the language most likely to be under- stood by people in all communities. Malaysian English has moved away from standard British English. There is concern that many young Malaysians cannot express themselves clearly in English. This is considered unac- ceptable to a country determined to become a developed nation by the year 2020. The govern- ment has intervened. There are now more hours of English taught in schools, and fewer restric- tions on the use of English on radio and TV.

A myriad of festival Apart from English, the two things that unite Malaysians of all races are food and festivals. Many Malaysians hold open house for their friends of other religions, who then go on a round of visiting, eating, drinking, merry-making, and gift-giving. The indigenous peoples of Sarawak and Sabah hold open house on their harvest celebrations. Here are some of the most important festivals:

Hari Raya Aidil Fitri At the end of Ramadan, Muslims pray in the mosques, and then receive friends and relatives at home. Deepavali Hindus adorn their homes with lights or oil lamps to celebrate the triumph of good over evil. Wesak Day Buddhists release doves and offer prayers, remembering the life and enlightenment of Buddha. Kaamatan Festival Harvest festival celebrated by the Kadazan and Dusun people of Sabah, with a beauty pageant, dances and ceremonies.

36 Flora Fest This week-long festival is held in July.celebrating the beauty of Malaysia's flowers. The climax is the Floral Parade through the streets of Kuala Lumpur.

What dilemmas does Malaysia face, as it develops as an industrial country? How is the government improving standards of English? Do you think the government of your country should do more to help people learn Eng- lish? Does modernisation mean the end of traditional culture?

Philippins

Look at the world map. Where exactly are the Philippines?

The first Asian republic For almost three hundred years following the capture of Manila in 1571, Spain controlled the islands of the Philippines through religious conversion, military suppression and economic ex- ploitation. Filipinos, led by Andres Bonifacio, fought the colonial forces until the Spanish were finally defeated in 1898. The Philippines was the first republic in Asia and raised its na- tional flag for the first time on June 12th 1898. Unfortunately, the first republic did not last long. The United States, then an enemy of Spain, annexed the Philippines under the Treaty of Paris in 1898. They had bought the islands from the Spanish for $20 million. Fili- pino freedom fighters resisted this new colonial power, but the Americans launched a brutal war of pacification which claimed over a mil- lion Filipino lives.

America takes over The Philippines adopted the American sys- tem of government, with its executive, legisla- tive, and judicial branches, a president as head of state, and a bicameral Congress composed of the Senate and a House of Representatives. The country's two-party system was also simi- lar to America's. The new colonists influenced every aspect of Filipino life. There was a new system of public education, with English as the working language. Western-style systems of commerce and business were introduced and Western culture was reinforced through literature, films, journalism, theatre, music, fashion and food. As America's colony, the Philippines was involved in World War II. Filipino soldiers fought alongside American forces against the Japa- nese Imperial Army. The country became one of the bloodiest battlefields of the war in the Pa- cific. On July 4th 1946, the United States finally recognised the Philippines' right to independ- ence, and the country became a republic for the second time in its history.

37 The post-war years saw much social and political instability. Filipino society was still feudal and run by an economic and political elite. Nationalists claimed that America still influenced, if not controlled, the country's economy, internal politics, and foreign policy. There were many economic and social problems. As a result, there was a series of Marxist uprisings in the 1960s and 1970s which led to the declaration of martial law on September 21st 1972, by President Fer- dinand Marcos. He ruled as a dictator until he was overthrown in ', 1986, when millions of Filipinos revolted against the Marcos regime. It became known as the People Power Revolution. The first republic of Asia was finally back on the road to democracy.

A tiger cub The 20-year rule of President Marcos set the L Philippines economy so far back that the in- ternational press called it " the sick man of Asia." In recent years, the country appears to have bounced back. Before the 1997 currency crisis and economic downturn, which affected most of the Asian tiger economies, the Philippines was set to become a newly industrialising country, or NIC by the year 2000. The attainment of tiger status was the main plan of the government of President Fidel Ramos (1992-1998). His policy was to develop the economy by attracting foreign investment and pro- moting tourism. In this way, an increase in exports such as timber would eventually become an increase in the individual incomes of poorer people. However, the price was too high for the natural environment and the pace of change too slow for the poor. In 1998 Filipinos elected a movie star, Joseph Estrada, as President. His plans to help the poor by resettling squatters and redistributing land to small farmers made him very popular. However, the real power in the country is still in the hands of the rich, who live in heavily guarded areas of the big cities.

English and Filipino There are two official languages in the Philippines: Filipino and English. Filipino has always been the national language, but English is widely used in schools and colleges, in business and government and even in literature. English came into use after the Philippines became a colony of the United States: American soldiers introduced English to the local people and later Ameri- can schoolteachers came to teach their language. Since the 1960s the idea of speaking Filipino as a way of creating a national identity has be- come important to people in government and in education. Before then, Filipino was taught only in elementary and secondary schools, but now at some colleges, like the State University of the Philippines, the students take some of their classes in the national language. English remains highly valued and is widely used, making the Philippines an important English-speaking nation.

Which two powers colonised the Philippines? What has happened in the country since 1986? What is the system of government in your country?

Pacific Islands

What do you know about the Pacific islands?

Songs and sailors The Pacific Ocean covers a third of the world's surface. It is over 10,000 km wide and over 10,000 metres deep in places. It is dotted with groups of islands, few of which are more than 100 km long. The first people arrived on the Asian mainland about 45,000 years ago. But it was only in the last 5,000 years that they spread across the Pacific 38 The first European explorers, like Louis de Bougainville and James Cook, reached the South Pacific about 200 years ago. They found widely scattered islands, low coral atolls, and high, ac- tive volcanoes.

The inhabitants had a strong oral, rather than written culture, which was passed down the generations through songs. There were chants to remind people when to plant crops, how to catch fish and to tell the stories of great adventurers. The old people of the islands were a wealth of information and wisdom, which they passed on to their children and grandchildren.

A song for leaving Not surprisingly, the Pacific islanders were great sailors. This is a song from Aitutaki, the largest of the Cook Islands and was sung by those about to leave on a long canoe journey. Versions of this song exist in most Pacific countries. The poem is translated from Cook is- land Maori. You stay here and grow, But I am going out onto the ocean. With my brothers and sisters, To find a better land. My love of Aitutaki, Will never die. To my mother, all my love, Because I am now leaving for another land.

A thousand islands There are three main groups of islands in the South Pacific. These are some of the main is- lands of each group.

Polynesia American Samoa The location of an important American naval base. Cook Islands Named after Captain Cook. They are famous for the rare black pearls found there. Samoa Home of the British writer Robert Louis Stevenson, who wrote the children's classic Treasure Island. Tahiti A French territory. Paul Gaugin, the artist, lived and painted there. Tonga The region's only kingdom, ruled by King Taufa'ahau Tupou IV.

39 Micronesia Kiribati A chain of atolls on the equator. It became independent from Britain in 1978. Nauru Phosphate mines have made the people of the island rich, but their land has been de- stroyed. Marshall Islands There is a strong American influence. The atomic bomb was tested at Bi- kini Atoll. Other islands were also used for American nuclear tests.

Melanesia Fiji The only Melanesian country ruled by Polynesian-style chiefs. Papua New Guinea (PNG) The biggest South Pacific country. It shares an island with Indo- nesian Irian Jaya. Solomon Islands Valuable timber and gold are commercially exploited. Vanuatu These islands were jointly run by Britain and France until independence in 1980.

When were the Pacific islands populated? How did the islands' children learn about planting crops and catching fish? Which islands would you like to visit? Give reasons. What is pidgin? A dialect or a bird?

The way the world should be The way the world should be," was the tourist board slogan of Fiji until 1987. After a period of internal strife, it is true once again. When Fiji became a colony in 1874, the British started bringing Indian farmers to the island to work on the sugar plantations. Today, Indians make up half the population, and generally dominate business and the professions. By contrast, the native Fijians own the land, and have traditionally been ruled by the Great Council of Chiefs. When a mainly Indian political party won the 1987 elections, a Fijian soldier, Major-General Rabuka, took over the government and installed a new constitution which gave preference to the Fijian community. As a result, Fiji was forced to leave the Commonwealth. There was some fighting, and many Indians emigrated to Canada, New Zealand and Australia, causing damage to the economy. Ten years later, Rabuka introduced a new constitution, giving equal representation to both communities. Harmony and trust between the two peoples seem to have been restored.

English and pidgin nglish-speakers can find their way round any South Pacific town, unless of course they are in the French territories of New Caledonia or Tahiti. The Polynesian countries all have their own languages, which are similar, but not fully un- derstood by one another. In Fiji, English is the language of communication between the Hindi- speaking Indians and the Fijians. The five million people of Melanesia speak over 1,100 languages, almost a quarter of the world's total. For everyday use, each country has its own pidgin, a mixture of English, French or German and local words. English is taught in those Pacific countries which have, or had links with Britain or the United States. Many people leave the islands to go to work in New Zealand and Australia, where they need English. Most find themselves in low-paid jobs, yet still manage to send money home to their families.

Religion for all The Polynesians are enthusiastic about religion. In Samoa, people go to church three times on Sundays and to choir practice three times a week. Sunday observance is very strong. In Tonga for example, swimming on a Sunday is considered a criminal offence. In the last century, Christian missionaries competed to convert the people of the Pacific is- lands. The Methodists took over Fiji, the Anglicans the Solomon Islands. The Roman Catholics spread more widely over the area. Bahai and Mormon religions are still growing. The islands are predominantly Christian, though local customs and beliefs are often interwoven. Church services frequently include traditional songs and chants. 40 Once the chief of a community converted to Christianity, his people quickly followed. The result is that religion today has an important influence on Pacific life. Many schools are run by missions.

Pingin made easy In Vanuatu the pidgin is called Bislama. it is English-based and is the national language, al- though some 105 distinct and separate languages are found on the islands. Here are some exam- ples of Bislama: bigfala (English – big fellow) big, important gudfala (English-good fellow) good, quality taem bifo (English-time before) in the past tumas (English-too much) very waetman (English-white man) a European yumi (English-you, me) we

What happened in Fiji in 1987, and what were the results? What religions are found in the Pacific islands? What does yumi mean in pidgin? Do dialects exist in your language?

New Zealand

Which continent is New Zealand closest too?

Earthquakes and volcanoes New Zealand's landscape today appears green and peaceful, but it is still being shaped by violent geological forces. Millions of years ago, the two main islands (North and South Islands), were formed from parts of Gondwanaland, an ancient continent. Movements within the earth crushed the pieces together and pushed up mountain ranges. They still cause earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, which are usually minor. The last serious earthquake was in 1987. Most of the country's volcanoes are in the centre of the North Island. Mount Ruapehu is the highest vol- cano and it erupts every few years without causing any damage. The highest mountains are the Southern Alps, which run the length of the South Island. On the southwest coast there are deep fiords, similar to those found in Norway. New Zealand is never very hot or very cold because it is surrounded by water. At the top of the North Island the climate is sub-tropical. At the bottom of the South Island, the climate is cool and wet with up to 8,000 mm of rainfall a year.

Kingdom of the birds Before the first human beings arrived, New Zealand was inhabited by birds. There were over 160 different species. With few natural enemies, most of these birds gradually lost their ability to fly. They evolved special ways of living: some were very tall and ate leaves off trees, while others grazed like sheep. Today, only a few of New Zealand's flightless birds survive. One is the kiwi , which is about the size of a duck. The kiwi is the national bird and emblem. New Zealanders often call them- selves 'Kiwis'. The other surviving flightless birds are the takehe , which is bright blue and green, and the kakapo . Unfortunately, there are only about 50 kakapo left. Most of New Zealand's unique birds and many of its native seals and fish have become ex- tinct in the last five hundred years. By contrast, the tuatara , which is a type of lizard, has sur- vived from the time of Gondwanaland.

Can you name any New Zealand actors, singers or writers?

Cutting old ties New Zealanders today feel self-confident and independent, but this has not always been the case. Until recently almost all of the settlers who came to New Zealand were from Britain. 41 They copied British society and its system of democracy. Towns were laid out in the same way as Britain's and even churches were copied. New Zealanders called Britain home and felt that their own way of life was inferior. New Zealand's links with Britain were first shaken during World War I, when many Aus- tralian and New Zealand soldiers (ANZACs) were killed because of bad British leadership. New Zealand's econ- omy depended on the food it exported to Brit- ain and when the United Kingdom joined the European Economic Community in 1973, New Zealand was left to find new markets for its agricultural products. Now it sells its wine, meat, cheese, and wool worldwide, but most of all in the Pacific region. In 1984, the govern- ment declared the coun- try a nuclear-free zone. This meant ending a de- fence treaty with Austra- lia and the USA, which indirectly resulted in a further weakening of ties with Britain.

Kia ora! New Zealand has two official languages today, English and Maori. Pakeha New Zealanders sometimes use the Maori names of plants, animals, places, and many expressions of Maori origin, though We pronuncia- tion of the words is not always exactly the same. Here are some examples: Kia ora May there be health! Hello, Thank you,Cheers! Kai food, eat pakam smashed, damaged or out of action koha a gift or donation taihoa wait before doing something

Cultural revolution As New Zealand has developed a culture of its own, many of its artists, writers and musi- cians have become well-known. Because the country has such a small population, celebrities usually have to go abroad to become internationally famous: for example, opera singer Dame

Kiri ¡ Kanawa, writer Katherine Mansfield and film star Sam Neill. Others are making the

42 world come to them, like film makers Peter Jackson ( Heavenly Creatures, The Frighteners ) and Jane Campion ( The Piano ).

Clean and green New Zealanders were pleased and surprised to find that their anti-nuclear policy was popular with tourists especially after the Chernobyl disaster of 1986. Protests against French nuclear tests in the Pacific in 1995 confirmed New Zealand as a world-leader in the anti-nuclear movement. Today the country has an image of being 'clean and green.' New Zealand has a long history of progressive ideas. It was the first country in the world to introduce an eight-hour working day (1840) and to give the vote to women (1893). In 1935, a 'cradle-to-the-grave' social welfare system was introduced, with free or cheap medical care, state housing and pensions for everyone over the age of 64. This welfare system was very expensive and, without any warning, the 1984-90 government privatised a lot of its services and ended many welfare benefits. This move was very unpopular and as a result the people voted for a new system of election, similar to Germany's. It is hoped that this will make governments take voters' wishes more into account. Everyone now has two votes, one for a party, one for a Member of Parliament. The first election under this Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system was in 1996.

What happened to New Zealand when Britain joined the EEC in 1973? What changes did the government introduce to the welfare system? Do you think governments should provide welfare for their people? What kind of wel- fare is available in your country?

What kind of leisure activities do you think New Zealanders enjoy? Good for families New Zealand is slightly bigger than Britain but it has fewer than four million people. New Zealanders like to spread out and enjoy plenty of space. Most live in detached, three-bedroom, single-storey wooden houses, each built on a 'section' of land, which is usually between 300 and 800 square metres in size. There is usually a terrace or vegetable garden at the back and a flower garden or lawn in front. In poorer districts the houses are smaller and older. The few high-rise apartments that exist are often luxurious and expensive. Many New Zealanders also have a holiday cottage at a beach, on a lake or a river. In the north, they call it a 'bach' (pronounced batch) and in the south of the South Island, a 'crib'. Those without a 'bach' may go camping. It is always easy to find an empty beach or a mountain track. Most New Zealanders have a car and are prepared to travel long distances.

Holidays and festivals Christmas Day Christmas marks the start of the and Boxing Day long, summer holidays. Everyone goes to the beach. Waitangi Day This commemorates the 1840 treaty between the settlers and the Maori. ANZAC A day which commemorates the ANZACs (the Australia and New Zea- land Army Corps), which fought in the disastrous Gallipoli Campaign in Turkey during World War I.

Sporting moments Because New Zealand has mountains, lakes, rivers, 3 beaches, hot springs and a variety of climates, people can take part in every outdoor sporting activity imaginable. Thrill-seekers may go hang gliding, skydiving, rock climbing, mountaineering, Whitewater rafting or surfing. New Zealand has given one special thrill to the world -bungee jumping. (A bungee, pro- nounced bundjee, is an elastic cord.) It was invented by New Zealander A. J. Hackett, who bor- rowed the idea from the land divers of Pentecost, one of the Pacific islands. Now people jump from bridges and towers with long pieces of elastic tied to their feet they were even jumping from helicopters, though that has been banned.

43 For many years, Rugby Union was the national sport. The New Zealand All Blacks team won the World Rugby Cup in 1995. Rugby League, a slightly different version of the game, is now a close second in popularity. New Zealand's cricket team often beats much larger nations, such as England or India. New Zealand Olympic champions include Jack Lovelock and Peter Snell (run- ning), Barbara and Bruce Kendall fsailboarding) and Danyon Loader (swimming). In 1995, New Zealand yachtsmen won the America's Cup and the whole nation went mad with joy.

Name some of the sports which are popular in New Zealand. Would you ever do a bungee jump?

Australia

What do you associate Australia with? Make a list. For example, kangaroos.

Original survivors The Aboriginal peoples had survived in Australia's harsh environment for more than 50,000 years before the first Europeans arrived in 1788. They were mostly nomads. The men hunted while the women collected fruit and roots. They lived in small family groups of 10 to 50 people, each with its own language or dialect. In this vast land of over 7.5 million square kilometres (an area 21 times the size of Germany), there were only about 300,000 people, divided into some 600 tribes. With only wood and stone tools, the Aborigines were experts at surviving in different cli- mates and conditions, from snowy mountains to tropical rain forests. The desert tribes, accus- tomed to extreme heat and drought, knew how to find every water hole and edible plant. Forest tribes lit bush fires to clear the undergrowth and make hunting animals easier. The Aborigines were at home in the unique Australian landscape. They knew hardship, but usually their diets were rich and varied. By contrast, the first European settlers found Australia strange and inhospitable. They expected it to be like their own country and did not know how to adapt to such different conditions. As a result, they suffered from hunger and thirst while the Aborigines, whom they considered primitive, were well fed.

Dreamtime The Aborigines have an extremely rich tradition of legends. They are chanted around camp- fires with the accompaniment of musical instruments such as the didgeridoo and clapsticks. Ac- cording to their beliefs, the landscape and all forms of life in it were created by their spirit ances- tors in the Dreamtime, when the earth was newly formed. Everyone is descended from one of these spirits. Some were human, and others animal. Stories from the Dreamtime are depicted in cave paintings all over Australia.

What shall we do with it? The Dutch were the first Europeans to see Australia, in the jl early seventeenth century, but they found no opportunities to settle or trade. Explorer William Jansz reported that Australia was "... for the greater part desert, with wild, cruel black savages." English explorer James Cook landed in Botany Bay, near Sydney 160 years later. He named it New South Wales and claimed it for Britain. But still no one could think what to do with it. The American Revolution of 1776 provided a solution. America had been used as a dumping ground for Britain's criminals, mostly the unfortunate poor from cities created during the industrial revolution. American independence from Britain brought an end to the practice. New penal colonies had to be found quickly and Australia seemed the perfect place. In 1788, a fleet of 11 ships, with 751 convicts (including women and children) and 211 sol- diers, arrived in what is now Sydney.

44 The soldiers and convicts did not have the skills to farm the poor soil near the settlement, or even to catch enough fish. They depended on occasional ships from Cape Town (South Africa) for supplies. Conditions improved when the colonists opened up better land behind Sydney. Free settlers soon arrived and some became rich by producing wool for Britain's tex- tile mills. Gold was discovered in the 1840s, attracting a flood of new immigrants, many from China.

At first, relations between colonists and Aborigines were good, but not for long. Tribes were driven away from their lands, hunted and killed. In Tasmania they were wiped out completely. As recently as the 1960s, Christian missionaries were forcibly removing children and taking them to schools on mission stations.

What does the text tell you about the original inhabitants of Australia? Who were the first European settlers? Why was life in Australia difficult for them? Who were the first inhabitants of your country? What happened to them?

Have many people from your country emigrated to Australia?

Looking towards Asia Australia once had close ties with Britain. Today, its main economic and political links are with Asia. Until fifty years ago, almost all Australians were of British or Irish origin. The coun- try fought for the British Empire in both World Wars. But at the end of World War II in 1945, Australians felt that their loyalty had not been properly repaid. 45 The government thought that Australia should increase its population quickly in order to enlarge its economy and defend itself. More than two million people arrived from Europe be- tween 1945 and 1965. New Australians, as they were known, came mainly from Greece, Italy, Yugoslavia and Germany. Mass migration has changed Australia into a multicultural society. Today, people of Anglo-Irish origin are a minority. Many recent immigrants are from South East Asia, India, the Philippines, China and Hong Kong. When the British joined the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1973, Australia was forced to find new markets for its products. The government began forging strong political ties with the Asia-Pacific region, particularly with Japan, which is now Australia's biggest trading partner.

Lucky for some Australia has been called the Lucky Country. jfxMillions of people who have fled war and poverty in their own countries now enjoy peace and prosperity in Australia. However, multicul- tural Australia has not been a success for everyone. Until recently most Australians ignored the Aborigines. Many still live in huts on the edge of outback towns and suffer the effects of alcoholism, violence and poverty. Now Aborigines are claiming back their land. Their rights to large areas, such as Arnhem Land in the far north, have been confirmed. Uluru (formerly Ayers Rock) has been recognised as one of many sacred sites, which are important to Aboriginal beliefs. In reaction to this, there are now a few politicians campaigning against Aboriginal land rights, but they are not widely supported.

Australia Ltd Australia's prosperity has been founded on its natural resources. It produces almost every mineral from gold to uranium. In the Pilbara region of Western Australia whole mountains are being destroyed in order to extract 112 million tonnes of iron ore per year. Diamonds are also mined and the Argyle mine is the world's largest. Traditionally, Australia was a farming country, even though only 55 per cent of the land can be used for grazing and six per cent for crops. In spite of this, Australian wealth was founded on wool, cattle and wheat. It is still a major exporter of food, making it the breadbasket of Asia. In recent years Australian wines and beers have made an international name for themselves. Beer has always been a favourite drink in Australia, though unlike the British, Australians prefer their beer ice-cold. Agriculture and mining, however, employ comparatively few people. Tourism is now Aus- tralia's largest industry, employing six per cent of the population. More than three million visi- tors come to Australia each year many of them from Japan, Korea and Singapore. With a well-educated population and Asian markets nearby, Australia is now developing modern, knowledge-based industries, such as medical science, solar energy, communications and computers.

Which nationalities emigrated to Australia? What happened in Australia after Britain joined the EEC? What are Australia's main industries today? what are the main industries of your coun- try? Make lists and compare them.

Can you name any Australian writers?

A friendly language Like the people, Australian English is friendly, informal and has its own, distinctive accent. Day is pronounced die, and die is 'doi'. Nicknames, idioms and slang are common. For example, a 'pom' is a British person, 'G'day mate' is a greeting and 'She'll be right' (It's OK) is the answer to almost anything. Much of Australia's colourful slang dates back to the early days of convicts and settlers. Migrants from London brought their rhyming slang, which they adapted to their new

46 surroundings. The strong Irish connection shows in many Australian idioms, and in the folk-song style of early bush ballads.

Let’s talk Strine Australians have a particular way of speaking, which is sometimes difficult for British Eng- lish-speakers to understand. The English writer, Monica Dickens, once visited Australia to pro- mote her books. She was autographing a book for a woman, who said to her, "Emma Chissit." The author wrote, "To Emma Chissit" in the book, not realising that she had actually been asked, "How much is it?" Australians sometimes joke that their type of English is almost a separate lan- guage, which they call Strine. Here are some examples: crook unwell drongo someone who is stupid drovers horsemen who drive sheep and cattle hundreds of miles to market dunny outside toilet (a 'dinkum dunny' is an especially nice one) fair dinkum honest, genuine, authentic Top End the tropical part of the Northern Territory gone troppo gone slightly mad as a result of spending too much time in the Top End woop woop a place so hot and dusty that the crows fly backwards to keep the dust out of their eyes

Outback influences Australians refer to the countryside as the bush, and the interior of Australia is known as the outback. Classic literature is based on the harsh life of the outback pioneers. The bush poets Banjo Paterson and Henry Lawson are still loved for their romanticism and humour. Paterson wrote Australia's unofficial national anthem, Waltzing Matilda . In recent times, Australian literature has grown up and begun to look beyond the outback for inspiration. Authors like Patrick White, who won the Nobel Prize in 1973, and Germain Greer, who wrote the feminist classic, The Female Eunuch , have made contributions to world literature. The novelist Peter Carey won the Booker Prize, Britain's top fiction award for his book, Oscar and Luanda . Thomas Keneally is another of Australia's successful writers. Among his works is Schindler's Ark , the book on which Schindler's List , the film about the Jewish holocaust, was based.

A.B. (Banjo) Paterson (1864-1941) Paterson wrote bush ballads (poems about the Australian bush) that are still popular with Australians of all ages. In The Man from Ironbark he tells the story of an innocent countryman who visits the city of Sydney.

It was a man from Ironbark who struck the Sydney Town, He wandered over street and park, he wandered up and down. He loitered here, he loitered there, till he was like to drop, Until at last in sheer despair he sought a barber's shop. " 'Ere! shave my beard and whiskers off, I'll be a man of mark, I'll go and do the Sydney toff, up home in Ironbark." loitered made frequent stops while moving around sought looked for clout a forceful hit The barber thought he would show off to a crowd of gilded youths, who were watching, (their eyes were dull, their heads were flat, they had no brains at all). He made the razor very hot, and slashed its back across the throat of the man from Ironbark, who thought his throat had been cut. Desperate for revenge and convinced he was about to die:

He lifted up his hairy paw, with one tremendous clout, He landed on the barber's jaw, and knocked the barber out. He set to work with nail and tooth, he made the place a wreck; 47 He grabbed the nearest gilded youth and tried to break his neck. And all the while his throat he held to save his vital spark, And "Murder! Bloody murder!" yelled the man from Ironbark.

At the end of the poem the man returns home and tells the story to all his friends. Long beards quickly become the fashion in Ironbark. What are the origins of Australian slang? Have you ever read a book by any of the authors mentioned? Does your country have any traditional types of poetry or writing, like the bush bal- lads?

What kinds of cultural events are popular in your country?

Cultural desert blooms The British used to sneer that Australia was a cultural desert. Now Australia is famous for its buildings, literature and films. The Sydney Opera House took 20 years to build and has become as much a symbol of Aus- tralia as the Eiffel Tower is of France. Its sail-shaped roof echoes the billowing sails of the yachts on the Harbour. It attracts the world's finest opera singers, including Australia's own Dame Joan Sutherland. There is a friendly rivalry between Sydney and Melbourne, which regards itself as the cul- tural capital of Australia, with its arts centre, galleries and music festivals. Sydney-siders think their arts and drama are more modern and adventurous. The Adelaide Festival of Arts features international performers in music, poetry and literature. Popular annual festivals are held in all major cities. Typically of Australia, not everything is taken too seriously. More unusual events include the Sydney (jay Mardi Gras, when the homo- sexual community parades down the streets in outrageous costumes. Small country towns have some mad events, like goat racing. One of Australia's most popular modern artists is Ken Done, whose trade marks are bright, bold colours. His work appears everywhere, even on souvenir T-shirts from Sydney.

Sport mad Sport is central to Australia's culture, mass media and entertainment. Every town and suburb has tennis courts, allowing over half a million people to play competitively. The Australian Open, which is held in Melbourne, is one of the four Grand Slam events of international tennis. Golf clubs in Australia offer world-standard courses. Golf is played all year round and is afford- able to all. Other popular sports include cricket, hockey, squash, horse-riding and bush walking. The sport that arouses the most passion in winter is football -all four types of it: soccer, Rugby Un- ion, Rugby League and Australian rules (a game played only in Australia). Most Australians live near the coast, so there is great interest in water sports like scuba div- ing, water skiing, surfing, swimming and sailing. Sydney is host to the 2000 Olympic Games. Huge celebrations are being held to mark the millennium and the Games.

Entertaining the world Australia has made its mark in the world of entertainment. Popular films such as Crocodile Dundee and Mad Max have made Hollywood stars of Paul Hogan and Mel Gibson. Geoffrey Rush won an Oscar for his performance in Shine . The Australian sense of humour reaches a worldwide audience through films like Strictly Ballroom and The Adventures of Priscilla, Queen of the Desert. Australian directors are sought after by the American film industry. Among the most successful have been Peter Weir ( Dead Poets Society ) and George Miller ( Babe ).

48 Other Australian media have also enjoyed international success: television soap operas such as Neighbours and Home and Away attract huge audiences abroad, particularly in Britain. On the music scene, Australia has produced world-famous rock bands like INXS and AC/DC. Every night, pubs and clubs in every city rock to the sounds of young musicians, hoping to follow the same route to fame.

Australia was once considered a cultural desert. How has it changed? Have you ever been surfing? Which of the water sports mentioned would you like to try? Would you like to live in Australia? Give reasons.

Life's a beach In spite of the importance of the bush to Australian folklore, 88 per cent of Australians live in cities: mainly in Sydney and Melbourne. Almost everyone lives within a few kilometres of the sea. Sydney has 30 ocean beaches. These are used in the same way as parks in other cities: fami- lies picnic, people of all ages jog, play volleyball, swim or just walk. 'Life's a beach' is an expres- sion that says everything is great. Not everyone can afford to live right on the sea. The most luxurious homes overlook Sydney Harbour and cost millions of dollars. Most people live in one, or two-storey suburban houses with backyards (gardens) and often a swimming pool. Houses are spacious, with a lounge, kitchen and dining area and a family room. In the inner city areas of Sydney and Melbourne there are older, Victorian terrace houses that are now fashionable and expensive.

A steak on the barbie Australians used to live on a diet of lamb and x\potatoes. But with such a variety of climates and with so many ethnic groups, the Australian diet has changed dramatically. Cities like Mel- bourne pride themselves in their huge range of ethnic restaurants and multicultural cuisine, rang- ing from Lebanese to Tibetan. The tropical Northern Territory has established its own distinctive style of cooking with such delicacies as grilled barramundi (fish), camel, buffalo, crocodile and even the Aboriginal dish of wichetty grubs (large moth larvae). King Island, far to the south in the Bass Strait, specialises in soft cheeses that rival the best French brie. Kangaroos are common throughout Australia and kangaroo meat is cheap, but Australians are not eager to consume the national emblem. The barbecue, or 'barbie', is a national institution. Every backyard has a grill, and even public picnic areas provide facilities. They are informal events for families and friends. People wear shorts and T-shirts, or swimming togs if there is a pool. There is nothing more refreshing than a swim before tucking into giant steaks and prawns, fresh salads and fruit, fine wines and freezing- cold beers.

Life on the land Australia produces everything: cotton, sugar, rice, soya beans, wheat and fruit. It even ex- ports chocolate-flavoured milk to California and grows heroin poppies, legally, for medical pur- poses. For the farmers, life on the land is hard, but nothing like as hard as it used to be. Riding a horse ten miles to the front gate, or 50 miles to the nearest township are things of the past. All large sheep and cattle stations these days have an airfield. Houses and even tractors have air con- ditioning, which is needed when temperatures reach 45°C. Some outback sheep and cattle stations are huge. The largest is Commonwealth Hill in South Australia, which is half the size of Belgium. The animals are truly free-range and as a result the beef is leaner and the wool finer than anywhere in the world. The sheep have to be protected from wild dogs, called dingoes. There is a dingo fence that stretches 5,290 km across Queen- sland and South Australia. 49 Hot and dangerous As a continent 4,000 km across and 3,750 km from north to south, Australia has an amazing array of environments and wildlife. There are 530 native species of bird, 230 types of mammal, 300 species of lizard, 140 types of snake and two types of crocodile. Not all these animals are harmless. There are several species of poisonous spider and many venomous snakes. Sharks, poisonous jellyfish, stingrays, blue ringed octopuses and salt water crocodiles are dangerous companions to swimmers. Almost 40 per cent of Australia is located in the tropics and it is warm throughout the year. Temperatures in the north are the highest, with Darwin averaging 32°C in mid-summer. A hole in the ozone layer the size of Europe formed in Antarctica in 1995. This, and the Aus- tralians' love of outdoor life, have resulted in the highest level of skin cancer in the world. As a result, school children are not allowed to play outside unless they wear a hat.

Describe a typical Australian home. How different is it from yours? How has the Australian diet changed? What dangerous animals are found in your country?

Part II Sketches on sociolinguistics

William Labov University of Pennsylvania THE UNITY OF SOCIOLINGUISTICS

THE UNITY OF SOCIOLINGUISTICS

A number of scholars involved in the study of Indian language and culture produced a vol- ume called LINGUISTIC DIVERSITY IN SOUTH ASIA (Ferguson & Gumperz I960). Articles by Gumperz, Bright, McCormack, and above all, the introduction by Ferguson and Gumperz provided the first general statement of the field of sociolinguistics. Since then, many conferences on socio-linguistics have been held, and their proceedings published; many sizeable research projects have been completed, a journal has been founded (LANGUAGE IN SOCIETY), a Lin- guistic Institute has focused on this theme (Ann Arbor 1973), and in many leading universities, courses on Sociolinguistics are now given. Sociolinguistics has become a focus of interest in Europe as well as America. The subjects discussed, and the problems presented in these courses, congresses ana collections are quite diverse, covering at least twelve different areas, which I have listed below along with a few leading publications which exemplify the aims and achieve- ments of each area: (1) Language Standardization and Language Planning Fishman, Ferguson and Das Gupta 1968 (2) Bilingual and Multilingual Behavior Fishman, Cooper, Ma et al. 1968; Haugen 1969; MacNamara 1967; Weinreich 1961 (3) Pidginization and Creolization Hymes 1968 (4) The Ethnography of Communication Hymes 1962, 1974; Gumperz and Hymes 1964 (5) Kinesics and Proxemics Birdwhistell 1971; Scheflen 1973 (6) Discourse -Analysis

50 Sudnow 1968 (7) The Social Stratification of Language Labov 1966; Shuy, Wolfram and Riley 1966; Trudgill 1972 (8) Attitudes Towards Language Shuy, Baratz, and Wolfram 1969; Lambert 1972 (9) Stylistics Sebeok 1960 (10) Linguistic Variation Labov 1969a; Bailey and Shuy 1973; Bailey 1974 (11) linguistic Change in Progress Labov, Yaeger and Steiner 1972 (12) Patterns of Communication Bernstein 1964; Smith 1966 A comprehensive and responsible course in sociolinguistics would have to deal with each of these areas, and also with the large body of sociolinguistic work which overlaps with psycholin- guistics (e.g., in the acquisition of language) and anthropological linguistics (e.g., cross-cultural studies of linguistic socialization). There is nothing unusual in the number of different sub-fields that seem to make up sociolinguistics; the problem lies in their diversity. Is there a coherent in- tellectual center for this assemblage of interests? Can a student entering sociolinguistics organize his knowledge within a coherent framework, under a small number of principles? Or is sociolin- guistics merely an association of ideas and interests, the result of historical accidents that assem- bled people and topics under a single label? There are many reasons to reject sociolinguistics as a discipline, hyphenated or otherwise. Current-day syntax and phonology is plagued by its isolation from social reality and a drift to- wards individual introspection which threatens to erase the distinction between linguistics and philosophy. The establishment of an independent "socio-linguistics" would seem to endorse and validate the existence of an asocial linguistics/ devoted to the introspective pursuit of idiolects by their creators. Again, an independent sociolinguistics would have to be organized around theoretical ques- tions distinct from those of linguistics, sociology, anthropology, psychology, etc. So far, no such body of theoretical principles has emerged. Instead, sociolinguistics would seem to inaugurate a long era of descriptive studies, in which scholars would gather data without reference to the theoretical problems that concern linguists. Linguists have raised reasonably precise questions about the organization of linguistic systems, the relatedness of sentences through transforma- tioral cycles, and the relations of the lexicon to syntax. We do not find many references to these issues in the sociolinguistic literature; in fact many sociolin-guistic reports are carried out with- out reference to any grammatical theory or to any linguistic fact more specific than that a given person speaks a language X. In the past five years, we have observed the development of a body of sociolinguistic re- search which is addressed much more specifically to linguistic issues: the linguistic organization of variation, constraints on optional rules, implicational relations, and other probabilistic con- straints on optional rules. Since such work is conceived under the stimulus of linguistic theory, one might refer to it as socially-oriented linguistics, and begin-to recognize a trichotomy be- tween socially-oriented linguistics, sociolinguistics, and the sociology of language (Hymes 1972). This only sharpens the question as to whether there is any unity at all to sociolinguistics as it is commonly referred to. Are there any specifically sociolinguistic questions, which would unite the various sub-fields outlined above and provide a theoretical coherence to an independent sociolinguistics? One of the commonest approaches to the subject is to define sociolinguistics as the intersection of soci- ology and linguistics: all the ways in which social factors influence, language and linguistic fac- tors influence society. It is not clear whether such a definition of the field would effectively narrow the search for theoretical principles, since it opens up a vast number of cross-combinations to be surveyed, even larger than the fields of sociology and linguistics added together. At the same time, we

51 would have to reject many current studies of variation as being outside of sociolinguistics: they are concerned almost entirely with the distribution of the linguistic variants without any immedi- ate concern for social distribution (Labov 1969a; Bickerton 1971; Bailey 1974). These studies have been thought of as sociolinguistic because they are based on observations of language in use within the speech community, rather than intuitions or formally elicited texts (Labov 1972a: Ch. 8). Another general definition of the field, which I have suggested myself, is that sociolinguistic research is the investigation of linguistic structure and change on the basis of data drawn from the use of language in every-day life, which introduces the notion that a valid linguistic theory will correspond to these kinds of data. But if we adopt this conception, we will be forced to exclude many studies of multilingualism and language attitudes, which are based on survey questions, and many ethnographies of communication which are based on the introspec- tion of speakers as to how a certain speech act was performed in their culture. While it may eventually be necessary in the long run to recognize such dichotomies or parti- tions of the research we are considering, we cannot forget that there is an historical and social basis for the current rise of interest in sociolinguistics, and we should not give up so easily the effort to see this field as a single activity which will illuminate as a whole our understanding of human language. The financial support and the motivation for much' of the research is evidently coupled with the existence of a number of social problems revolving around linguistic questions, as serious as to threaten the very existence of the societies involved. I. The Social and Historical Basis for Sociolinguistic Research It was noted, above that the first major burst of coherent, focused sociolinguistic research was on the Indian subcontinent. The linguistic problems of Indian society are well known. In the face of massive linguistic diversity, the government has formally adopted a program for making Hindi the national language; violent objections from Dravidian-speaking areas have forced the indefinite postponement of that goal. In the meantime, we observe that English, the language of the colonial oppressor, continues as the language of higher education and wider communication, although it is actually known to only a small fraction of the population. At early conferences in sociolinguistics, we were told of signs in telegraph offices which read "USE HINDI–YOUR NATIONAL LANGUAGE" written in English (Bright 1966). The linguistic contradictions in Hindi society are closely connected with problems of social structure, which are obstacles to the democratic development of the nation. The central problems lie in the complex hierarchical rela- tions of the vernacular, regional standards, and the national standard, which have been investi- gated by Gumperz (1971) and others. The major route to accelerating mass education appears to be through the strengthening of regional standards, even if this interferes with the eventual adop- tion of a national language. On the other hand, the local aspirations of people must be recognized by permitting elementary education in their vernacular; and vernacular texts and writing systems weaken the role of the regional standard, and thus promote the need for a national standard. The Indian government has recognized the profound importance of such problems, and has be- gun a broad program of sociolinguistic research headed by the Central Institute of Indian Languages at Mysore. We may thus see the solution to the paradox that Indian sociolinguistic problems have been studied by representatives of the colonial European powers and not by Indian scholars. It is clear that the major impetus for sociolinguistic research in India springs from the imme- diate need of that society to understand the nature of multilingualism and attitudes towards lan- guage. It is also clear why until recently the major contributions towards that understanding have been in English publications written by representatives of the colonial powers and that linguistics in India should have been developed under grants from such agencies as the Ford Foundation. But now that the Indian government has recognized the importance of sociolinguistic research, a broad program has been projected by the Central Institute of Indian Languages, conducted en- tirely by Indian scholars. Some of the largest programs for sociolinguistic research have taken place in Africa, in re- sponse to the needs -of African nations to chart and cope with the widespread multilingualism within their borders and respond to the linguistic aspirations of their population. Here again, the West African Survey and more recent East African Survey were conducted by linguists from co-

52 lonial countries and financed by agencies of those countries. It is not clear whether linguists from these countries will be able to develop control over their own problems without an abrupt break with foreign linguists who have done the initial investigations. But the techniques for conducting language surveys have been greatly advanced in this social context. In the United States, the major impetus for the development of sociolinguistic investigation and theory has been based on the political and cultural problems of the inner cities. Persistent unemployment in the black population led to riots and protests in r.ajor cities and focused atten- tion on the failure of the educational system to teach basic skills to black, Puerto Rican, Mexi- can-American, and Indian youth. The United States Office of Education financed sociolinguistic research on the dialects spoken by these groups and the role of these dialects in the school situa- tion (Labov, Cohen, Robins and Lewis 1968; Wolfram 1969; Fasold 1971; Legurn et al. 1971). From these studies we have derived many important principles about the social distribution of language and made our first inroads into the nature of rule-governed variation. Variable rules, which provide the basic formalism for incorporating relations of more-and-less into grammatical description, were first developed in the study of the deletion of the copula in Black English (Labov 1969a) and the simplification of final consonant clusters in Black English as part of joint research involving two white linguists and two black researchers (Labov, Cohen, Robins and Lewis 1968; Labov 1972b). But only recently have linguists emerged from the black community to carry on this research with more direct insight into the use of language in the community; this new work carried on by black linguists has deepened our understanding of the Creole origins of the black vernacular and the semantic differences which mark it as a separate system (Mitchell- Kernan 1969; Rick-ford 1974a, b; Baugh 1974). The study of variation has also been greatly advanced by research in the Caribbean Creole continuum, where a much greater range of grammatical variation exists than in the inner cities of the mainland United States. This enormous range of syntactic and semantic variation has posed severe problems to the educational system of the new Caribbean nations. At first research was carried on by American, British, French and Dutch linguists, supported by funds from the colo- nial countries, but recently the local governments have sponsored research which has made im- pressive impacts en the study of variation (Bickerton 1971), and a group of indigenous linguists have arisen whose work is quite sophisticated in both the historical and descriptive dimensions (Alleyne 1973; Rickford 1974a,b). Perhaps the most spectacular advance in our studies of sociolinguistic variation has occurred in the bilingual nation of Quebec. Antagonism between the French-speaking and English- speaking communities has threatened to destroy the unity of the Canadian nation, in the light of the struggle to preserve Quebec as a French-speaking province against the economically domi- nant English. By far the most important research on attitudes towards language has been carried out at McGill University, in the English-speaking sector of Montreal, by the psychologist Wal- lace Lambert and his associates (Lambert 1972). The "matched guise" test has given us consider- able insight into the uniformity and strength of unconscious evaluations of language, in which the oppressed community shares the negative view of their language promoted by the dominant group. Lambert and his group have also led in the development and evaluation of bilingual im- mersion programs which have demonstrated that under the most favorable social conditions, children can learn two languages with no cost in other educational areas of learning (Lambert, Tucker and d'Anglejan 1973). More recently, the linguistic study of social variation has been car- ried out in the French community, at first by English intellectuals who shifted their allegiance to the French-speaking Universite de Montreal. A combination of mathematicians and anthropo- logically oriented linguists brought together an extraordinary fusion of talent. New insights into variation were produced in a sociolinguistic study of variation in Quebec (Sankoff and Ceder- gren 1971; Sankoff 1974); new mathematical tools were introduced which re-interpreted earlier formalisms for the study of variation by applying the concepts of probability theory and tech- niques of computer programming (Cedergren and Sankoff 1974). Here again, striking advances have been made by members of the dominant class who formed alliances with the oppressed

53 group and again we observe the gradual emergence of linguists from that group, in a second wave of linguistic research by native French linguists (Laberge 1972). The pattern that emerges from these areas of sociolinguistic research is strikingly similar: 1. Serious strains arise in social structures which include great linguistic diversity: when po- litical and economic factors promote the rise of political consciousness in an oppressed group, they may reject efforts of the dominant group to impose a colonial standard language upon them, and thus reject efforts of an educational system to integrate them into a single cultural fabric dominated by the culture of the oppressing class. 2. These strains prevent individual members of the oppressed class from taking advantage of the educational route to personal advancement offered by the dominant society, and there is a threat of wholesale withdrawal of the oppressed group from the major society. 3. Research into linguistic factors in educational failure is financed by the existing govern- ments and pri vate agencies in an effort to reduce social protest, pro mote the integration of the protesting groups into the educational structure, and so renew the process of upward social mobil- ity for individual members of those groups who accept the cultural norms of the dominant society. 4. In the dominant society, linguistics is carried on in a formalist and idealist tradition, which effectively prevents intellectuals from carrying out research in the community, even when they sympathize with the aspirations of the oppressed groups. However, a few linguists from the dominant group take advantage of the funds available to pursue their own research as part of a universalistic study of linguistic diversity. They form alliances with members of the oppressed classes by uncovering the rational character of the vernacular system, and show the irrational ba- sis of the dominant view that these systems are illog ical, incoherent, and unsuitable as vehicles for teaching and learning. 5. When members of the oppressed, class see linguistics as a. means of exploring and. de- fending their own culture, they begin to do creative and original linguistic research of their own. Older members of the group who rose in the educational system by adopting the value system of the oppressing class are discredited in the light of rising social consciousness. The new indige- nous linguists reject the asocial formalistic linguistics in which members of the dominant class explore their own intuitions, and turn to the objective study of language in use. At this point in the development of sociolinguistics, we are just beginning to observe the fifth stage. As we review the entire process, it is plain that sociolinguistics is a kind of intellectual re- form, associated with reformist policies in the government which supported the large-scale re- search. But this is characteristic of the integrative character of language itself. The coherent statement of Stalin on the language question made it clear that language is not a part of the su- perstructure but a part of the productive base, which all working people can claim – as their own (1950). Furthermore, the continuity of linguistic science makes it possible for members of a new and rising class to absorb the work of earlier scholars, which was begun in a different, less pro- gressive political climate, and transform this knowledge into a form of linguistics, which will serve newer needs. We often encounter a kind, of left-adventurism in linguistics, usually on the part of isolated linguists from the upper class who have little connection with the oppressed classes. A slogan of "Leave your language alone" was promoted by many American linguists in the 1930's and 1940's as a way of combatting the irrational tendency of middle-class teachers to spend a great deal of time on grammatical shibboleths, training students in petty and unrealistic grammatical distinc- tions which had no reflection in linguistic reality (Hall 1960). Yet it is important to bear in mind that all members of society can claim access to the tradi- tional learning and literature of the society in which they were raised, even if much of this mate- rial was generated by people who were hostile to their own culture and did not acknowledge them as members of the society. The task of a radical sociolinguistics is to examine critically the linguistic basis of this learning and literature, to see how much of it reflects social reality and promotes communication among all segments of society.

54 In this brief review, it should be apparent that there is a remarkable unity in the political and social basis for sociolinguistic research, ranging from studies of rnultilingualism and language planning in India to studies of dialect variation in the inner cities of the United States. We might therefore suspect that there is more of an intellectual unity to the field than appears at first glance. It is not enough to say that sociolin-guistic research represents a joint reaction to the ab- stract, formaiistic "mentalism" which was conjured up by the dominant academic tradition of the colonial countries. The intellectual coherence of sociolinguistics first begins to appear when we re-consider what we might mean by a critical re-assessment of the "communicative value" of a language or literature. Nonstandard languages are often deprecated as "inadequate for logical analysis" or not suitable for clear communication (Bereiter and Engelmann 1966). The notion of "logic" or "communication" which is inherent in such statements is derived from a linguistic tra- dition in which the functions of language are limited to conveying "cognitive," 'representational," or "logical" information. This limited understanding of communicative function lies at the heart of the many paradoxes, which have developed in traditional linguistics. Yet paradoxically enough, this restricted view is the basis for a sociolinguistics, which enlarges our view of the functions of language ; focuses upon the social uses and rejects the limitations of data and method imposed by traditional formal linguistics. II. The Intellectual Unity of Sociolinguistics 1. Some traditional paradoxes. Our review of the political basis of sociolinguistic research also indicated the stimulus tc the field that came from a rejection of formalistic linguistics based upon a discrete set of conjunc- tively defined categories (Labov 1971, 1972a: Ch. 8). This research in the speech community has uncovered a number of paradoxes, which defy resolution within the traditional approach to lin- guistic categories. In this section, we will consider three such paradoxes, drawn from three of the twelve areas of sociolinguistic research. In each case, sociolinguistic research sharpened the paradox by producing data, which was incommensurate with any of the principles that governed traditional linguistic thinking. a. Code-switching. One phenomenon that has stimulated much research is rapid code – switching from one lan- guage to another many times in the course of a single sentence. Consider the following alterna- tion of English and Spanish from our studies of Puerto Rican speakers in New York City.2 Por eso cada, you know it's nothing to be proud of, porque yo no estoy proud of it, as a mat-

ter of fact I hate it, pero viene viernes sabado yo estoy, tu me ves asi a mi, sola with a, aqui

solita, a veces que Frankie me deja, you know a stick or something, yo aqui solita, quizas Judy no sabe yo estoy asi, viendo television, but I rather, cuando estoy con gente yo me, borracha porque me siento mas happy, mas free, you know, pero si yo estoy con mucha gente yo no estoy, you know, high, more or less, I couldn't get along with anybody. Some writers have suggested that speakers switch only at certain phrase boundaries, but structures such as porque yo no estoy proud of it violate their expectations; others suggest that switching takes place for semantic reasons, on lexical items that are associated with one or the other language, as with television, but these are post-hoc explanations that pick out only a few favored cases and fail to account for the great mass of examples. Another possibility is that the speaker does not know either language well enough to speak it without "interference"; but in the case quoted, we have no trouble in demonstrating that the speaker can and does use Spanish or English without mixing, in the right social circumstances. The traditional view begins with language as a set of rules for transforming semantic infor- mation into sounds, rules, which are well integrated to form a singl'e system. It is hard to imag- ine an internal evaluation measure that will show that it is simpler to produce two languages rather than one. Our failure to account for switching must lead us to the conclusion that speakers are making it harder for listeners to understand them, which is directly contrary to our notion of what language is all about.

55 b. Another kind of variation that is quite puzzling is in the appearance and disappearance of certain inflectional suffixes in English and other languages. This kind of variation cannot be studied under the traditional categorical view, which holds that once a feature occurs variably, it is automatically in "free variation," so that any statement about how often each variant occurs is outside the scope of linguistic analysis. Disregarding this restriction, our new studies of variation have undertaken this study with systematic and coherent results. Given a tendency towards the simplification of final consonant clusters in English, we find that speakers drop word-final /t/ or /d/ in words like fist, lost, act, etc. It is clear that such a dele- tion usually does not prevent the word from being recognized; most speakers retain their under- standing of the underlying form of the word because before a word beginning with a vowel the consonant /t/ or /d/ is dropped much less often, as in act out. But we also notice a tendency to simplify forms such as picked, raised and laughed /pikt, reyzd, laeft/ where the final /t/ or /d/ is the only evidence of a past tense -ed morpheme. The fact that this happens less often for a past tense morpheme than for a part of the stem does not help the speaker know that a past tense was

intended in that particular sentence, as in They raised me pronounced /ð ¡ rayz miy/. The fact that the past tense morpheme is very rarely deleted before a following vowel as in They raised us does not give us any information about the sentence They raise(d) me. We are of course tempted to search for other signals of the past tense in the context of sen- tences such as He raise(d) me, and argue that speakers will tend to delete the /d/ representing the past tense only when there are other clearly unambiguous signals of the past meaning. But so far, we have not yet succeeded in demonstrating that this is so. Speakers sometimes provide past tense information and sometimes do not. Their over-all behavior shows that they have a variable rule that operates on an underlying /d/, deleting it less often when it represents a grammatical morpheme and less often when it occurs before a vowel (Labov et al. 1968; Wolfram 1969; Fasold 1971; Labov 1972a: Ch. 8; Guy 1974). It therefore seems hard to explain why they some- times use the past tense and sometimes do not, if they are using their language to communicate information to others. This is a very general problem which can be identified in many languages. The aspiration and deletion of Spanish /s/ has been studied in some detail, and the erratic appearance of the plu- ral suffix is equally hard to explain (Fishman et al. 1968; Cedergren 1973). ¢. The most profound paradoxes arise when we study linguistic change in progress in our so- ciety. The first -such study was that of Louis Gauchat (1905), who found in the small Swiss French town of Charmey that five different generations had very different values for five vowels and one consonant in the system. The interpreted this as evidence for linguistic change in pro- gress; twenty-five years later Edward Hermann (1929) confirmed that four of these variables had indeed advanced further in real time. In explaining these changes, it was immediately obvious to Gauchat that the usual explanations for such changes v/ere inadequate. The "principle of least effort" can hardly apply to the diphthongization of /a/ to /ao/, where the vowel nucleus assumed a more extreme position and acquires a glide as well. Gauchat gave several tentative sociolin- guistic explanations for these changes, some of which involved the crucial role of women, who were a generation ahead of men in the progress of the shifts. None of the explanations is entirely convincing, but Gauchat's observations have been reinforced by many other recent studies of change in progress. Ruth Reichstein's study of Parisian French (1962) showed some of the same mechanisms at work. More recently, studies of the many shifts and evolutions in the vowel sys- tem of New York City have shown many changes, which involve increased articulatory effort,

and can hardly be explained by a tendency of the speaker to use less effort. For example, New

¤ ¤ ¤ Yorkers shift the lax short /a/ in bad and man from [æ] to [æ:] to [ £: ] to [ : ] to [i: ] in the

course of three generations. At the same time, the back vowel in off, lost, coffee, etc., moves

¦ ¥ ¤ ¤ from an open ¥ [ ] to [ : ] to [o: ] (Labov 1966, 1972a). Similar chain shifts have been observed in London, Norwich, Glasgow, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Atlanta, Buffalo, Chicago, etc. (Labov, Yaeger and Steiner 1972; Trudgill 1974).

56 Other factors that have been advanced to explain linguistic change are differentiation due to breaks in the network of communication. No doubt this can be a powerful factor: recent studies of the relation between traffic flow and dialect boundaries confirm that these two variables show an inverse relationship (Labov to appear). But the changes taking place in the village of Charmey were differentiating speakers who were in intimate contact with each other, and the other studies of large urban areas show increasing diversity among groups who are in close contact. Lack of communication can hardly be a factor in explaining these radical rotations of the sound system. Another explanation for linguistic change, which is often advanced, is that the shifts are due to borrowing from another dialect with higher prestige. This can also be observed without difficulty in many rural areas today. But in every large city, we find that change is taking place in the center of the working-class area, where the stigmatized urban dialect is becoming more and more differ- ent from the more moderate middle-class dialect. And the change is not centered in the lumpen- proletariat groups, which have minimum education and minimum access to local rights and privi- leges. In every case that we have observed so far, the leading edge of the change is to be found in central, interior groups of the society. In fact, we can regularly associate a curvilinear distribution among social classes with the existence of an ongoing change in progress. The same pattern is to be found in New York City (Labov 1966), Norwich, England (Trudgill 1974), and Panama City (Cedergren 1972). So prestige borrowing cannot be the factor that explains such changes. In the search for explanations of change, a functionalist theory draws upon our general un- derstanding that sound systems are designed to separate word classes and so convey referential meaning. Martinet (1955) proposed that many sound shifts could be explained by considering this functional property of the system: chain shifts proved the tendency of the system to maintain distinctions, which were threatened by the principle of least effort and the asymmetry of the vo- cal tract. Martinet and his students have been able to apply such thinking with considerable suc- cess. But just as often as we find chain shifts, which avoid mergers, we find mergers, which lose distinctions. Thus in New York City we find that bad merges with bared and beard: the original classes of /æ/, /ehr/ and /ihr/ all become the same, and so too with /ohr/ and /uhr/. We need only look at Modern Greek, where seven phonemes have merged into a single /i/, to realize that func- tional axplanations are weak restraints upon a powerful and unpredictable force which we must still endeavor to understand. Furthermore, we must reflect upon the fact that even chain shifts involve a continual differ- entiation of the population so that members of one generation find it more difficult to understand members of another, and neighboring speech communities become progressively alienated from the originating group. If the primary function of language is to exchange referential information, then this continued differentiation of the systems becomes even more mysterious. As long as we analyze language within a single functional perspective, thinking of language only as a means of communicating referential information, these changes appear puzzling and paradoxical, just like the case of code switching and variable deletion of inflectional suffixes. These are only three of the many paradoxes, which develop whenever we examine closely the actual use of language and still maintain the traditional approach to the use of language. 2. The functions of language. Mo serious linguist has ever completely ignored the existence of other uses of human language besides the referential one. Biihler (1934) divided these func- tions into the representational, expressive, and directive, and most linguists still recognize this distinction. But it has generally been felt that the study of expressive or "directive" linguistics was a separate, auxiliary discipline, which could safely be postponed to some future date, while we investigate the primary, representational function of language. Troubetzkoy also set up a threefold division of phonology, into expressive, appellative, and representational, or phonology proper (1957). The net effect of his division was not to begin the study of the relative weight and interaction of the various functions, but rather to free the linguist from any concern with-social factors and functions other than representational. It is no accident that the "functional" arguments of Martinet concentrated entirely upon the use of sound systems in differentiating words. In recent years, sociolinguistic writers have turned our attention to a greater variety of func- tions of language. Hymes (1962), building on Jakobson's observations, isolated seven functions

57 of language rather than three, and initiated a descriptive program for systematically reporting the aesthetic, social and meta-functions of the linguistic exchange as well as the expressive style and representational force. In general, sociolinguistic writings focus sharply on the non- representational functions of language, and deal with "social meaning" in a general or specific sense. We can define the common core of sociolinguistic thinking by looking more at the exact relationship between representation and the other uses of language.

One classic sociolinguistic study is that of the meaning and distribution of and V, the pro- nouns, which Brown and Gilman characterized so effectively as the "pronouns of power and solidarity" (1960). The many studies of pronominal usage and switching are obviously devoted to the study of a social meaning which goes beyond representational meaning: they are dealing with alternative methods of "saying the same thing" in a referential sense (Kocher 1967; Lambert 1969; Wainerman 1972). In fact, it is possible to assert that some pronouns have no representa- tional meaning apart from their social meaning, like Hindi tu, turn, and ap, which seem to have divorced themselves completely from a simple set of 1st, 2nd, and 3rd person pronouns and re- combine freely with a variety of verbal inflections to produce even more complicated social meaning (Jain 1973). An outstanding study of pronominal switching is Friedrich's analysis of ty and vy in 19th century Russian novels (1966). He demonstrates brilliantly hew the rapid alterna- tion of these pronouns in the final scene between Raskolnikov and Scnja is used to orchestrate the rapid changes in their emotional and social relations. 3. Sociolinguistics vs. linguistics. The most important principle that emerges from these con- siderations is that we must recognize a linguistic definition of meaning which is much more re-

stricted than social, epxressive, or stylistic "meaning." In some important sense, tu and vous

¡ ¢ mean the same thing, and so do New York City [b ¡:d] and [b : d]. Unless the native New Yorker knows that they do indeed mean "the same thing," he cannot attribute any significance to the choice of one or the other. There can be no social, directive, or appellative meaning unless there exists first a linguistic definition of "same" based on representational meaning. Otherwise, the listener would recognize that the speaker has said something different, not that he has chosen one way of saying something which conveys to the listener his stance, status, or attitude towards him. Of course, it is possible to convey social information by saying something instead of saying nothing – uttering an insult, for example – but in the great majority of cases that we have studied, insults are transmitted by conveying or selecting one of several competing ways of uttering a given proposition. In this sense, sociolinguistic analysis fully supports Bloomfield's fundamental postulate of linguistics: that some utterances arc the same, or partially alike in sound and mean- ing despite the fact that no two utterances are the same phonetically (1926). In recent years, we are encountering more and more subtle semantic analyses which tend to blur this distinction, and find differences in meaning which we might normally call differences in emphasis, stress, or mode of presentation (Chafe 1970). Since a sociolinguistic analysis depends upon the difference between representational sameness and sociolinguistic choice, the situation becomes greatly clarified for sociolinguistic writers if the term meaning is sharply restricted to indicate differ- ences in representational use, and another term such as significance is reserved for differences in social or expressive meaning. Sociolinguistics is then the study of the social use of alternative ways of saying the same thing. Not every alternation is utilized in this way by society; but a great many variants do find social uses. It is quite common for such social utilization to pass through a fairly rapid life cycle. Sturtevant proposed a model of linguistic change which begins with the existence of alternative methods of saying the same thing, laying a great deal of stress on the assignment of affective and social values: It is clear that we shall not understand the regularity of phonetic laws until we learn how rivalry between phonemes leads to the victory of one of them. Before a phoneme can spread from word to word. It is necessary that one of two rivals shall acquire some sort of prestige. (1947: 80-81). The prestige that Sturtevant spoke of was clearly seen to result from the association of one linguistic form with the social values attributed to a group of speakers who had developed it. Our

58 own observations of linguistic change in progress support Sturtevant's view. But the kind of prestige that we observe is not usually associated with the values attirbuted to the highest social class. There are other, more covert kinds of prestige, which are associated with interior groups of the society, and these must be examined closely for a better understanding of linguistic change. 4. A sociolinguistic view of the causes of change. The most puzzling of the paradoxes pre- sented above concerned the causes of linguistic change, which appeared to counteract our basic understanding of the primary functions of language – communication. But as we begin to con- sider that language serves to communicate a variety of messages, the problem begins to look less formidable. The function of language associated with the second person in Biihler's scheme is directive: persuading someone to do something. But there are far more pervasive social interac- tions between speaker and listener. One of the most important for our purposes is the way in which the speaker adjusts the form of his language in accord with the amount of shared social knowledge between him and the listener. Speakers and listeners are continually re-defining their mutual relations by the choices they make among alternative ways of saying the same thing. In- timate relations between speakers are established by (1) providing a minimum amount of phonetic and morph ological information for a given message, thus demonstrating that speaker and listener share the maximum number of assump tions, presuppositions and factual knowledge; (2) selecting those phonetic variants which are char acteristic of the local group and are not used by outsiders. The first of these principles is illustrated most clearly by Schegloff in his analysis of speak- ers' choice of locative expressions, and listeners' reactions to them (1972). There is evidence that speakers can be insulted by the act of giving them too much information. The second prin- ciple shows up clearly in Gumperz' study of the use of local and national dialects in Hermes, Norway (1964), as well as cur many studies of vernacular style shifting among peer groups (Labov et al. 1968). The sociolinguistic system, which is defined by such principles is seldom a stable one. Each community that we have studied is marked by fairly rapid social change, with new groups enter- ing the community and laying claim to the rights and privileges of local members. In reaction to this pressure, we find the interior groups of society--the stable working class and lower-middle- class – continually shifting their behavior to emphasize more prominently their local characteris- tics (Labov 1972a: Ch. 9). It seems likely that this assertion of local identity is more than a sty- listic, expressive move: it is a symbolic assertion of rights and privilege which may have great economic importance – fishing rights, political ascendancy, mercantile privileges, etc. We also observe that inmigrant groups who do not have these rights and privileges do not share the lin- guistic features characteristic of the local group, and only acquire the linguistic features as they acquire the social privileges. The other paradoxical situations, which we discussed, can also be illuminated by taking the social selection of variants as a principled mechanism of communication. That is certainly the case with consonant cluster simplification, which is one of the main mechanisms by which speakers convey to listeners that they are in an informal, intimate relationship, which does not require the maximum amount of phonetic information. It is also possible that the level of bilin- gual code-switching is determined by the social situation: a given level of Spanish or English is taken as a symbolic representation of the relationship of the speakers to Spanish and English family and cultural systems. Thus the rapid code switching can be seen as an effort to maintain a given balance of Spanish and English – e.g., half-and-half – which may typically define the so- cial position of young people in a Spanish community entering into the social system of the sur- rounding English-speaking community. These remarks are not intended as proof, or even claims to a solution of the problem. Rather they indicate the direction of sociolinguistic thinking and indicate how a study of social variation may lead to decisive solutions to the problems we have reviewed. In this sense, the unity of sociolinguistics depends upon a different view of the functions of language. Sociolinguistics presumes the existence of a linguistic analysis, which has established 59 the existence of alternative ways of saying the same thing. The existence of two separate lan- guages – Spanish and English – is a case in point. So too is the possibility of pronouncing a word

as fist or fis', or pronouncing a vowel as [æ] or [e: ]. Sociolinguistic research investigates the social utilization of such alternations to establish local identity and intimacy, to symbolize con- flicts and differences between social groups, and so on. III. The Social Uses of Sociolinguistics If this characterization of sociolinguistics is accurate, it can help us understand the remark- able uni-formity of the political situations in which the most important sociolinguistic work has arisen. The study of alternative ways of saying the same thing can be a relatively minor pursuit in a stable, rural society. Dialect geography can take on the appearance of a collector's mania, or a harmless hobby. From the viewpoint of a stable upper class, the study of alternative choices is often the study of refined selection among prestige variants, which may appear as fads or kinds of elegant ostentation. Thus Brahman speakers in South Asia have typically led in the introduc- tion of more Sanskrit terms into modern languages (Bright and Ramanujan 1964). On the other hand, alternative ways of speaking can become a major issue for social groups in conflict, especially when an oppressed class begins to gain economic or political power. From the standpoint of the dominant class, sociolinguistic research is a kind of charitable work: an ef- fort to assess the linguistic pathology of the helpless poor and help them rise to the level of their educated and prosperous neighbors (Deutsch, Katz and Jensen 1968). But to some Canadian French, black, Puerto Rican and Mexican-American groups, sociolinguistic analysis appears as a weapon in the struggle to assert their local identity. At first, the main purposes of this sociolin- guistic study will be to clear away the myths and misconcaptions, which are used to stigmatize and repress the indigenous culture of the oppressed group. In the United States, a vigorous attack has been made against the rising black working class as it grows in political strength. Arthur Jensen has given an academic voice to the views of the extreme right wing by stating that efforts at educational improvement directed at black people can only achieve limited goals (1969). Jensen uses the traditional eugenic literature to claim that most working-class blacks cannot form concepts freely, and are limited to associational thinking; they therefore should be taught by such techniques as rote learning, and given jobs which allow them to employ their allegedly inferior intellectual skills. Associates of Jensen have argued strongly in the National Academy of Sciences for a research program into genetic differences which would lead to a eugenics program: promoting the sterilization of black women who failed to pass certain intelligence tests, especially those receiving public assistance. This attack on black Americans is plainly genocidal in its implications and intentions, espe- cially when it is revealed that much of the data on which the arguments are based are fraudulent products of an earlier "eugenics" movement which promoted restrictions on immigration into the United States from Russia and Eastern Europe in 1924 (Kamin.forthcoming). Many American intellectuals are now engaged in a vigorous counter-attack on the errors, fallacies, and deliberate confusions to be found in the materials circulated by Jensen and his associates. Among the sci- ences, which can make a contribution here, linguistics is one of the most important. The assault on the intelli gence of black children is closely associated with an attack on their language as "inadequate for logical thought" (Bereiter and Englemann 1966). Linguists are well aware that all dialects are equally capable of expressing logical thought, and that Jensen's conclusion could not have been reached by anyone capable of linguistic analysis. Unlike psychologists, linguists are not divided in their reaction to the issues raised by Jensen. Linguists are in possession of in- formation, which shows that all speakers of human language have the capacity to form concepts freely, and the notion that large populations are restricted to "associational thinking" is directly contradicted by our linguistic studies. The resolution given in Appendix A was introduced by the writer to the Linguistic Society of America in 1971, was submitted to a referendum and passed by the members. At the 1973 annual meeting, the Society recognized that the issues had become even more urgent for our society, re-indorsed this resolution, and distributed it more widely.

60 It is clear that sociolinguistic research does play a vital role in many societies, which are in rapid transition, where oppressed groups are beginning to assert themselves. The first and most pressing need is for sociolin-guists to analyze the differences between social dialects, show how these differences are utilized in social interaction, and examine the social stereotypes which the dominant groups use to interpret and stigmatize the language of the working class. Sociolinguists will also analyze the social attitudes, which lie behind these overt processes, show how widely they are distributed in the population, and show what educational programs can be used to over- come and bypass the barriers erected against the upward movement of the subordinate groups. Yet behind all of this activity, there still lies the ability of sociolinguists to identify "same" and "different," and to show how the linguistic forms used by one group of people can be used to ex- press the same range of meanings used by another, even when one group resolutely refuses to admit that this is possible. At present, the dominant theoretical framework of American linguistics is devoted to an ab- stract and formal investigation of the intuitions of the theorists (Chomsky 1965). There is now a considerable body of evidence to show that such investigations of intuitions are misleading, since the norms imposed by society intervene between the linguistic system and its perception: people typically perceive themselves as using the forms which they believe are correct (Labov 1966). In the intuitions of the upper-middle-class theorists, this produces a subtle and pervasive bias, which produces randomly distributed error in the data (Spencer 1972). When members of a subordinate social group try to apply this technique, it soon becomes clear to them that their lin- guistic introspections have been heavily influenced by the dominant culture, and it is necessary to begin the systematic observation of the language of everyday life to overcome this distortion. The intellectual needs of a sociolinguistic program demand the investigation of the language of everyday life, returning to the daily activity of ordinary people. The slogan "return to the masses to learn" is basically a political principle; but it also has great theoretical importance for the field of sociolinguistics. Thus the political and intellectual unity of sociolinguistics reflects its relation to a common reality – the use of language in everyday life.

Footnotes

1. The view of the Indian sociolinguistic situation presented here is based in part upon the re- sults of the Sociolinguistics Workshop held by the Central Institute of Indian Languages in My- sore in May-June 1973, in which the author participated. A volume reporting the proceedings of this workshop is currently in preparation. 2. The example given here was recorded by Pedro Fedraza, as part of a joint research project undertaken by him and the author into the sociolinguistic factors, which promote or impede the political unity of black and Puerto Rican groups in Mew York City. 3. Grammatical distinctions are also lost. French gave up the primary mark of the plural when word-final /s/ disappeared. In most cases vowel shift changes allowed the singular-plural distinction to be preserved. But today one still cannot make this important difference in many words. Thus De Gaulle addressed the French people, "Je m'addresse aux peuples…" and then realizing the functional inadequacy of French, he added explicitly "au plu-riel." In New York City, a conditioned vowel change makes it possible to differentiate can from can't, even when the

consonant cluster simplification discussed above removes the final /t/, so we get [kæn], positive, ¡

and [k : n], negative. But further sound change is removing this distinction, so that in northern ¡

New Jersey we frequently get [k : n] for both, and listeners stop the speaker to spell, "Did you ¢ say ¢ – A – N or – A – N ' T?"

APPENDIX A RESOLUTION OF THE LINGUISTIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA

61 The writings of Arthur Jensen, which argue that many lower class people are born with an in- ferior type of intelligence, contain unfounded claims, which are harmful to many members of our society. Jensen and others have introduced into the arena of public debate the theory that the population of the United States is divided by genetic inheritance into two levels of intellectual ability: one defined by the ability to form concepts freely, the other limited in this area and con- fined primarily to the association of ideas. Because this theory, if accepted, would necessarily alter educational policy and seriously af- fect the lives of many of our fellow citizens, and because linguists are familiar with a large body of evidence which bears on the question, the Linguistic Society of America issues the following statenent and resolution, representing the considered professional opinion of scientific linguists. The following conclusions are based on facts generally known to linguists: 1. By an early age, children learn without direct instruction, on the basis of the speech that they hear, the largest part of the grammar of their native language. This grammar is the know ledge of a hierarchically structured set of relations, used by the speaker to produce and to under- stand an unlimited number of simple and complex sentences. 2. No one language or dialect, standard or non-standard, is known to be significantly more complex than another in its basic grammatical apparatus. Linguists have not yet discov ered any speech community with a native language that can be described as conceptually or logically primitive, inadequate or deficient. 3. The non-standard dialects of English spoken by lower class families in the inner cities of the United States are fully formed languages with all of the grammatical structure neces sary for logi- cal thought. Statements to the contrary by some educational psychologists are misinterpretations of super ficial differences in the means of expression between these dialects and Standard English. 4. No theory yet developed by linguists or psychologists can account satisfactorily for chil- dren's language learning ability. It is generally agreed that the mere association of ideas is not sufficient. The minimal ability necessary to learn and to speak any hunan language includes na- tive skills of a much higher order of magnitude than those used in the laboratory tests offered in evidence for Dr. Jensen's view. On the basis of these generally recognized conclusions of linguistic investigation, linguists agree that all children who have learned to speak a hunan language have a capacity for concept formation beyond our present power to analyze; that language learning abilities indicate that the nature and range of human intelligence is not yet understood or well-measured by any current testing procedure; that tests which may have some value in predicting later performance in school should not be interpreted as measures of intelligence in any theoretically coherent sense of the word; that to attribute a limited level of "associational intelligence" to a sizeable section of our population is a serious misconception of the nature of human intelligence. RESOLVED: that linguists should make known to the widest possible audience their views on this question and the facts, which support then.

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The Saga of Place Names

65 No nation knows itself until it knows its past. Ben Ames Williams.

Historical linguists usually make much of place names, and rightly when a given territory changes hands, the spoken language of the former inhabitants may completely give way to that of the newcomers, but the place names normally remain as a perennial monument to the people who first lived there, though hey may change to the point where they are practically unrecogniz- able, like the Celtic or pre-Celtic Eboracum that ultimately became York. (The original Celtic name is lost, but it was recorded by the Romans as Eboracum, which the Anglo-Sacons latter changed, on the basic of resemblance of sound, to Eoforwic, or ‘Boar’s Town’. Later, under Danish influence, this became Jorvik, and still later York) Often a few place names are all that remains of an ancient and vanished language. Toponymy, the study of place names, is a science in itself. The Department of the Interior has a special bureau, staffed by competent linguists, whose task it is to make an accurate study of the place names of America, the varied nomenclature of the states and cities, towns and hamlet, hills and mountains, rivers and lakes that constitute the country’s physical self. American Indian names have survived in American toponymy. Half of the states bear In- dian names, with the remainder showing Spanish, French, English, and Latin origin. Among the former, Dakota means ‘leagued’ or ‘allied’, having once been the home of the confederated Sioux tribes; Tennessee is ‘the vines of the big bend’; Iowa – ‘the sleepy ones’; Oklahoma – ‘the red people’; Kansas – ‘ breeze near the ground’; Michigan – ‘great waters’; Kentucky – ‘the dark and bloody ground’; Illinois – ‘the tribe of perfect men’; Texas – ‘Friends!’; Idaho – “’Good morning!’ (Had New Gersey retained its Indian name instead of assuming an English one, it would to- day be Scheyechbi, ‘the land by the long water’.) Among the names of European origin, some perpetuate the names of queens, virgin or other- wise (Virginia, Maryland); of kings, like Charles or George of England (Carolina, Georgia) or Louis of France (Louisiana); of regions of the Old World or the New (New York, New Jersey, Rhode Island, named after the island of Rhodes in the Mediterranean, New Mexico); or of men prominent in history (Washington). Most historical in point of time, perhaps, is California, which seems to be derived from Califerne, an imaginary land appearing in the 11 th century French epic Chanson de Roland. American Land is studded with names like Ossining (‘place of stones’), Hoboken (‘tobacco pipe’), Oswego (‘place of flies’), Katonah (‘sickly’), Ticonderoga (‘brawling water’), Biloxi (‘worthless’), Shenandoah (‘daughter of skies’), Peoria (‘place of fat beasts’), which pay tribute to the poetic and practical sense of the original inhabitants. Lake Success, which was once the temporary seat of the United Nations, had nothing to do with hopes concerning that organization, but comes from an Indian word Suksat whose meaning is unfortunately lost. The Mississippi (‘father of waters’) was called in its lower course Malbanchya (‘place of foreign languages’) by the Choctaws, who were bewildered by the mixture of tongues spoken in the early French, Span- ish and English settlements on its banks. Adirondack (‘bark-eater’) is the name bestowed by the Iroquois upon the Algonquians, for whom they had to love. Chicago comes from the Piankashaw Indian chi-kak-quwa (place of skunk smells’), a name fittingly bestowed upon a locality where many wild onions grew. Manhattan is said to mean, in the language of the Delaware Indian, ‘the place where we all got drunk’, in reference to a drinking bout in which the natives polished off a barrel of Henry

66 Hudson’s rum, though according to another authority the name has the more sober meaning of ‘town on an island’. But these American place names, picturesque and descriptive as they are, tell us little of prehis- toric wanderings and happenings. It is otherwise in Europe and Asia, where almost every place name contains a record of migrations and conquests, far-flung trading posts and garrison towns. Many of the place names of Britain are neither Celtic nor Roman nor Anglo-Saxon nor Nor- man but where left behind by the vanished, mysterious dark-skinned race of the Picts who lurked on the further side of Hadrian’s wall and who seem to have been related to the Iberians of Spain. The Celtic-speaking gauls have left records of their wanderings in the Galatia of Asia Minor, the Galicia of Poland and the Galicia of Spain, as well as in numerous localities of western Germany and Northern Italy. The – dunum and – acum suffixes of many localities of Roman Gaul (Lugdunum, later Lyon; Cameracum, later Cambrai), even the –lanum of Mediolanum (‘in the middle of the plain’), modern Milan, are gaulish. Many of the towns, streams, and mountains of the Italian peninsula bear the imprint of the Etruscans, Ligurians, and Messapians. Gascony’s ancient name, Vasconia, shows that its former inhabitants were Basques. The fact that at one time the Slavic world reached the eastern banks of the Elbe, whence it was driven back to the Vistula by Teutonic Knights of the Middle Ages, is revealed by the Slavic origin of the name Prussia (once Borussia) and by the names of such cities as Berlin (Slavic for ‘waste- land’) and Leipzig (from Slavic lipa, ‘linden tree’). Historical events are confirmed and often clarified by place names. Early Greek settlers, moving from their original home to Hesperia (‘the land of the west’), fittingly called their new Italian surroundings Magma Graecia, or Great Greece. They founded, among various cities, Naples and Palermo; the former was Neapolis, or ‘new town’, an anachronism today; the latter was Panormos, or ‘all-harbor’, a tribute to the Sicilian capital’s ship-sheltering qualities. Greek seafarers also gave its name to Malta (Melita, or ‘land of honey’) and to the Balearic (or ‘slingers’) Island (the root is the Greek verb ballo, ‘to hurl’, which gives us ‘ballistics; the inhabitants of the Balearics were the most skillful slingers of ancient times). The Romans were among the great place-name givers of antiquity. Provence was named by them; it was Provincia, the best-loved province of the Empire, there- fore the ‘province’ par excellence. Many of their settlements were named in honor of Caesar Augustus; it is Caesarea Augusta that later became the Spanish Zaragoza, while Caesarea alone produced the French, English, and American Jersey. Germany is probably not a German world at all, as proved by the native Deutschland; it is said to come from a Celtic root, meaning ‘neighbouring’, seemingly cognate to Latin germanus (‘brother’), from which we derive English ‘germane’ and Spanish its hermano. Germany, according to its Roman etymology, would be a ‘brotherly’ country. Many cities in western Germany bear Roman names: Köln, which we know by its French name of Cologne, is Colonia or ‘colony’; Münster is monasterium; München, or Munich, is monachos (‘monks’), with a German inflectional suffix. Medieval history is illustrated by 2 place names of Spain: Castile, which originally meant ‘castles’, pointing up the fact that the center of Christian resistance against the Moors was stud- ded with fortresses; and Gibraltar, from the Arabic gebel Tarik (‘Tarik’s mountain’). Tarik was the leader of the Moslems hordes that swept into Spain in the 8th century and overthrew the Spanish Visigothic kingdom. The Latin name of Gibraltar had previously been ‘ the Pillars of Hercules’, which reminds us of the role played by mythology in toponymy. Albion, poetic name for England, seems to be derived from the Greek Alavion, linked with the Celtic alp, ‘height’. The name, however, may also go back to an Indo-European root mean- ing ‘white’ (Latin albus), and the term ‘white island’ may have been suggested by the chalk cliffs of Dover. The Amazon River of South America was so named by the explorer Orellona after a battle with the natives in which the women fought more bravely than the men, after the fashion of the legendary Amazons of antiquity. Nippon, whose literal meaning is ‘sun-origin’, sums up the leg-

67 end about the descent of the Japanese race from the sun goddess Amaterasu. The name Cipango for Japan which Marco Polo brought back to the West is a Chinese translation jê pên kuo (‘ris- ing-sun land’), whence also ‘Japan’. The Brahmaputra River of India is ‘the son of Brahma’, and the Solomon Islands were so named because their discoverer, Mendana, created the legend that they had yielded gold for King Solomon’s temple, itself somewhat legendary. Commercial products are recognizable for a vast number of place names. Cassiterides is the name by which Herodotus mentions the British Isles in the 5th century BC; the name means ‘tin islands’. The name of the Andes means ‘copper’ in the tongue of the Incas. Italy, in its Latin form Italia, goes back to an earlier Vitelia, ‘land of calves’, ‘land of cattle’. The Faroe Islands are the ‘sheep islands’ in Danish; Java is the Malay jawa (‘barley’), and United States is to the Japanese Bei-koku, or ‘rice land’. Argentina is ‘silver land’, though the silver came from Bolivia. The name of Barbados Islands means ‘bearded’ and refers to the bearded fig trees growing there. Brazil got its name from the fact that its costal forests are rich in trees containing a dye known in Portuguese by that name, the dye had previously been named brasil after brasa (‘live coal’). Geographical and physical characteristics enter into many names of localities. Ecuador re- minds us that the Equator traverses the country. Piedmont is ‘at the foot of the mountains’, and the Dodecanese means ’12 islands’ in Greek. The French name for the English Channel is La Manche (‘the sleeve’), by reason of its shape and function (an arm of the sea passes through it). The Chinese name for China, Chung Kuo, means ‘middle country’. Eritrea is ‘red’ and owes its name to the adjoining Red Sea, which in turn got it from the minute red plant and animal life that abounds in its waters. Bab el Mandeb, at the Red Sea’s entrance, is ‘gate of tears’ and was so called because so many ships were wrecked in its treacherous waters. Volcanoes are usually geographically named: Popocatepete, in Mexico, is Aztec for ‘smoke mountain’; Haleakala in Hawaii the longest extinct volcano in the world, means ‘home of the sun; and Japan’s Fujiyama is ‘fire mountain’. Louisiana’s Baton Rouge (‘red stick’) was so named because at the times of its founding a large red cypress reminded one of the founders of an enormous walking cane. Names of race and people often appear in the names of countries, sometimes adding to the historical stock of information. The ancient name of France, Gaul or Gallia, must have sounded to the Romans like ‘land of roosters’ (the Latin word for ‘rooster’ is gallus), and the boastful habits of the Celtic inhabitants may have contributed to this impression; at all events, the crawl- ing Chanticleer is still the emblem of France. The country’s name, however was changed after the coming of the Franks , a Germanic tribe that crossed the Rhine and overran the northern part of Roman Gaul, setting up its own Merovingian dynasty about AD 500. Français (‘French’), François (‘Francis’), ‘Frank’, and ‘frank’ all come from the name of this tribe. The original meaning of ‘frank’ is ‘free’, whence franctireus, a guerrilla sniper , free from the inhibitions of military discipline, and lingua franca, the ‘free tongue’ of the Mediterranean or, in another inter- pretation, the ‘tongue of the Franks’ or westerners. Belgium is named after the Belgae, an ancient Gaulish tribe inhabiting that region. Their name seems to derive from the fact that at one time they dwelt upon the banks of the Bolga or Volga. The Bulgars appear to have derived their name from the same source, but they were ac- cused of homosexual practices in the Middle Ages, and their national name gave rise to French hougre and English ‘bugger’. The name of Russia seems to come from the Scandinavian tribe of Rus, which overran the northwestern part of what was the Soviet Union and set up a ‘Russian’ dynasty. The Slavic, however, have a legend about 3 brothers, Rus, Lech and Czech, who are said to have founded the three north Slavic nations of Russia, Poland, and Bohemia. The Hungarians have a similar leg- end about 2 brothers, Hun and Magyar, who gave rise to the 2 kindred races, the Huns and the Magyars; the western name of Hungary commemorates the Huns, but the Hungarians call their country Magyarorszag, or ‘Magyar land’.

68 Rumania is the ‘land of the Romans’, and the Rumanians proudly trace their ancestry to Tro- jan’s Roman legionaries who settled Dacia, a Roman province roughly corresponding to modern Rumania, at the beginning of the second century AD. Three Germanic tribes are responsible for Lombardy, Normandy, and the French name for Germany, Allemagne. Lombardy, in northern Italy, is the land of the Lombards or Longobards (‘long beards’), fiercest and most uncouth of all the Germanic invaders who penetrated the former Roman Em- pire. In the Middle Ages the Lombards were great bankers, whence London’s Lombard Street; they were also dealers in old furniture, whence ‘lumber’. ‘Norman’ is the French development of ‘Northman’; in the 9th century the Northmen invaded France, then made peace with the French kings and settled down in the region which bears their name; they soon gave up their Scandina- vian tongue in favor of French, which they already spoke when they conquered England in 1066. Scandinavian, however, continued to be spoken in the city of Bayeux until the 12th century. Allemand, the French word for ‘German’, is in origin the name of a single Germanic tribe, the Alemanni, who used to be located in what is today Switzerland, southern Bavaria, and the Tyrol. So far as the Near East is concerned, Palestine is not the land of the Jews but that of the Phil- istines or ‘wanderers’. The Hebrew name for it is Eretz Yisrael (‘land of Israel’), and Israel itself means ‘alerted of God’. Names are often bestowed upon hands not by their inhabitants but by neighbors. Hindustan is not Hindustani but Persian and means ‘land of the river Sindhu’; the original Sanskrit name for India is Aryavarta (‘dwelling place of the Aryans’); India is also known as Bharat, ‘supported’ or ‘maintained’, presumably by its ancient gods. Neither Abyssinia nor Ethiopia is a native name for the Kingdom of the Lion of Judah; the first is Arabic and means ‘mixture of races’. The sec- ond, officially selected by the Ethiopians, is Greek and means ‘land of the burnt faces’. Manchu- kuo was the name, bestowed by the Japanese upon the former Chinese province of Manchuria, but the name itself was appropriately Chinese for ‘Manchu land’. Neither Korea nor Chosen is

Korean; the former comes from Japanese K rai, which in turn comes from Chinese Kao Li (‘lofty-beautiful’); the latter is the Chinese Ch’ao Hsien and means ‘morning freshness’; the Ko- reans call their country Hankuk. Siam is a Malay name; the native name for Thailand is Muang hai, ‘land of the free’. To the Indonesians, Borneo is Kalimantan, New Guinea is Irian, and their capital, which the Dutch had named Batavia, has been rechristened Jakarta, ‘important city’. Localities are frequently named after individuals. Bolivia is named after Simon Bolivar, who led in the struggle South America from Spanish rule. Bermuda is named after its discoverer Juan de Bermudez. Saudi Arabia is named after the Saud family, which has been reigning since 1766, but the adjective also means ‘fortunate’; thus, by a strange coincidence, we have a modern Ara- bic literal translation of the ancient Roman name Arabia Felix, which was not applied, however, to the same section of the Arabic peninsula. Changes in place names frequently reflect historical transfers of power and political events as well as nationalistic aspirations and ambitions. In ancient times, a city called Urusalim by the Babylonians became Jebus when occupied by the Jebusites, then Yarushalayim when selected by David as the capital of his kingdom; it is now Jerusalem. More recently, 2 regions called Australia (‘eastern realm’) and Lotharingia (‘land of Lothair’, one of Charlemagne’s descendants) developed into Alsace-Lorraine; but that is French name. Whenever the Germans held the region, they called it Elsass-Lothringen, and the name of the capital changed from Strasbourg to Strassburg. The city called Bratislava by the Czechs is Press- burg to the Germans and Pozsony to the Hungarians. The island called Karabuto by the Japanese is Sakhalin to the Russians. The islands called Falkland by the British are the Malvinas to the Argentineans, who laim them, the name being derived from St. Malo, home port of the original French settlers. A section of what we call Ant- arctica is called Graham Land by the British and O’Higgins Land by the Chileans, who named it for their national hero, Bernardo O’Higgins.

69 Rivers, being more mobile than towns or even countries, are far more subject to name changes along their courses. The Danubium Flumen of the Romans is the Donau to the Germans, the Dunaj to Czechs, the Duna to the Hungarians, the Dunav to the Yugoslavs, the Dunarea to the Rumanians, and the Dunai to the Russians. Equally startling are changes in river names in other continents. India’s Brahmaputra, before it reaches the Indian plain, is the Matsang, the Tamchok, the Tsang-Po, the Dihang. The strangest discrepancies in place names occur on the eastern coast of the Adriatic, where the old Italian names are giving way to Yugoslavic: Zara, Sebenico, Spalato, Ragusa, Meleda, Lesina, Curzola, and Veglia have become Zadar, Sibenic, Split, Dubrovnik, Mljet, Hvar, Korcula and Krk: but Zadar has again been changed to Titograd, in honor of the Yugoslav dictator. Russian place names underwent a thorough overhauling when the Soviets came to power. Petrograd, formerly St. Petersburg, became Leningrad, and later on St. Petersburg again; Samara became Kuibyshev; Nizhni Novgorod became Gorki; Vyatka turned into Kirov; now these towns turn into their old names again. Since East Prussia was occupied by the Russians, Koeningsberg has been rechristened Kalin- ingrad, Tilsit has become Sovetsk, Friedland was turned into Pravdinsk and so on. Even street names reveal political trends. How else to interpret the change in the name of a street in Riga from Street of Jesus to Street of the Godless? Or Bratislava’s Molotov, Bakunin, and Kropotkin streets to Obchodna (Business street), Razanska, and Pri Drove? Or the exquisite change of New Delhi’s Kingsway to Raj Path, which is an exact translation, and of Queensway to Jan Path, which is ‘People’s Road’? In Paris, the Avenue de Tokyo and the Avenue Victor Emmanuel III became the Avenue de New-York and the Avenue Franklin D. Roosevelt, respec- tively. A street that had borne the name of Henri Heine had been changed during the German oc- cupation to Rue Jean Sebastien Bach; it was changed back, but the Parisians didn’t want to stop honoring Bach and are looking for another street to name after him. Other changes in street names have different motivations. Toronto, which boasts such pictur- esque street names as Baseball Place, Drum Snab Road, The Wishbone, Baby Point Road, Thermos Road, and Industry Street, turned its Cherry Pie Road (named after a little girl whose name was Cherry) to the more impressive York Valley Crescent. Several London boroughs were merged and renamed not long ago, but only after discussion in Parliament. Among the changes made were Hampstead, Holborn, and St. Paneras to Camden; Bethnal Green, Poplar, and Step- ney to Tower Hamlets; Wanstead, Woodford, and Ilford to Redbridge. Toronto is not the only city to have picturesque street names. Peking boasts, among others, of Jade Street and Velvet Paw Lane. Moscow has its Sharikopodshipnikovskaya Ulitsa, which is the Street of the Ball Bearings. The prize, however, seems to go to Lisbon. Here we have the Rua da Saudade (The Street of Longing), the Rua do Chão Salgado (The Street of the Salty Floor). Beco Laya-Cabecas (Alley of the Head Washers), Travessa de Mata Porcos (Hogbutchers’ Alley), Travessa dos Ladrões (Higawaymen’s Alley), Travessa da horta de Cera (Wax Orchard Alley), Rua do Imaginario (Street of the Imaginary), Beco Espera-me Rapaz (Wait for Me, Boy Alley), Travessa de Fala So (The Alley Where You Speak to Yourself), Rua do Bemformoso (Hand- some Man Street), Rua da Triste e Feia (Street of the Sad Ugly Woman). There are a few general facts concerning the place names of our own and other lands that ought to be more widely known. The Minne in Minnesota, Minnehaha, Minnetonka, etc. is a Da- kota Indian word, meaning ‘water’. The los and las of place names of Spanish origin both mean ‘the’ (Los Angeles, ‘the angels’; Las Vegas, ‘the plains’). The suffixes –wich and –wick are akin to the Latin vicus (‘village’); hence Greenwich Village is redundant. The suffixes -cester, -caster, -chester of Leicester, Lancaster, Portchester, etc., comes from Latin castrs (‘encampment’, ‘forti- fied place’). The Aber- and Inver- so common in Scottish place names (Aberdeen, Inverness) are Celtic terms for ‘estuary’, ‘river’s mouth’. Spanish place names, and many place names of the New World given by the Spaniards, are frequently of Arabic origin, by reason of the long domination of Spain by the Moors. Those be- ginning with al- contain the Arabic definite article: Aleantara means ‘the bridge’; Alcazar, ‘the 70 palace’. Others begin with guad-, from the Arabic wad (‘river’); Guadalquivir, Guadalajara, Guadalupe all contain this prefix. The prefix alt- in place names means ‘high’, if the place name is Romance: Almatura (‘high walls’); ‘old’ if the place name is Germanic: Altdorf (‘old village’); ‘gold’ if the place name ap- pears in one of the tongues of northern Asia: Altai (‘golden mountains’). The –holm of Swedish names means ‘island’ (Stockholm, ‘pile island’); the Bel- or Byel- of Slavic names means ‘white’ (Belgrade, ‘white city’); Byelorussia, ‘white Russia’); while the ending –gorod or –grad means ‘town’ (Novgorod, ‘new town’; Leningrad, ‘Lenin town’). The suffix – var of Hungarian place names means ‘fortified place’, and the –dam of Dutch names is ‘dike’. In Hebrew names, Beth means ‘house’ (Bethlehem, ‘house of bread’). The – abad so frequent in the place names of India and Persia is a Persian suffix meaning ‘city’. The – pore, -pur, and similarforms appaerimg frequemtly in India and Malaya have the same meaning; Singapore is ‘lion city’; Jaipur is ‘pink city’. The – stan of Hindustan, Afganistan, Pakistan, etc. is a Persian word meaning ‘country’; the Muslim generic term for the infidel lands of the west is Feringhis- tan (‘country of the Franks’), a tribute to the role played by the French in the Crusades, where Islam and Christianity clashed. A place name that seems directly taken from a linguistic manual is the southern French re- gion of Languedoc, which means ‘tongue of hoc’; it is derived from the southern French (Pro- vencal) habit of using the Latin ‘hoc’, literary ‘this’ as an affirmation, in contrast to the north of France, which used hoc ille (‘this he’; with a verb like ‘did’ or ‘said’ understood; hoc ille later became oil, and still later the northern French oui. Certain place names are indicative of historical errors. Even though Columbus’ name is im- mortalized in Columbia, Colombia, etc., America was named after Amerigo Vespucci by a map- maker who erroneously thought Vespucci had discovered the new continent. The theory has lately been advanced in France, however, that America comes from Armorica, the ancient Latin name for Brittany, and that Vespucci took this first name from the name of the new country rather than the reverse. An even greater linguistic blunder occurred at the same time. Columbus, thinking he had reached the Indies, called the inhabitants of the New World ‘Indians’, a term, which until then had been prop- erly reserved for the inhabitants of India. When the error was discovered, all sorts of distinctions were resorted to; the English thought of using ‘Red Indian’ or ‘American Indian’ as against ‘East In- dian’; but plain ‘Indian’ was a term that stuck like a leech to the unfortunate inhabitants of the West- ern Hemisphere. To avoid confusion, people began to cast about for a new name for the Indians of India, and got into a worse morass by using ‘Hindu’ to describe both a religious and an ethnic group. ‘Hindu’ might be etymologically correct to describe the inhabitants of Hindustan, but it is also used to denote those inhabitants of India who are of Aryan stock, or those who speak Indo-Iranian lan- guages (the stock and the languages do not all coincide). Religiously speaking, ‘Hindu’ covers those inhabitants of India and Pakistan (roughly two thirds) who believe in religion of Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva, as opposed to the Moslems, Sikhs, Jains, and all the other minority faiths of India. Other historical misnomers are American use of ‘Dutch’, which comes from German ‘Deutsch’ and means ‘German’, to describe the Hollanders, who call themselves ‘Nederlandsch’ or ‘Nederlands’; and English term ‘Midwestern’ which however correct it may have been in the 1800s, is an anachronism at a period when the Midwest lies in the eastern part of the country. There is an abundance of poetry in the world of place names. Ceylon is from the native ‘Sindhaladwipa’ (‘lion island’), but among more poetic names bestowed upon it by Hindu writers are ‘Garden of the Sky’, ‘Land of Dusky Leaves’, ‘Island of Jewels’, ‘Land without Sorrows’. The name bestowed by the Portuguese explorers on the island of Taiwan, means ‘beautiful’. The Chinese name for America is Mai Kuo (‘beautiful land’). Tel Aviv, capital of Israel, is ‘hill of spring’, and Addis Ababa, capital of Ethiopia, is ‘new flower’. Vladivostok is ‘eastern might’, Madras is ‘university’, Chunking is ‘repeated congratulations’ and Curaçao, capital of the Dutch West Indies, is a Portuguese word that means ‘healing’.

71 Rajasthan, in India, is ‘Royal Land; its alternate name, Rajputana, is ‘Land of King’s Sons’, ‘Land of Princes’, and every Rojput considers himself a prince. The Azores derive their names from the ‘acores’, or hawks, found there by the first Portuguese explorers to set foot on the is- lands; according to latest accounts, the hawks are still there. Translations of place names are often curious. Montenegro is an Italian translation of Serbian ‘Crna Gora’ (‘black mountain’), while Bosporus is an exact Greek translation of the English ‘Oxford’. Cairo, in Arabic, means ‘the conqueror’, but the form is feminine, so that it might be translated ‘the triumphant female’ (actually, the word is Arabic designation of the planet Mars, which was in the ascendant when the city was founded). Patagonia is ‘land of the big feet’, com- ing from Spanish ‘patacon’ – ‘big foot’; when Magellan first set foot on Terra del Fuego in 1520, enormous footprints were discovered in the sand. Yucatan, in Mexico, means ‘what do you say?’ in the language of the local Indians; this was the answer given by them to inquiries as to the name of the country. One Sicilian town bears the reek name of Calimera, which means ‘good morning’; another, Linguaglossa, bears a name which is a repetition of the word ‘tongue’, first in Latin, then in Greek; Mongibello, the name of a mountain, means ‘mountain mountain’, first in Latin (‘mons’), then in Arabic (‘jebel’).

Social and geographical aspects of linguistic change

A methodological account of Peter Trudgill's The social Differentiation of English in Norwich and selected examples of London influence on the norwich speech community. Edited by Prof. Dr. Bernard Diensberg

1. Introduction In his profoundly influential work The Social Differentiation of English in Norwich (1974), Peter Trudgill undertakes what he calls a "study in sociological urban dialectology" (1974: 1). We split up this definition into its constituents, we will gain a better understanding of the nature of the study: (1) The work can be called sociological, because it is concerned with the complex urban so- ciety and its language, and because it applies sampling techniques and other concepts (e.g. social class) from sociology to a linguistic study. (2) It studies the urban dialects of Norwich, East Anglia. (3) It is concerned with the dialects of the city, and it uses findings from dialectological works, such as the Survey of English Dialects (SED). Trudgill especially stresses the new quality of his sociological approach to the field of dialect study. He calls some of the previous dialectological research inadequate, since these linguists “have, generally speaking, chosen to ignore the fact that most if not all speech communities are more or less socially and linguistically heterogeneous” (1974: 2). His goal, therefore, is not to present a historical-diachronic account of Norwich speech in order to reconstruct a 'pure' dialect form, but to give a synchronic account of a heterogeneous situation. Not the NORMs (Non- mobile, rural older male persons) are the focus of the attention, but a genuine representative sample of a city of 160.000 (1968) people. The investigation of linguistic change in Norwich was based on the apparent-time method- ology. Here, the speech of older and younger informants (in our case between the age of 10 and 93) are compared with each other, and differences in the linguistic behaviour of the two groups are interpreted as representing linguistic changes (with older informants favouring more conser- vative and younger informants more progressive speech). Trudgill, however, also employed a different method in his investigation of Norwich speech. In a follow-up study, undertaken in 1983 and published in 1988 ("Norwich Revisited: Recent Linguistic Changes in an English Ur- ban Dialect"), he was able to study linguistic change in real time, fifteen years after his initial field work in the city. Here, he had the chance to see if some of his earlier predictions of linguis-

72 tic change had stood the test of time, if 'changes in progress' observed in 1968 were indeed long- term developments or just of a temporary nature. In the following paper, I will take a summarizing look at the methodology and phonological findings of Peter Trudgill's studies, The Social Differentiation of English in Norwich and Nor- wich Revisited, in a second step, I will try to compare some of Trudgill's findings about linguistic change in Norwich with some evidence about Cockney English contributed by Wells (1982a) and with a more recent investigation of (London) Estuary English by David Rosewarne (1994a and 1994b). Here, the purpose is to detect possible sources of influence on Norwich English from outside (namely London) and to shed light on the origins of and the reasons for some of the linguistic changes. 2. The social differentiation of English in Norwich 2.1. Sampling At the heart of Trudgills innovative approach, which is in part based on Iabov's (1972) work, lies his use of statistical methods to gain a representative sample of the population of Norwich. From the electoral registers of five electoral wards, which represented the town as a whole in their social structure, he drew a randomly selected sample of 50 informants. Additionally, a sample of 10 schoolchildren (age 10-20) was drawn from two schools in Norwich. Although Viereck (1973: 79) expresses concern about methodological problems arising from the recruitment of children as linguistic informants, it seems that Trudgill is aware of these problems and proves (successfully) that his sample of schoolchildren (both in their social position and their linguistic behaviour) fits into the overall picture (1974: 62-63). In total, therefore, Trudgill uses 60 informants, a sample which is considerably smaller than that of Labov used in his study Language in the Inner City (1972). To ensure the accuracy of representation, the social and economic profile of the relatively small number of informants was counterchecked against the census results from 1961 and 1966 and, generally-speaking, proven to represent the social situation of Norwich as a whole. 2.2. The social index Since one of the main purposes of the study was "to investigate the nature and extent of the correlation between and co-variation of linguistic and sociological parameters" (Trudgill 1974: 31), a method had to be designed to measure these sociological parameters, namely social strati- fication and social class. The concept of social class is a rather disputed and multi-faceted one in sociological research, one needs only to mention the problem of defining class boundaries in a system where upward and downward mobility are a given fact. Former dialect studies like the Linguistic Atlas of New England have tried to take social stratification into some account (cf. Viereck 1971: 188ff), but it was not until Labov's study (1972) that social class position has been measured in a sociologically sound way. For his study, Trudgill devised a multiple-item index of social class for each of his informants. The six indicators to measure objectively social class status were as follows: 1) occupation 2) income 3) education 4) housing 5) locality 6) father's occupation While Labov (1972) uses only the first three indicators, with occupation probably as the best single indicator, Trudgill attempts a further subdivision of his informants by taking into account the quality of housing and the locality of the home. The indicator 'father's occupation' is aimed at the concept of social mobility and attempts to measure the social background and upbringing of the informants. For each indicator, an objective ranking system with six subdivisions was de- signed. Each indicator was allotted 0 to 5 points and added up with the others, the possible indi- ces consequently ranging from 0 points for the lowest to a maximum of 30 points for the highest social status on the social class continuum.

73

Fig. 1. Social class characteristics of sample (Trudgill 1974: 42)

2.3. The social context of speech: the questionnaire. While social background and social class is one factor, which determines the speech of the individual, the social context of speech is another important factor for linguistic behaviour. For the study therefore, the social context of the informants' utterances had to be controlled in order to enable the examination of certain questions, namely how language varied with social context. The study also aimed at the discovery of linguistic norms of the speech community, and investi- gated if and how they affected language change. Trudgill ′s questionnaire (see 1974: 195-201) was designed to get samples of different speech styles in different speech situations, ranging from formal style to casual style. Aware of the fact that tape recording an informant would con- front this person with an unusual situation and therefore, even when asked to speak freely, elicit mostly formal speech, Trudgffl also attempted to obtain casual speech outside the context of the formal interview or through questions which invited digressions. Apart from questions (about their background, about Norwich etc.) directed at the informants, which elicited both casual speech (CS) and formal speech (FS), the informants were also asked to read a text (reading pas- sage sryle-RPS, more formal) and to read out word lists (word list style-WLS, most formal) and word pairs, which were homophonous in Norwich English, but not in RP. With the differentia- tion of four speech situations (in order of increasing formality) CS – FS – RPS – WLS, Trudgill had achieved his objective to control the social context of speech. 2.4. Social differentiation Having obtained both the social indices of his sample and the linguistic material from his field work conducted in 1968, Trudgill's next step was to correlate the data he had collected. For this purpose, he chose the third-person singular present tense marker, as in he loves, she has, it goes. The assumption was that, in Norwich, the absence of this marker was very common. Moreover, the frequency of its usage was assumed to have a relationship to the position of the speaker on the social continuum and to the social context of its usage. Trudgill also assumed that it had all the features of a linguistic variable: (1) It does not occur consistently in the speech of most individuals; (2) It is not used equally by all speakers; (3) Its incidence varies from verb to verb. (1974: 56) Trudgill (1974:64) defines a phonological variable as: [...] A phonological unit, which is involved in co-variation with sociological parameters or with other linguistic variables. It can be-thought of as consisting of the pronunciation of a par- ticular segment in a particular set of lexical items, and does not necessarily have specific phono- logical implications. Indeed, it turned out that the lower the class index of an informant was, the more he or she was likely to use marker-less forms. According to divisions, which became apparent on the class continuum, and according to clusters and patterns in the usage of marker-less forms that showed on the class continuum, Trudgill was able to subdivide his informants into five social classes: Class Class index (1) middle middle class (MMC) 19+ (2) lower middle class (LMC) 15-18

74 (3) upper working class (UWC) 11-14 (4) middle working class (MWC) 7-10 (5) lower working class (LWC) 3-6 Table 1 (Trudgill 1974: 60). With these social classes established, Trudgill went on to calculate percentage scores for the use of marker-less forms for each of the five social classes. Here, a clear correlation between so- cial class and -s usage is noticeable (Fig 2). The social classes, which have been established by relating the use of the third-person singular present tense marker to the social index, are now kept as a category for the investigation of phonological variables. Before I discuss some of the phonological variables that Trudgill investigated in his study, I will briefly outline the methodology used in the follow-up study (Trudgill 1988), in contrast to the first investigation. 3. Norwich revisited: methodology The field-work for the follow-up study was conducted in 1983, exactly 15 years after the initial study. The purpose was, as already mentioned above, to observe linguistic developments in real time. Trudgill used the same approach (sampling, field-worker, questionnaire) as in his first study, in order to ensure a complete comparability of the data, even if this meant to leave out methodological innovations and improvements that had been made since the 1960's. One fundamental decision, however, had to be taken regarding the informants: One could either seek out and re-interview the original informants or interview the 'next generation', a group who was not yet born or too young to be included in the first study. Trudgill decided to select 17 additional informants aged between 10 and 25 in 1983, thus adding new, younger infor- mants to the original sample. Trudgill (1988: 37) stresses that, apart from problems like un- availability or death of informants, the approach of re-interviewing informants also would not produce accurate results, since a person's linguistic behaviour changes only slightly during his/her lifetime: Most of the more dramatic changes [...] have not affected at all the speech of those who did not have the features in question by the time they were adults. It is only by studying the speech of the next generation along, it turns out, that we obtain a true picture of the full range of linguis- tic changes. As far as methodological problems are concerned, Trudgill (1988:45) mentions one problem when discussing the variable (t): In 1983, younger people were much more familiar with cassette recorders and with being re- corded than anybody was in 1968. Tape recorders are now very much a feature of many homes and schools […]. Trudgill (1988: 45) even goes so far as to question the strict comparability of the two data sets acquired for the variable (t) in the two studies because of the problem of fanuliarity/unfamiHarity with tape recorders. It should be mentioned, however, that if the 1968 informants had inhibitions to release informal speech in an interview situation, this problem is likely to concern every variable; it is certainly hard to imagine that it should be restricted to just one incidence. In general, Trudgill usually structures the data differently than in his earlier study. Much empha- sis is laid on the age structure of the informants: He establishes several age groups and compares lin- guistic behaviour regarding certain linguistic valuables along the dimension of age of the informant, hi Trudgill (1974), more emphasis was laid on comparing the linguistic behaviour along different social groups, regardless of the informants' age. The general shift in attention in the follow-up study brings about new and different points of view (cf. variable (e) below), even when looking at the same material. Considering the age groups he establishes, and bearing in mind that a person's linguistic behaviour changes little during his/her lifetime, one could even argue that Trudgill (1988) now inves- tigates the diachronic aspects of language that he chose to leave aside in 1974.

75 In the following passage, I will examine a few selected phonological variables, which Trudgill investigated in his two studies, I will look at examples of linguistically stable variables and of linguistic change in progress. 4. Linguistic variables and linguistic change 4.1. The stable variable (ng) Trudgill (1974) chooses the phonological variables, which he investigates partly from his own familiarity with Norwich speech and partly from the description of East Anglian speech by the SED. One of these variables, the (ng)-variable, deals with the pronunciation of the -ing suffix in words like walking, running, Reading, etc. Its two variants are the velar nasal [n] and the alveolar

nasal [ ], which represents the RP realization of the variable. Each occurence of the variable in the interviews was registered, and an index score for every informant based on the occurence of the

two realizations calculated, with a score of 0 representing consistent [ ]-use of a speaker and a score of 100 for consistent use of [n]. These scores were plotted along the ordinate and correlated with the four contextual styles and the social class groups established earlier (Fig. 3).

WLS RPS FS CS

Fig. 3. Variable (ng) by class and style (Trudgill 1974: 92).

The graph in Fig. 3. shows that the lines for the social classes run parallel and according to the social stratification, with the lower classes using significantly more dialect forms than the middle classes. Also, one can observe an increase of non-RP forms used by the informants as the degree of formality of speech decreases towards casual style. Fig. 4 below shows the variable in correlation with the age of the speakers and again the style of speech. Here, we can observe the fact that both the younger and the older speakers tend to use more velar realizations of the variable in all contexts of speech than middle aged speakers. Trudgill (1988: 34) remarks on this: We can probably explain this pattern in terms of the lower educa- tional background of older speakers, and in terms of the greater influence of the peer group on younger speakers as opposed to that of the mainstream norm on middleaged speakers. Both the social distribution of the variable and the curvilinear age pattern are, in Trudgill's terms; typical for a stable linguistic variable. Here, no linguistic change is in progress or imminent.

76

Fig. 4. Variable (ng) by age group and style (Trudgill 1988: 35).

4.2. Linguistic change: the variable (e) As an example of a phonological variable involved in linguistic change Trudgill (1974 and

1988) presents the variable (e), which represents the vowel in tell, well and better. There are ¡ three different realizations of this variable, e.g. [ ], [ ], and [^]. The three realizations are given a

score of 0 for consistent RP-type [ ], a score of 100 for [3], and a score of 200 for consistent use of the local pronunciation [^]. With these scores established, Tradgill could group the data to suit his goals of investigation. When regarded in terms of class differentiation and speech style, we gain a graph as shown in Fig. 5 below. Here, for the working class, the expected pattern of stratification (UWC with the lowest score of the three groups, closest to the Middle Class) is reversed: While the LWC approximates MC styles, Tradgill sees the MWC and especially the UWC (which is regarded as the most dynamic of the three working classes in terms of its potential for upward mobility) as the protagonists of a linguistic change in progress: The centralization of the vowel is increasing .

WLS RPS FS CS

Fig. 5: Variable (e) by social class and style (Trudgill 1974: 105)

When regarded by age-group and style, and with the newly acquired data of Norwich Revis- ited in the picture, we gain a better understanding of the nature of the linguistic change: The members of the younger generation are the protagonists of linguistic change, especially the sec-

ond group (born between 1948 and 1957) shows dramatic increase in centralization of [ ]. The

halted development for CS and FS and the increase of [ ¢ ]-use in the two most formal styles in Trudgill (1988) are explained by a halted centralization of (e) in the informal contexts, while the more formal styles (RPS, WLS) exhibit a process of 'moving up’ and adapt to the new paradigm.

77

Fig. 6. Varieble (e) be age-group and style – both samples (Tradgill 1988, 47)

4.3. Problems of methodology: the consonant /r/ In at least one case, ongoing linguistic change remained undetected in Tradgffl's first study (1974), due to certain weaknesses in methodology, namely the insufficient size of the sample. In the follow-up study, a notable portion of the sample showed the use of a labio-dental approxi-

mant [ ] when pronouncing the consonant /r/, although the original realization of this consonant in Norwich English (which is non-rhotic) was a post-alveolar approximate [ ¡ ]. However, the [ ] realization was already present in 1968 (with a frequency of around 30% among the group aged 10-20 years, born between 1948 and 1957), but was not interpreted by Trudgill (1974) as the be- ginning of a linguistic change: The sample of informants was [...] not large enough to throw up very many speakers who had this feature. I therefore regarded it as an idiosyncratic feature in the speech of those who did have it, assuming it to be a speech defect. (Tradgill 1988: 40)

Fig. 7. % of informants with /r/ = / ¢ / – both samples Tradgill (1988, 41)

Here, the sample size was clearly too small to detect this feature involved in linguistic change.

Had there been a larger absolute number of informants exhibiting the feature /r/=[ ] (even if the absolute percentage of realizations had been the same), the feature could not have been disregarded as easily as a (rather widespread) speech defect, hi this special case, Norwich Revisited acted as the

saving grace: Here, among the 'next generation' (born between 1958 and 1974), [ ]-use had in- 78 creased even further to a percentage of use around 35. Both the stability of the variable and its po- tential to spread further now clearly mark it as involved in linguistic change. 5. Features of London speech in Norwich English. David Rosewame discussed in two recent articles (1994a and 1994b) a new variety of Eng- lish he calls Estuary English. While the name first and foremost refers to the speech of people living along the estuary of the River Thames, this new variety is on the rise not only in and around London, but is also about to become the new standard in the whole southern region of England from Cornwall to Norwich (cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 4). Rosewarne sees Estuary English ( ) in the middle of a continuum between R.P. and popular London speech, "between Cockney and the Queen" (1994a: 3). has become a very widespread accent, used by a wide range of social classes and age-groups, from the Prime Minister John Major to the young urban popula- tion of London. As the title of the first article (Rosewarne 1994a): "Estuary English: Tomorrow's RP?" suggests, soon may be replacing RP as the standard pronunciation of British English. Rosewarne sees the origins of in London in a process of accomodation, in a "shift to the mid- dle ground of pronunciation" (1994a: 7) between two two or more pronunciation groups on the continuum from Cockney to R.P. With London as the "linguistic centre of gravity", with its working class accent today as the "most influential source of phonological innovation in England and perhaps in the whole Eng- lish-speaking world" (both quotes from Wells 1982a: 301), how strong are these influences of London speech on Norwich, the site of Tradgffl's study? Have features from Cockney or the emerging Estuary English spread to Norwich, and is there any evidence in Trudgill's findings about Norwich speech, especially in the follow-up study Norwich Revisited (since Estuary Eng- lish is a very recent development) that might suggest such an influence? I will neither be able to discuss the features of Cockney or Estuary English in detail here, nor will I be able to give a full account of the influences of London speech on Norwich. Rather, I will take a look at a few se- lected features that can be found in both dialects. 5.1. TH-fronting Wells (1982a: 328) calls th-fronting a "well known characteristic of Cockney". The term de-

scribes the replacement of the dental fricatives, [ ¡;ð] by the respective labiodentals [f] and [v]. £ This makes mother [m ¢v ] and lover rhyme, and thin [fin] and fin a pair of homophones. Rose- wame does not report about a similar phenomenon in his account of Estuary English, but Tradgffl (1988) observes a rather dramatic and completely unpredictable development for the phenomenon of til-fronting in Norwich English: Nothing whatsoever suggested in the first study back in 1968 that there was any linguistic change in progress or at least in preparation: The phe- nomenon of th-fronting simply did not exist. In 1983, 70% of people born between 1959 and

1973 exhibited the feature, 41% use th-fronting variably, and 29% have completely lost / ¤/ from their consonantal inventories and use /ð/ only in word-initial positions. Tradgffl (1988: 43) comments on this: We can note that the loss of the interdental fricatives is unsurprising as a linguistic change, these consonants being marked, acquired late by children, and relatively rare in the world's lan- guages. We can also note that it has long been well-known as a feature of the English of London. But the rapidity (from no evidence to 70%) of the proliferation of this change is stunning. Tradgffl (1988:44) declines the explanation offered by some critics, who claim that the influence of TV programmes, with Cockney protagonists popular among young people, have brought about the change: his view, the theory fails to explain why only this and no other features have been adopted by Norwich speakers, and does not account for the lack of th-fronting in the North- ern parts of England, which are exposed to the same T.V. programmes. The geographical pattern of the changes (th-fronting is spreading out from London across the South of England, with areas closer to London affected more) suggests that face-to-face contact (resulting from increased mo- bility) between Cockney speakers and the adaptors of the feature plays an important role in the spreading of th-fronting. Trudgill sees media influence merely as a contributing factor, not as the key player in the game.

79 However, Trudgill's explanation for the spread mechanisms of th-fronting into Norwich Eng- lish is not altogether clear, either. At one point, he states that exclusively th-fronting and "no other" feature from London speech (cf. Trudgill 1988: 44) has been adopted into Norwich speech, without explaining why the face-to-face contact between London and Norwich speakers should only be responsible for the adaption of one single feature, although there are other fea- tures involved in very recent linguistic change in Norwich that similarly occur in Cockney or Es- tuary English. It seems worthwhile to explore some of these features. 5.2.The glottalization of the variable (t) One of the prominent features of both Cockney and Estuary English is the replacement of /t/

by a glottal stop [ ], especially in word-final positions (in Cockney also in intervocalic posi-

¢ ¡ tions). Thus but becomes [b ¡ ], and butter is pronounced [b ]. Both Wells and Rosewarne discuss this phenomenon. Wells (1982a: 323) once more makes out London as the cradle of lin- guistic change: It is certainly plausible to suppose that one of the principal factors contributing to the appar- ently recent geographical spread of T-Glottaffing is the influence of London English, where it is indeed very common.

Fig. 9. Variable (t) by age group and style – both samples (Tradfill 1988, 45)

And indeed, Trudgill reports in both studies about linguistic change: T-glottalization is in- creasing amonge younger informants. In 1983, the youngest group (born 1958-73) of informants

showed a use of [ ] in almost 100% of the CS styles and in 90% of the FS styles. Here, they dif- fered little from the group born between 1948 and 1957. Interestingly, in both of the most formal contexts, the reading passage and the word list styles, the newly introduced group of the 1983 sample showed a significant increase in their use of the glottal stop compared to the youngest informants of the 1968 sample. Trudgill (1988: 45) sees this as an example of linguistic innova- tions, which spread from one contextual style to another: Here is confirmation that most linguistic changes begin in unmonitored, vernacular informal styles and only later spread to more formal varieties of speech. So, here again, as in the case of the variable (e), a linguistic change is halted (or in this case completed) in the'informal contexts, while the spread to the more formal contexts continues: the more formal contexts "move up" to adapt to the new linguistic paradigm. But apart from these developments of the (t)-variable inside the Norwich speech community, Trudgill only vaguely hints at the geographic origin of the glottalization phenomenon: He calls (t) a "well-known variable in British English" (1974: 95). But looking at the evidence offered by Rosewame, who sees t-glottalization as a prominent feature of Estuary English (which is possi- bly about to become the new Standard pronunciation), one could very well argue that the spread

of this feature, to Norwich is partly related to the spread of ££ across the country. Especially the

80 increasing use of the formerly stigmatized glottal stop in very formal speech contexts gives evi- dence that speakers regard this feature as more 'normal' and therefore standard-like than at the time of Trudgills first study, when it was rarely found in formal contexts of speech. 5.3. H-dropping Trudgills phonological variable (h) deals with the pronunciation of the initial consonant in words like happy, home, etc. While East Anglia Is traditionally an h-pronouncing area, speakers (especially of the lower social classes) in the city of Norwich are more frequently h-less, so that for many Norwich speakers heat and eat are homophones. Trudgill (1974: 131) offers the factor of in-migration to the city as an explanation for the formation of an h-less 'island' Norwich City in the middle of an h-pronouncing area: While most of his informants, who were born in rural areas of East Anglia, employ an h-full pronunciation, the rest of the informants tends to show higher percentages of h-lessness. But he does not attempt to locate the origins of h-less in- migrants to Norwich who are responsible for the phenomenon. Where could the in-migration, where could the h-lessness come from? Again, London with its Cockney accent is a very likely contender for this case: Wells (1982a: 322) states, that "h- dropping [...] is of course common in popular London speech" Could h-lessness have spread to Norwich together with other influences from London? Th- fronting and t-glottalling seem to be examples of very recent linguistic change, or of change in progress: They have either just started to occur in the youngest generation of informants (in the case of th-fronting), or they seem to have become widely accepted by this last generation (t- glottaffing). In the case of h-dropping, however, things are slightly different: In the.late 1950's, when field work for the SED was carried out in Norwich (cf. Trudgill 1974: 67), the h-lessness of the urban area in contrast to the surrounding rural Norfolk area was already recorded, it would be safe to assume that one could date back Norwich h-lessness even further. So we are looking at a well-established phenomenon, whose origin is much more obscure than that of the other two variables discussed above. 6. Conclusion Rosewame argues that Estuary English, an accent, which constitutes a linguistic 'compro- mise' between Cockney and Received Pronunciation, could emerge to be the new standard pro- nunciation of English. Both Wells and Rosewarne discuss the great linguistic influence that popular London speech exerts on the surrounding areas, and on the whole South of England. At least two of the three examples discussed above, namely th-fronling and t-glottalling have their origin in a very recent influence of London speech on Norwich. But with the linguistic variables investigated by Trudgill (1974 and 1988), which were first of all chosen to differentiate linguistic behaviour within the Norwich speech community, we do not get very far when looking at influ- ences from London speech on Norwich, nor does the presented material sufficiently illustrate the possible emergence of a new standard pronunciation. In general, only those variables treated in the follow-up study Norwich Revisited are helpful in tracing the new standard pronunciation: They represent very recent (1983) material; here, one remains within the time-frame given by

Rosewarne, who sees the emergence of as a development since the mid-1980's. Material presented in the first study often hints into the right direction: Trudgill investigates the variable (yu), which deals with the presence or absence of the glide [j] in words like Hugh, tune, etc. The variable showed the expected pattern of class distribution, and was not involved in linguistic change in 1968: It was, however, not treated in the follow-up study. Here, additional publications of the 1983 material could shed light on the present status of yod-dropping, which is

also present in Cockney and (cf. Rosewarne 1994b: 4, and Wells 1982a: 330ff.) and repre- sents one of the essential differences between R.P. and Estuary English. If the production of evidence for a comparison of Norwich speech with London speech had been the objective of Trudgill's two studies, another valuable variable to investigate would cer- tainly have been the postvocalic l. Cockney as well as Estuary English, the postvocalic, syllable-

final, dark l is frequently realized as a close back vocoid without tongue-tip contact of the type

¢ £ [ ¡, ], Rosewarne (1994b: 3) also describes realizations with strong li -rounding similar to [w]. Words like fall are pronounced [fou], fill is realized [fio]. This vocalization of/ is one of the most striking characteristics of London speech and could certainly fall into Trudgill's category of "un- 81 surprising linguistic change" (just as th-fronting above), since the vocalization means a step to- wards the simplification of speech. Trudgill's material would be the perfect testing site for hy- potheses of linguistic spread from London to the rest of England. In contrast to Rosewarne's rather subjective and 'impressionistic' account of Estuary English, representative and statistically sound studies like Tradgffl's investigation of Norwich speech are just what is needed here: They could contribute in finding influences of London speech on other areas of the country, and there- fore help in establishing whether or not Estuary English really will be tomorrow's R.P.

Bibliography

Chambers, J.K & Tradgill P. (1980). Dialectology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gimson, A.C. (1989). An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English. 4th. ed. rev. by Susan Ramsaran. London: Arnold. Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City. Philadelphia: Pennsylvania University Press. Rosewarne, D. (1994a). "Estuary English – Tomorrow's RP?" English Today, 37. 3-8. Rose- warne, D. (1994b). "Pronouncing Estuary English", ET 40. 3-7. Trudgffl, P. (1974). The Social Differentiation of English in Norwich. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press. Tradgill, P. (1983,). Sociolinguistics: An Introduction to Language and Society, rev. ed. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Tradgill, P. (1988). "Norwich Revisited: Recent Linguistic Changes in an English Urban Dialect", English World Wide 9:1. 33-49. Viereck, W. (1971). "Britische und Amerikanische Sprachatlanten. Hans Kurath zum 80. Geburtstag". ZDL 38. 167-205. Viereck, W. (1973). "The Growth of Dialectology". JEL 7. 69-86. Wells, J.C. (1982a). Ac- cents of English: Vol.1. Cambridge: CUP. Wells, J.C. (1982b). Accents of English: Vol2. Cam- bridge: CUP.

ENGLISH AS A WORLD LANGUAGE

Edited by Richard W. Bailey and Manfred Gorlach

Ann Arbor The University of Michigan Press

English in Australia and New Zealand Robert D. Eagleson

The European settlement of Australia began in 1788 when Great Britain established a penal colony at Sydney to relieve the pressure on its overcrowded jails. The "first fleet" sailed into Botany Bay, conveying 717 prisoners and almost 300 officials, soldier-guards, wives, and chil- dren. In the fifty-two years that the convict system persisted, some 130.000 prisoners were trans- ported to be the predominant element in the formative years of the colony. It was not until after 1840 that free settlers outnumbered those with convict origins. Until 1816, free settlers required special permission to enter the colony, and by 1820 they numbered only 1.300. In that same year 16.000 – half the population – were still in servitude, while another 8,000 were released or emancipated convicts. Nevertheless, by then the free population, along with the convicts who served them, had proved the enormous potential of Australia as a producer of wool, and by at- 82 tracting the attention of British capital and industry, they had assured the continuation of a Brit- ish presence in Australia. Unofficial European settlement, mainly by whalers, began in New Zealand as early as 1792, but it was not until 1840 that an official colony was established when the British government signed the Treaty of Waitangi with the Maori chiefs. From the beginning, New Zealand was set up as a free rather than a penal colony, although, as with Australia, many of its early settlers came to its shores on assisted passages. Since those early days, the European populations of the two countries have grown only slowly and still continue to be small in relation to the huge landmass of Australia and the sub- stantial size of New Zealand. Until the mid-twentieth century, with the exception of periods of gold rushes, the source for immigrants has mainly been the United Kingdom. During the convict period in Australia, the southeast region of England was the major source, though between 1789 and 1805, almost 2,000 Irish political prisoners were transported and at one time constituted a third of the population. Despite the small numbers of European settlers, there was an early and rapid spreading out into all habitable regions in both countries. There was no consolidation of one region, to be fol- lowed by a slow expansion outward. Instead, under the impetus of pastoralists seeking land for their rapidly increasing flocks and herds, the occupation of the land was rapid. What has fol- lowed since has been stagnation and even retraction in the rural areas and the development of large cities. From 1871, when only 27 percent of the population lived in the capital cities of Aus- tralia, the situation has changed so that 65 percent now reside in those seven locations. Sydney, with 3.5 million people, and Melbourne, with 2.9 million, contain between them 45 percent of all Australians, and the community must be regarded as most urbanized. Urbanization reflects a shift in the activities of the people. Particularly since the Second World War, Australia has become an industrialized nation, and while primary products and min- eral resources still figure importantly in its economy, the majority of its people are engaged in ever-expanding and varied secondary industries. Especially in Australia, Europeans face a natural environment, which is immensely differ- ent from their homelands. Here is a country of vast dimensions, its 7.687.000 square kilome- ters being thirty times larger than Great Britain. Half of it lies within the tropics and experi- ences long, hot, and frequently very dry summers. It contains the largest desert area outside the Sahara in North Africa, and one-fifth remains unoccupied and possibly uninhabitable. One-third of the land receives less than 250 millimeters of rainfall per year. On the other hand, there are seemingly endless stretches of rich fertile land, bearing crops and fruits of all descriptions and supporting an enormous population of sheep and cattle, which dwarfs the human population. So alien were the conditions, which faced the early settlers that not only did the land compel them to adjust their habits of life and modify their methods of agriculture, but it also forced ad- justments to their language. These people called upon the resources they already had in English and by the straightforward and well-established procedure of combination fashioned names for new experiences. Such compounds as drop-rail (a crudely but easily constructed gateway in which rails were inserted into mortises in upright posts and simply dropped out when one wanted to pass through) enabled them to link the new with the known, while back run (land at the back of a property, away from the river, the front or best part of the property being on the river) and sly grog (illicit alcohol) point to distinguishing characteristics of the items referred to. In the early days some words were brought into constant service in compounding. Two such words are bush and native , giving rise to bush dray, bushfire, bushman, bush mechanic, bush scab, and bush telegraph on the one hand, and native bear, native dog , and native pear on the other. The latter are less than imaginative, and many of the early compounds incorporating na- tive have since been replaced. Later compounds are outback (the remote districts inland, the "back of beyond"), flying doc- tor (a medical service established in the outback where people were scattered over immense dis-

83 tances, in which the doctor attended patients by airplane), and a series with cocky as the last ele- ment–for example, cow-cocky 'dairy farmer' and sheep-cocky 'sheep fanner'. From New Zealand we have such compounds as share milker (a farmer who works a dairy and shares the profit with the owner of the property), bush skiddy (a worker who keeps forest tracks cleared in the timber industry), and as names for birds and trees, waxeye , fantail, lance- wood, and thousand jacket . As in Australian English, bush is a popular element in compounds, occurring in, for example, bush hawk and hush warbler . Within the area of word formation there is also the construction of such derivatives as bath- ers 'swimming costume' Ropeable had its origins in the cattle station and was initially applied to animals which were so wild or intractable that their legs had to be tied with rope before the could be branded. In time its use came to be figuratively transferred to human beings in the sense of ‘extreme’) angry, so furious that one should be tied up'. A popular word in New Zealand nowa- days, bach 'a holiday cottage or weekender' (immediately) from bach 'live as a bachelor'), offers an instance of shortening. Another change was the expansion of the meaning of lexical items. Paddock , which in Eng- land had referred to a small, enclosed field, in Australia came to be used far more loosely to refer to a field of any size. In fact, paddock has become the general term, and field is somewhat re- stricted to such environments as playing field . Brush was extended from a thicket of small trees and shrubs to an area containing larger timber, and especially to a thick, dense stand of trees: bush, among other possibilities, has come to represent the country as opposed to the city. In New Zealand English gully has impinged on the semantic domain of valley and has virtu- ally acquired ail its senses, replacing valley on most occasions. Section now incorporates the sense of 'a plot of land in a town or city suitable in size for the erection of a house'. In this sense the word is in constant use, though it has also retained meanings shared with British English. In both countries crook has widened in sense to encompass 'ill, unwell" on the one hand, and 'angry, ill-tempered' on the other. One can thus feel a little crook 'feel slightly unwell' or go crook a someone 'speak angrily to them'. It is also possible to have crook weather 'bad weather' and a crook time 'unhappy or unpleasant time'. In both countries, too, especially up to the 1950s, home had the additional sense of 'Great Britain', and even third and fourth generation Australians would speak of going home as much as going to England . There are times when the sense, which a word originally had in Great Britain persists in Aus- tralia and New Zealand alongside any extension of meaning it has undergone in these two coun- tries. Such is the case with station , which is standard in such contexts as railway station and po- lice station , but which also may occur to refer to places where animals are raised: sheep-station, cattle-station . The slang term wog is still very much a pejorative term for a foreigner, but in Aus- tralia it has also received a figurative extension to denote particularly a gastric illness, especially one whose cause cannot be diagnosed exactly (an implication presumably that the sufferer has a foreign body in his system). Sometimes the special extension becomes predominant, so that the mention of lifesaver, for example, will first and foremost bring to mind to an Australian a person who is trained to rescue surfers from drowning and who belongs to a club for this purpose, al- though he knows of other kinds of life-savers and lifesaving drugs . At other times, the original British sense has disappeared in popular usage: this has happened with creek, which would al- ways be used for a small river and not "a narrow inlet in the coastline of the sea or the tidal estu- ary of a river" (OED). A less felicitous outcome of the linguistic activities of the early pioneers is the unfortunate naming of some of the flora and fauna. Not altogether unnaturally, they allowed superficial re- semblances to guide them in naming what were quite different species. An Australian tree was called oak , for example, though it really belongs to the genus Casuarina and not Quercus to which the British counterpart belongs. In the same way the Australian broom is not the same shrub as the broom in Britain. Beech in New Zealand southland beech is a misnomer. The beef- wood tree was regularly called a cypress in the early days because of similarities in the timber, and the Australian cedar received its name because of likeness in color and grain, though it does not bear cones. This practice leads to no ill effects if one is confined to Australia, but there is po- tential for ambiguity when one tries to communicate with those from another region.

84 In the extremely sparsely populated country that Australia was in the nineteenth century, a full series such as hamlet-village-town-city was far too precise. No doubt town and city would have been more familiar terms to most early Australians, but to be realistic, the young colony could have coped with just one term. Town seems to have been most commonly used at first, though in their application of the term to a particular settlement early writers often had in mind its future rather than its existing condition. As they grew larger, some towns were promoted to cities, a population of 15,000 being set as the minimum to qualify for the status of city. But "towns" which just failed to fulfill any promise were not demoted, and hamlet and village have never played a role in the classification of Australian settlements, with the result that town today may still refer to a cluster of four or five houses and some commercial enterprise such as a gen- eral store-cum-post office, a hotel, or a garage. Village, however, is today undergoing something of a revival in urban areas. It is a fad term with a certain snob appeal and is applied to small shopping complexes discreetly tucked away in exclusive residential areas. It has also been at- tached to fashionable and expensive shopping centers. Another approach to coping with immediate lexical needs was to derive a new lexical form from a proper name. It was perhaps natural that a genus of shrubs should be called Banksia after Sir Joseph Banks, a botanist who had accompanied Captain Cook, and Boronia is a similar adap- tation of the surname of an early French explorer. In Australian English granny smith , a type of apple first grown by Mrs. Maria Smith, a grandmother who lived in a suburb of Sydney, and bundy, a mechanism incorporating a clock which automatically registers an employee's time of arrival at work, are further examples. In dispute is pavlova , a dessert with a meringue base with a soft marshmallow center, topped with whipped cream and fruit. Everyone agrees that the original pavlova was made in honor of the famous Russian ballerina, but both New Zealand and Austra- lian cooks claim the invention, demonstrating how the history of Australia and New Zealand English is in places closely intertwined. Buckley's chance , which is often reduced to Buckley's, is a case where folk etymology has intervened to confuse the pedigree of a term. Many now trace it to a convict who escaped from Port Phillip in 1803 and managed to survive in the bush for over thirty years by living with Aborigines. But Baker (1966. p. 264) suggests that the expression more likely comes from a play on the name of a Melbourne firm. Buckley and Nunn: "There are just two chances. Buck- ley's and none." Folk linguistics has also played quite a part in the development of another word. One kind of parrot was initially called rose hill parrot after the district in which it was first sighted. This title was developed into rosehiller, whence through misunderstanding and no doubt an attempt at a scientific form, it was converted into rosella ! This shows how quickly Australian English has been swept into the lines of development that older forms of language have experienced. To understand the manner in wich Australian English developed, one must take into account not only the distinctive attributes of the geographical environment, but also the character of the original British immigrants. These were not idealists or exiles seeking religious or political free- dom, or the ambitious looking for a better way of life. On the contrary, as already indicated, the majority in the early decades came as convicts, transported as punishment for their crimes. Most were members of the lower classes, victims of the Industrial Revolution who had eked out pitiful existences in the major cities. Largely uneducated and generally illiterate, they were speakers of nonstandard social dialects. Moreover, the soldiers who guarded them were of the same class. The exceptions were the governors, some officers, administrative officials, a few better-educated free settlers, and an occasional professional person serving a prison sentence. The social pressures on behavior in general, and language behavior in particular, were somewhat different from those in Great Britain. The very composition of the early settlements in Australia, allied with the harshness of the life and the brutal treatment of the convicts, would have meant that the usual social norms were disturbed. There would have been less obvious re- spect for the classes usually regarded as prestigious and far less concern for the niceties and re- finements of life. In this milieu there was opportunity for nonstandard speech to exert a more po- tent influence, and it found us way quite naturally into popular writings, as the old ballad Click Go the Shears, Boys (McAuley 1975), which has enjoyed a recent revival, testifies:

85 Out on the board the old shearer stands. Grasping his shears in his long, bony hands. Fixed is his gaze on a bare-bellied "joe." Glory if he gets her, won't he make the ringer go. Chorus: Click go the shears boys, click, click, click. Wide is his blow and his hands move quick.

The ringer looks around and is beaten by a blow. And curses the old snagger with the blue-bellied "joe." Now Mister Newchum for to begin, In number seven paddock bring all the sheep in: Don't leave none behind, whatever you may do. And then you'll be tit for a jackeroo.

It must not be imagined, however, that the standard dialect vanished from the colonies. There was still the bureaucracy issuing commands and preparing reports in official English. Very quickly a wealthy class began to establish itself with aspirations for recognition as the local gen- try. There were those who tried to preserve the customs of the homeland and to declare their great worth by doing so, and there were always those seeking to join what they saw as the pres- tigious class. Many a term became fully acceptable in Australian English even if restricted in Britain to informal usage. A number of these terms had to do with arguments, fights, and general disturbance, such as barney, shivoo, and turn-up, others dealt with Haltering or deceptive talk, such as carney and guiver. There was a whole set of names for the inhabitants of the new settlement. Convicts only re- cently transported were new chums , while those who had served some time were old chums. Croppy initially referred to an Irish convict, so named because a number of them had had their hair cut short. The word came to be applied to any convict and especially to a runaway one. Those born in the colony were known as currency , while those born in England were given the name sterling. A number of these terms persist and with the passing of the convict system have entered more general usage. New chum became the name for a recent immigrant, especially from Great Britain. Cockatoos continue to be posted in the vicinity of illegal betting shops and two-up schools to warn of approaching police. A shivoo may be just a boisterous party at which there may be a lot of friendly chiacking. Many a writer tries to capture this informal quality in representing the speech of Australian characters, though their efforts usually suffer from exaggeration: I heard Herb come in after this and greet Peggy: "Is the big bloke in, Peggy?" "Come in, smacker," I yelled. "How're you, boss?" "Never felt better," I said. "Like my new watch?" He picked it up, looked at it for several minutes and dangled it by its chain. "It's a beaut!" "You bell" I said. "How's tricks'.'" "Good," he said, "but the old trout's getting lemony. Says I'm taking up too much room and stops her serving customers." "I'll push her ears back." 1 said. "She'd be mucking well bankrupt before this if we hadn't given her a free ad. Did you tell yer how lucky she is we chose her shop?" "Yes." he said, "I've told her." [Stivens 1959. p. 78] In the early days, not only were nonstandard speakers more numerous, but other forms of English were not known. Australians were pressed into duties which were unfamiliar to them and which in England had been performed by others who had both the skills and the associated lan- guage for them. The result has been the loss of many rural dialects and the special vocabularies of trades and occupations. Essentially from the urban setting, most of the first Australians were

86 ignorant of the many distinctions in waterways. In consequence, brook, stream, rivulet and such terms have disappeared from general use in Australia and would be recognized only as literary and non-Australian usage. In their place there is the simple binary classification of river and creek , the latter, as noted earlier, modified in its sense. Other terms of a like nature not brought from England were dale and meadow . The non-rural background of the early population proba- bly also contributed to the replacement of flock and herd by mob in Australia. In confirmation of this assessment of the human factors behind the development of Austra- lian English, it is interesting to recall the observations in early descriptions of the colony. Wake- field (1929, p. 51), for instance, remarked in A Letter from Sydney (originally published in 1829) that bearing in mind that our lowest class brought with it a peculiar language, and is constantly supplied with fresh corruptions, you will understand why pure English is not, and is not likely to become, the language of the colony. Not all differences in Australian and New Zealand English can be attributed to the environ- ment or the background of the inhabitants. Geographical separation, no doubt, must also account for some of the variations that have taken place in the use of terms. Kerosene and paraffin in Australian English, for example, refer to different petroleum products. Washer may also have the sense of 'face cloth"; identity , especially an old identity , may indicate a well-known person in the community. A lay-by has nothing to do with highways or expressways, but instead indicates a method of purchase, whereby the buyer makes an initial partial payment, and then completes the transaction by paying a number of installments over a given period. In the meantime, the shop- keeper "lays the goods by" and does not hand them over until the final installment has been paid. As time has passed and distinctive social structures have emerged in Australia and New Zea- land, their forms of English have shitted away from other types. Because the separate Australian states eventually came to unite in 1901 in a system of federation, with a federal and common- wealth government on top of the individual state governments, the terms prime minister and premier came to be given discrete areas of use. Unlike the situation in Great Britain, they are not synonymous in Australia, prime minister being reserved for the leader of the federal government and premier for the leader of a state government. So, too, there is a governor general as the queen's representative at the federal level, and a governor at the state level. In the area of indus- trial relations, the rights of workers are established and protected by sets of awards, which are determined by the Arbitration Court, part of the judicial system of the country. Award rates and award wages are levels of salaries, which are compulsory for employers to pay, depending on the industry and the type of work carried out. While members of other English-speaking communities may not be readily able to distin- guish Australian and New Zealand speakers, Australians and New Zealanders can recognize each other by their accents. In pronunciation they have diverged from each other, just as both have diverged from other varieties of English. But the differences lie mainly in the realization of indi- vidual sounds and not in a more fundamental variation in system. Despite the comedian's oft- repeated joke about the Australian in London being interpreted by the locals as saying "I came here to die" when he was actually indicating that he had just arrived, Australians do differentiate between day and die. Day might be articulated as [d^i] and so appear more like [dai] to a non- Australian, but by the same token the same Australians would pronounce die as [dai]. For them there is no possibility of confusion between day and die. Indeed, the various accents in Austra- lian English and New Zealand English may be seen as forming a continuum with the Received Pronunciation of Great Britain, each one, including RP, simply being a variant along the line. In the articulation of most sounds, especially the consonants, there would be close agreement, and because the documentation on RP is widely available, it will be conveniently taken in what fol- lows as the base for comparison, and only those features in which Australian and New Zealand English vary markedly from it will be described. The most comprehensive investigation of the Australian accent is the one conducted by Mitchell and Delbridge (1965) in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It confirmed some earlier ob- servations (especially by Mitchell) on the varieties within Australian English and clarified and

87 greatly enhanced our understanding of them. The results of the survey pointed to three major va- rieties of Australian English: Broad, General, and Cultivated. These may be recognized only at the diaphonic level, and their differentiation hinges largely on the production of six sounds: The following passage offers a good illustration of the Broad accent. It is transcribed from the conversation of a girl in a large country town and was collected by Mitchell and Delbridge during their survey. As they comment, "her speech is broad, with noticeable assimilation and

contextual nasality" (1965. p. 88):

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¤   ¤ ¢ ¢ ¤ © ¢ § ¤ ¤ © ¤ ¢ ££ v ¡r i ta-d frm trævli ænd wi g t kw it k t s ı h r in z ı w z [Um . . . last weekend my . . . aunt and parents went out bi . . . to Lis-more because . . . my aunt was sick 'n they brought her down she had ophthalmic shingles and . . . the doctor said it was the worst case that he'd ever seen . . . and . . . when she came down she would . . . have only been out of hospital little while and she was very tired from travelling . . . and we er got quite a

shock to see her  as she was . . . ] [Mitchell and Delbridge 1965, pp. 26, 85] Mitchell and Delbridge found that the distribution of speakers across these three varieties was: Broad Australian, 34 percent; General Australian, 55 percent; Cultivated Australian. 11 percent. They would not, however, want these figures to be taken too literally, as suggesting that the Australian community is divided into three neat compartments. There are borderline cases between Broad and General, General and Cultivated, and instead of watertight segments one should think in terms of a continuum with speakers being found at every point along the scale. The figures quoted for each variety are thus only suggestive of the relative tendencies within Australian speech. In their conclusions, Mitchell and Delbridce state: Our account of the sounds of Australian English implies a single phonemic segmental struc- ture with a range of diaphonic variations that are socially meaningful throughout the continent. [1965, pp. S6-87] Delbridge (1970. p.20) has since elaborated these conclusions: Statistically, at least, one can say that the choice a person makes of a speech variety is af- fected by a complex set of factors, chief among which are the sex of the speaker, the type of school attended, his family background, and his residence either in the city or the country. Girls tend towards Cultivated and General forms, boys towards General and Broad. Cultivated speech correlates significantly with the higher occupations, independent schools, and city life. But there emerged no geographical or cultural boundaries for diaphones, and speakers of each of the main varieties could be found anywhere within the same city or town, the same school and even the same family. One feels some confidence in believing that what emerged from the inspection of this limited corpus would reappear in a still wider investigation, were it to be undertaken, though the category proportions would no doubt reflect the altered sample. No equally comprehensive survey of New Zealand pronunciation has been made, but it would appear to have divisions with characteristics very similar to Australian English, though the broad accent is perhaps not quite as marked. New Zealanders can be differentiated from Aus-

tralians, however, by their practice of centralizing [i] so that the contrast between [i] and [ §] is

blurred, if not lost altogether, with the result that [tin] is articulated as [t § n]. The starting point § for [i §] also seems to be higher, and the diphthong approaches [i ]. In addition to these dia- phonic or realizational differences, there are a number of distributional differences, which distin- guish Australian and New Zealand English from RP. One is the sound at the end of such words

as happy and pity, which is articulated as [ §i] in Broad and General, moving to [i] in Cultivated,

but not [i] as in RP. The unstressed vowel in pocket, painted , and buses occurs as a central [ §]. That studies so far have not uncovered distinct regional varieties in Australia is to some de- gree surprising, given the isolation of the early settlements– Perth was two months' sailing from 88 Sydney–and the continued relative isolation of some small communities today. Some members of the general public would refute this view and claim that they can recognize from what state an individual comes. But this evidence is scanty and based on occasional differences. They will ar- gue that South Australians can be recognized by the way they pronounce school ([skul] instead

of [sk ul]), or Victorians by the fact that they say [kæsl] and not [kasl]. These same people, however, overlook the fact that not all South Australians or Victorians have these features, and their limited experience blinds them to the fact that these pronunciations may be heard else Moreover, these pronunciations are restricted to one or two words. Those who substitute [æ] for [a] in castle still preserve [a] in park and ta Concrete evidence for regional varieties in Australia is not available at present, and far more work needs to be done. Hawkins (1973. p.3) argues that much the same situation obtains in New Zealand English. There is remarkable little regional variation within New Zealand itself; there is no Auck- land accent for example, which is characteristically distinct from a Wellington or Christchurch or Napier accent. The exception is a uvular fricative [r] found in parts of Southland and West- land, a throwback to the Scottish ancestry of the inhabitants of these wild and remote outposts of the country. Several theories have been advanced to account for the rise of a distinctive Australian accent. There is the folk myth that it is the product of climate and terrain, the result especially of efforts to combat dust and flies. A more serious explanation sees the Australian accent as flowing from an amalgam and leveling of all the various British dialects that were transported to Australia, a leveling which was encouraged by the fact that the majority of early Australians came from the same southeastern area of England and by the mobility of the early population among the main areas of settlement. Lacking more positive evidence, this theory has come to be accepted by most, though it is also realized that it has certain deficiencies. In particular, it leaves unexplained why the same result came to be produced in widely scattered settlements, some of which in the early history of the country were quite isolated. What we can say with certainty, however, is that a distinctive form of pronunciation developed very early, within two or three decades at most. This is confirmed by comments in early descriptive accounts of Australia, which also suggest that the dialects of London were making a major contribution. Cunningham, for instance, ob- served, that "the London mode of pronunciation has been duly ingrafted on the colloquial dialect of our Currency youths"(1827, vol, 2. p. 60). As for the origin of the varieties within Australian English, it is critical to understand exactly the significance of Cultivated as a label for one of the accents of Australian English.' J. R. L. Bernard (1967, p. 648) comes close to the mark in his proposal that Cultivated Australian arises from an attempt on the part of its speakers to emulate RP. It is, then, to a large extent an acquired accent, a deliberate attempt motivated by social aspirations to modify one's initial accent. That it is not exact RP is explained by this origin, and in support of this contention is the telling point that many Australians regard the Cultivated variety as affected. In this view, then, the Broad ac- cent may be seen as the historical base, with the General and the Cultivated growing out of it. Australia and New Zealand still await thoroughgoing investigations of variation at the lexical and grammatical levels, similar to those conducted in Great Britain and the United States. In the meantime, what seems to be the preeminent characteristic of these two forms of English is their overall uniformity, particularly on a regional basis, which may partly be explained by the heavy concentration of the population in a few centers. But there is not complete homogeneity. One buys an ice-cream soda in some areas, but a spider in others. What is called a pusher in South Australia is known as a stroller in New South Wales. Queensland stores still advertise duchesses , which are called dressing tables elsewhere. Strawberries are sold in punnets in Sydney and chips in Melbourne. Port is a more common variant of suitcase in some regions. Deli (an abbreviation of delicatessen ) and stubie (an electric light pole) seem to be restricted to South Australia. Din- ner in country regions is more likely to be the midday meal, whereas in urban areas the clash be- tween dinner and tea for the evening meal is a social matter. In the middle of the morning at school, children are given a recess, and what is eaten at that time is known variously as play lunch, little lunch , and (mainly in Western Australia) morning piece. The piles on which a house 89 is built in Queensland to raise it well above the ground for circulation of air are called stumps. In tropical Queensland, evening refers to any time after midday. An ice cream carton holding a small portion is a pixie in Victoria but a bucket in New South Wales. Both Australia and New Zealand share the term southerly buster to refer to a particular type of wind, but many districts have their own special names for local features of the weather. Al- though in Sydney one normally hears southerly buster, in the old days the term brickfielder was used from the fact that a brickfield lay to the south and the wind would blow dust from it over the township. In Freemantle a cooling afternoon sea breeze is known as the Freemantle doctor . In the north of Australia a cyclone will be referred to as a cockeye bob , while in Greymouth, New Zealand, the barber is a cutting, unpleasant wind. There have always been close ties between Australia and New Zealand and a constant flow of people in both directions. In earlier times, seasonal workers would move from country to country pursuing their trade, as the "season" normally began earlier in Australia. It is not surpris- ing, therefore, that the two forms of English should share so much in common. But differences may also be found. The Australian weekender is likely to be a bach in New Zealand. A building site for a home is a section in New Zealand but a block or lot in Australia: houses erected by the government are known as state houses in New Zealand but housing commission houses in New South Wales. Then, too, the presence of Maori borrowings in New Zealand and Aboriginal bor- rowings in Australia serves to set the two forms apart. The innovation of an indigenous style of football, known officially as Australian National Football but more commonly as Australian Rules by supporters of other codes, has led to a num- ber of new terms being developed (e.g.. behind, ball-up ) alongside others taken over either unal- tered or slightly modified in sense from established football games. Though less than a century old, there has developed in association with the game considerable variation in terminology from state to state (see Eagleson and McKie 1968-69). In Victoria and South Australia, for instance, check-side is used for a kick designed to make the ball curve in flight, but the term is not in use in other states nor does it appear in official publications. On the other hand, knock ruckman and left centre occur in New South Wales and South Australia but not in Victoria. The Australian dried fruit industry operates in the three states of New South Wales, South Australia, and Victoria. Despite the fact that the growing areas are dependent on the same Murray River and are not too widely separated from one another. Sharwood (1974), in an inves- tigation of the terminology of the industry, came across considerable regional variation. What is a silly plough in New South Wales become a crazy plough or a gooseneck in Victoria and a cranky plough in South Australia. These two studies demonstrate the latent possibilities in wider- ranging investigations of regional variation in Australia and New Zealand. Certain industries and activities in both countries have developed, as might be expected, spe- cialist terminologies mainly known by those engaged in them. To take just two illustrations, there are the many specialist terms connected with the shearing industry, such as boggi, the name for a shearer's handpiece which arose because of a resemblance in shape with the boggi lizard, gun shearer 'the fastest shearer in the shed', and wets dags, and snohs , all names for different types of sheep. From the well-known Australian form of gambling, two-up , which is also called swy (based on German zwei), comes ringie the man in charge of the ring around which the gamblers assemble: spinner, the person who tosses the coins: and kip , the thin piece of board used to toss them. If an industry operates only in one part of the country, such as sugarcane growing, then the terminology is also on the whole regionalized, so that screw down as the term for a particular type of railway truck is not used and hardly known outside northern New South Wales and Queensland. In the discussion of pronunciation above, it was observed that the accents in Australian English were socially determined. Not until the last decade, however, has any serious attention been given to discovering whether social groupings within the community had characteristic markings in other areas of language. My recent work (Eagleson 1976) has shown that such grammatical structures as the following may be heard among the poorer, less educated sections of the community: Tommy brang his dog to school. He said "No, but it's wrote up out there." 90 It's the way they been brought up. … had it have been the boot on the other foot. You was at work a lot with Lynn. Then she weren't served any more.

The water don't go far. Her and Malcolm were mates. He turns his face and won't have nothing to do with a person, doesn't he'? They're more harder to clean where the English bikes are more simpler. Then they seen them dummies. The evidence suggests that there is a group of people for whom these patterns are the regular and constant practice. They cannot be regarded simply as a series of errors, a substandard form of the language. They are more ingrained and occur in writing as well as in speech. They have all the strength of a nonstandard dialect, and many of them figure in distinguishing social class in other varieties of English around the world. It would seem, then, that in Australia we should give recognition to the existence of a non- standard social dialect alongside the standard one. Given the background of the population, its presence is hardly exceptional, and its existence today might well be seen as a preservation of an old rather than the creation of a new form of Australian English. As already noted, Australia and New Zealand were established as British colonies, and for most of their history they remained for all intents and purposes British. While there were immi- grants from other countries and even a few national settlements such as the Germans in the Barossa Valley, South Australia, and an Italian community around Innisfail in north Queensland, these additions to the basic British stock were minute and had no influence on the character of English. Since 1950 and the commencement of the postwar immigration policy, there has been a dramatic shift. Today 20 percent of Australians–some 2.5 million people–were not born in an English-speaking country or have at least one parent of non-English-speaking origin. These re- cent migrants have come with a variety of language backgrounds: Latvian. Yugoslav, Greek, French, German. Italian. Dutch, and more recently Turkish, Lebanese, and Vietnamese, to men- tion but a part of the total. Until recently, most have been scattered through the community; it is only in the past few years that one has become conscious of national groupings forming in some of the major cities. Moreover, there has been pressure on these people both self-imposed and from society at large to learn to use English. As a result of these factors and because of the short period of time involved, this marked change in the linguistic makeup of the Australian community has not yet had any significant in- fluence on Australian English itself. The only obvious effect so far lies in the contribution of new terms connected with items of living, which the migrants have introduced to the native-born Australians and which have now been absorbed into the general way of life. Not surprisingly most of them are names of various foods and beverages: sauerkraut, ravioli. Pizza, espresso, ge- lato, goulash, schnitzel, cappucino, tambourlie, Bolognese, tambora, and spumoni. Greater competition has probably existed among the different branches of English than be- tween English and foreign languages. There has been a tension in particular between American and British English. American English made a contribution from the beginning but indirectly via British English. The British in general, and the civil service in particular, had acquired many terms in governing the American colonies. Bushranger, land shark, location, and squatter are most likely to have entered Australian English in this way, though they have acquired a local coloring since. During the gold rushes in the mid-nineteenth century, Americanisms entered Australian Eng- lish directly, introduced by the miners from California and other North American goldfields. To the American gold diggers we might trace prospect and bowie knife. America and things Ameri- can have been growing in prestige, particularly since the close contact between the nations in the Second World War. The United States was seen as the hub of modernity and progress, and Aus- tralians and New Zealanders have been open to influence, while some have sought actively to

91 imitate and adopt Americanisms. In consequence, Australian and New Zealand English have a fair share of American terms: babysit, windbreak, level with, punk, beach buggy, neck 'kiss, ca- ress", jazz, heel 'cad', troubleshooter, and sundae are just a few of the total complement. Perhaps the most ironic borrowing of all from American English is kangaroo court 'a self-appointed court without legal constitution'. What is especially interesting in this context is the conflict, which has sometimes arisen be- tween a British and an American term in Australian English. Lorry, for instance, was once the regular term, but it has now been all but displaced by truck. Lift is giving way to elevator, espe- cially on signs in modern skyscrapers. Modern highways are called expressways and sometimes freeways, but never motorways, the British term. Motorway, however, is used in New Zealand. But not always has the American rival won out. Biscuit, dole, chemist, and nip still retain local allegiance instead of cookie, welfare, drugstore, and shot . Australian and New Zealand cars still have a boot, not a trunk, and are filled with petrol, not gas. One can come across Australian beauticians, and undertakers now style themselves funeral directors rather than morticians. Dia- per (instead of nap-pie) may be heard, though infrequently, from a few under the influence of American films and advertisements, but faucet would never be used instead of tap. Sometimes terms of different origins seem to be in a state of coexistence. Such pairs are kiosk and snack bar, ring me and phone me, let and lease, convenience and rest room, bubbler and water foun- tain, alternative and alternate, holiday and vacation . On the other hand, Australians have pre- served some independence and have adopted neither underground nor subway in connection with their urban railway system. The British register one's luggage and American check one's baggage have been evenly merged into check one's luggage in New Zealand (see Turner 1972). Both Australia and New Zealand had been settled by other races before the British arrived, but in neither case were the original inhabitants very numerous. In Australia, the Aborigines, it is esti- mated, numbered 200.000. They were scattered over the vast continent and lived a nomadic exis- tence grouped into some 600 tribes, each with its own language or distinctive dialect. It is now ac- cepted that there were about 200 different languages, although these are now seen as belonging to five main language families. In New Zealand, the Maoris also numbered about 200,000 at the be- ginning of the nineteenth century. They inhabited mainly the warmer northern island. Both races suffered at the hands of the white men. Their numbers seriously declined during the nineteenth century as a result of killing and susceptibility to disease introduced by the Euro- peans. By 1900, for instance, the Maori population had fallen to 50.000. Gradual enlightenment among the white population and improvement in policies have produced a halt to this diminution in recent decades, and today the population figures are 161,000 Aborigines and 270,000 Maoris, with the Aborigines now being the fastest-growing section of the community in Australia. Given the lexical needs of the early settlers, it is perhaps surprising that the number of bor- rowings from the languages of the peoples who already inhabited Australia and New Zealand is quite small. In Australia there were several obstacles to more extensive borrowing from the Abo- riginal languages. The way of life and the pursuits of the races were completely different. The Aboriginal languages were not geared to help those who wanted to introduce European agricul- ture and industry. Whites, as was typical in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, generally despised the Aborigines because of their black coloring and their way of life. More were con- cerned with driving the Aborigines away than with learning from them. The Aborigines were essentially nomads, and contact was intermittent; they congregated in small tribes, and each tribe had its own dialect or separate language. There was no one uniform Aboriginal language to which the white settlers were continually exposed, with the result that their knowledge of Abo- riginal languages in the formative period of the white settlement was flimsy, and the presence of variants led to uncertainty and hesitation in using any one form. Despite these obstacles to borrowing, as the customs and practice of the inhabitants were strange to the British, it is perhaps not quite unnatural that in this direction at least the British would take over some terms from the indigenous languages: Aboriginal words such as corrobo- ree "a ceremonial dance', boomerang 'a curved throwing stick", woomera "a wooden stick with a hooked end used for throwing a spear', and gunya 'hut', in Australian English, and such Maori 92 items as haka "war dance', pa "fortified village', hongi 'form of greeting', and of course Maori itself in New Zealand English. As the pioneers came to learn something of the native languages, so also they began to take over their names for flora and fauna. Waratah, wallabv, koala, kurra- jongs, mulga, and quandong were all borrowed from Australian Aboriginal languages. From the Maoris came such names as kauri, tutu, mategowne, moa, kiwi, and katipo. Contact with the original occupiers led to a small number of more general terms also finding their way into English. Perhaps the best known from Maori is pakeha 'European' or 'white', but paua 'a shellfish used in jewelry', whare 'a small house', and toheroa 'a shellfish from which soup is made', are also in regular use. In Australian English, there are gibber 'stone, boulder". bung 'useless, ruined. Bankrupt’, bombora 'dangerous eddying of water caused by a concealed reef of rocks', and coo-ee 'the call used to attract attention'. Coo-ee has become so well established that it has largely displaced hail in such collocations as within hail, most if not all Australians now preferring within coo-ee. From the early days there has also been a good sprinkling of Maori and Aboriginal place names, such as Rotorua, Waikarenoana, Moana, and Tauronga in New Zealand, and Goodooga, Panitya, and Porongerup in Australia. In more recent years, there have been conscious efforts to use more such names and where feasible to revive ones which had been discarded. But leaving place names out of account, it must be recognized that the borrowing from the native languages has been relatively slight. Sometimes the borrowings from the Aboriginal and Maori languages were not immediate, and a purely English invention was first employed as a name. Thus in early writings we can come across, for example, settler's clock or laughing jackass and native dog . Then for a period these coinages existed alongside, and only subsequently gave way to, the Aboriginal kookaburra and dingo . In New Zealand parson bird has finally been overcome by the Maori name tui. As for the acquisition of the English language by Aborigines and Maoris, one finds the full range from broken and Pidgin English, through a creole to nonstandard to a complete mastery of Standard English. In the outback areas, where tribal groupings can be relatively isolated from the white community. Aboriginal languages continue in daily use. Among such people a type of Pidgin English is also employed. In the Roper River area, for example, it has been discovered that the younger generations have all but abandoned their fathers' tongue and have creohzed an earlier pidgin. Its features are reflected in the following transcript of part of a story told by a member of the local tribe: dijan–de bin aide go. de bin aide luk dat bigwan. big tri bin jandab. belam–blam tri. diswan. de bin libam dat big tri. ledi jandab. de bin aide luk dat yarj tri, e? pilam. de bin luk an bletnim. bin kadim. de bin kadim an grebam. grebam, megi lilwan. megi flatwan prabli. gidim redwan. megim baya. megim baya an barnim. megim jilagwan. bindimbak an pu-dim dat ton ek. [This (tree)–they always went to one. The always looked for a big one. A big tree standing, a plum tree, this one. They left the big trees, let (them) stand. They always looked for a young tree, see? A plum. They found one and flattened it, (and) cut (it). They (would) cut (it) and scrape (it), scrape (it) (and) make (it) small, make (it) really Mat. (They would) get a hot coal (lit. 'red one'), (and) make a tire, make a fire and heat (it). (They'd) make it flexible (slack), bend it back and put the stone axe (head) (on it).] [Sharpe and Sandefur 1976, p. 71] Elsewhere in northern Australia different groups have developed what might be recognized as Aboriginal English. The pronunciation is marked by a retroflexive quality which reflects the influence of Aboriginal languages, and the grammatical structure exhibits such features as: 1. bin as marker of past tense: (h)e bin find a big fat one: that man bin come inside bar 2. Omission of copula: we just playing: lie half-caste 3. Absence of plural number inflection: how many huncle you got? 4. Absence of possessive marker: one little boy trouser Except for the very old Aborigines in an urban setting have lost their indigenous languages. For the most part they speak a nonstandard form of English with virtually the same characteris- tics as the nonstandard variety of English spoken by whites; most would also speak largely with a Broad accent. At the poorer end of the socioeconomic scale they find their dwellings and their 93 occupations among whites of a similar status and naturally adopt that form of English to which they are exposed. The contemporary Aboriginal writer, Robert Merritt, captures some of the fla- vor of the Aborigine living in regular contact with whites in his play The Cake Man : Look, I'll tell you something. No laughing, you're not allowed to laugh but you gotta try to listen and not call me a liar or laugh. I'm not no liar ask Rube, ask my missus, she'll tell you that's one thing about me, that I ain't a liar .one thing I'm not. [pause] You every heared of a eurie-woman? You say it like that, eurie-woman. No? Never heared of one a' them? Well listen, then. I'll tell you what's a eurie-woman, and what it is I want here. I was working at Killara Station . after I had me feed. I wrent an' laid down on me bed an' started readin' this gubba book I had .[Wide-eyed] an' all of a sudden I heerd this emu drummin' somewhere close. I got up an' wen' outside an' stoked up the fire, an' all the time this emu was still drummin'. I's tmn' to hear 'zactly where it was so I could find that nest hen the drummin' started closer to the tent. I was just sorta curious, like, y'know? Not all Aborigines and Maoris use the sort of English imitated by Merritt, and many have ac- quired standard varieties through the schools. But Standard English is not necessarily recognized as a prestige variety within the Aboriginal community, and it is sometimes called flash language with pejorative overtones. While children and teenagers may be expected and even encouraged to learn the standard, they will also be expected to use a nonstandard variety in the home and re- lated social situations, and they will "talk flash" only in non-Aboriginal settings. Although its practice may be uncertain and its understanding less than precise, in principle the whole community in both New Zealand and Australia holds that standard English is the only form of the language which is acceptable in serious or formal situations: education, government, and commerce. Its witting displacement in writing would only be condoned if it served some ar- tistic purpose–to amuse, parody, ridicule, or reveal. There is no dispute about this, and those who consider their master of the standard imperfect still maintain its importance. At a more abstract level when Australian English per se is considered, however, there are conflicting opinions within the community. Even in the early days of the settlement, the quality of Australian English seems to have been a matter of debate. Visitors and officials frequently commented on it. To Dixon (1822, p. 46), a visitor to both New South Wales and Tasmania, it was "purer, more harmonious, than is generally the case in most parts of England," but to Cun- ningham (1827, vol. 2, p. Ml) it was corrupt. As time passed Australians themselves came to express opinions about their language. The accent in particular has been condemned by many members of the general public. Typical of this outlook is the following extract from a letter to a Sunday newspaper: It is safe to say that however it [the Australian accent] came about, no greater millstone was tied around the neck of any nation. The Australian accent at its worst brands every one of us whether we speak it or not as un- couth, ignorant and a race of second-class people. [Sydney Sim-Herald. 3 February 1974. p. 78] Much of this popular condemnation reflects, no doubt, a characteristically colonial false sense of inferiority, an outlook which regards the mother country as the source and center of cul- ture, the preserver of refinement. There may be a touch of snobbery, a pretense that one has more taste than one's countrymen, or a servile acceptance of the brash judgments of British visitors for fear of appearing uncultured. Despite the strengthening awareness of national independence, es- pecially since the 1940s, it is interesting to see that unfavorable remarks are still being made and seem to be as common as ever. The situation has been contused by the invention of strine in the mid sixties (Lauder 1965). Strine is in essence a party game, a brain teaser, depending for its success on the inadequacies of normal English orthography to represent sounds in combination: ebb tide 'hunger, desire for food', as in "I jess dono watser matter. Norm, I jess got no ebb tide these dyes" (Lauder 15. p. 16). It amounts to a caricature of the assimilations and sometimes excessive elisions which occur in rapid, informal speech in all countries. It purportedly arose from an experience of a visiting British novelist, who, while autographing copies of her novel in a city department store, misin- 94 terpreted an Australian's query "Emma Chisett" (the strine representation) as her name, rather than as a version of how much is it ? The item strine itself is supposed to indicate the way many say Australian. Proportion of the general public has taken the parody seriously and have come to believe that strine is a true representation of how Australians speak most of the time. The publication of ex- amples of strine served only to confirm them in their belief that Australians are slovenly in ar- ticulation. Although the active invention of strine items and jokes has ceased, the term has been kept alive by journalists as a way of referring to the distinctive quality of English in Australia. In current use it is rather vague in sense and imprecise in application but most frequently carries an implication of disapproval. At the level of lexis, however, one is more likely to find the reverse attitude. Here there is almost a jingoistic pride in the capacity of Australians who are lauded as extraordinary linguistic innovators. Highly influential was Sidney Baker, who in the first edition of The Australian Lan- guage gave strong voice to the inventiveness of Australians and wrote of their "linguistic revolu- tion."" But Baker was not alone in this thinking, and others have either echoed or independently propounded similar views. Gunn (1970. p. 54) writes of the "Australian love of the truncated term" (e.g.. the reduction of fiddley did to fiddley or even fid ) and the "love of the familiar di- minutives" (e.g., wharfie 'wharf laborer" and garbo 'garbage man '). Many in the population hold that Australians are particularly creative in the realm of rhyming slang, such as Joe Blake (= snake), trouble and strife (= wife). Uncle Willie (- silly), and butcher's hook (= crook, i.e., sick or bad). Perhaps there is a kind of inverted snobbery operating in this glorifying of slang and less respectful expressions. This view of lexis, like the one, which condemns the accent as ugly, is more sentimental and emotional than rational. It simply asserts but never produces concrete evidence to establish that Australians are more inventive than English speakers in other countries; and its claimants are na- ively ignorant of the English language elsewhere, frequently boasting of items which actually originated (as some of the examples above testify) in the United Kingdom or North America The sad fact about these unenlighted led discreditors and enthusiasts is that they have served to distract the community from a proper assessment of the contribution that English speakers in Australasia have made to world English. The emphasis has fallen too much on the informal as- pect of the language, on glorying in such expressions as come the raw prawn, full as a good, fir as a Mallee bull, stone the crows, and this side of the black stump . Too little attention has been given to meaning extension, although this process adds at least as much to creating a distinctive form of language. The result has been a lack of concerted support for a serious investigation of English in the region, and efforts at balanced descriptions of Australian English have been largely individual and extremely spasmodic. For ail the expansions and changes that have been described by far the largest proportion of Australian and New Zealand English would be uniform with British English. There may have been additions, deletions, and modifications, but by far the strongest force has been retention. Nowhere is this more clearly seen than in grammatical structure, where the changes have been minuscule. Moreover, most of the growth at the levels of lexis and grammar that has taken place in the English language in Great Britain since 1788 has also been transported to Australia and New Zealand. It is not that, once parted from their homeland, the speakers in these two countries pursued a com- pletely separate linguistic development. Instead there has been a constant interplay and exchange. The stages in semantic extension through which module, for example, have passed in recent years in Britain and the United States have been duplicated in New Zealand and Australia. That there has been this preservation and continuity of so much has a natural explanation: culture, occupations, and life-styles are essentially British and European. Australians and New Zealanders have never attempted to adopt the life-styles of the Aborigines or the Maoris, but simply recreated as much as they could the traditions and ways of life of their homeland. For decades, and until recently, textbooks used in schools were mainly produced in Great Britain and tended to perpetuate the British tradition. On the other hand, the exchange has not always been one way, and words and meanings devised in the Southern Hemisphere have passed into the 95 speech of those in the north. Obvious examples are the borrowings from the Aboriginal and Maori languages, such as wallaby, boomerang, and kiwi , but there are internal claimants as well, such as finalize and ropeable . British items–for example, larrikin and barrack –have occasionally been refurbished in the south and returned home again in a revitalized form. The English language in Australia and New Zealand, then, is very similar to the English iii other major English-speaking countries, but it is not the same We may definitely recognize Aus- tralian English and New Zealand English as separate entities, but still very much part of the fam- ily–forms of English making their own special contribution to world English.

NOTES

1. Cockatoos arc lookouts posted to warn of the arrival of the police at school.1, or sites where two-up, a gambling game involving betting on the outcome of.spinning pairs of coins, is played A shivoo (cf Anglo-English shindy) was formerly a more riotous event; chiacking in- volves teasing or, sometimes, ridicule.

2 Hawkins (1973, pp. 4-5) argues that "the evidence strongly suggests that [i] and [ ] should be merged as a single phoneme" and observes that this development comes close to amounting to a systemic difference between RP and New Zealand English Australians recognize New Zea- landers by this feature especially. 3. Early descriptions had used the label educated, but this was abandoned because it was open to misinterpretation, suggesting to some that the accent was the prerogative and the mark of the educated. 4. For example, Sharvvood (1965) showed that there was little Italian influence on the pho- nology of local Australian English beyond the first generation, even in the lone- established set- tlements in Innisfail and Ingham. 5. The name settler's clock arose because the kookaburra welcomes first light with its pierc- ing laugh and so served to wake the settler to his daily labor. 6. To be fair to Baker, he tempered his remarks somewhat in the second edition.

REFERENCES

Baker, Sidney J. The Australian Language. Sydney: Angus and Robertson. 1945 2d ed Syd- ney: Curravvong Press, 1966 Bernard. J. R. L. Some Measurements of Some Sounds of Australian English. Ph.D disser- tation. University of Sydney. 1967 Cunningham, Peter Miller. Two Years in New South Wales. 2 vols. London: Henry Col- burn. 1827. Delbndge. Arthur. The Recent Study of Spoken Australian English. In English Transported, edited by W. S. Ramson. pp. 15-31. Canberra: Australian National University Press. 1970. Dixon. John. Narrative of a Voyage to New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land. Edin- burgh. John Anderson. 1822. Eagleson, Robert D. The Evidence for Social Dialects in Australian English In Australia Talks. Essays on the Sociology of Australian Immigrant and Aboriginal Languages, edited by Michael Clyne, pp. 7-27. Canberra: Australian National University Press. 1976. Eagleson, Robert D., and McKie, Ian. The Terminology of Australian National Football, Australian Language Research Centre Occasional Papers. 12(1968): 1-24, 13(1968). 1-27; 14(1969):l-26. Gunn, J. S. Twentieth-Century Australian Idiom. In English Transported, edited bv W. S. Ramson, pp. 49-68 Canberra: Australian National University Press. 1970 Hawkins. P. The Sound Patterns of New Zealand English. In AULLA Proceedings: edited by Keith I D. Maslm, pp 13 1-138 Svdney: Australasian Universities Language and Literature As- sociation, 1973

96 Lauder, Atterbeck [pseud .]. Let Stalk Strine. Sydney Ure Smith. 1965. McAuley, James. A Map of Australian Verse. Melbourne. Oxford University Press. 1975 Merritt. Robert J. The Cake Man. Sydney: Currency Press, 1478. Mitchell. A G., and Delbndge Arthur. The Speech of Australian Adolescents. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1965 Sharpe, Margaret ., and Sandetur. John. The Creole Language of the Katherine and Roper River Areas. Northern Territory. In Australya Talks: Essays on the Sociology of Australian Im- migrant and Aboriginal Languages, edited by Michael Clyne, pp. 6.3-77. Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976. Sharwood, J. Spoken English in the Two Areas of Italian Settlement in North Queensland. Master's thesis, University of Queensland, 1965. Stivens, Dallas. Jimmy Brockett: Portrait of a Soluble Australian. Svdney: Angus and Robertson. 1959. Turner. G. V. The English Language in Australia and New Zealand. 2d ed. London: Long- man, 1972. Wakefield, Edward Gibbon. A Letter from Sydney. London: Liveryman's Library, 1929.

Varieties of English – regional and social varieties of English around the world. The English Language in Australia and New Zealand Professor Diensberg

I. Introduction II. National Dictionaries or the Need for an Australian Dictionary III. Chronology of Australian English (AE) Colonial Period from the first settlement in 1788 up to 1850, the period preceding the gold-rushes, when Aus- tralia was first a penal and then a pastoral settlement Goldrush Period the period of the goldrushes, during which there was a rapid expansion, from a variety of sources, of a vocabulary previously restricted by the origins and occupations of the settlers. Nationalist Period the period from the 1890s until World War II when the establishing of a national identity be- came a major concern. Modern Period the period from World War II to the present, in which the overwhelming influence of the media has drawn Australia into a world-wide English-speaking community. IV. The Macquarie Dictionary edited by Arthur Delbridge first published 1981 by Macquarie Library Pty. Ltd. (Sydney) based on the Encyclopedic World Dictionary (EWD) preparation time: from 1970 to 1981 conception: general reference dictionary, covering the usage of Australian English V. The Australian National Dictionary (AND) edited by W.S.Ramson first published 1988 by Melbourne University Press based on a reading programme with trained readers preparation time: from 1978 to 1988 conception: account for Australianisms, based on historical principles

The settlement history of the Fifth Continent and its consequences for the linguistic situation of Australia and New Zealand 1770 Captain Cook lands at several places of the coast of Eastern Australia

97 1788 The First Fleet – the arrival of 730 convicts and 250 'free persons' marks the be- ginning of the settlement of Australia (Botany Bay) 1813 The Blue Mountain Ridge is crossed for the first time by white explorers 1823 Great Britain claims the whole of Asutralia as its own territory 1840 The deportation of convicts from England to Australia (penal colony) is sus- pended and, for the first time, the number of free settlers exceeds the population of convicts 1851 gold is found in New South Wales (NSW) and in Victoria – a 'gold rush' sets in (cf. California 1849) 1880 the beginning of the building of a system of railways 1890 The Great Depression 1899 The beginning of the 'Boer War' in South Africa (1899-1902) 'Boxer Rising'in China Australia becomes a Federal State 1914 Australia participates in the First World War (1914-18) 1939 Australia participates in the Second World War (1939-45) Australia participates in the Corea War (1950-53) 1951 The ANZUS Pact is signed (Australia/New Zealand/United States) 1966 Australia participates in the Vietnam War NEW ZEALAND 1840 Treaty of Waitangi New Zealand is no longer a 'dependency' of NSW 1907 New Zealand obtains the status of a British dominion

The Need for an Australian Dictionary Arthur Delbridge

The Macquarie Dictionary offers an account of Australian English. It is the first general ref- erence dictionary ever to present a set of entries for a comprehensive word list in which all the pronunciations, all the spellings, and all the definitions of meaning are taken from the use of English in Australia, and in which Australian English becomes the basis of comparison with other national varieties of English By Australian English we mean that form of English that originated early in the nineteenth century among the children of British settlers who were born and raised in the new colony. Australian English has had a continuing tradition ever since as the mother tongue of a large proportion of the Australian community. It is the national variety of English, and the variety which speakers of other varieties, or indeed of other languages, meet when they come to Australia, whether as visitors or as immigrants. The Macquarie Dictionary presents an account of the present state of Australian English, useful (one hopes) both to those who already have it as their mother tongue and to those who are interested in learning us charac- teristic features. Within the limits of a selection procedure constrained only by the sue of the book, the editors have presented information about the way English is used here in Australia, in the newspapers, in literature, in education, in government and public life, and in conversation however formal or informal This book is not a dictionary of Strine; not a dictionary to show either how inventive, unconventional, or even how uncaring Australians might be in matters of language Its objective is to give the Australian community carefully assembled information about its own use of Eng- lish within the tradition that began here about 150 years ago. For ordinary reference purposes there will now be no need for Australians to depend on a dic- tionary that describes the use of English in a community beyond these shores and no need for the leader to do his own editing, making allowance for the directions and indications that represent English or American usage but not Australian Our dictionary is not merely a dictionary of Austra- lianisms; that is, of the words and phrases that are peculiar to Australia, that represent us institu- tions and express (even glorify) us folk ways. Instead, it takes the whole general vocabulary that Australians use in their own speech and writing, and in most of then reading many of the common 98 words of world English have uses in Australia that are not adequately covered in any of the great dictionaries of the world and listening, and describes the range of uses of each of the words of the vocabulary in the Australian context. There are many words included in this specification, which are also in some sense 'world words', used with a fairly constant meaning all over the English- speaking world. But it is equally true that many of the common words of world English, words like Cation, yard, track, home, terrace, flat, have uses in Australia that are not adequately covered in any of the great dictionaries of the world: not in the whole family of Oxford dictionaries, not in the various dictionaries that take Webster's name. We must acknowledge the fact that the range of meanings of such words in Australia is different from the range they have in other parts of the world. This dictionary tries to do justice to the distinctiveness of Australian usage. The editors have spent most of their time on that central area of the vocabulary from which are drawn the common everyday words of formal, informal and colloquial communication among people in their everyday lives. But we have certainly not ignored the more peripheral ar- eas. Minorities and alternative cultures seemed to be too characteristic of our times to be ignored, and the dictionary tries to deal faithfully and extensively with the language of particular groups of people, not ignoring the younger generation, even in its possibly ephemeral manifestations: the flowerchild, the Jesus-freak, the onion in the gang bang, the surfie hanging five, the groupie, the acidhead, the rugger-bugger and ocker. Nor have we ignored the trades, the occupations, or the special areas of interest. The shearer, the sailor, the businessman, the scientist, the housewife, the foot bailer, the critic, the schoolchild – they all contribute to Australian English: they have every right to see their own language set out for reference in an Australian dictionary. Although this is not a dictionary based on historical methods, it nevertheless tries to meet the needs of Australians who are in touch with the history of the country, through literature, through

art, through conversations. It gives information about words which had some currency in earlier periods of Australian history and are now obsolete or in historical use only–words like alignment

system, brickfielder, budgeree, colonial experience, croppy, emancipist and lamb down: about words which have undergone changes in meaning in the out se of then Australian history– words like kludge, cove, creek, galah, hut, lagoon, mulga, muster, new chum, run and selection, and about the etymologies of words or senses introduced into English in Australia–such as cur- rency, dillybag, duffer, larrikin, offsider and rosella. In fact, The Macquarie Dictionary gives as much information as it is feasible to give language of particular groups. The flowerchild, the Je- sus-freak, the onion in the gang bang, the surfie hanging five, the groupie, the acidhead, the rug- ger-hugger and ocker within the format of a general reference dictionary and taking account of the present state of knowledge about the earlier periods of the history of Australian English. Ironically, while it makes available what is known, it performs the concomitant but salutary function of indicating just how little this is. Naturally, we could not prepare a book of this size without having access to another good dictionary for use-as a base. We were fortunate in having access to the Encyclopedic World Dic- tionary, published by Hamlyn in England in 1971. This dictionary was itself based on the well- known American College Dictionary, first published in 1969. Our first task was to decide what parts of the Encyclopedic World Dictionary could not ap- propriately be retained. These included all the encylopaedic entries; this is, all names of people and places, as such. More importantly, we deleted words, which the Australian reader would be unlikely to want to look up. We realized, of course, that the curiosity of our readers might be boundless–but we made the judgment (there being limitations of size and space) that any reader who was curious about, for example, that Hawaiian trigger fish called humuhumunukunukuapaa would not expect to find it in a dictionary of Australian English. Antidiseestablish mentarianism perhaps, but not humuhumunukunukuapaa. An Australian reader is less likely to want informa- tion about as many Scots terms, or even South African terms, as a British reader. So, many of these words had to go The EWD had had an unbridled African consultant whose enthusiasm for geelslangs (Cape cobras) geelslangs (yellow bill ducks) and maasbankers (horse mackerel) has now had to be restrained – in order to make mom for geebungs, wombats, etc.

99 We tried also to get i id of 'ghost words'–the flotsam that gets carried over from one dic- tionary to the next in the mildly plagiaristic activity every editor gets involved in when he con- sults (he word list of other dictionaries–words like abstersion tan absterging), abutter (owner of adjacent land), and accompt (account). Unless such words could be shown to have a currency, even in a restricted technical sense, we have been inclined to leave them out. The EWD had a large group of words and senses that belong to the British societal systems the nomenclature of army ranks, of police organization, of political structures, of parliamentary procedures, and of school systems. In the Royal Navy, for example, a midshipman of less than four years' stand- ing is informally called a youngster; the same word is used in the U.S Naval Academy for a midshipman in his second year, but in the Royal Australian Navy the word is not used at all in any specialised sense. We had to decide (in our culling process) whether the British and American naval uses of the word were worth keeping, just in case they should crop up m something an Australian is reading. Once the culling was done, we had to discover which of the words that were left had to be redefined because the definitions given were not appropriate to Australian use. Take as an exam- ple the sorts of houses we live in. The definition given in the EWD for the word terrace is quite inappropriate to the Australian use of the word. The definition refers to 'a row of houses running along the face or top of a slope, or a street with such a row or rows'. But the Australian notion is of a terrace as simply a row of houses, whatever the gradient or orientation, or of a house in such a row, each house being built right to us side boundaries, perhaps with common side walls. This is the Australian sense of the word, and an Australian dictionary should indicate it. The British sense, even if it is accurately reported, tan be retained only if it is seen to have some relevance for Australians The word veranda is defined in the E\VD as 'an open portico or gallery, usually roofed and sometimes partly enclosed, attached to the exterior of a house 01 other building; a piazza, porch, or gallery'. This sounds more than vaguely European, and does poor justice to the veranda in Australian domestic architecture, with its characteristic integration in the structure and functioning of the house. Surely, an Australian veranda is, rather, 'an open or partly open extension of the interior spaces of a house or other building beyond the main walls, usually cov- ered by an extension of the roof surface'. The word awning is defined as 'a rooflike shelter of canvas, etc., before a window or door, over a deck, etc., as for protection from the sun'. Which is fine as far as it goes, but it ignores the shop awning, which makes Australian shopping streets look so unlike British. European and American ones. We began, then, to discover the need to add words that had not been included in out base dictionary, because then use is confined to Austra- lia. Foi example, the FWD has no entry at all for home units, condominiums, duplexes project homes, villa homes, flalettes, or bachelor flats–and certainly none for o.y.o.’s ownyour own. It may be true that some at least of these are rather nasty commercial words, but they are in com- mon use, and the reader of this dictionary might need information about them. With this view of the task, the editors and the research staff have spent years leading news- papers horn cities and country towns throughout the continent They have gone through books written in Australia as far back as colonial times (though less than comprehensively), in order to find the Australian words that would not ordinarily find then way into a dictionary made in Eng- land or America. Large numbers of such words have been added, many of them belonging to the common vo- cabulary of everyday talk, some of them fetched out horn the intimate conversation of friends and families, and others more public, and drawn from vocational life.

Words have been included on the evidence of their being in rent, or of having been current in Australia at any time. We have not been influenced by necessarily doubtful estimations of the probable life span of some of these words. Many of them are certainly ephemeral, but their in- clusion in the word list should not depend on prophecies. If we could be persuaded of a genuine currency, then the words went in. What continued to amaze us is that the language is a bottom- less pit As the editors of the Oxford English Dictionary said, 'the circle of the English language has a well defined centre but no discernible circumference' We have been content to spend a fair amount of time gathering words from the misty perimeter of the Australian lexicon That is where the turbulence is, and where the material for a revised edition is taking shape.

100 The decision to include a word has not been based on any precise counting of occurrences in print. We have been ready to include words even on the solemn assurance of our research assis- tants that, of course, all their friends use it. Although the dictionary is not encyclopaedic in the sense that it gives information about par- ticular people and places, it shares with most modern dictionaries a conviction that its readers consult a dictionary not just for information on aspects of language, but for information about the things that words refer to For this reason special consultants were found, to advise the editors on the language of chemistry, geology, medicine, commerce, law, botany and so on. Their task was to remove from the word list of the EWD all those technical terms which are not current in Aus- tralia, to change the definitions of those needing to be changed, to add Australian terms where they are different, and to bring up to date the EWD treatment of the technical vocabularies of chemistry, etc. We made no comprehensive and consistent attempt to do justice to regional variations in lan- guage within Australia. Some well-known regional differences have been incorporated, however trivial they might seem. The word list acknowledges the fact that what in New South Wales is called peanut butter is called peanut paste in South Australia and Queensland; that meat pies served in a rather special way in South Australia are called floaters; that a suitcase is called a port in many parts of New South Wales and most of Queensland But not a great deal is yet known about the distribution of lexical items within Australia. The University of Sydney Australian Lan- guage Research Centre has been doing exploratory work in this field for some years, but so far not a great deal has been published. Meanwhile, any dictionary like this one will inevitably ignore a number of regional differences in vocabulary, and may even show some sort of bias in the selec- tion of vocabulary that reflects the usage of the State or city in which it is made. The only extensive regional information in this dictionary is what is included about the Eng- lish used in New Zealand. There have been two New Zealanders working on the dictionary pro- ject with us, and we have also been so fortunate as to get about one thousand New Zealand words and senses from Mr H. W. Orsman, whose collection of quotations from New Zealand writing forms the basis of the New Zealand entries in the New Supplement to the OED. We could make some claim, then, to be presenting New Zealand English in this book as well as Aus- tralian English.

THE WORD LIST

There are several classes of words in the list 1. General words – these are the words m general use among people of all walks of life. They cover the generally familiar aspects of our society. Because they are the commonest words they tend to have a greater complication of senses, and offer the greatest difficulty in definition It is much harder to state the meaning of to or have or set than the meaning antidisestablishmentatian- ism. This general vocabulary is broadly divided into two classes. Words in one class are labelled colloquial. Words so labelled are appropriate to or characteristic of conversational speech or writing, in which the writer or speaker is under no particular constraint to choose standard, for-

mal, conservative, deferential, polite or even grammatically unchallengeable words, but feels tree ¡ to hoose words, as appropriate, from the inf tina1 slang, vulga, or taboo elements of the lexi- con. In this dictionary no word is labelled slang, vulgar, coarse, illiterate, substandard or non- standard. There are difficulties in the use of each of these terms because words ate- chosen for particular effects in particular contexts, and individual judgments vary from one occasion to an- other. As the Preface to Webster's Third International concedes, 'no word is invariably slang'. The use of the word colloquial as a Libel in this dictionary applies to a very wide range of words. Chap is labelled Calloq., and so is bugger and so is fuck. There seems to be little justification for refusing to recognise the wilder shores of out vocabulary The Delegates of the Oxford University Press, as reported in The limes Literary Supplement, 13 October 1972, answered O; magazine's question about the puzzling omission of four letter word from the OED by admitting that no an-

101 swer other than a historical or pragmatic explanation could be given. The New Supplement to the OED notes the appearance in that Supplement of a full treatment of 'two ancient words, once considered too moss and vulgar to be given countenance in the decent environment of a diction- ary'. Our references to these words and some others like them are also frequent, but we leave it to the leader to judge where in the wide range of colloquialism any one word or phrase should be placed. We may be thought to have ducked a responsibility, but our view has been that it is unre- alistic in a lexicographer to interpose personal judgment or even committee judgment, on the ba- sis of taste, between a man and the words he swears by, thus departing from those canons of compromised objectivity which are all the lexicographer, poor harmless drudge that he is, has left to defend himself with. Those words, then, which are left unlabelled are therefore to be taken as perfectly acceptable in any context, formal or informal, though it must be admitted that there is room for individual judgment even with the unlabelled words. It is not so very long since the ladies of Victorian households insisted on draping the legs of a grand piano with a decent cover and on calling them limds, not legs, and not long since a broadcaster in Australia speaking on the ABC aroused a small storm of protest because he made use of the word breast-feeding in a talk to mothers. Ta- boo is not restricted to words of four letters, and the eyes of some beholders will doubtless see much worse than mere colloquialism in some of the words that bear the label Colloq. in The- Macquarie Dictionary. Among the words of the general list (whether marked Colloq or not) there are some which have no particular currency in Australia, but are included because Australians might want to be informed about then usage in other parts of the English speaking world, and perhaps to have their attention drawn to a contrast between Australian usage and some other. For example, lay-fy, in the sense of 'a part of a road or railway where vehicles may draw up out of the stream of traffic', is labelled Brit., for this sense is not current in Australia. The label Brit., for British, has been used for a good number of senses, which are found only in the British Isles. Thev are in fact Briticisms, and need to be distinguished from that great body of words and senses that belong to world English. The same explanation holds for inclusion of a small number of English dialect words and words from other great national varieties of English – the South African, the Canadian and (quite extensively) the New Zealand varieties. The national labelling of words in this dic- tionary is reversed from what one normally expects in English or American dictionaries. Words, which in those dictionaries would be given an Australian label are here not labelled at all; words, which in this dictionary are labelled Brit or US would in those dictionaries not be labelled at all. It has occasionally been necessary to warn the reader about the acceptability of particular words We have accordingly included in the definition an indication that a word is used offen- sively, or derogatively, or (especially in respect of grammar) that the word or phrase is not gen- erally regarded as correct usage Such indications have been used sparingly, especially since we have not had the sort of (admittedly doubtful) advantage that the American Heritage Dictionary had in its panel of 1000 judges to whom points of uncertain or disputed usage could be put. 2. The second large division of the vocabulary is of words in the specialist categories. We have presented an up to date treatment of a number of fields of special interest in the sciences, in commerce and business, in the professions, in the world of sport, in domestic interests, in intel- lectual activities. Our treatment covers not only those words which are the exclusive domain of particular professions and occupations, but also the distinguishing of particular senses of com- mon words which have a specialist aspect. Foreign words and phrases have been included in the word list in both the general and spe- cialist categories. Australia is essentially a monolingual country despite its long history of migra- tion from European and Far Eastern countries The effect of these migrations on our vocabulary has not, so tai, been very great, and the history of foreign words in Australian English owes more to European intellectual and artistic traditions than to our migration history In the professional language of many Australians, in law, in medicine, in music and the plastic arts, in cookery, in some sports and in the general vocabulary there is occasion for the use of foreign words and phrases from the classical sources and from contemporary modern languages Before including

102 them, we have ordinarily required some evidence that they are in some degree anglicized, and never simply direct uses of elements of languages known to the speaker or writer. If we have found that we are unable to identify an Australian pronunciation of any foreign word or phrase, we have omitted it. The treatment of pronunciation in The Macquarie Dictionary acknowledges the reality, vari- ety and distinctiveness of Australian practice. The editors have had the benefit of access to the recommendations of the Australian Broadcasting Commission's Standing Committee on Spoken English, of which three of the editors are members. But a dictionary is not there to make recom- mendations, especially recommendations based on the practice of a particular profession or insti- tution. Its editors are bound to report current practice, at least among Australian speakers who have a well-established competence in the language in general, or some special knowledge of the language of particular trades, occupations and interests. It could hardly be expected that the edi- tors of a general reference dictionary would feel the need to record the pronunciations of unculti- vated or incompetent speakers, or those of recently arrived migrants. 'The treatment of pronunciation in The Macquarie Dictionary acknowledges the reality, vari- ety and distinctiveness of Australian practice.' Each word is presented in a phonemic notation, using the symbols of the International Pho- netic Alphabet. This type of presentation has the advantage that each pronunciation can be inter- preted by the reader m terms of the values that each symbol has in his or her own variety of Aus- tralian English. Whether you speak Cultivated, General or Broad Australian, the dictionary will offer you a pronunciation, which you will automatically realise in the vowel sounds of your own particular variety. No one variety is given precedence, though where two or more variant pro- nunciations are recorded they are placed in an order (as far as it can be judged) of relative fre- quency of usage. The recording of pronunciation has been one of the most challenging aspects of the re- search program of the past eight years, throwing up a number of theoretical issues, which have been the subject of notes or papers in learned journals. It has been a facet of our work where official practice and popular usage have put conflicting pressures on the editors. Thus, even though the Metric Conversion Board has recommended the pronunciation of kilometer with the primary stress on the first syllable, and the Australian Broadcasting Commission has followed the Metric Conversion Board in this. TheMacquarie Dictionary has no particular ob- ligation to adopt the official recommendation, but recognises the currency of two pronuncia- tions, that one and the even more popular one that has the primary stress on the second sylla- ble. At the same time, we indicate which of the two pronunciations has been chosen for rec- ommendation by the Metric Conversion Board. The reasons for their choice, which we editors find it easy to acknowledge as logical and sensible, are not repeated here, but may be found in the Board's publications. Etymologies are presented in a form which we hope makes them readily accessible to the leader. Naturally we have concentrated on adding to the present knowledge of the origins of English words the fruits of what research has been done into the origins of distinctively Austra- lian words. This research is by no means complete but The Macquarie Dictionary does offer the most up to date account of endeavours in this field. In questions of spelling and morphology, the editors have seen an advantage in supporting ef- forts made to standardise usage. Almost without exception, they have followed the recommenda- tions of the Style Manual prepared for use in Commonwealth government departments, espe- cially in then publications. They have worked closely with members of the Metric Conversion Board, whose generous cooperation is gratefully acknowledged. They have consulted daily with parliamentary officers, army and navy personnel, museum staffs, public and private corporations, local government officials, and with the knowledgeable man in the street–indeed with the man in the street v\ho knew more about language, as it turned out, than he ever thought he knew. His is the language that is most distinctively and subtly Australian and that most severely challenges the art and skill of the lexicographer.

103 Australian Pronunciation J. R. L. Bernard

If one stops to listen to the speech of any one Australian town or city, it is clear that many different ways of pronouncing English exist there side by side. One reason for this is immedi- ately apparent. It lies in the fact that since the very first days of European settlement, Australia has been a migrant country. Whether the migrants were transported here as free citizens or bound is for present purposes irrelevant In the last century and the first part of this, these migrants came principally from the British Isles, all parts of which were represented; but after World War II increasing numbers came from other parts of Europe and, to some extent, from Asia. The population has thus always contained a large number of people, at present numbering several million, who were not born m Australia but who came to it speaking one of the many variants of British English or one of the many variants of foreign accented English. In the usual case, the migrants who were of mature age on arrival have tended to retain the manner of their original speech, albeit often with some accommoda- tions towards the local patterns These diversely speaking people, while certainly to be regarded now as Australians, have not provided the models for the pronunciations recorded in this diction- ary. These models have come from those only who were born and raised in Australia, 01 who arrived at a sufficiently early and plastic age to absorb us speech forms without modifying them in the light of a language previously learned. But even if one limits one's listening to this latter group, which does after all make up the larger part of the population, the pronunciation of English still appears as far from uniform. In this country in any one town or city the speakers of unaccented Australian English between them use a whole group of differing so called 'speech varieties'. Among these one easily distinguishes Broad Australian, which is marked by the most ex- treme expression of the local speech habits With the possible exception of the vowel /i/, as in hill, all the vowels and. most especially, all the diphthongs are given characteristic pronuncia- tions which cause them to stand apart from their counterparts in other forms of English. The con- sonants are not remarkable, being much the same as the great majority of English consonants elsewhere, at least when fully articulated. Broad speech is not, however, noted for consonantal clarity and is usually marked by much use of both assimilation and elision. Its speakers also tend to be among the less fluent and less verbally skilled of the community, but exceptions to this are by no means uncommon. Cultivated Australian, the prestige form, displays by contrast much less assimilation and eli- sion and its speakers tend in general to be more fluent and verbally able. Its vowels and diph- thongs are characteristically-Australian, but rather less so, and the diphthongs in particular, which so distinguish the Broad variety, approach much more closely the pattern of the diph- thongs of Southern British English and, indeed, of the prestige dialects of all English speaking countries. Cultivated Australian is a minority form spoken by perhaps a tenth of the population, and it is General Australian, which lies in all things between Broad and Cultivated, which the greatest number of speakers adopt. A fourth and numerically insignificant variety can be distinguished. This is Modified Austra- lian which is more 'cultivated' than cultivated. Its speakers are often taken to betray in their use of language a certain affectation and unpleasing self-consciousness. It is associated particularly with certain social and artistic groups. All the varieties, although modified least, share characteristically Australian intonation, rhythm and stress patterns and much else besides. Indeed adjacent varieties in the series Broad General Cultivated Modified are not really sharply differentiated but merge one into the other to make up a continuum called the spectrum of Australian English. Any one speaker may be ac- corded a position on this spectrum. Upper General, Lower Cultivated, etc., in the light of the choices that he or she makes from the variations available, but it is not to be expected that these choices will necessarily be homogeneous. Thus, for example, a General speaker may include in 104 his or her speech a particular diphthong or a pair of diphthongs which are expressed in a verv Broad manner. Nor is it to be expected that ranking in the spectrum will be unchanging. This is because Australians may adjust their choices either casually, as temporary circumstances dictate, or ha- bitually, as more permanent changes in situation seem to require. Most Australians have the ability to upgrade at will some distance in the spectrum in the direction of Cultivated when it seems appropriate under certain social pressures, and to drift unconsciously back again when relaxed. Most Australians, too, vary their base position in the spectrum to some extent at least as life unfolds. All this changing of spectrum position is so easily possible because the four varieties all re- spond to the same underlying language pattern. Unlike the various dialects within Britain or the United States they do not differ in the number or disposition of the basic sound units (or pho- nemes) to any appreciable extent, but only in the pronunciations accorded to these units, and even these pronunciations exist in familiar continuous ranges of value. Nowhere are there any violent breaks of pattern, and thus there is really only ONF. Australian dialect, which underlies all Australian speech. All the spectrum varieties, mutually intelligible and so largely inter- changeable, are merely differing ways of giving it vocal expression It will be apparent that the varieties have certain social overtones, and it is often a change in social standing which induces a particular speaker to vary his or her habitual choice of spectrum position, but the varieties cannot be shown to have significant regional overtones Paradoxically, while Australian pronunciation is everywhere various, it is various in much the same way across the length and breadth of us vast domain. Die few truly regional differences that do exist–a sound or two in Adelaide, a small number on the Bass Strait Islands and so on–are all too insig- nificant and low in frequency of occurrence to warrant elaboration here. Rather the picture is of a widespread homogeneity stretching from Cairns to Hobart, from Sydney to Perth, a uniformity of pronunciation extending over a wider expanse than anywhere else in the world.

ORIGINS

There can be no absolute certainty as to how the situation just outlined arose, but the most probable explanation draws strength from two facts, which can be observed in any Australian community: Although a child may learn basic language skills within the family, it is the peer group in the community, which will shape choice of speech variety. The Broad form is not generally highly regarded. It seems very likely that a distinctive Australian pronunciation arose very early in the coun- try's history during the decades which followed the settlement of 1788. Certainly colonial im- pressions have survived from several visitors in the 1 820s who make mention of a pronunciation sufficiently unusual and interesting to warrant then comment. Significantly all the writers, with- out exception, refer this pronunciation explicitly to the children ot the colony, the locally born, and the great likelihood is that it was the children of the first convicts and colonists generally, taking their speech variety as is normal from the community about them, who generated the first Australian pronunciation. The rough and violent community to which they turned was then speaking a heterogeneous mixture of the deracinated social and regional dialects from the whole of Britain, since every county made its contribution, willing or unwilling, to the settlement at Botany Bay. Accordingly the speech these children evolved was a sort of highest common factor of what was to be heard in the streets of Sydney Town, with a particular bias towards London English, since the London area contributed about a third of the convict population. This 'mixing'bowl' theory is widely accepted and has been used to explain the emergence of one dialect from a mixture of dialects in other countries, for example, that of Stage German in Germany, and indeed that of the precursors of Received Pronunciation in Britain. Within their countries neither of these is any more a regional dialect than is Australian English within Australia.

105 The 'mixing bowl' theory in the Australian context accounts only for the existence of Broad, however and to explain General, Cultivated and Modified one must give thought to the social standing of Broad. Although the early colony did contain folk of some erudition, as the elegance of many con- tributions to the Sydney Gazette can testify, it was in the main a brutal and uncultivated place The speech which emerged on the lips of its ragged, untutored in chins, most of them convict bastards, naturally bore the hallmarks of uneducated speech everywhere, and earned with it moreover a set of especially undesirable social associations. So it was that the speech, which was uniquely Australian bore from the first a halo of attributes which necessarily alienated it from

many, if not most, other speaker s of English, and in particular from the sort f person who is influential at official levels. As ear1y as the 1850s there was a call from inspectors of schools for the eradication of 'the Australian dialect', a call which in various guises was repeated frequently until quite recent times From first to last, both the type of visitor to the country who is likely to be interviewed or who ends up by writing a book about it all, and countless prestigious Austra- lians, like Nellie Melba and Sir Robert Menzies, had all had Something unpleasant to say about Australians speech, having a mind, without perhaps realising it, the Broad form. None of this is surprising, but it has conspired to produce a community attitude in which the Broad form is castigated perhaps rather more than is warranted, and certainly for the wrong rea- sons. The actual sounds of Broad Australian are intrinsically no uglier than am other speech sounds (how could they be ugliness, like beauty, residing in the ear of the beholder?) but having been firmly linked by association to people of little learning, whose linguistic attributes were- naturally those of people of little learning, then standing in the community has been low in the past and probably remains so now for large numbers of Australians, though obviously not for all, since many Broad speaker s remain Those large numbers who have felt that the Broad forms were inappropriate for then own personal use, and with increasing affluence and education they have become a majority, have with varying degrees of under standing and awareness remodelled their speech to remove the most obvious of the Broad attributes. Their aim has been primarily no doubt to a achieve a 'better pronunciation and m this they have to some small degree succeeded, since General and Culti- vated are marginally clearer and certainly more even paced than most Broad speech. In the mat- ter of phonetic quality they have been guided, perhaps unnecessarily and in then varying degrees, by the dimly perceived model of English Received Pronunciation, to which so great prestige used to attach, and probably still does attach This form of speech has always existed in Australia,

heard on the lips of Governors, Commanding Officers, Bishops and other citizens of standing £ from Br ¡ ¢ . In the main it is the individual Australian's sense of fitness, a decision about the image of the self which he or she wishes to offer, which determines how far each Australian will move to- wards this vague unattainable goal, and whether he or she will speak Broad, General, Cultivated 01 Modified The circumstances of birth have a role to play in shaping attitudes, of course, but it all remains very much a personal matter. Few families are quite homogeneous in speech and some are quite fragmented The situation outlined applies throughout the country, but the explanation so far offered seems to account only for Sydney. This is not so, for each State capital attracted at us inception much the same cross section of British dialects. The deprivations and hardships which led to crime and to transportation provided also the incentives for free migration and so, whether in convict Sydney after 1788 or, say, free Adelaide after 1836, the ingredients of the mixing bowl were much the same, and at different times and in different places the same process was earned out and the same end point achieved- Subsequently the same values and prejudices asserted themselves, and in each State General, Cultivated and Modified grew from Broad. Across the Tasman in New Zealand the same process was being worked out vet again, and the remarkable similarity between Australian and New Zealand speech today testifies to this. But of course all languages tend to drift in pronunciation with time, and those languages, which are isolated may tend to drift apart. No doubt Broad today is not quite the same as Broad

106 was in 1820, and it is not surprising that New Zealand English, similar though it is, is not quite the same as Australian. It displays the same spectrum patterning, but there are details which do not correspond Most noticeable among these is the pronunciation of the vowel /I/, as in full, the very sound in which Australian English differs least from most other forms. In New Zealand this is frequently to be heard pronounced with the crest of the tongue further back and lower in the mouth than in Australia and sinking the Australian ear at least as very roughly like a shortened version of the sound in hull.

DICTIONARY TREATMENT

The writers of a dictionary of Australian English are in the happy position of not having to make a choice as to which dialect will be chosen to shape the pronunciations offered. Their is only one Australian dialect, as has been explained, and if the dictionary indicates the sound units 'or phonemes which h in Australia join together to suggest a particular word, then it can safely be left to the individual Australian reader to ascribe to them the precise pronunciation which seems appropriate to that leader's self image. The same base material serves unequivocally for all. This does not mean that the editors were e entirely freed from the burdens of choice, for a number of decisions have had to be- made- in this general area. Together they make up the pol- icy of the dictionary with regard to pronunciation, and an outline of them follows: 1. A PHONETIC ALPHABET

It hardly needs to be pointed out that one is ¡ ailed upon to indicate the pronunciation of words in a dictionary only because the- traditional spelling of English is so largely unphonetic. While it is perhaps not as bad as its more violent detractors would have us believe, traditional spelling is still sufficiently unsystematic, particularly with regard to the vowels and diphthongs,

to be ¡ lose to useless in cases of teal doubt. The reasons for this are partly historical–we are still £ spelling so mew hat like the Normans–and partly bee a use we use twenty-six letters to gra ¢¢l with well over forty sounds. Consider the following series of words, all of which contain the same vowel sound /i/: police, amoeba, quay, fee, chief, receive, beat, me, people, aegis. Or consider the famous series, cough, thought, through, thorough, rough and bough, in which ough represents a different sound in each word. Or consider the silent letters or knight or the missing letters of one, which surely begins with a /w/, and few, the second sound of which is the same as the first of yacht. The question then is not whether a second and phonetic spelling of each word must be in- cluded, but only in which alphabet it should be written. On first thoughts the traditional alphabet, judiciously applied, seems to offer certain advan- tages because of the great familiarity of its characters. But on second thoughts this may well ap- peal as something of a handicap. We are all so used to leading many of these characters as im- plying a multiplicity of different sounds that a frame of reference in which one sound only is specified is hard to grasp firmly. While we feel we are using the traditional alphabet in any form, the mind is apt to stray into according a pronunciation quite possible in the context of the usual application of this alphabet but not intended by the dictionary editors at all. Then again, the dictionary use of twenty-six symbols for more than forty sounds generally entails the creation of strange digraphs, and often the use of many diacritics, all of which gives an unsatisfactory, ad hoc and cluttered effect. (a) I. P. A. Characters Accordingly the editors of this dictionary have decided to use the characters of the alphabet of the Inter national Phonetic Association, or I.P.A., throughout These characters have a wide, and we believe growing, use internationally, being taught for example in Japanese schools, and in many countries abroad. They are well differentiated and clear in print, unequivocal in refer- ence, having been assembled specifically for phonetic purposes, and easy to read and use once initial familiarity with them has been achieved. A list of them with key words to show then pho- netic value appears on page 46 and they are also listed continuously at the foot of the pages throughout the dictionary.

107 The total number of characters in the I P A alphabet is very great and there are more ways than one of using them to indicate the pronunciation of English. In this dictionary we have very largely adopted the selection of characters and the conven- tions for combining them which were used by A. G. Mitchell in his various books on Australian English pronunciation The pattern of transcription which these imply already has a certain cur- rency in this country and does not diverge greatly from that which Daniel Jones used to represent upper class British pronunciation in his English Pronouncing Dictionary, 1917. Perhaps the most eye-catching difference between Mitchell and ones is in the symbol used to indicate the vowel sound which occurs in words like car and heart. For this Jones used /a/ and Mitchell /a/. This re- flects the fact that in Australia this vowel is said with the hump of the tongue rather further for- ward in the mouth than in Britain The editors are aware that current British practice in using the I.P.A. symbols to transcribe English differs more markedly from that of Daniel Jones than does Mitchell's 01 our own, but they have not been persuaded of any practical or theoretical advantage in this practice which is sufficient to make them wish to adopt it (b) I.P.A. Diacritics Attempts have been made to keep the use of all diacritics to a minimum on the "rounds that they of all items are most likely to go astray in the printing process, and that they are found somewhat difficult to interpret by the general reader. Unfortunately, perhaps, they could not be avoided entirely since the description of the pronunciation of a word of more than one syllable is incomplete unless an indication has been made of which syllables have more and which syllables have less prominence when it is uttered in isolation. Accordingly the I.P.A. diacritics for lexical stress, (') before a syllable of greatest stress (or primary) prominence and, before one of next greatest stress (or secondary) prominence, have been applied throughout Their application has been relatively sparing, however, both in consid- eration of what has already been said and in consideration of the fact that speakers of English are very responsive to the far from innumerable stress patterns which polysyllabic words in that lan- guage may have, and do not therefore need to have every syllable precisely labeled. Most frequently only the syllable of primary stress has been marked; but in words where the hierarchy among the more weakly stressed syllables is less than obvious, the syllable, or sylla- bles, bearing secondary stress have also been marked. The most weakly stressed syllables would in any event by I P.A. convention be unmarked. Pains have been taken to use the diacritics to distinguish between word groups which are truly compounded into one unit in the mind of the speaker like black gum /'blæk g^m/ and those which have more the nature of a phrase sensed as being in two pans, like black box /blæk 'boks/. 'Most Australians have the ability to upgrade at will some distance in the spectrum in the di- rection of Cultivated when it seems appropriate under certain social pressures' The stress patterns of compound adjectives such as well-heeled and cold-blooded call for special consideration. When words of this type are used predicatively or alone, the primary stress they carry most usually falls on the second element. When they are proposed, that is, used before the nouns they qualify, this primary stress most usually falls on the first element. Thus we might say 'He was well heeled' but 'He was a well heeled man'. This example also demonstrates the spelling convention of hyphenating compound adjectives when they are preposed. It is fairly widely observed and is recommended by the Australian Gov- ernment Stile Manual. In as much that the hyphenated form overtly draws attention to the compounded nature of such words and deflects the mind from any attempt to analyse them as phrases, it may be said to provide a more effective visual reference. For this reason the editors have chosen to use hyphen- ated forms as headwords for the compound adjectives they defined throughout this dictionary. The pronunciations given for these hyphenated headwords reflect the stress patterns appro- priate for compound adjectives in preposed positions. Occasionally the stress pattern appropriate to the predicative position is specified in a separate indication of pronunciation given after the definition, but where this is not the case the reader can easily form it by moving the primary stress to the second element.

108 2. VARIANTS Because of the mixed nature of the Australian population, and in particular because so many of the country's citizens were born in Britain, it would be pointless to maintain that certain Brit-

ish pronunciations such as /' ∫ək/ for auction or /sko 8n/ for scone are not to be heard here Never- theless they do not appear among our listed pronunciations, because native-born Australians do not use them, and и is only the pronunciations of that group which the dictionary seeks to record.

Where more than one pronunciation is given, therefore, as for controversy k ən'tr ¡vəsi, ¢ 'k ¡ntr ə’v si/ Or dance dæns, dans/, it is to be assumed that native born Australians make use of them both, either as individuals or as a group. Dance is only one of many words the pronunciations of which may involve either the vowel /a/ or the vowel /æ/. Others are (chance, grasp, telegraph and castle). Although the Australian accent does not show significant regional variation, as has been pre- viously stated, there are observable preferences for certain of the common alternative pronuncia- tions of particular words in particular regions. Thus castle as /'kæs əl/ is quite common in Mel- bourne but rare in Sydney, where /’kas əl/ is almost universal. Unfortunately this type of variation has been very little studied and. while it is now known to exist in а significant way for words of this type, its details are as yet uncharted, and so it is not always possible to know which variant is the more common in the nation as a whole Conse- quently the implementation of the ideal dictionary policy of placing the most common of a set of variant pronunciations first in the list is more than usually difficult. As a rule of thumb it has been decided to place the variant in /æ/ before that in /a/, except only where the editor s are convinced that the variant in /a/ is truly the more common overall. Although the dictionary offers a wide coverage of colloquialisms it does not seek widely to record uneducated forms as such, and accordingly the uneducated pronunciations of words which have them, like dais /'dai əs/, advertisement / /ædv ə’taizm ənt/ and so on, do not appear. In this context it should be noted that the educated pronunciations of certain words in Australia, just like those of certain words in the United States, differ from the educated pronunciations of then coun- terparts in Britain. In part no doubt this is due to no more than the normal processes of linguistic drift, but there are other probable сcontributory causes. Frontier societies, perhaps inevitably, pass through an initial phase in which the transmission of traditional learning falters. In this phase, many learned and less common words cease to be pronounced. They reappear in the new societies at a later stage when education and prosperity, usually hand in hand, become widespread. They then tend to enter the general vocabulary through the printed rather than the spoken word, and may betray in their pronunciation hence- forth the influence of their traditional spelling. The policy of the dictionary is to offer only the pronunciations of educated Australians re- gardless of how these differ from best usage abroad. The implementation of this policy has not been without its difficulties, however, as it is not easy always to know just what is the local edu- cated form. Is victuals properly /'vikt £ uəlz/ in Australia in view of the mild amusement which so often greets /’vitlz/? The low frequency of use of such words, and the uncertainty among individual speakers even about then own habits, aggravates a situation which is perhaps most acute in the realm of the thoroughly bookish words of certain sciences. Here numbers of words are familiar enough in their written forms but appear to be pronounced somewhat uncertainly even by the specialists who use them. Foreign words with some vogue m Australia were not included if no Australian pronuncia- tion could be found for them. It follows that the words listed which Australians feel in some sense still to be foreign appeal only as they might be pronounced by an Australian making use of

the sound system of his own language. Thus adagio. / əda ¤io 8/ appears in the dictionary because Australians use it in reference to music, ballet, etc. and has only its Australian pronunciation at- tached, even though it derives quite obviously at no great remove from the Italian, which is pro-

nounced /a' ə’dad ¤o/.

109 For those who seek the native pronunciation of such words, recourse must be had to a more specialised dictionary of the language in question It was felt that an apparatus to cope with the original versions of the many foreign words embedded in Australian English, from Maori to Ma- lay, from Japanese to German and so on, was quite beyond the scope of this book The one exception to this general philosophy is provided by certain French words which have considerable currency in Australia To deal with them educated Australians, when not attempting to give them a truly French pronunciation, make use of a sort of omni-purpose nasalised vowel which we indicate by the symbol "6" Thus sangfroid appears with the pronunciation /s ōŋ frwa/,

au courant with /ou kur ō/, bon voyage with /b ōvwa’ja /, and so on.

3. THE INDETERMINATE VOWEL, / ¡/ In many syllables which are not fully stressed, speaker’s of English everywhere may have the choice of using a neutralised, i e., indeterminate, vowel or an unneutralised one of more positive character. Thus the verb to ferment might be /f ə’m εnt/, or / f з’m εnt/, electric might be / ə’l εktrik/, or /i’l εktrik/, rosesmight be /rouz əz/ or / rouziz/, and so on. All such alternatives can be heard in Australia and none is in any sense wrong Then- is in this country, nevertheless, substantial preference for the indeterminate vowel, where such a choice exists, and it seems probable at least that speakers of Australian English make more use of this vowel than any other speakers of English. The picture is of a widespread homogeneity stretching from Cairns to Hobart, from Sydney to Perth, a uniformity of pronunciation extending over a wider expanse than anywhere else in the world. They do not, however, treat all words alike. In some cases, like ferment as a verb, for in- stance, the pronunciation with the unneutralised vowel does have some currency: but in others, like roses, any pronunciation but that with the indeterminate vowel is so unusual as not to war- rant dictionary inclusion. The policy of the dictionary has been to acknowledge this situation by usually recording the pronunciation with the indeterminate vowel as the preferred one, i.e., placed first where two or more alternatives have sufficient currency to be included, and to give the pronunciation with the indeterminate vowel alone where no special claim can be made for the unneutralised alternatives. It is interesting to note that the very high incidence of the indeterminate vowel in Australian English is achieved largely, but obviously not solely, at the expense of the vowel /i/ (as in hill). The preference is firmly established for limiting this vowel to syllables which are closed and which have some degree of lexical stress above the weakest. Thus it appears without alternative in words like hit /hit/, unfit ./^n'fit/, and system /'sist əm/, where the closed syllable has primary lexical stress, and in words like disallow dis ə'lau/, cisalpine /sis'ælpain/, and risibility /riz ə’bil əti/, where the closed syllable bears secondary stress. It appears also in a number of recurring closed syllable word particles which may be thought of as having secondary or possibly tertiary stress but, most cultivated speakers at least, certainly some degree of stress stronger than the weakest. eg, -ing running/r Λni ŋ/ -ive massive/mæsiv/ -ish garnish /gani ∫/ -ic traffic /træfik/ -age village/vilid з /

-ing jumping / d Λmpi ŋ/ -ive active/æktiv/ -ish relish /r εli ∫/ -ic music /mjuzik/

-age cabbage /kæbi ¢/

110 The indeterminate vowel makes some appeal awe in this group, most frequently among speakers tow aid the Broad end of the spectrum who reduce the stress these syllable's с airy The extreme case is the non standard pronunciation of the present participle as in /'r Λnən/ and

/' Λmp ən/. When the lexical stress on a syllable is unequivocally weak, speakers of all varieties over- whelmingly reject /i/ for the indeterminate vowel, whether the syllable is open or closed e.g , -est fairest /’f εərəst/ -ed waited /weit əd/ de- defeat /d ə’fit/ be- behold /b əhould/ re- reply /r ə’plai/

-est bluest /’blu əst/ -ed sidid /’said ən/ de- depend / d ə’pend/ be- before /b ə’f ∆:/ re- receive / r ə’siv/ There are manv others. When a closed syllable containing /i/ has sometimes weak stress and sometimes secondary stress, its pronunciation varies systematically. In the first сace it сontains an indeterminate vowel, in the second, /i/. e.g., mis- mistake /m əsteik/ misfortune /mis’f ∆tjun/ dis- distraught /d əs’tr ∆t/ disarray /dis ə’rei/ If, for some reason or emphasis or special contrast, a speaker wishes to promote / ə/ or /i/ syl- lables to a higher degree оf word stress, the losed and open ones behave quite differently. The сlosed ones can then only have the vowel /i/, and the open ones only the vowel /i/. e.g. She was dis-traugh!(each syllable equally stressed in an exaggerated, сomic utterance) ‘Ji’w ɒz ‘dis- tr ∆t! Did you say receive (Contrast implied, perhaps with deceive) Did ju sei ’ri- ’siv? The extreme reluctance, amounting almost to an inability, among Australian speakers to use /i/ in an open, not weakly stressed syllable, which this demonstrates, accounts also for the failure of this sound ever to appeal terminally in Australian speech. Compare British /'siti/ with Australian /'siti/ for city, /sim’plisiti/ with /sim’plis əti/ for sim- plicity and so on.

4. ASSIMILATION Words which contain in their pronunciations the sequences /tj/ and /dj/ provide a special dif-

ficulty since they are frequently found to have alternative pronunciations in /t ∫/ and / /. These latter are their so called assimilated forms. Thus tune may be heard as /tjun/ or, in its assimilated

form, as /t ∫un/. Similarly educate as /' εdj əkeit/ or as /' ε əkeit/. Individual speakers may habitually adopt one of these alternatives, choosing always to say, for example, /tjun/ rather than /t ∫un/, or vice versa; or they may exhibit a statistical preference, saving one more frequently than the other; or, again, they may be completely random in their choice. As one might expect, the speakers of Broad Australian more often favour the assimilated forms than do speakers of Cultivated Australian But this by no means implies that speakers of Cultivated Australian avoid them, or cannot be heard to use them on some occasions in words where they might usually choose the unassimilated sequence. It is only the ultra careful and somewhat mannered speaker, usually of Modified Australian, who tries consciously to do with- out the assimilated pronunciations.

111 Confronted with this series or differing and unstable patterns, the dictionary editors have de- cided not to indicate the assimilated and unassimilated forms in each case since they are so me- chanically related, but to indicate the pronunciations that the words would most likely have among speakers of Cultivated Australian. 'Although the early colony did contain men of letters, as the elegance of many contributions to the Sydney Gazette can testify, it was in the main a brutal and uncultivated place. The speech which emerged on the lips of its ragged, untutored urchins, most of them convict bastards, natu- rally bore the hallmarks of uneducated speech everywhere, and carried with it moreover a set of especially undesirable social associations.' Fortunately these respond to a very simple stated tendency the assimilation of the consonant

sequences /tj/ and /dj/ to /t ∫/ and / / respectively оcсurs most usually in syllables of weakest lexical stress. In syllables other than these, i.e., in those bearing primary or secondary lexical stress, the unassimilated pronunciation is the more common. Thus fortune /’f ∆t∫ən/ inopportune /in’p ə,tjun/ fortunately /’f ∆t∫ənətli/ tune /’tjun/ iportunate /im’p ∆t∫ənət/ attitude /’æt ə,tjud/ educate /’ εdju,keit/ educate /’ εd’ju’keit /

5. SYLLABICITY OF RESONANT CONSONANTS It is a common practice among users of the I.P.A. alphabet to differentiate between cases in which a resonant consonant such as /n/, /m/ or /l/ functions as a syllable in its own right and cases where it is part only of a syllable, the crest of which is an adjacent vowel. There are two ways available for doing this. Firstly a diacritic may be placed under the symbol for the сconsonant in question when it is functioning as a lull syllable. Thus a transcription of the word specialing as /’sp ε∫ li ŋ/ would um- ply a syllabification into three pans, namely, /sp ε∫ -/, /-1-/ and /-iŋ/. In the same system a tran- scription of the word as /'sp ε∫ li ŋ/ would imply a syllabification into two parts only, these being /'sp ε∫ -/ and /-li ŋ/. Alternative the syllabicity of the resonant consonant may be indicated by placing the symbol for an indeterminate vowel immediately before the symbol of the consonant. Thus the transcrip- tion /'sp ε∫ li ŋ/ would indicate the division into three parts, namely /’sp ε∫ -/,/-əl-/ and /-iŋ/,while as before the transcription /’sp ε∫ li ŋ/ would imply the division into two, /’sp ε∫ -/ and /-li ŋ/. The disadvantage of the second method would seem to be that it allows no method of dis- criminating between a case where1 the consonant is tuiK alone- and functioning as a syllable without vocalic support /-1-/, and a case where in fact a preceding indeterminate vowel actually does occur, /-əl-/. . In both cases the syllabification would remain the same, and on closer consideration this dis- advantage seems more apparent than real. For medial syllabic consonants like the one above, it is virtually impossible in the vast majority of cases, when uttered at normal conversational rates, to distinguish by ear alone whether there is, or is not present, a miniscule preceding indeterminate vowel, and its presence anyway would be more a phonetic accident of no consequence than part of the specification of the word in basic sound units (or phonemes). For similar consonants placed at the end of a word it may well be easier to distinguish the presence and absence of the preceding indeterminate, but in the majority of cases its presence or absence is again of the nature of a phonetic accident, depending often on such matters as whether one articulator happened to assume a certain position before another one was released, or after it was released. Thus whether one should in the narrow sense write /'æpl/or /'æpəl/ for apple can only be determined in the light of a particular utterance, the pattern in the community being overall random. In the interests of simplicity, consistency and of keeping at a minimum the use of diacritics, the editors of the dictionary have decided to adopt the second of the alternatives and to show

112 resonant consonants in such positions as following the indeterminate vowel The only exceptions allowed have been in all words where syllabic '1/follows t/and/d/, and in certain words only in which syllabic /n/ follows /t/ and /d/, since there is phonetic evidence that for these cases the pre- ceding vowel does not normally occur. Thus: Rattle /’rætl/ middle /’midl/ mutton /'m Λtl/ mountain /'maunt ən/

apple /'æpəl/ bugle /'bjug əl/ ¡ regional /’rid ənəl/ oceanography /ou ∫ən’ gr əfi/ fearful /’fi əfəl/ prison /'priz ən/

6. MINOR DIFFICULTIES From time to time the evidence afforded by the actual observed pronunciations of certain words in any language may leave the observer uncertain as to just what basic sound units юг phonemes) the speaker really intended to suggest Three such cases from Australian English war- rant mention. (a) In words of the type old, gold, told, etc. the Australian pronunciation of the vowel has

moved so dose to that of the vowel / ¢/ as in hot, pot, etc. that quite regularly good and thought- ful students of phonetics offer old, gold, told, etc. as their account of the pronunciation This is easily to be understood in terms of the quality of Australian /ou/ and the effect of the /l/which follows, and it seems very probable that in the future this may come to be accepted in analyses of Australian speech: but for the moment the majority of speakers seem still to wish to relate these words rather to the phoneme /ou/ as in so, toe. etc, and for this reason they appear containing this sound unit in the pronunciations of this dictionary, as /ould/, gould, tould/, etc. (b) In words of the type field, reel, peeled, it is difficult to decide whether the ear is receiving the manifestations of /i, i ə/ in the syllable сrest. There appears to be a great deal of idiosyncratic variation along these lines in response no doubt to the following /l/ which takes on differing syl- labic status, phonetically if not perceptuallv, from utterance to utterance. Again in the interest of simplicity, such types are transcribed with /i/. Thus /fild, ril, pild/, etc. (c) In words of the type chary, fairy, cheery beery, etc. the intervocalic /r/ frequently neutral- ises the ingliding second section of the preceding diphthong / εə/ оr /i ə/. To the ear therefore these words tend to sound as though they contained only long versions of the vowels / ε/ and /i/ respectively. They are transcribed with the diphthong, however, since such long vowels are not regarded as part of the list of basic sound units (or phonemes) from which Australian words are made. Again they are more in the nature of phonetic accidents. (d) A difficulty of a different nature is provided by what one might term 'broken sets', that is, by groups of words in some way phonologically related which one might have expected to have predictable pronunciations but which do not. For example, the basic sound unit (phoneme) /ou/ is becoming extinct in Australian English. On one count it was only 0 06% of all occurrences. Some Australians still retain it, but most have by now replaced it in most of the words which bore it either by / ∆/ or by the vowel se- quence /u ə/. One might have thought that the needs of the case in a dictionary could be simply met by listing all the variants, /u ə/, / ∆/ and /u ə/, as alternative pronunciations for each of the words concerned. Unfortunately such simplicity does not reflect the facts. While sure has become / ∫∆/ for most speakers and not / ∫uə/, pure has become /'pju ə/and not /pj ∆/. Some words show all three forms, some only one, and in the case of less common words like inure even educated speakers seem to be uncertain about their own practice. The lexicographer, Dr.Johnson's 'poor harmless drudge', can thus apply no easy generalities to such promising groups of words but more laboriously ex- amine each case on us merits in as far as the evidence admits. In this particular group he or she will even find an overwhelming number of Australians opting for a quite unrelated pronunciation in one instance, namely dour. This is given the pronunciation /’dau ə/ based on its spelling

113 Broken sets, of which the example above is only one among many, rob the dictionary of uni- formities which might be superficially pleasing; but they do reflect real fragmentations and unre- solved movements in the sound pattern of the language, as well as the attendant uncertainties of even our 'best' speakers.

The Vocabulary of Australian English W. S. Ramson

Australia English has been seen by nationalistically minded champions as a new, vigorous, and independent growth but by conservative historians as either a corruption of or minor devia- tion from the British English norm The truth lies somewhere between these extremes: language mirrors the society which uses it and Australian society differs in many ways, some obvious and some subtle, from the parent society Neither the fundamental family relationship not the indi- viduality of the new environment–and the way of life evolved within it–can be ignored. During the formative centuries, when English was scarcely spoken beyond the coasts of Eng- land, three major factors contributed to its development. First in importance was the emergence of a single standard form of English which gained precedence over the numerous related regional dialects and served as a common medium of communication for Englishmen from all legions This standard, with its vocabulary of wide currency, was both promulgated and stabilised through being the language of literature and, eventually, of print. But the lexical resources of the standard have been continually modified in the course of history and here the operation of the second and third factors may be seen. The English vocabulary has been expanded In a multitude of borrowings from other languages, some of which, like Norman-French or Latin, had a real presence in the British Isles, while others, like Greek and Italian, were the media for strong cul- tural influences Internal changes within the vocabulary have also been a continuing factor in the evolution of English. Old words acquired new or modified meanings, while new words were cre- ated, and the addition of new items was always balanced by the loss of others which for one rea- son or another became obsolete It is impossible to give this formative period a closing date though the prospect tempted seventeenth and eighteenth century grammarians and lexicogra- phers, there was no way in which linguistic growth could be regulated and no wav of deciding whether or not English had finally achieved the state of perfection with which Latin was often credited. Yet clearly, after it had been made adequate for the numerous and varied needs of the Renaissance and before Samuel Johnson's Dictionary of the English language was published in 1755, its character had been substantially settled. In the colonial era, English was planted in British settlements throughout the world, but the adhesion to the British standard was strong only as long as ties with the mother country remained strong. Borrowings, made mainly from indigenous languages and in response to local needs, var- ied from colony to colony and were not always absorbed back into the English spoken in Britain. Internal changes in the vocabulary were made in response to differing influences or needs arising from the circumstances of each colony. In this respect the evolutionary analogy is particularly apt: in each case there was a tension between the shared heredity and the various new factors of the separate environments; in each case the degree of isolation was important in either facilitat- ing or inhibiting the rate of change and the growth of difference. One consequence of there being a 'second generation' of varieties of English was that each came sooner or later to question the validity of a British English norm It could now be said that, as there is no case for Australians to measure their speech against 'RP', the Received Pronuncia- tion of southern England enshrined in Daniel Jones's English Pronouncing Dictionary, so there is no case for Australians to measure the lightness or the wrongness of either their vocabulary or their idiom against that recorded in British dictionaries. Yet the recognition of Australian English has come slowly, not least because of the continuing influence, in matters of pronunciation, of the British Broadcasting Corporation, and the continuing authority, in matters lexical, of the Ox- ford English Dictionary. American English undoubtedly benefited from Independence in that, 114 even when the initial period of nationalistic aggressiveness had passed, a language difference was recognized and valued. Australians have had to recognize that their linguistic orientation is quite different from that of either the British Isles or the United States, that there is a local scale of acceptability which is different from that governing British English, that what is spoken in Sydney matters more, in Australia, than what is spoken in London or New York, and that a dic- tionary including a full and up-to-date coverage of New Zealand English is more useful, for our purposes, than one recording Indian English. Against this antipodean orientation must be set the fostering, particularly through the media, of English, which is common, or at least known, to users of English throughout the world. Some varieties of English, South African for instance, make less impact on this than others, and some, like American, have a disproportionately strong influence. But there is much common ground and, perhaps, a growing and tolerant awareness of local differences: an English person has little occasion to use an Australianism as common as outback, yet the television series 'Bellbird’ was as асс essible to the British viewing audience as either 'Coronation Street or 'Peyton Place were to the Australian. The important thing is that similarities and differences are recognized as such, without the imposition of value judgments or reference e to an outmoded and it irrelevant ant British English norm.

CHRONOLOGY The history of Australian English is very short, it being barely 2OO years since the first set- tlement in 1788. Yet in that time it is possible to mark out four major periods in the development of Australian English: Colonial Period up to 1850, the period preceding the goldrushes, when Australia was first a penal and then a pastoral settlement. Goldrush Period the period of the goldrushes, during which there was a rapid expansion, from a variety of sources, of a vocabulary previously restricted by the origins and occupations of the settlers. Nationalist Period the period from the 1890s unlil WorId War II, when the establishing of a national identity became a major concern. Modern Period the period from World War II to the present, in which the overwhelming influence of the media has drawn Australia into a world-wide English-speaking community. ‘There existed, from the beginning, a sharp distinction between "polite" English – that which in London characterised the beau monde and in Sydney the military and administrative estab- lishment – and provincial or "vulgar" English ... in New South Wales the language of the con- victs and assisted immigrants.' Australian English began as the English of the first settlers. These were of British origin, their speech that of the region or social class from which they came, their attitudes to language those peculiar to eighteenth century England. Thus there existed, from the beginning, a sharp dis- tinction between "polite' English – that which in London characterised the beau monde and in Sydney the military and administrative establishment – and provincial or 'vulgar' English – that which in Britain distinguished speakers of the regional dialects, of urban slang, and of criminal cant, and in New South Wales was the language of the convicts and assisted immigrants. But as London society could not remain a valid model for that of Sydney, let alone that of the bush, this distinction was short-lived. Alexander Harris's novel. The Emigrant Family, published in 1849 before the Goldrush Period, preserved the two extremes, the refined speech of English gentlefolk and the vulgar colloquialism of former convicts, and distinguished other characters, Irish, Jews and Welsh, by their retention of dialect speech habits. But between the two extremes a new speech, that of the native born Australian, as plain English direct and free of affectation, was be- ginning to make its way.

115 This new speech was remarkably homogeneous: while there was always a social range, from refined to vulgar colloquial, there was never the possibility of distinct regional dialects emerging. The reason for this is plain; most of the convicts and assisted immigrants came from London, the industrial midlands of England, and Ireland. Most of them were town dwellers and, as urban speech like urban life encourages standardisation and dispels eccentricity, so their speech drew less on the resources of the British regional dialect vocabularies–vocabularies rich in colloquial and occupational terms but substantially local in use–and more on the resources immediately to hand, general urban slang, colloquialism, and criminal cant. It was this element of the vulgar that the first visitors to Australia noted, seeing in Australian speech a deterioration from, or corrup- tion of, the refined standard observed in London. Surprisingly, the very large proportion of Irish immigrants had little influence on the vocabu- lary. This was probably because they came not as a group but as individuals, and because on the convict ships in England, and in the convict gangs and prisons of New South Wales, their status and their associations in a new environment were a stronger influence than their linguistic heredity. 'It was this element of the vulgar that the first visitors to Australia noted, seeing in Australian speech a deterioration from, or corruption of, the refined standard observed in London.' Isolated pockets in which one British regional dialect predominated did develop later, nota- bly in South Australia, where Cornish miners were responsible in the latter half of the nineteenth century for a short-lived 'little Cornwall'. But as a general rule the pattern of settlement by indi- viduals, and the mixing of people required first by the convict system arid then by pioneer life, meant that people were recognised by then condition in the new environment and not as London- ers, Northumbrians or Scots. A second aspect of this homogeneity derives horn the settlers being predominantly British in origin. There were not, as in the United States, significant immigrant minorities speaking cither languages Whereas American English has borrowed from French, Spanish, Dutch, and German, Australian English has been subject to no such influence The only alien settlement of the nine- teenth century which maintained any sort of independence and retained for a time its own lan- guage and ways was the German Lutheran settlement in South Australia. But this, partly because it was a minority and partly because it was subject to the anti German feeling generated by World War I, has left no real mark on Australian English. This century, and particularly since World War II, Australia has received a substantial num- ber of immigrants from Italy, Greece and central Europe But the Australian policy has always been one of assimilation, and though in the cities, notably Sydney and Melbourne, Greek and Italian groups particularly maintain the familial and communal ties of then past and retain a de- gree of bilingualism and something of the character of then former life, they are unlikely to have a significant impact on Australian English Australians recognise the enrichment of life that such minorities bring and the variety given to their own lives by the introduction of for instance, dif- ferent foods and dishes, the names of which have become familial to them. But, though the pres- ence of immigrant minorities may facilitate this, such changes are taking place in all western communities and are as likely to be effected by a world wide distribution and promotion as by a local presence. The most important new influence was, of course, that of the indigenous inhabitants As Americans borrowed words from Amerindian languages and New Zealanders from Maori, so Australian settlers borrowed a range of words from the Aborigines. In the first instance, because the settlers' culture was technologically superior, borrowings were limited on the whole to labels for flora and fauna and features of the environment. The Aborigines had, needless to say, names for all things in their environment, but these were not always accessible, partly because the discreteness of Aboriginal languages made com- munication difficult, and partly because the learning of a strange language and borrowing from it requires patience and a familiarity with its speakers, which few cultivated. Thus in the giving of place names and the naming of flora and fauna an Aboriginal word, if known, could be chosen, or the name of an explorer or his patron, or a name deriving from some real or fancied resem- blance to a European species. 116 As the American settlers borrowed most from the languages of the eastern coast, the first which they encountered, so the Australian borrowed primarily from the languages spoken in the Port Jackson region. Thus, amongst the earliest Aboriginal words recorded in the settlement are names of trees, like kurrajong, of birds like boobook, corella and currawong; of animals, like dingo, wallaby and wamgai. of fish, like wollomai; of Aboriginal weapons, like nulla-nulla,waddy and woomera; of their dwellings, likegunya, and for their womenfolk, am. As the settlers moved inland, and as new settlements were established in Victoria, South Australia, and Western Australia, the num- ber of these words grew, but they were all similar in character. They were all labelling words, names of things in the new environment, in the sense that neither kangaroo nor koala was found elsewhere or without an Australian association. There were, it is true, a small number of collo- quial words, like baal (a negative) and budgeree ('good') which were used in the patois that de- veloped amongst convicts, sailors and Aborigines, and which spread into Queensland and arrived in the pidgin spoken there and in the Northern Territory, though none of these achieved the cur- rency of the ubiquitous cooee. Later borrowings have not altered in character–though, with the names of flora and fauna substantially settled, and a new, anthropological interest in the Abo- rigines manifest, they have related more to features of Aboriginal life than to the environment. The relatively small number of words which, like boomerang and kangaroo (as in kangaroo court], have developed either figuratively or applied meanings testifies to their 'tied' character. The languages of the Aborigines have thus provided Australian English with a good number of words, in particular with words, which, because they are peculiarly Australian in their reference, help to establish its separate identity; but they are words, which are very restricted in character, reflecting the course of relations between the two people. The languages of the Aborigines have thus provided Australian English with a good number of words, in particular with words which, because they are peculiarly Australian in their refer- ence, help to establish its separate identity'

COLONIAL PERIOD In the period before the goldrushes, Australian English was unquestionably 'colonial' It ac- knowledged no other influence than that of the mother tongue, it recognised the British English polarisation of polite from vulgar usage: and it saw its own additions to the vocabulary as pro- vincial. Yet tins was a period of immediate and considerable growth, and one in which a new character was forming One part of this new (character was established by exotic, difficult look- ing Aboriginal words Though it may have-been similar in other respects Australian English was, in this, different from its nearest neighbor, New Zealand English. A second part of the new character derived from the shifting in meaning of standard English words as they were reapplied in new and different situations. Even the most common of words could acquire new connotations, words like brush, creek and scrub being redefined by Governor King as early .is 1805, and words which retained, in reference to the convict system, their British English meanings, words like hut, muster, station, and superintendent, being reapplied as early as the 1820s in the context of pastoral management. The explanation behind these shifts is the same as that behind the use of names lot trees, like apple tree and (cherry tree, cedar and mahogany, which were botanic ally unrelated to their English originals. A resemblance was found and the word's ambience extended. Mustering сattle was not unlike mustering сconvicts, either group сould be described as a mob. The shift made, the newer and predominant use became, in Austra- lian English, the word's primary meaning. A third part of this new character was given, as indeed it was at a similar маце in the history of American English, by the heavy use of compounds Words like bush, station, and stock were pressed into wide and various service by the addition of, or by their use as, particularisers: thus a station horse could be both a bush hours and a stockhors, just as one man could be variously a bushman, a stationhand, and a stockman. The effect of this was, as in Anglo Saxon, to give a relatively small vocabulary a considerable flexibility and utility.

117 A fourth part of the colonial vocabulary's character was that given by the colloquial, if not vulgar, speech of the convicts. It was this speech that visitors to the colony most frequently re- marked upon and it undoubtedly had a greater prominence here than in Britain, firstly because of the numbers who used it, and secondly because, as the former convicts and assisted immigrants identified themselves with the new land, it became one of the distinctions between new chums and old, between sterling and currency Much of this early vulgar speech was flash language, originating in London and applicable only in an urban or prison context. Some of it survived to find a new use, notably family, on the cross, and plant–which moved from the context of petty thieving to that of cattle stealing–and cove. swag, and trap. Nevertheless many words, current in that peculiar context of a colony part penal and part pastor al, dropped out of use as gold became the focus of attention.

GOLDRUSH PERIOD 'Ihe impact on the fledgling Australian English of the Goldrush Period, with its sudden influx of immigrants, its disruption of the settled pastoral pattern, and the impetus it gave to the mobility and mixing of settlers, illustrates again how closely the shaping of a language follows the shaping of a society. Prospectors flooded into the country, not only from Britain but, more significantly, horn the goldfields of California. Those who had come from, or through, America came with knowledge or experience of life in a society, which, then as now, set a model. Much earlier, colo- nial administrators had seen the parallel, and used in Australia words, which had acquired special meanings in the American colonies, like block, location, section and township. Bush, bushranger and squatter, similarly, have American histories, which precede the Australian. The Goldrush Pe- riod meant a sudden influx of people from all walks of life and so bi ought not just the substantial vocabulary of prospecting and goldmining, but the everyday vocabulary of men and women living in a pioneer society and engaged in a wide large of associated occupations It meant, therefore, the expansion of the colloquial ран of the vocabulary and it undoubtedly accelerated the freeing of Australian English horn the restraints and conservatism of its British English model. Some impression of both the expansion and the emancipation of Australian English dining the period can be gained by comparing the English of Harris's The miigrant Family (1849), which represents the Colonial Period, with that of a book published only out years later, С. R. Read's What I Heard, Saw, and Did at the Australian Goldfields. The colloquial promise of the first-person title is not denied: whereas Harris saw a balance between refined and colloquial Eng- lish. Read has a racy style, capturing something of the linguistic exuberance of a social situation which is similar to that of soldiers in war, in that both are characterised by impermanence, herd- ing together of people, camaraderie, relative freedom from normal social restraints, and use of a language primarily spoken rather than written and so free from the restraints of the latter. If the Colonial Period is marked, then, by growth within an accepted, British or rented framework, the Goldrush Period, by contrast, is one of sudden acceleration and freedom in growth, vigorous but undisciplined, essentially colloquial, and therefore an expansion of the vulgar element which the earlier colonial administrators had so deplored.

NATIONALIST PERIOD The columns of the Bulletin, in the 1980s and in the years preceding World War I particu- larly, provided a forum for both a popular and a literary nationalism II the spirit of this is best realised by Furphy's novel. Such is Life, its Australianness is best represented in the stones of Henry Lawson and 'Steele Ruder", and most romanticised in the ballads of 'Banjo' Paterson. The influence of the Bulletin cannot be overestimated- here was a journal which saw itself as the bushman's forum, which encouraged bushpeople to submit then own verse, anecdotes, stories, and paragraphs of practical wisdom and advice, which brought into print, and therefore gave recognition to and helped to shape, the colloquial vocabulary which had accumulated from the 1850s on Lawson's Australians were successfully, if somewhat self-consciously, typed as Austra- lians by their speech, in fact the mannerisms he isolated and the most characteristic lexical items that he used linger on into the phoney, stereotype Australian of later popular fiction The Bulletin 118 encouraged word play and contributors frequently packed short, anecdotal passages with se- quences of slang and colloquial words The avowed aim was a realistic representation of bush language, life, and lore, but the self-consciousness of the exercise led to exaggeration and to the replacement of the romantic, colonial legend by another no less romanticised. 'Bush, bushranger and squatter, similarly, have American histories which precede the Austra- lian.' So far, however, as the developing Australian vocabulary was concerned, the magnet of the Bulletin columns acted as a call to 'stand up and be counted'. E. E. Morris's dictionary, Austral English, was a further sign of the growing sense of the identity of what an earlier German lexi- cographer had called in 1892 'the rich and racy slang of the fifth continent'. Words were thus, through the medium of the Bulletin or that of the school of short story writers clustered about it, given the stamp of written approval, and as the day of Federation dawned, Australians found at least one sign of their separate identity in their now emergent language. Service m World War I consolidated this, the camaraderie of the services fostering the consciousness of nationality and the confrontation with other forms of English reinforcing the awareness of difference. However inaccurately it was charted, and however prevalent its image was as a 'rude and uplondysh’ speech, Australian English had received the endorsement of its separate identity.

MODERN PERIOD The prose of Patrick White, when compared with that of Furphy or Lawson, is obviously Euro- pean in its orientation. While it may, particularly in us representation of conversation, be recog- nisably Australian in vocabulary and idiom, this is not one of its concerns. As White's interest is less in the delineation of an Australian way of life than in the illumination of human problems through the Australian experience of life, so his vocabulary refers back to the common stock of 'world English' rather than to any strongly identified local idiom. This shift from looking inward to looking outward characterises the modern period of the Australian and indeed of most other branches of English. What are the factors responsible? Firstly, the breaking down of Australia's nineteenth-century isolation through the increased facility of world wide travel and the immediacy of communication by radio, television, film and mass circulation newspapers, journals, and books. Secondly, the spread of specialist branches of English, like those of the physicist, the economist, and the anthropologist, which acknowledge not regional but professional boundaries. Thirdly, the parallel spread of occupational vocabularies and, through the media, the vocabularies of popular enthusiasms, of sports like football and surfing and of the campaigns for women's lib or gay lib. Fourthly, as a consequence of these, an attitude, which is internationalist, which, in a manner re- flecting that of commercial practice, looks abroad and borrows freely. The results of this change m orientation are twofold: on the one hand Australians and Australianisms are more widely known and understood abroad than ever before, on the other the English spoken in Australia is more re- ceptive of the influence of American English, the branch of English which has the dominant place in the composition of world English. It is for this reason that a dictionary for use in Australia can- not simply record Australianisms or add Australianisms to an existing word list of British English It must try, as The Macquarie Dictionary has done, to record that slice of world English which re- flects the Australian orientation, most of which will be shared with other branches of English, some of which will be shared with only one branch, with American English or New Zealand Eng- lish for instance, and some of which will be peculiarly Australian.

Words and the World David Blair

There has always been a distinction drawn between the reference books that tell us about the world (encyclopaedias), and those that tell us about words (dictionaries). However, this distinc- tion is hard to draw and consequently all dictionaries are encyclopaedic to some extent.

119 This dictionary will be found to give information about things as well as information about words, because it is impossible to say what a word (a reference) stands for without at the same time giving some information about us real world counterpart (its referent'. For example, the definition of kangaroo begins with a lengthy description of the marsupial and a list of its recog- nised types. Kangaroo – /kæ ŋgə'ru/,n 1. the largest members of the family Macropodidae, herbivorous marsupials of the Australian legion, with powerful hind legs developed for leaping, a sturdy tail serving as a support and balance, a small head, and very short forelimbs The recognised kanga- roo types are: a. the great grey or forester, Macropus giganteus.. b. the western grey or western forester, M.fuginosus с. the wallaroo or euro, M. robustus. d. the antelope kangaroo, M. anti- lopinus. e. the red or plains kangaroo,Megaleia rufa. This definition is longer than is usual for The Macquarif Dictionary since the five recognised referents for the word kangaroo must be specified, not many referents require so much descrip- tion. Much of the difference between an encyclopaedia and a dictionary, then, consists in the length of the entries. Dictionaries give only as much information about the referent as will serve to identify it, while encyclopaedias in then longer at tides can extend their treatment from identi- fication to description. The aim is to include as much information about the Australian word-stock as possible, within the scope of a dictionary of this size.' The class of words known as proper nouns occupies a special place within the word stock of language Proper nouns, or names, refer to only one of a class of things (or to a restricted group within the class: and commonly begin with a capital letter. So Kangaroo is defined as: 2. (cap.) a member of an Australian representative Rugby League team. We often have the feeling that definitions of proper nouns tell us more about something in the real world than they do about a word. Within the limitations of its size, The Macquarie Dictionary has included as many such items as possible, particularly those, which would be appropriate in an Australian context. Thus the dictionary contains entries for all independent countries of the world, and for all States and Terri- tories of the Commonwealth of Australia. There are entries for the major languages of the world, and for many of the Aboriginal languages of Australia. There are entries for those abbreviations and initials, which are likely to be used without explanation within Australia. The aim is to in- clude as much information about the Australian word-stock as possible, within the scope of a dictionary of this size.

AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINAL LANGUAGES In 1788 there were some 300 000 Aborigines in as many as 700 different tribal groups, each with its own distinctive variety of speech. Some of these varieties were similar enough to be called dialects, so the number of languages spoken at the time of the First Fleet is believed to he about 250 These languages appear to have been isolated from outside linguistic influences for many thousands of years, providing a fascinating parallel with other elements in the Australian sub continent, such as its fauna and flora. Now, however, there may be fewer than 50 000 Aborigines who have any knowledge of an Australian Aboriginal language at all. Probably fewer than fifty languages can be described as living, and only four or five have more than a thousand speakers. Each year, several languages become extinct as the last of their elderly speakers dies. Despite this, many of these Aboriginal languages are still of interest to all Australians for his- torical reasons, or because of their present use in various regions. Entries for many of these will be found in the dictionary under the most common spelling. Some have cross-reference entries under other common spellings; thus an entry at Cammeraygal directs the reader to the main entry at Kameraigal. Entries for these languages give then pronunciation, their location and, if they are still spoken, the approximate number of speakers. ‘The number of Aboriginal languages spoken at the time of the First Fleet is believed to be about 250’. 120 Spellings of Aboriginal words show considerable variation, especially in the choice of sym- bols to represent plosives. It can generally be assumed that p and b, t and d, k and g are equiva- lent symbols. Thus the name of the language Pintubi may also appear in the forms Bindubi or Pintupi, although these are not given in the dictionary. In other cases, popular practice differs from that of specialists, the dictionary gives the most common form as the headword, and lists the others as variants. For example, didgeridoo is listed with didjeridu as a variant, and the entry for churinga recognises tchurunga, tjuringa and turinga as possible other forms.

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES The Macquarie Dictionary contains a coherent and consistent set of definitions for weights and measures, using the International System of Units –(SI); as a base. Dictionary practice is based on recommendations of the Metric Conversion Board, as found in Australia’s Metric System: A Metric Handbook and us Amendment Sheet (February 1977), and in publications of the Standards Association of Australia (specifically AS 1000 1970 and AS 1376-1973) The primary statement of equivalence for imperial and other non-SI measures is normally given in SI base or derived units, as recommended in AS 1376-1973. In general, this means that prefixes for units are not used, and that multiples and submultiples involving powers of 1000 (10³) are preferred. The numerical value preceding the multiple is, in general, chosen to lie be- tween 0.1 and 1000. Where helpful, an additional equivalence statement is given in more imme- diately understandable terms. When expressing numerical values, the dictionary follows certain internationally recom- mended conventions. The use of the comma, either as a decimal marker or as a thousands separa- tor, is avoided. The full stop is used to represent the decimal point. Numbers having five or more figures on either side of the decimal point (or its position) are grouped in threes counting from the decimal point, with a space between groups. Where there are fewer than five figures on the relevant side of the decimal point, the space is omitted. The dictionary defines fully, and notes as such, the seven base units of the SI system; other SI units are defined in terms of these base units. The two SI supplementary units (the radian and the steradian) are defined, as are the seventeen SI derived units, which have special names. All eighteen SI prefixes are also defined. All entries include approved symbols, where appropriate. At the entry for metric system, the base and supplementary units are listed and the prefixes are given in tabular form. Some examples of derived units are given. There is a briefer entry at International System of Units. Additional material on imperial equivalences and on the style of metric usage is to be found in the end matter of the dictionary.

STANDARDISED USAGE In areas other than weights and measures, every effort has been made to follow the recom- mendations of recognised national authorities. For example, the dictionary recognises the Austra- lian Standard Meat Cuts, and conforms in headwords and definitions to the industry code of practice prepared in 1980 at the request of the Food Standards Committee of the National Health and Medical Research Council. Nevertheless, practice throughout Australia is not uniform (in this area, as in many others), and a dictionary which aims to record the words that Australians actually use must include the many variants which are to be heard each day in butchers' shops around the country. This has been done, but within the framework provided by the industry code of practice

INITIALS AND ABBREVIATIONS Those initials and abbreviations which are most likely to be found without explanation in Aus- tralian books and newspapers have been included. Modern practice is increasingly to omit full stops, and the dictionary recognises this tendency. Where such an entry as ACTU is given, it can normally be assumed that the variant ACTU is possible. The reverse, however, is not true. The ab- breviation O.A.M. (for Medal of the Order of Australia) is not properly written without stops.

121 The Historical Study of Australian English W. S. Ramson

Short as it is, the history of Australian English has its own fascination, for specialist and non- specialist alike. This introductory section, which aims to deal with individual words, or with groups of related words, will attempt to offer glimpses of the richness, which those who respond to the magic of language might find for themselves behind the necessarily brief entries in The Wacquarie Dictionary There are few subjects on which people are more inclined to seek authority yet few, con- versely, on which they are as leady to offer opinions and hazard guesses as the language they use every day. Australian English has been no exception and its history is larded with opinion and asseveration of the most extraordinary kind. Thus for one word like felonry, which James Mudie, on the analogy of other words like peasantry, tenantry, yeomarty, gentry, etc., ventured to coin in 1S37 as the appellative of an order or class of persons in New South Wales – an order which, happily, existed in no other country in the world – there is another like wowser, which John, edi- tor of Truth during the 1890s, less certainly but more flamboyantly claimed as his own. I invented the word myself I was the first man publicly to use the word I first gave it public utterance in the City Council, when I applied it to Alderman Waterhouse, whom I referred to as the white, woolly, weary, watery, word wasting wowser from Waverley. I am proud of my invention. The fabric anon or such a word – absolutely absent from, but absolutely required in our local vernacular, until I invented it – was a stroke of genius, done on the spur of the moment, impromptu, the result of divine or diabolical inspiration. Therefore 'Pal- marn Qui Meruit Ferat – the motto of Lord Nelson, let it be the motto of John Norton for the purpose of establishing his claim to immortal glory as the inventor of the word Wowser. To my humble self-to me. John Norton, alone belongs the sole undivided glory and renown of inventing a word, a single, simple word, [hat does at once describe, deride. and denounce that numerous, noxious, pestilent, puritanical, kill-joy push – the whole blasphemous, wire- whiskered brood. Few words have led to more uncertainty than those borrowed from Aboriginal languages. Firstly, as the settlers did not immediately appreciate, there were some hundreds of Aboriginal languages. The differences between even adjacent languages were often considerable and the territories in which they were spoken often very small. The first Aboriginal words recorded in English were those taken down by Captain Cook and his party at Endeavour River in Queensland in 1770. Only two of these words survive into contemporary use, kangaroo and quoll, the latter becoming part of the scientific name for a native cat, Dasyurus quoll, but achieving no wider currency. Governor Phillip, when he reached Port Jackson in 1788, had brought Cook's vocabu- lary with him, hopeful that this would enable him to establish communication with the Aborigi- nes. But he quickly found, as he wrote to Sir Joseph Banks, that the language of the Port Jackson Aborigines was 'totally different not only from the language of the Endeavour River natives but also from the languages spoken by tribes in the immediate vicinity of Port Jackson, north of the Hawkesbury River for instance, and inland towards the Blue Mountains.' Far from recognising it as one of their own, then, the Port Jackson Aborigines received kangaroo as a word introduced by the settlers and applied it indiscriminately to introduced animals such as sheep and cattle. And the settlers themselves were further confused when Captain Phillip Parker King later visited the Endeavour River and found that, although Cook's vocabulary was in other respects useful, the Aborigines there did not recognise the word kangaroo. There were, secondly, difficulties in perceiving and transcribing Aboriginal sounds. Boomer- ang, for instance, is recorded in only one of the First Fleet journal vocabularies and has not yet been found in any early descriptions of the Aborigines. Until very recently its first known occur- rence was in a vocabulary compiled by the missionary, L. E. Threlkeld, to the north of Sydney, in 1826. Threlkeld, in his Australian Grammar, cast doubts on the Aboriginal origin of the word, describing boomerang as a 'barbarism', one of a number of words, like gammon, piccaninny and stike-a-light, 'which have crept into use introduced by sailors, stockmen and others who have 122 paid no attention to the aboriginal tongue'. Certainly the settlers were responsible for it being used in Western Australia (where the Aboriginal word was kylie) as early as 1827, but its source, a Port Jackson word recorded in c. 1790 by Dawes was not immediately recognised. The first of these examples of uncertain etymology probably results from a confusion of spe- cies, the second from inaccurate perception and transcription of Aboriginal sounds. Other words have been Anglicised or Latinised in form, like faddy-melon (first recorded in 1827 as pademal- ion and perhaps a corruption of the Port Jackson word palagorang) and corella, which F. E. Morns in Austral English, ignoring the Port Jackson Aboriginal ca-rall, described as a diminutive of late Latin cora, 'girl doll'. In other instances again, quite spurious etymologies were provided from Aboriginal elements. One such instance, which has influenced the ultimate form of a word, is that which derives budgerigar from two Port Jackson Aboriginal words, budgeree, ‘good’ and gar, 'parrot'. John Gould, in his Birds of Australia, used the form betcherygah, which is probably his transcription of the Kamilaroi word for a small green parrot recorded by William Ridley in 1866 as gijoriga. Here a difficulty in perception and transcription has been compounded by the natural tendency to link the word with the Ро rt Jackson Aboriginal word budjeree, familiar be- cause of its currency in the early patois of settlers, convicts and Aboriginals An equally common word in contemporary usage, billabong, may be the subject of a similar misunderstanding. At- tempts have been made to derive it from two Aboriginal words, billa, 'water' and bong, 'dead, but the word is first found as the Aboriginal name of the Bell River and there is as vet insufficient evidence either to explain that name or to explain its transference to the present meaning There are, then, genuine difficulties in establishing with any degree of certainty the etymolo- gies of even those Aboriginal words which have been longest in use in Australian English and which can be traced to the most fully recorded languages, those of the eastern coast. Difficulties of a different order again arise with words, which are only possibly of Aboriginal origin and for which alternative derivations have sometimes all too readily been provided. It is easy enough to discount the suggestion that the Port Jackson Aboriginal word for 'woman', gin, was applied to 'the native female Blacks' because of their attachment 'to the spirit of that name', but a derivation from Greek gyne, 'woman', was several times and quite soberly accepted Another familiar word, brumby, has been derived from a Queensland Aboriginal word, booramby, 'wild', but there is still strongly current the theory, first recorded by Morns, that in the early days of the colony a Lieu- tenant Brumby who was on the staff of one of the Governors, imported some very good horses, and that some of their descendants being allowed to run wild became the ancestors of the wild horses of New South Wales and Queensland. Two other words for which both Aboriginal and English derivations have been suggested are barrack and waddy. Barrack has two main uses, one positive in its application and one negative. The first, 'cheer, encourage, urge on', requires the preposition for and would appear close in meaning to the Northern Irish word meaning 'to brag, be boastful of one's fighting powers'. The second, which does not require the preposition, means more 'to criticise or chaff and would ap- pear close in meaning to a quite different word, barak, a negative in a Victorian Aboriginal lan- guage. Other explanations have been offered, including the broad assertion that 'the word was first coined m Melbourne owing to the proficiency in roaring encouragement and howling abuse displayed by the supporters of a football team that had its habitat near some artillery barracks' Here, as so often, there is the risk that the colourful and apparently readily explicable will be pre- ferred to the uncertain and less well known, and the task of the historical lexicographer is to at- tempt to record as fully and as far back as possible, to match earlier Australian usage with one or other of the suggested etymologies so that, ideally, an indisputable connection is established. Doubt has similarly been cast on the origin of waddy: forms like wad-di and woo-dah are re- corded in early glossaries as referring to a sort of club but, in the absence of firm evidence, the temptation to associate the word with English wood has been strong. Again, only a thorough reading of early sources is likely to help, by providing evidence which either confirms the exis- tence and use of the Aboriginal word or of an Aboriginal 'pidgin' use of the English wood. Many apparently Aboriginal words, which have come into everyday Australian English do not have even this pedigree. The origins of jumbuck, for instance, a word familiar to anyone who 123 has ever sung or heard sung 'Waltzing Matilda', remain a matter of conjecture. The word occurs as early as 1824, in a letter from the Rev. W. Walker to the Secretary of the Wesleyan Mission- ary Society: Tо two Brothers of mine, these monsters exposed several pieces of human flesh, exclaiming as they smacked their lips and stroked their breasts, 'boodjerry patta! murry boodjerry'–fat as jimbuck!!' i. e. good food, very good, fat as mutton. There is no doubt of their cannibalism. Pray for me, and for them. Later in the nineteenth century two possible derivations were offered: that the word came from an Aboriginal word for 'the white mist preceding a shower, to which a flock of sheep bore a strong resemblance', and that it was a corruption of a hypothetical Aboriginal 'pidgin' word for 'jump up'. All we can say at this stage is that one of these proposed etymologies may appear more likely than the other: there is simply insufficient documentation of the early use of the word for anything other than its specific application to be certain. There is no evidence of such connotations or contexts of usage as might lead to a delineation of its early history. In other instances, of course, when the word is sell-evidently of English stock and the context of usage is plain, a single early quotation is enough to establish a word's derivation and ambi- ence. The Sydney Gazette of 1828 recorded the execution of an Aborigine thus: He frequently said to one of the clergymen who occasionally visited him in his cell, 'All gammon white fellow pai-alla cabon gunyah, me tumble down white fellow.' It was all false that the white fellows said in the Couit-house, that I killed the white-fellow… on being told that it would be of no benefit to him to deny his guilt any longer as the white fellow was coming with the kurryjong, and that he must die, he shook his head and said, 'Kurrvjong bail boodgeree', by which he seems to have meant. 'It is a sad thing to die in this way'. Mr. Threlkeld, who had been with him for some time, then left the cell, when turning to the clergyman who remained with him and exhibiting an appearance of earnestness which he had not previously evinced, he said 'Me like it pai-alia you gentleman I wish to speak to you Sir. 'Bail Saturdey tumble down white fel- low, bail me tumble clown white fellow–Tommy tumble clown white fellow, sit down Palabbala, bulla jin, like it me, brother'. Neither Saturday, nor Jingulo, nor myself killed the white man; Tommv, a black fellow who lives at Palabbala, (about thirty miles from Bathurst), and is as like me as my brother, killed the white fellow. When the executioner had adjusted the rope, and was about to pull the cap over his eyes, he ex- claimed, with a most pitiful expression of countenance, 'Murry me jerran.' I am exceedingly afraid, and immediately afterwards, casting his eyes wistfully around him, and giving a melancholy glance at the apparatus of death, he said, in a tone of deep feeling, which it was impossible to hear without strong emotion, 'Bail more walk about.' meaning that his wanderings were over now. No earlier occurrence of walkabout is known. A second group of words, which have provoked debate are those deriving from British re- gional dialect vocabularies. These are not dissimilar from words borrowed from Aboriginal lan- guages, in that their previous history and range of usage are often either unknown or for gotten. Words are heavily coloured by their use in an Australian context and by the strong, often nation- alistic, connotations thus evoked: the point of connection with an earlier history is lost. Examples are legion. Dinkum, dinky, dinky-di, dinkum article, dinkum oil, square dinkum and, most famil- iar of all, fair dinkum have for most Australians exclusively Australian connotations, but the ba- sic word, and our understanding of it, would be the richer if its nineteenth century history in both Australia and Britain were known. Dinkum, meaning 'work, a due share of work', and fair dinkum, meaning 'fair play', were both used in some English dialects in the nineteenth century; the connection between the two senses can be guessed at but a fuller record than we have at pre- sent of their developing Australian usage might offer some explanation of a cherished Australian characteristic, some further illumination of Australian social history. "Pommy is a shortened form of pomegranate, but not for the usually offered reason. It was first used by Truth as a playful, rhyming formation Jimmy- Grant or immigrant.' Billy, similarly, tells us something or the complexion of early settlers and convicts: it does not derive, as the Oxford English Dictionary, following Morris, suggests, from the proper name 124 William, as spinning jenny derives horn Jenny; nor does it derive, as S. J. Baker in The Austra- lian Language suggests, from Aboriginal billa, 'water'; nor, as Webster's Dictionary favours, from billycan, which is said to be bully-can (cf. Fr. bouilli). There are two Scottish words, bally, 'milk pail', and billypot, 'a cooking utensil', recorded in the Scottish National Dictionary An Eng- lishman, William Howitt, found billy an unfamiliar goldfields usage in 1855. It was perhaps one of the few words introduced by Scottish immigrants, who made up something less than 15 per cent of assisted and unassisted immigrants before 1860. Traces of the Irish, who made up about a third of the convicts, nearly half of the assisted immigrants, and a third of the unassisted immi- grants before 1851, are also surprisingly rare Their songs, reworked, and their music survive, but the more extravagant features of their vocabulary, bleached out perhaps because most of the Irish convicts and assisted immigrants came immediately from the factory areas of Lancashire, York- shire and Scotland, do not. Larrikin, borrowed back into British English from Australian and sometimes described as deriving from the Irish pronunciation of 'larking', is recorded in Joseph Wright's English Dialect Dictionary as a word used in Warwickshire and Worcestershire for 'a mischievous or frolicsome youth'. Other words, like corker, dust-up, nick, 'steal', purler, 'fall', scran, 'food' and tootsy, 'foot', had some currency m both Ireland and Lancashire before being accepted into general currency as slang. Even the lonely sheila is only probably Irish, and there are no doubt other words, like billy, of Scottish origin, a fuller knowledge of which might lead to a revaluation of this influence on our development. Apparently stronger than either is the influence of the vulgar speech of the urban colloca- tions of the Midlands and of London. We are fortunate in having James Hardy Vaux's New and Comprehensive Vocabulary of the Plash Language, compiled in Newcastle, New South Wales, in 1812, as some record of 'English transported' Vaux had the distinction of being transported three times and so had good claim to 'an extensive knowledge on a subject so ob- viously disgraceful'. It seems probable that many of the words he recorded were never used in New South Wales; but some, like blunt and brads, both meaning 'money', cross, 'dishonest', dab, 'bed', family 'the fraternity of those who live on the cross', flat, 'an honest man', plant, 'to hide', or 'a place of concealment', and trap, 'policeman', were used by Alexander Harris in The Emigrant Family in 1849, and survived much later. Some words acquired new senses: cove, 'the master of a house or shop', became the owner of a station, swag, 'stolen wearing apparel or piece goods' developed its present meaning. A handful of words found in Vaux and used forty years later by Harris indicates a strong and continuing part of the vocabulary One broad section is identified but the detail needs to be filled in. When did cove and swag change their meanings? How did the family change its character? What new connotations did cross cove and square cove acquire? Much can be learned of the developing Australian ethos by re- cording these changes. Another strongly declared influence is that of the Cornish miners who settled in South Aus- tralia. Fossick and mullock owe their origin to miners, and their expanded, figurative uses to the prominence of mining in mid nineteenth-century Australian culture. Attle, bal, buddle, Captain, darg and halivans have a similar origin. More evidence is needed, again, of the meanings these words had in Britain, the extent of their usage outside Cornwall, the precision with which they were first applied in Australia and the process by which, as they slowly became absorbed into the general Australian vocabulary, they enriched both it and the life it described with connotations both inherent and acquired. Take two other words, one early and one apparently late, shout and pommy. Shout is popu- larly thought of as resulting from expedience: in a crowded bar one has to shout to get service. But shot, 'a payment, a bill, a share of the reckoning' is a well-attested British regional dialect usage. A different perception of the pronunciation, a different spelling encouraged by a popular etymology, and a new word would appear to have been born, but it would be less of a foundling if its earlier Australian history could be discovered and this etymology confirmed. Pommy, by contrast, comes later into the language, probably sometime during World War I. There have been many guesses at its origin: a shortening of pomegranate, after the traditional ruddiness of the

125 English cheek: an improbable acronym. Pome. Prisoner of Mother England: a corruption of Tommy; or of Pompey, a slang term for Portsmouth. Recent research has solved the mystery: Pommy is a shortened for of pomegranate, but not for the-usually offered reason. It was lust used by Trust as a playful, rhyming formation on Jimmy Grant or immigrant. Australian English сlearly derives, in large part, from that of the British Isles, bin there is an excitement also in dis- covering the origins of those words which have been coined in this country. The general pattern is established; a detailed map will tell us a great deal more, both about individual words and about ourselves. This section has looked so far at words borrowed from Aboriginal languages and words, which survived from British regional dialects and, not infrequently, gained a new lease of life in the colony. There are other sources for borrowed words, notable American English and German. Though there was undoubtedly a great deal of movement between Australia and New Zealand the lexical movement seems mostly to have been one-way, with the slightly younger New Zealand English the beneficiary of Australian experience. Here, again, we know little more than is recorded in this dictionary. New Zealand English is well represented in the Ox- ford Supplements but has otherwise attracted no special study and much more evidence than is presently available is needed before any clear picture of the relation between these two closely linked blanches of English can be established. American English, on the other hand, is fully and well recorded and some of its major contributions to Australian English can be readily identified. Bush has different meanings, because of the different habitats, in Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and the United States. Australians think of the word as then own, rich in connotations peculiar to the country and important in many aspects of their culture. This is due also in New Zealand, though the bush there is completely different in character. The world seems to have been used first in the United States and its early Australian history is one of the slow acquisition of these peculiarly Australian connotations. The same is true, to a lesser de- gree, of block, location, section and township, all used first in American and then in Australian English with specific meanings in the surveying of land for settlement. Even bushranger, as Australian as Ned Kelly, has an earlier American history and, in New South Wales, a brief pe- riod of innocence in which it was used almost with the connotations of bushman, and even of a botanical collector. 'By far the largest group of Australianisms is that made up of existing English words which were put to new uses in the colony.' The goldmining period brought a fresh influx of American borrowings: digger, dirt, prospect and prospector developed their goldmining applications on the Californian goldfields and were simply reapplied to Australia. Other 'fringe' words, belonging to the social context of the gold seekers, words like bowie knife, corduroy road, johnnycake and splitrail fence, came in at roughly the same time. Their presence suggests a much richer spate of borrowing than has yet been recognised. The German Eutheran settlers in South Australia, on the other hand, provided only a local influence' it is possible that the South Australian butcher, 'a glass of beer', is of Ger- man origin and certain that clinah, a now probably obsolete word for 'girl', is. By far the largest group of Australianisms is that made up of existing English words which were put to new-uses in the colony. There are several categories of these. Of particular impor- tance are words like hut, hutkeeper, muster, overseer, station and superintendent, all first used in Australia with their established English meanings, as fart of the vocabulary describing convict settlements and their management, and all subsequently transferred to accommodate the not dis- similar circumstances of sheep and cattle runs. Thus, to take one example, station seems at first to have meant any outpost, as for instance a missionary establishment or a tract for grazing gov- ernment stock, but particularly an outpost at which convicts were accommodated and employed. The advent of private settlers, who similarly grazed stock inland, led to this becoming the pri- mary Australian meaning and no doubt aided the shift in meaning of other words like hut, muster and overseer. Another category is that made up of words for features of the landscape, which were adapted to provide labels for the strange and unordered landscape the settlers found before them. Gover- 126 nor Philip Gidley King distinguished, in 1805, between brush, 'a dark, impenetrable thicket con- sisting of plants and herbaceous Shrubs'; scrub, 'consisting of Shrubs of low growth, Soil of a bad quality with small Iron gravelly stones'; and forest land, which is such as abounds with Grass and is the only Ground which is fit to Graze, according to the local distinction [he addsl the Grass is the discriminating Character and not the Trees, for by making use of the Former it is clearly understood as different from a Brush or Scrub. A dictionary like this one can indicate something of the specificity of meaning these words were felt to have m the early nineteenth century: it remains for fuller evidence to be gathered to indicate how widely these distinctions were recognised and how king they have lasted. Another interesting pair is creek and lagoon, both identified by King again as 'local expressions'. The use of creek, in British English, was restricted to an estuary or arm of the sea, the use of lagoon to a salt or brackish pond separated from the sea by a low sandbank. In both American and Australian English, and probably independently, creek came to refer also to what was upstream of the estu- ary and then to be widely applied to a watercourse smaller than a river. Lagoon, also, went inland and was applied very early to fresh water ponds formed by a creek or spring. A third, and very extensive, category is that made up of the names given to flora and fauna. The settlers looked, understandably, for resemblances: apple tree, boy, cedar, cherry tree, honey- suckle, mahogany, native pear and oak are all examples of words brought very early into use be- cause of fancied resemblance to European plants, as seen in the distance, or characterised by one of then features such as the fruit or the timber Animals and birds, similarly, were named for then resemblance to species left far behind, as emu wren, kangaroo rat, laughing jackass, native dog, native turkey and swamp pheasant testify. In all instances, as the last group suggests, the process of composition greatly increased the versatility of the basic vocabulary commonly used words like bush, station and stock spawned compounds like bushfire, bush horse, bush language and bush lawyer: head station, home station and out-station, stock farm, stockhorse, stock -hut, stock-keeper, stuck route, stockwhip and stockyard. None of these, of course, pose etymological problems. Their derivations are plain and then interest, for the historical lexicographer, lies in their development of new meanings, either inde- pendently or in compounds, perhaps also in their displacement of elements of the traditional Brit- ish agricultural and pastoral vocabulary, and in such shifts of meaning as occur during the course of their Australian history. A word like run, for instance, refers to a larger tract of country than it did in British English It developed a degree of differentiation through the formation of com- pounds like back-run, cattle run, sheep run and upper run, displaced the English sheep walk, which had an early life in the colony, and itself shifted in meaning at least twice, when it came to refer to land owned rather than land occupied and when it ceased to be synonymous with station. Many other words could be cited, each with an individual history woith pursuing: back of beyond, bail up, bludger, bonzer, boundary ruler, buckjumper, cobber, cock, currency, damper, dubersome, flaming, galah, gibber, hielamon, humpy, ironbark, jackeroo, kellick, lerp, lubra, lyrebird, mallee fowl, myall, new chum, nugget, ocker, offrider, overlander, paddock, quokka, rosella, rush, scungy, selection, shivoo, sterling, tea-tree, tucker, warrigal, waterhole, willy- willy, yabby and yakka. The meanings and etymologies of some of these are self-evident in that they derive from existing Standard English words. Some others can be broadly identified as Aboriginal or British dialect borrowings. But many remain mysteries still and will not be fully explained until then earlier Australian usage is researched in an historical dictionary. This may seem, from the point of view of the user of The Macquarie Dictionary, a negative stance. It is, rather, a statement about the present state of studies of the Australian vocabulary and per- haps a spur to the many word watchers who will use this dictionary The Macquarie Dictionary contains the fullest available record of Australian additions tea and modifications of the vo- cabulary of English. It contains as much information about the derivation of these Australian- isms as is available and is consistent with its purpose and form. It offers glimpses of a short but rich and exciting history and challenges those who wish to know more about their language and themselves.

127 The Australian National Dictionary (AND), 1988.

INTRODUCTION

For the purposes of this dictionary' an Australianism is one of those words and meanings of words which have originated in Australia, which have a greater currency here than elsewhere, or which have a special significance in Australia because of their connection with an aspect of the history of the country. The aim of the dictionary is to provide as full an historical record of these as possible. In the simplest analysis Australian English, the English used by Australians, differs from that used elsewhere in the ways and to the extent that the circumstances of life in this country and the history of its people have been distinctive. Most obviously, there are words and meanings of words which have originated in Australia because of the need to give a name to a bird, a plant, an artefact, or a feature of the landscape encountered here for the first time: the application of a largely de- scriptive nomenclature to species of indigenous flora and fauna, and the borrowing from Aborigi- nal languages of terms for Aboriginal implements and weapons are illustrations of this. But Australian English reflects also the composition of the immigrant population and an ex- perience, which while in part distinctive was in part common to other British colonies. Regional dialect and slang words, which have remained nonstandard in Britain became generally current in Australia. Occupational vocabularies, made up in part of traditional, often dialect, terms, in part of new terms required by new circumstances, acquired greater prominence: some mining terms, for instance, obtained general currency when gold-mining, in several parts of the new world, became a popular as distinct from a specialized pursuit. Words necessary to describe the opening up of an unfamiliar country, often originating in another colony or common to more than one, became part of an active vocabulary in Australia, of a largely passive one in Britain. Words formed from standard elements, as compounds formed on main elements like bullock, canvas, cattle, sheep, and stock, acquired a special significance because of the importance of the activity with which they were associated. It is a reasonable presumption that a word recorded by the Oxford English Dictionary and its four volume Supplement (OED(S) or the English Dialect Dictionary (EDD) as British regional dialect is rightly so described even if it can be antedated in Australian use. In many instances, also, a substantially earlier American history establishes an American origin for a word bor- rowed into Australian. But it would be hazardous to argue an Australian origin for round up or puncher (as in bullock puncher) simply on the ground that both are recorded earliest in Australia. And, in fields like gold mining, sheep-raising, shearing, and Services speech, New Zealand and Australia have so many words in common that the location of the earliest written evidence may well be fortuitous. It has therefore seemed best to interpret 'Australianism' liberally, not making undue claims but including in the dictionary many words which are of undoubted significance in the Australian context but about the precise origin of which there remains uncertainty. The first stage in the compilation of any dictionary on his torical principles is the establish- ment of a bibliography of sources and the implementation of a reading programme. It was de- termined from the outset, in 1978, that the dictionary would be published in 1988. The bibliogra- phy was therefore necessarily selective and the reading programme contained. We were fortunate to obtain the services of Pauline Fanning, formerly Director of the Australian Humanities Collec- tion in the National Library of Australia, to compile, from Ferguson's Bibliography of Australia (to 1900), the National Library catalogues and accession lists, and her own inspection of likely tides, a bibliography of some 9,500 items, including runs of newspapers and journals. Some idea of the range of these sources can be gained from the Select Bibliography. It became clear very early that any attempt to emulate the Oxford model by using voluntary readers would protract the reading programme interminably and so, as the acquisition of grant monies permitted, a team of trained readers was employed to read with and under the direction of the Editor and Associate Editor. Working mostly in the one library readers were able to compare findings and so improve their sensibility in the identifying of items and their selectivity in recording them. In five years

128 some 250,000 citations were collected, of which about one in four appear in the dictionary. In the Instructions readers were asked to be alert to: words and phrases they believed were Australian words and phrases in occupational vocabularies, especially those used 'on the job' words and phrases in other specialized vocabularies names for animals, birds, ftsh, plants, and geographical features words and phrases apparendy borrowed from Aboriginal languages colloquial expressions proverbial expressions and catch phrases familiar words and phrases used in unusual ways family or local expressions words and phrases not in common use, especially those which appear obsolete words and phrases which others have found unfamiliar. This was deliberately casting a wide net but we wanted readers to make inclusive rather than exclusive judgements. Our intention was to record as fully as possible that part of me vocabulary which could be regarded as readily accessible to most Australians. We have not sought to cover specialist or occupational vocabularies occurring only or mostly in specialist sources, though in- evitably we have gone to many such sources in order to document more fully the history of words established as being in common use. One result of this policy is that the vocabularies of occupations such as gold-mining and shearing, which have a substantial popular literature, are more prominent than those of occupations such as cane-cutting and timber-getting, which have had their own importance in the social or economic history of the country. It should be noted also that common names in natural history checklists are included only if there is adequate evi- dence of sustained popular use. Any dictionary draws to some extent on its predecessors and in this instance the literature of the subject was searched, at the conclusion of the reading programme or during the editing proc- ess. Our intention in so doing was to allow the reading programme to proceed without the par- ticipants forming preconceptions about what might, or might not, properly belong in die diction- ary while at a later stage not denying ourselves the opportunity to supplement our own findings from those of previous studies, or to make good omissions, always provided of course that mate- rial from such studies could be verified. Of particular assistance were E.E. Morris's Austral Eng- lish, the several works of Sidney J. Baker, the monographs published by the Australian Language Research Centre, University of Sydney, die two editions of G.A. Wilkes' Dictionary of Austra- lian Colloquialisms, and R.W. Burchfield's four-volume Supplement to the Oxford English Dic- tionary (OEDS). Citations from OED(S) have in the main been silently accepted, though for a small number which it would have been impossible to verify an attribution is given after the cita- tion in parentheses. The editing of the dictionary has taken three years, the method followed, like drat of Mathews' Dictionary of Americanisms, being a modification of that established by die Oxford editors. The first task was to work through die data-base of citations, die raw material of die dic- tionary, identifying and grouping into parts of speech and senses those citations illustrating the use of words likely to be included in the dictionary. The file was then split, draft entries for all items in die general vocabulary being prepared by the Associate Editor, for all those items re- quiring scientific expertise by die Science Editor. The Science Editor built up a 'directory' of consultants in many specialist fields and drew on these on a regular basis. At this stage it was for both strands necessary to consult other historical dictionaries, in particular OED(S), EDD, Madiews' Dictionary of Americanisms, Craigie and Hulbert's Dictionary of American English, and Partridge's Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English, and to decide, on die basis of the dictionary evidence available, whether or not a word warranted an entry in AND. Somewhat less then a third of die citations were rejected at this stage, as illustrating words, colloquial words particularly, common to British English, belonging to another branch of English, or insufficiently attested. Searches were made for further instances of words for which there was insufficient evi- dence, but many, particularly words from Aboriginal languages and names for plants and ani- 129 mals which never became established in English, languish in die file, perhaps to find a place in a later edition. A selection was then made of those citations, which most fully represented a word's life and most definitively and vividly illustrated its use and meaning. In die case of names of flora and fauna die selection was intended to include descriptive material and in many cases to substantiate die particular uses of names which have often been used loosely. Particular care was taken to se- lect citations which established the Australianness of the word or its referent, not crudely in a quest for colour but in the recognition that, as the words added to a language by a people are an index of their history and culture, so die actual context of use provides evidence of their social and cultural attitudes and preoccupations. AND has used citations copiously, more with the in- terests of the historian in mind than because there are lexical features (variant forms, etc.), which require documentation. There nonetheless remains a surplus file of slightly larger size than die dictionary file itself. The cost of entering into a computer a data-base of which at best one in four items would ultimately be used was one factor in our decision to edit die dictionary in the tradi- tional manner, on cards. All draft entries, together with their surplus citations, then passed to the Editor for approval or revision. Entries in their 'final' form were checked by die copy editors, for consistency of style, and of die form and dating of bibliographical reference, and for the verification of detail where this appeared necessary. To this stage die text remained handwritten, but a word- processed version was now prepared for the use of out side consultants, and to facilitate cross- referencing and further revision. As sections of this were completed they were sent to Oxford, where John Simpson, a Senior Editor of the Supplement and, from 1985, Co-Editor of the New Oxford English Dictionary, not only gave extensive and valuable advice but had extracted from die unpublished files of OED(S citations which usefully supplemented our own holdings. The text was also read by diree consultants, Stuart Macintyre as an historian, Barry Andrews as a sports historian, and H.W. Orsman as the editor of die forthcoming dictionary of New Zealand English on historical principles, all of whom gave information or advice which has improved die dictionary. The dictionary consists of approximately 6,000 main entries. Many of these have subdivi- sions, especially those forming simple combinations and collocations (which do not require defi- nition) and special combinations and collocations (which do require definition) so that die total number of entries is actually much larger. By far the most common method of expanding die Australian vocabulary has been by die formation of com pounds and two-word combinations and collocations and it has seemed both helpful and economical to follow die Oxford practice of grouping combinations and collocations under main entries, except in such cases as the elements have со alesced to form a single, unhyphenated, word or where the combination or collocation requires fuller treatment. The essence of an entry in an historical dictionary is its set of citations: these establish die chronology of a word's use, substantiate the definition or definitions, and illustrate the range of registers within which a word has been used. We have taken die view that, while it is sometimes a proper part of the descriptive process to use a subject label to indicate that a word is restricted to a particular field of activity, there is a danger that using labels to indicate register can be over- interpretative and over-restrictive. This seems particularly true of Australian English, which al- lows easy movement between formal and informal usage. It should be clear from the citations if a word belongs mainly in colloquial use or to die slang of a particular group, and equally clear if it is for some reason taboo in some contexts. Labels like coarse, colloq., derog., slang, and vul- gar, which tend unnecessarily to categorize, have therefore been omitted. Inclusion of words that many will find offensive does not mean that die editors endorse die sentiments they frequently express: our responsibility has been to record die language as it has been used and to supply the evidence of this use in citations which enable users of the dictionary to form their own judge- ments about both the words and their users. Our perception of die vocabulary of Australian English as an entity has made us wary also of using regional labels for many items in die colloquial vocabulary which are commonly sup posed 130 to be localized in their use. With the names of species of flora and fauna die evidence is some- times unequivocal and attributions can be given with confidence. And in the case of a small number of items of peripheral interest – the names given to glasses of beer, for example – the written evidence is adequate. But for many more interesting items, words like port for instance, the evidence is unconvincing: we have frequently allowed popular opinion a voice in a citation but until there is a survey of regional usage which takes account of the spoken as well as the written word – and such a survey is a natural consequence of the completion of this dictionary – it must remain opinion. The dictionary's concern is with the English used by or accessible to the majority of Austra- lians. It thus necessarily takes account of what is referred to in AND as Australian pidgin, the language of contact between European settler and Aboriginal, used particularly in the earlier part of the nineteenth century and now largely obsolete, and what is referred to as Aboriginal English, that set of terms which is used mostly by Aborigines and which relates to their attitudes and con- cerns, made up partly of standard English words like business and clever, which have been given new meanings, partly of Australian pidgin words which have outlived the stigma attaching to a contact language, and partly of words originating in Aboriginal languages, especially words like koori, which manifest a pride in Aboriginality. In both cases, what is offered in AND is a pre- liminary account – in the case of pidgin because what is recorded is that which has at least in part been absorbed into Australian English, in the case of Aboriginal English because, while its spo- ken life is undoubtedly vigorous, its emergence into written English is mostly late. Entries recording the popular nomenclature of flora and fauna are a significant component of the dictionary. Many names for plants and animals are descriptive, and have been similarly used elsewhere, many are new applications of words used in British and American English, and it has often been difficult to determine whether or not to include a word. In general we have erred on the side of inclusiveness: descriptive collocations in which for instance the distinguishing epithet denotes a colour (as black-backed wren, black bream, black cormorant, etc.) are included as probably independent of a similar use elsewhere; names used earlier elsewhere but applied in Australia to species of different genera are included; names used elsewhere for species within the same genus are included if the name has been applied in Australia to a new species, or if the de- gree of specificity in Australian use appears narrower or broader. Latin generic names like Bank- sia and Zygomaturus are included if there is adequate evidence of their use in an English context as the name of an individual and not that of a genus. (The use of the label Obs., as in the entries for Leipoa and Menura, carries no implication that the word is no longer a valid scientific name for a genus.) Every effort has been made to comply with official changes in the Latin names of flora and fauna, the name most recently adopted being preferred, with a common alternative sometimes also supplied. The classification of plant families adopted in Flora of Australia (Bu- reau of Flora and Fauna, 1981), has been followed. The distribution of a plant or animal has been given where possible. The formula 'all States' includes the Northern Territory and the Australian Capital Territory unless otherwise indicated. The dictionary is intended to stand alone and to this end entries include all information likely to be useful to a reader enquiring into the Australian use of a word. But, as has been noted above, many of the words included are or have been in use elsewhere. And many Standard English words given new meanings in Australia, like run and station, have long and interesting histories behind them. The Oxford English Dictionary and its Supplement are the only historical diction- ary of international English and therefore the obvious next point of reference. Wherever it has seemed useful, a cross-reference to the corresponding entry in OED(S has been included in the etymology. Pursuit of such cross-references will help the reader to place an AND entry in a lar- ger context: in some cases an earlier history with be revealed, in some an editorial judgement confirmed, in some an editorial doubt exposed. The symbiotic relationship between Australian English and New Zealand English has already been noted: it has seemed sensible to illuminate a word's earlier history by including in AND any citation from a New Zealand source which ante- dates the earliest Australian record, such citations being either supplied by H. W. Orsman or taken from OED. 131 The information provided in the etymologies is deliberately limited. No attempt has been made to provide more than a word's immediate derivation, and then only when it is not self- evident (as it most frequently is in descriptive compounds). As noted earlier cross-references to the corresponding entries in OED are provided in many instances. An important feature of AND is its inclusion of etymologies for words borrowed from Aboriginal languages: these are for the first time treated with a degree of comprehensiveness and, in the majority of instances, a specific source language is identified. Etymologies for borrowings from Aboriginal languages have been provided by R.M. W. Dixon, Clare Allridge, Lysbeth Ford, Linda Macfarlane, and David Wilkins. A standardized or- thography, using letters of the Roman alphabet with the addition of ŋ, is employed in most in- stances, the orthography being that used by R.M.W. Dixon and described in his Languages of Australia (p. xxi): If there is a single apical series, the symbols, d, n and l are used; if there is a single laminal series j, ny and ly are used. For the few languages (e.g. Diyari) where there is a distinction be- tween two series of stops, both voiced and voiceless symbols are used. Systems of three vowels are shown as i, a, u; where there are five vowels i, e, а, о, и are used. Contrastive length is shown by doubling the letter, thus u, aa etc. For languages that have an accepted practical orthography, that is in daily use by speakers, we quote forms in this spelling. Western Desert [uses])p, t, rt, k and ng in place of our standard b, d, rd, g and r). In addition, Western Desert uses tj for the lamina] stop [etc.]. The writing system employed for languages of the Yolrju sub group – perhaps the best estab- lished practical orthography in Aboriginal Australia – uses underlining for postalveolar (retro- flex) sounds i.e. d, t, n, l corresponding to our standard rd, rt, rn and ri, it also employs dj, tj for lamino -(alveo) palatals. For a description of the phonology of Aboriginal languages, the reader is referred to R.M.W. Dixon, The Languages of Australia (Cambridge 1980). In almost all instances a borrowing's first meaning in English is the same as that in the Aboriginal language: where there has been a change the original meaning is supplied. Some 400 borrowings are recorded. For most of these a source language has been identified, no small task given that there were over 200 languages at the time of European settlement, of which many are now dead and a good number of the remainder in de- cline. In cases where there are good grounds for believing a word is of Aboriginal origin but a source language cannot be identified a formula is used indicating the probability of the word be- ing from an Aboriginal language in a given State (or Territory). For a list of the Aboriginal lan- guages borrowed from, and for their location, see the table on p. xi and map on p. x. Our policy on hyphenation has been conservative, largely because the citation evidence is so inconclusive. In general we have left two-word combinations and collocations unhyphenated unless grammatical function, sense, or stress dictate otherwise. If there is clear evidence that a combination or collocation has become a compound entity, it is treated as a main entry. Pronun- ciations are given only for those words which are new to standard English, as borrowings from Aboriginal Languages, survivals from British regional dialects, or colloquial formations and, oc- casionally, in those instances where a word has more than one pronunciation elsewhere and the preferred Australian pronunciation needs to be indicated. Pronunciations are given in Interna- tional Phonetic Alphabet notation, using the system established by A.G. Mitchell and A. Del- bridge in The Pronunciation of English in Australia, revised edition (Sydney 1965). Where there have been variant spellings – and there was much early uncertainty about the representation of the sounds of Aboriginal words – the main variants are listed. These may sometimes indicate the existence of earlier or variant pronunciations but as a rule the evidence is too slight to permit of any systematic attempt at the identification and interpretation of these. For words, which are now obsolete and which have not been heard in use the spelling evidence is often all that is available. It is a pleasure to acknowledge both the institutional support which has made the undertaking and completion of the dictionary project possible, and the help and advice given freely by nu- merous colleagues. The Australian National University has made special provision for the pro- ject from August 1981, when my duties and those of Joan Hughes were varied to enable us to 132 give our full time to the dictionary, and has given additional support, particularly in the provision of accommodation and through the agency of the Faculties Research Fund. The Faculty of Arts has given moral as well as financial support, and I am grateful also to the English Department and the Humanities Research Centre for their help, particularly in the early stages. The second major source of funding has been the Australian Research Grants Scheme, which supported the project with annual grants from 1979 to 1986, and the third Oxford University Press Australia, which has advanced royal ties over the four year period, 1984-87. Grants were received also from the Australian War Memorial Research Grants Scheme (1985-86), the University of the Northern Territory Planning Authority (1984), and the Australian Academy of the Humanities (1979). On an earlier Australian Research Grants Scheme grant (1970-72), Jean Fielding was employed in preliminary citation collecting.

Aboriginal Languages

I am glad to be able to make acknowledgement of the help given by R.W. Burchfield, Editor of the Supplement to the Oxford English Dictionary, and by A.J. Aitken and J.A.C. Steven-son, Editors of the Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue, in the several planning stages. And I par- ticularly want to record our indebtedness to those who read and commented on the full text, John Simpson, H.W. Orsman, Stuart Macintyre, and Barry Andrews, and to R.M.W. Dixon for his help, particularly in establishing the etymologies of words borrowed from Abori ginal languages. Many others contributed, by responding to queries or by volunteering information, and I would like es pecially to thank the following, in the main from this University: D.W.A. Baker, S.C. Bennett, R.F. Brissenden. Clyde Cameron, G.W. Clarke, C. Cunneen, O.F. Dent, C.I.E. Donald son, Tamsin Donaldson, E.G. Fry, J.A. Grieve, C.P. Groves, T.P. Grundy.J.P. Hardy, A.D. Hope, G.S. Hope, I.M. Hughes, K.S. Inglis, A.H.Johns, W.A. Krebs, Hans Kuhn, D.C. Laycock, F.W. Lewins, K.W. McDermott, C.C. Macknight, A.W. Martin, J.A. Merritt, J.N. Molony, Howard

133 Morphy, D.J. Mulvaney, Nicolas Peterson, D.W. Rawson, J.D. Ritchie. F.W. Shawcross, F.B. Smith, P.N. Troy, and I.F.H. Wilson. For the help they were able to give the Science Editor I would like to thank people from this and other universities, from the Bureau of Flora and Fauna, from various divisions of the Com monwealth Science and Industrial Research Organization, from botanic gardens. State museums, and Departments of Primary Industry and Agriculture, in particular J.A. Arm strong, S.A.F. Bain, A. Bragg, J.H. Calaby, M. Carver, A. Chap man, R.J. Chinnock, G.M. Chippendale, D.C. Christophel, I.A. Clark, H.T. Clifford, P. Coleman, A.B. Court, M.D. Crisp, W.M. Curtis, B.A. Fuhrer, A.S. George, C.J.M. Glover, M.R. Gray, G.P. Guymer, H.J. Hewson, R.J. Hnatiuk, W.L. Hoffman, M. Lazarides, B.Y. Main, H.R.C. Meischke, A.S. Mitchell, I.D. Naumann, E.S. Niel- sen, R.W. Purdie, M.O. Rankin, B. Richard son, A.N. Rodd, R. Schodde, P.S. Short, M. South- well Walters, R.W. Taylor, I.R.H. Telford, M.J. Tyler, N.M. Wace,J.G. West, K.L. Wilson, P.G. Wilson, andJ.C. Wombey. A small number of people who have helped voluntarily deserve mention: John D'Arcy, Rosemary Balmford, D. Cox, L.J. Downer, B.L.C. Johnson, Delia Johnson, Michele Lang, M.C. Michell, F. Morris, and, in particular, R.G. Kimber. I would like to thank also staff in the Petherick Room and Newspaper Reading Room of the National Library of Australia, and in the Mitchell Library, for their assistance.

ABORIGINAL LANGUAGES

39 Adnyamadhanha – in the vicinity of Lake Torrens, S.A. 41 Arabana Wangarjuru – west of Lake Eyre and in the Simpson Desert, S.A. 43 Aranda – in the vicinity of Alice Springs, N.T. 3 Awabakal – on the coast from north of Sydney to Newcastle, N.S.W. 32 Bagandji – along the Darling River, N.S.W. 17 Bandjalang – in the Clarence and Richmond Rivers district in n.e. N.S.W. and s.e. Qld. 38 Barjgala – south of Lake Torrens to the Gawler Ranges, S.A. 52 Bardi – north of Broome and on Sunday Island, in n. W.A. 5 Dharawal – on the coast fromjervis Bay to Port Hacking, N.S.W. 4 Dharuk – in the vicinity of Port Jackson, Sydney, N.S.W. 6 Dhurga – on the coast from Bermagui to Jervis Bay.N.S.W. 40 Diyari – in die Cooper Creek district, east of Lake Eyre, S.A. 1 Djarjadi – in die Macleay River district, N.S.W. 23 Dyirbal – in the Tully River district, n. Qld. 19 Gabi – in die Mary River district from Redcliffe toFraser Island, s.e. Qld. 8 Ganay – in Gippsland, Vic. 34 Gangubanud – on die coast at Portland Bay, Vic. 21 Gangulu – in the Dawson River district, s.e. Qld. 28 Garuwali – in the Ferrar Creek district, n.e. of Birdsville, s.w. Qld. 37 Gauma – in the vicinity of Adelaide, S.A. 20 Goreng Goreng – in the vicinity of Bundaberg, s.e. Qld. 55 Gunwinygu – from upper Cooper Creek to the Liverpool River, Arnhem Land, N.T. 30 Gunya – between Charleville and Cunnamulla in s.w. Qld. 25 Guugu Yimidhirr – in the vicinity of Cooktown, n. Qld. 18 Jagara – in die Moreton Bay district, s.e. Qld. 46 Kalaaku – at Israelite Bay and inland around the Fraser Range and Norseman, W.A. 15 Kamilaroi – in die Namoi River district, n. N.S.W. (closely related to Wiradhuri and Ngi- yambaa). 2 Kattarj – on die coast from Port Stephens to Port Macquarie, N.S.W. 24 Kuku-Yalanji – in the Bloomfield River district, n. Qld. 27 Majuli – in die upper Di- amantina River district, s.w. Qld. 134 16 Manandjali – in s.e. Qld. 31 Margany – in die upper Paroo and Warrego Rivers district, s.e. Qld. 56 Margu – on Croker Is. and mainland 45 Mirnirjy – along die coast of the Great Australian Bight, W.A. and S.A. 54 Ngaliwuru – in die upper Victoria River district, N.T. 7 Ngarigo – from Canberra across the Monaro tablelands to die Snowy Mountains and Omeo, N.S.W. (incl. A.C.T.) and Vic. 53 Ngarinjin – in the central Kimberley district, W.A. 36 Ngayawur) – in the lower Murray River district, S.A. 14 Ngiyambaa – in the Darling and Macquarie Rivers district, N.S.W. (very closely related to Wiradhuri, and closely related to Kamilaroi). 48 Nhanta anmarju – on the coast from Dongara to the Murchison River, W.A. 47 Nyungar – over a wide area of s.w. W.A., including Perth and Albany. Oyster Bay lan- guage of Tasmania – in the vicinity of 9 Oyster Bay, east coast of Tasmania. 50 Panyjima – in the Pilbara region of n.w. W.A. 42 Pitta Pitta – in the Boulia district, n.w. central Qjd. Punthamara – in the Grey Range district, s.w. Qld. South eastern language of Tasmania – from Hobart south to Prion Bay, including Bruny Is- land. 58 Wamdarang – on die west coast of Amhem Land, N.T. from Roper River to Rose River. 22 Warrgamay – in the Herbert River district, n. Qld. 11 Wathawurung – in the vicinity of Geelong, Vic. (closely related to Wuywurung and Wemba). 49 Watjari – in the Murchison River district, W.A. 33 Wemba – in the Glenelg and Loddon Rivers district, Vic. (closely related to Wuywurung and Wathawurung). Has several dialects including Djadjala, Wemba Wemba and Wergaia. 44 Western Desert language – spoken in the Desert areas of S. and W. Australia, and in s.w. N.T. (has many dialects including Luritja, Mantjiltjara, Yulbaritja, Pitjantjarjara and Yankuiiyt- jatjara). 26 Wik Munkan – in the Archer River district, n. Qld. 13 Wiradhuri – over a wide area in central N.S.W. in the region of the Murrumbidgee River and Lachlan River districts (very closely related to Ngiyambaa and closely related to Kamilaroi). 12 Wuywurung – in the vicinity of Melbourne, Vic.(closely related to Wathawurung and Wemba). 35 Yaralde – on the coast at Encounter Bay and at Lake Alexandrina, S.A. 51 Yinjibarndi – in the Fortescue River district, W.A. 57 Yolnu Sub-group – a group of closely related languages spoken in n.e. Amhem Land. N.T. 15 Yuwaalaraay – near Lightning Ridge, n. N.S.W. (a dialect of the same language as Kami- laroi).

EXPLANATION OF THE STYLE AND ARRANGEMENT OF ENTRIES

The entry. Each entry is designed to present the information it contains in the most illuminat- ing, convenient, and economic form. Entries range from the simple, one word recorded as one part of speech and in one sense, to the complex, subdivided first according to part of speech and then according to sense. Combinations and collocations of which the headword is the main ele- ment are normally listed in a sub-section of the entry, with derivatives of minor importance at the end of the entry. In a sequence of combinations and collocations the main element is listed in the first instance but thereafter understood. Com binations, which have coalesced into one, usually unhyphenated, compound, which require fuller treatment, or which are essentially independent

135 of the bulk of the entry, are listed in their own alphabetical place. The elements of an entry (not all of which may be required) appear in the following order. Headword. The headword, the word, which is the subject of the entry, appears at its head in bold roman. Subordinate items -combinations, collocations, and phrases, of which the headword is the main element, as well as derivatives, appear in their place in the entry in bold roman. Words, which normally have an initial capital, as place-names used in a transferred sense and proprietary names, retain the capital, all other initial letters being in lower case. Superscript nu- merals are used to distinguish two or more headwords having the same spelling. If a word has separate entries according to its parts of speech these are arranged chronologically, the noun usu- ally preceding the verb, unless the logic of the word's history demands otherwise. Pronunciation. Where a pronunciation is given it follows the headword, marked off by slashes and in International Phonetic Alphabet notation (see table on p. xvi). Part of speech. If a word is recorded only as a noun, and there is no other noun in the same form, no part of speech is given. Otherwise the part of speech is given in abbreviated form in italics. Subject or restrictive labels. Subject labels (designating an occupation, sport, etc.) and re- strictive labels, such as Obs. (obsolete), Hist. (now only in an historical context), and N.S. W. (used chiefly in New South Wales), are printed in italics and with an initial capital. In run-on en- tries, as sequences of special combinations and collocations, such labels (other than abbrevia- tions of proper names) have a lower-case initial letter. Variant spellings. The main variant spellings are given in bold roman after the headword (pronunciation, part of speech, label) and before the etymology. Spellings which are clearly aber- rant or which do not help establish main directions are not listed. Some standard English spelling variants, as color for colour, license for licence, parrakeet for parakeet, pigmy for pygmy and waggon for wagon, are not remarked. Etymology. The etymology is enclosed in square brackets. An etymology which informs all senses of a word precedes any numbered or lettered subdivision. An etymology which informs a specific sense follows that sense's number or (in the case of special combinations or collocations) the second element of the combination. The etymon, or primary word which is the basis of a de- rivative form or sense, is given in italics, unless it is a word for which there is a main entry in the dictionary, in which case it is in roman small capitals with initial full capital. The locations of Aboriginal languages are given in a table (p. xi) and on a map (p. x). In many instances a cross reference to the corresponding entry in OED(S is supplied. Ordering of senses. Senses within an entry are arranged chronologically, first according to part of speech and then according to sense. If an entry is divided according to parts of speech more than one part of speech label will follow the headword (as n and attrib., or n., and abv.). Definition. The definition is either discrete, if there is no division, or subdivided according to the division. The definition may include cross references to words which have main entries or are subordinate items. These are readily identified as follows: a word printed in small capitals with an initial full capital, asBobuck, has a main entry in the dictionary (part of speech is given only if necessary to distinguish the main entry being referred to; a numbered sense is specified when appropriate); a word printed in italics is either a subordinate item in the main entry in which it appears (so sheep tobacco is defined as sheep-wash tobacco which is in the same entry), or a subordinate item in a main entry indicated in capitals (so, for sheep-shed, the definition given is shearing shed, see shearing B. 3). A reference to a subordinate item in a main entry may vary in form as required by its place in the text, as 'short ened form of shearing shed (see shear- ing B. 3)' or 'see also shearing shed shearing B. 3'. Cross-references. There are two main forms of cross-reference: if a word is defined by an- other in the dictionary, as sorcerer by KORADJI, or listed without qualification in the definition as, in the entry for Major Mitchell cockatoo, are LEADBEATER’S COCKATOO, pink cocka- too, see PINK a., and WEE JUGGLER, the synonymy is exact; if the cross-reference is intro- duced by 'see also' the synonymy is not exact but the information provided under the word re- ferred to is complementary or in some other way useful.

136 Variant forms. Variant forms (as distinct from spellings) are listed at the end of the defini- tion. Citations. Sets of citations provide substantiation for the definition and illustrate the history of the word's use. Some words are more copiously exemplified than others, this being a reflec- tion of their intrinsic interest. A citation is preceded by a date (of utterance, when this can be es- tablished, or publication) and a short bibliographical reference, which is in most instances suffi- cient to enable the reader to identify the text or edition used. The name of the author of an article published in a periodical or of a story in a collection is not normally given. Volume numbers are given in upper case roman, numbers of issues or parts in lower case roman. (Fuller information on sources which have been used heavily or which may be difficult to identify is contained in the select bibliography.) Every effort has been made to record the earliest use of a word and to pro- vide a reasonably spaced sequence of citations to the present day. Citations are given as they ap- pear in the source except that, in the interests of elegance and economy, extraneous material has been omitted (medial ellipsis is indicated by and an ellipsis including a stop by…). Care has been taken not to distort the author's intent.

PROPRIETARY NAMES This dictionary includes some words which are, or are asserted to be, proprietary names or trade marks. Their inclusion does not imply that they have acquired for legal purposes a nonpro- prietary or general significance, nor is any other judgement implied concerning their legal status. In cases where the editor has some evidence that a word is used as a proprietary name or trade mark this is indicated, but no judgement concerning the legal status of such words is made or implied thereby.

A Abbott's booby, [f. the name of W.L. Abbott (1860-1936), U.S. naturalist, who collected the type speci men on Assumption Island in 1892.] The gannet Sula abbotti, which now breeds only on Christmas Island in the Indian Ocean. 1964 A.L. thomson New Diet Btrdi 331 Abbott's Booby is a tree nester. 1983 P harrison Seabirds 290 Abbott's Booby Sula abbotti . . . Confined to Christmas I., Indian Ocean, where 2,000-3,000 pairs breed. 1984 Canberra Times 13 Apr. 3/5 The Government knew Christmas Island was the only known breeding ground of the endangered Abbott's booby bird Abdul. Hist [Transf. use of the proper name, com mon in Turkey.] 1. A nickname for a Turkish soldier, esp. during the war of 1914-18. Also collectively, the Turkish army Also Abdullah. 1915 'lance corporal cobber' Aniac Pilgrim's Progress (1918) 71 Here my droughts have lost that goodly colour. An' I delight in strafing poor Abdulla. 1916 'MEN of anzac' Aniac Bk 59 So though your name be black as ink For murder and rapine. Carried out in happy concert With vour Chnsuans from the Rhine, We will judge you, Mr Abdul, By the test by which we can– That, with all your breath, in life, m death. You've played the gentleman. 1916 B. balv Patrolling Desert 1 What's up, Abdul scooped the pot? 1918 Кш Ora Coo-ee Mar 4/3 He stood there listen- ing to Abdul's trench diggers half a mile away. 1919 E. dyson Hello, Soldier 18 Litde Abdul's quite a fighter, 'n' he mixes it with skill; But the Anzacs have him snouted, 'n' oh ma, he's feelm'ill. 1949G. BERRiEiWoWf92 I'd give a quid to be planted somewhere where I could watch some Abdul go in 2. A nickname for an afghan 1919 RJ. cassidy Gipsy Road 57 Abdul and his m elegant 'hunchies' are an essentiality of life on the lone, level lands that stretch away back o' sunset. Abo /'sbou/, n and a. PI. Abos. [An abbreviated form, perh. brought into written currency by its use in a column entitled 'Abongmalmes', appearing in the Sydney Bulletin from 15 Oct. 1887: see quots. 1904 and 1906. See also aboriginally.] A. n 1. Abbrev. of aboriginal n 1 a. 137 11904 Bulletin (Sydney) 8 Sept. 16/2 Have any 'Abo's' lie readers of 'Aboriginalities'] no- ticed that Willie is a one man one-job advocate? 1906 Ibid. 18 Oct. 17/3 Remarkable the number of 'Abo' writers who have been chased by snakes. ] 1908 Ibid. 12 Mar. 14/3 At one time when a stranger approached a blacks' camp the juvenile King Billies . . would disappear into the gun yahs . . . and the departing visitor was always well out of coo ее before the little black nuts would bob out . . . The litde abos. of the present day have not much trace of shyness. 1911 Ibid. 2 Nov. 14/1 The Protector of Abos. has resigned owing to the interference of clerks and office boys down south. 1912 Truth (Sydney) 29 Dec. 2/4 An idea of getting the rugs of the North to do the bulk of the necessary work. Well, it might be good work at which to put an Abo, better by far man having him bumming around the pubs. 1922 те whare' Bush Cinema 27 The guileful abos. put off in their tree-trunk canoes. 1926 A.A.B. apsley Amateur Settlers 76(noMIn Australia 'na- tive' means a bom and bred Australian white man, while the black native Australian is referred to as an 'Aboriginal', or 'Abo' for short. 1929 K.S. prichard Coonardeo (1961) 92 We sling off at the man who makes his abos 'sir' or 'boss' him. He's a new chum, or a sleeping parmer. 1944 S. cam- pion Pommy Cow 193 They're the only craftsmen left in Australia, them aboes. 1965 M. patchett Last Warner 30 I've seen what over civilisation m our pattern has done to other Abos. 1965 G.H. fearnside Golden Ram 10 When you're on the wallaby you get t'thinking like the Abos , the Old People 1977 F B. vickers Stranger no Longer 148 The navy wouldn't have a bloody Abo. Why the ratings wouldn't sit with him on me mess deck! 1981 С wallace crabbe Splinters 51 Not much of a place, Canberra. Sometimes I reckon it should be given back to the Abos. 2. Abbrev. of aboriginal n 2. 1918 Bulletin (Sydney) 9 May 22/2 A booly (abo. for whirlwind) visited our little mission school. 1952 C. simpson Come away, Pearler 229 He speaks three or four languages, not count- ing abo B. ad] Abbrev. of aboriginal a. (m some cases of aboriginal n 1 a. used attnb ). 1911 Bulletin (Sydney) 2 Nov. 14/1 All the Abo. Pro lector crowd are being run down by Chow white men. 1915 Ibid 29 Apr 22/2 Up there it is known as the 'stone' fish, and amongst some abo. tribes as the 'bul lerow' 1922 те whare' Bush Cinema 38 An 'abo' legend attaches to the great bluff between Bermagui and Tathra. 19S2 W. haifield Ginger Murdoch 65 The futility of looking for those horses–unless they had with them a particularly good abo. tracker 1940 Bul- letin (Sydney) 6 Mar. 17/4 Jack . . . managed to . . . build a fire and cook his lizard abo style 1966 H gye Father clears Out 103 The abo family went walkabout. 1975 X. herbert Poor Fellow my Country 322 He's a beautiful child, isn't he . despite the Abo features 1980 N. watkins Kan- garoo Connection 54 An abo woman, and I'm the last person to be interested m bedding down with one abolitionist. Hist If. the use of abolitton(ut) with reference to slavery.] One who advo- cates the cessation of transportation. See also anti

TRANSPORTATION 1847 (title) The abolitionists and transportatiorusts. 1&47 Launceston Examiner I May 277/3 Admitting that it could be shewn that all the evils which the anu abolitionists predict should really follow, the abolition of transportation is nevertheless our most sacred duty 1852 J west Hut o/ Tas I 282 To neglect the offer of social freedom would be infamy unexampled. To this feeling the abolitionists appealed. 1884 J F enton Hut o/Tas 183 The abolitionists were in the majority. 1911 R.G.S. williams Austral White Slaves 72 The Fusiomsts were overthrown with great slaughter, and the leg iron abolitionists reigned in their stead. 1945 SJ. baker Austral Lang 245 Abolitionists, me section of the Aus tralian public who, between 1820 and 1867. fought for the cessation of convict transportation to Australia – they were also known as anti- transportatwnists, and people in favour of continued importation of convicts were called trans- portations. Aboriginal, a, n, and adv [Spec, use of aboriginal dwelling m a country before the arrival of (European) colonists: see OED a 2 and sb ) A. adj 1. Of, pertaining to, or characteristic of the Abor igines; aborigine a. 138 1829 Colonial Times (Hobart) 7 Mar., In furtherance of the Lieutenant Governor's anxious desire to ameliorate the condition of the Aboriginal inhabitants of this Ter ntory. His Excellency will allow a Salary of Fifty Pounds per annum to a steady person of good character . . who will take an interest in effecting an intercourse with this unfortunate race. 1835 backhouse fc tylor Li/e & Labours G W Walker (1862) 219 A Government School for half caste and aboriginal children. 1842 Colonial Observer (Sydney) 24 Aug 421/3 The reported removal of the blacks from their water holes . by certain stock holders, that their cattle might be saved at the expense of their aboriginal fellowmen. 1844 Sydney Morning Herald 1 Feb. 4/4 The title of the proposed 'Jury BUT was altered.. . The 1st clause was adjusted to the following reading: 'Every man, being a subject of Her Majesty, and not an aboriginal native . shall be quail fied', etc. And the word 'aboriginal' before the word 'native', in the second paragraph, was introduced to make sense of it. 1850 Australasian Sporting Mag 39 Artists . can place before us the occupations and man ners of the new denizens of me bush, as well as of the Aboriginal inhabitant in his more picturesque state of savage life. 1861 L.A. meredith OverStraits 161 Three Sydney natives ('currency' not aboriginal) 1878 G. walch Australasia 9 Unwilling to expose her to the с hanc e of being cap- tured for her plumpness by an abor iginal chief in Tasmania. 1909 WG spence 4uit 's Awakening 11 When the white man came to Australia he found in possession the aboriginal squatter, whose runs were tribal and whose stock were kangaroos and opossums. 1910 Bulletin (Sydney) 22 Dec 13/4 The bullock waggons were driven . . . by aboriginal Btlljims 1914 Ibid. 2 Apr. 24/3 Decided by the legal advisers of the S.A. Government, that 'aboriginal' does not include half caste, for the purposes of die Birds' Protecuon Act. 19SO'brent of bin bin' Ten Creeks Run (1952) 125 One of the aboriginal old hands had requested a dnnk. 1951 C. simpson Adam m Ochre 196 In 1949 two aboriginal boxers held four nauonal tides 1963 X. herbert Disturbing Element 82 Half the crowd were 'mums', people of aboriginal stock. 1980 ansell & percy To fight Wild 134 The whole tnp . was as good an example as you could wish to see of Aboriginal bush craft. 2. In collocations: Aboriginal black, black man, black native, English, Establishment, Mis- sion, nativj, police, reserve, school, settlement, station, trooper. 1824 Hobart Town Gai. 29 Oct., About twenty Aboriginal blacks approached me house and stock yard 1828 Austral. Q_Jml Theol, Lit &• Sci Jan. p x. The population . . . is entirely British, there having been no amalgamation with the Aboriginal Blacks, fhe noble hound hunts not with the cur. 1839 Sidney Standard 4 Feb. 3/3 Henry Bartley, man slaughter of an aboriginal black, acquitted. 1846 Tasmanian Jrnl Nat Sci II 118 One of the Aboriginal blacks of Newcasde 1899 Pro gress (Brisbane) 13 May 7/3 Walk about Kanakas are a far greater disgrace to this colony man ever our abor iginal blacks were 1963 X, herbert Disturbing Element 1 Two or three cross streets ended in a sandy scrubby waste in which there was a fringe setdement of Afghan camel drivers and the dispossessed aboriginal blacks 1839 Port Phillip Patriot 26 Dec. 3 The whole country only a few short months ago was uninhabited, save by me aboriginal black man. 1827 Australasian Almanack 95 An aboriginal black native admitted within the pale of the Church, by the ntes of baptism 1848 Bell's Li/e in Sydney 10 June 2/5 Timothy Duffy, holding a ticket of leave, was arraigned for shooting at aboriginal black natives at Moreton Bay 1883 E.M clrr Re- coil Squatting Vic 117 This was the party which the black fellow had described as consisting of Towsan', whic h all the country over, is the aboriginal English for any number over half a dozen. 1981 ngabidj & shaw My Country of Pelican Dreaming 4 The speech style called loosely ' Abo- riginal English' . . . is now a lingua franca across the north of Australia. 1841 Geelong Advertiser 7 Aug. 1/4 Strayed . . . two working bullocks. Whoever will bring the same to the Aboriginal Es- tablishment near Killembeet . . . will receive the above reward. 1844 Port Phillip Gaz. 6 July 2 The vessel was chartered to convey 530 sheep to the Aboriginal Establishment on that Island. 1826 L.E. threlkeld Statement (1828) 19,1 was endeavouring to direct me conversauon from other concerns to the concerns of me Aboriginal Mission. 1838 Sydney Herald 21 Sept. 2/4. I have dus evening perused in me columns of the Colonist, an account of the progress of an Abo- riginal Mission, and I certainly conceive it to be one of the most glaring and oppressive outrages on the public funds, that has met my observaoon. 1844 Sydney Morning Herald 30 Apr 2/6 We have received a copy of the Third Annual Adventures 233 The intense heat and the clouds of dust raised by northerly 'bursters' during the summer sea son were hard to bear.

139 bursting, v Ы n Timber-getting The splitting of a log into four or more billets, out of each of which a sleeper is cut. 1882 AJ. boyd Old Colonials 25 You want to be very particular in a tree for staves. They ain't split like palings or shingles. We run them off the 'bursting way', as it is called, across the gram. It isn't exacdy across the grain, but mat's the best way I can explain it. 1903 Bulletin (Syd- ney) 24 Dec. 36/3 Sleepers are split, 'on the flat', the 'boarding' way of the tree–i.e if you can see m imagination, the sleepers in the log before they are cut out, they he side by side round the bole. And herein is the reason why sleepers are split and not sawn. If sawn the most would be made of the block and the sleepers sawn 'on the flat' the 'bursting' way of the tree and be no use. bush, п., a., and attnb. [a. Du. bosch woodland. Used earliest in S. Afr. and U.S.: see OEEKS sb ' 9 and Mathews.] A. n. Freq. with the. 1. Natural vegetation of any kind; a tract of land covered in such vegetation. 1790 R. clark Jml. 15 Feb. 133 They had run into the bush, on there [sic] seeing the Boat pulling towards them. 1800 HRA (191411st Ser. II. 419 Thirty Natives thereupon immediately came out of the Bush and saluted the witness. 1804 Sydney gut.. 22 July, Being given to under- stand the infant had not been seen by any one, she rushed into the bush attended by several friends and neighbours. 1814 ЯЯЛ (1916) 1st Ser. VIII. 1 76 The Bush is exceedingly thick, and bad travelling on account of the sharp Rocks. \&25 Austral. (Sydney) 28 Apr. 3 The great bush . . extends from Clegg's to within a short distance of (Liverpool). 1827 Monitor (Sydney) 4 May 401/2 The perusal of your Weekly Paper costs me a long walk, through a wild bush. 1834 Colo- nist (Hobart) 10 June 4/1, I went to Мала Island when it was a bush, and I left it, after erecting thereon buildings to the amount of thousands 1836 Tegg's Monthly Mag (Sydney) I. 63 On the banks of nvers the bush changes its character very materially, for m these situations, instead of the open forest m which you can trot along bnskly among the lofty trees, it becomes a sort of im- penetrable jungle, or as the colonists term it, a thick brush- 1838 S Austral Rec. (London) 11 July 75 Go into the bush, as it is called (although that bush is here one of the most picturesque countries possible, with fine open plains and undulating uplands well watered and timbered) 1840 Ibid. 1 Aug. 69 What 'the bush' really is, may, we think, be most truly described as the very reverse of the 'more thickly wooded pan of the country'. 1851 Empire (Sydney) 25 Jan. 4/1 Its banks are thickly covered with 'bush , the colonial name for all kinds of wild vegetation. 1857 Illustr Jrnl Australasia II. 133 A close bush of tea tree scrub. 1865 Glen-orchy Murders 26 He turned his horse out on Murray's run; thats the next bush ground to us. 1871 Illuitr Sydney News 23 Dec. 206/2 It was here, on the southern extremity, that the 73rd regiment encamped on its ar rival in the colony m 1810. At that time Hyde Park was a forest, or to use a colonial term 'the bush'. 1873 A. trollops Auit 6-N.Z. I. 78 Woods which are open, and passable,–passable at any rate for men on horse back–are called bush. When the undergrowth becomes thick and matted so as to be impregnable without an axe, it is scrub. 1893 'old chum' Chips 50 Sheep.. had to be 'yarded' nightly in yards fenced with logs and bush, and made 'dog-proof as far as possible. 1913 H. lawson Triangles of Life 212 It was a lonely place, which stood in a dark stringy-bark bush. 1948 A. marshall Ourselves wnt Strange 68 He guided me through thick bush, past timpra trees laden with red fruit, through clumps of pandanus palms, by wattle trees, vine-covered ngs. 1960 Encounter (London) May 31 Anything smaller than a river is a creek, anything not flat is a gully, any piece of land is a paddock, any vegetation is bush. 1965 G. mc.innes Road to Gundagai 40 The mysterious 'bush' clinging like hair to the shoulders of Mount Wellington. 1978 'B. wongar' Track to Bralgu 25 The setders cleared the bush long ago and the country hereabouts looks like a skinned beast 2. Country which remains in its natural state; country which has not been settled or which has resisted settlement. 1803 Sidney Gai 17 Apr., Upon perusing a para graph in one of your Pa- pers, which suggested the pro pnety of converting the Rocks into an Academy for tumblers, I rather conceived that you might, with an equalpromise of success, recommend some parts of the bush for an improvement in the talent of dancing, as there much instruction might be expected from the as sistance of the accomplished kangaroo. 1824 E. curb Acct Colony Van Diemen 's 140 Land 12 Van Diemen's Land is half bush and barrenness. 1834 J D. lang Hist 6-Stat-istical Acct NSW II. 35 The word bush, which some times signifies the country in general, but more properly the uncleared part of it, is merely the Dutch word bosck, signifying wood or forest. 1836 Tegg's Monthly Mag (Sydney) I. 62. Our road lay through the bush. In India, I should have said the jun- gle, and in Europe, the forest The bush is a generic term in the colony, and signifies a district of the country in a state of nature. 1841 Sydney Herald 6 Mar. 2/5 From the dme you leave Yass, until you reach Mel- bourne, a distance of four hundred miles, you are fairly in what is called the bush. In short, you are beyond the region of civilization. 1842 HRA (1924) 1st Ser. XXII, 449 They live per petually in the wilderness, or, as it is called in the Colony, The Bush' 1843 W. pridden Aust 8 All that country, which remains in a state of nature uncultivated and unmdosed, is known among the inhabitants of the Australian colonies by the expressive name of the Bush. 1849 R.J. mann Emigrant's Guide Aust 16 Beyond these districts, lies the bush, or wild and unreclaimed country, in which the sheep and cattle farmers are mere squat ters on the soil. 1853 Sidney Three Colonies (ed. 2) 85 The vast territo- ries beyond the surveyed limits of the colony (colomally, the Bush). 1865 J.F. mortlock Experi- ences of Convict 83 Kangaroo . . . are found in the 'bush', a genenc term synonymous with 'for- est' or jungle', applied to all land in its primeval condition, whether occupied by herds or not, 1896 W.H. will shire Land of Dawning 62 'Bush' is the name given m Australia to thickly- wooded lands. They are composed largely of underbrush, clusters of vines clinging from tree to tree, and not only hiding the pathway but almost shutting out the light of heaven. 1908 W.H. ogilvie My Life m Of en 3 The great reach of hill and plain that men call the Bush. 1913 H. law- son Triangles of Life 18 London has more sameness and monotony, for its size, than the Bush. 1914 H.M vaughan Australasian Wander- Yr 18 'Bush' is everywhere used in Australia to denote the uncleared primeval forest lands. To get 'bushed' is to become lost m the gum forests. 1935 W. gray Days & flights in Bush 15 The 'bush' is the country in its natural state–as it was before men cut down the trees and disturbed its flora and ousted the kangaroo, wallaby, and emu and annihi- lated the birds that keep our trees healthy 1955 'M. hill'Land nearest Stan 113 Many people find the Australian bush terrifying at night, not only because of its immense loneliness but because of influences that remain of a period older far than either knowledge or experience can record. 1972 Bulletin (Sydney) 8 Apr. 39/1 We caught a glimpse of it when Arthur Boyd's Nebuchadnezzar cavorted through the Australian bush with flaming red testicles. 1978 R.A.F webb Brothers m Sun 9 Huge areas of grasslands, dense jungles of rainforest, Texas size deserts and great tracts of and semi-desert, lush wheat lands set amid lonely splendour–all have one thing in common. They are called 'the bush'. 3. The country as opposed to the town; rural as opposed to urban life; those who dwell in the country collectively (see quot. 1983). 1825 Howe's Weekly Commercial Express 23 May 3 There is at this moment many a poor setder living up the country, buried in the bush 1828 Tasmanian (Hobart) 12 Dec. 4 Blythly the lambkins skip and play As through the bush they roam, 1833 W.H. breton Excursions 46 'Bush' is the term commonly used for, country per se' 'he resides in the Bush' implies that the person does not reside m, or very near, a town. 1839 J.G. johnston Truth 13 Some .. fix their residence m the towns and villages, committing the management of their country affairs to an overseer, and ride out betimes to see how they are going on; others take them selves at once to the bush, and reside on the spot 1843 Port Phillip Patriot 27 Feb. 1/2 Mrs Harvie wiD be happy to accommodate gen- tlemen from the bush during their bnef occasional visits to Melbourne. 1847 Melbourne Argus 16 Feb 4/1 The Bush, or what folks at home would call The Country, has charm for young and old. 1852 W. hughes Austral. Colonies 181 Hospitality is one of the virtues of 'the bush'. 1870 Illustr Austral News (Melbourne) 3 Jan. 7/3 A dweller m die bush, whether m proximity to a gold held or on a lone station, is more representative of Australian life thar denizen of the city 1872 'resi- dent' Glimpses Life Yif There were a few ladies among the scanty society of tJ Bush, 1874 JJ hal- combe Emigrant 6-Heathen 45 Tl sad but expressive saving, 'There's no Sunday in the bus/ 1885 mrs C. praed 'Austral Life 2 In the Bush, life made pleasant to him Wild horse-hunts, kangarc 141 battues, and camping out expeditions are organised fc his amusement. 1893 A ntipodcan (Mel- bourne) 102 Tl grand Australian bush–the nurse and tutor of eccei me minds. IS95 Bulletin (Syd- ney) 14 Sept. 22/1 Th land into two is divided. And everything s 'bush' bi 'the town'. And they speak with a hush Of this temb! bush Where Nature does nothing but 'frown' 191 Huon Times (Franklin) 6 Apr. 4/3 As to me Federal Cap tal, he would never favor building a new city in the bus, for that purpose. 1918 W. robertson Sunshine с Shadow 44 A great part of a minister's duty in the bush i to be a quickener of social life. 1940 G.W. lovejoy h Joumeyings Often 3 To the warm hearted people of thi Bush and Sydney. 1953 T.G tucker Aust. as Home 3! Long before that date he has learned to feel that he would not exchange the 'bush'–which is the Aus tralian word for the newly-setded country even wher there is not a bush upon it–for any home which he was even likely to acquire in the congested land from which he migrated years before. 1965 J. iggulden Dark Stranger 6 They're city kids, and you're a kid from the bush, see3 So naturally they hate vou, 1972 Bulletin (Sydney) 2 Sept 39/1 There is a strong counter tradition that asserts that Lawson hated the bush and revelled in the city 1983 Ibid. 22 Mar. 24/2 Labor found out in 1975 that it had alienated the entire rural electorate mainly because it had removed the petrol subsidy to the bush–a move of irrefutable economic responsi bility The coalition offered to restore the dif- ferentia] on petrol prices. It did not fully honor that promise, but it aid win the bush. 4. In phr. with various verbs of motion, esp. to take (to) the bush. a. Ong. of convicts: to escape from custody or justice; to run away, (of animals) to run wild. See also abscond b. 1804 Sydney Gai 10 June, One of the ringleaders was apprehended, and two others escaped into the bush before they were accused 1813 HRA (1921) 3rd Ser. II 20 Betaken themselves to the Woods, or Bush 1821 Ibid. IV. 22 To prevent Prisoners of the Crown from absconding from the former Town and running into the Bush. 1826/ Ы (1922) 3rd Ser. V. 290 Prosecuting four ошег men, who had absconded from the Public Works and taken to the Bush. 1833 Currency Lad (Syd ney) 23 Mar. 3 Mr B.. . gave the fellow sixteen shillings, who said, 'we would not take this only we are starving,' and jumping from the chaise, 'now you may hang us as soon as you please.' Then they took the bush 1835 Colonist (Sydney) 30 July 243/2 Punishments of run aways have not been sufficiendy felt to discourage a repetition of the cnme of absconding 'Tak- ing to the bush', or roads, as usually termed, must in general be considered as taking to robbery 1842 Colonial Observer (Sydney) 7 Dec. 662/4 Within the last few days, three assigned men have taken the bush from one farm alone, 1846 Citiien (Sydney) 26 Dec, 138/2 Others from an aversion to labour, would also 'take the bush' What. . would be the consequence of all this dis- persion of reckless characters through die wild bush3 1847 Maitland Mercury 10 July 2/4 The cart came in contact with a stump, and an overturn was the consequence, throwing out both men, and breaking off the shafts of the cart, with which the two horses immediately started, taking the bush. 1850 W. gates Recoil Van Dieman 's Land 98 About this time, four of our number 'took the bush', as fleeing into the woods is called 1888 'R. bolds.ewood'Robbery under Arms (1937)3 How-do you think a chap that's taken to the bush–regularly turned out, I mean, with a pnce on his head . . can stand his life if he don't drink? 1894 J.K. arthur Kangaroo & Kaun 55 Brumbies are . . the offspring of imported mares that at some time strayed from the herd and took to the bush. 1899 G.E. boxall Story of Austral. Bushrangers \ The first bushrangers were simply men who took to the bush to. escape work and enjoy freedom of action. 1911 Huon Times (Franklin) 29 July 6/5 The police are searching for his alleged assailant, who, after supplying himself with rations, took to the bush. 1918 C. fetherstonhauch After Many Days 366 Four young desperadoes . . . were wanted by the police before they 'took to me bush' 19S6N. lindsay Saturdee (1936) 61 They . . . like other malefactors of their country's illfame, took to the bush. 1978 H.C. baker I was Listening 170 To disperse – take to the bush while the bombing was on. b. To leave the town for the country. See to go bush bush n 5c. 1829 E.G. wak.efield Let from Sydney 10, I bore my disappointment as well as could be ex- pected, and, to use a colonial phrase, 'took boldly to the bush'. 1843 Duncan's Weekly Register (Sydney) 28 Oct. 202/3 This indisposition to take to the bush is constandy lamented by employ- ers as a grievance of the utmost magnitude. 1886 Few Lett from Qld, Farmers 5, I . . . got along

142 very well at digging, but I saw I could do better at other work–sucn as rough carpenter work–and after doing this for a time, I thought I could do better by taking to the bush and splitting slabs, palings, shingles, and doing anything else that came my way. 1904 Bulletin (Syd ney) 1 Sept. 36/2, I met an old schoolmate recendy • who had 'taken to the bush' sixteen years before . . And their name is legion – the bright, capable young men who get the 'bagman brain twist and go out ana waste their splendid forces carrying preposterous swags about the bush and running down die Govern ment. c. Of Aborigines: to return to traditional life. 1841 G. GRiYjrnls TwoExped \-W i- \V A II. 371 You see the taste for a savage life was strong m him, and he took to the bush again direcdy 1847 E. W landor Bushman 187 Most be- take themselves to the bush, and resume their hereditary pursuits. 5. Freq. passing into ad] . In the phr. to go bush. Also with other verbs of motion. a. To escape, to disappear from one's usual haunts. 1908 mrs A gunn We of Never-Never 90 Considering ourselves homeless, the Maluka de- cided that we should go bush' for awhile. 1926 A.A,В apsley Amateur Settlers 94 The horses 'went Bush'. 1927 M. dorney Adventurous Honeymoon 51 Black figures darting through the trees and going bush as quickly as they could 1935 K.L. smith Sky Puot Amhem Land 115 As soon as the engine turned, the native leapt in the air and drop ping the plugs 'went bush' 1940 E. hill Great Austral Loneliness (ea. 2) 60 Joe won £2,000 m a sweepstake, put it in the bank . . and went bush. 1960 Л' Т News (Darwin) 11 Mar 5/7 He went bush after absconding bail. 1962 C. gye Cockney & Crocodile 50 We finished our job by lunch time the next day, having examined 111 of the 119 inhabitants of Kalumburu, the other eight having 'gone bush' or 'shot through' in local idiom. 1976 C.D mills Hobble Chains frGreenhide 2 We cursed with a 'bluency' inspired by thoughts of the long and bitter ndmg ahead, and more horses 'gone bush'. 1977 Bronze Swagman Bk Bush Verse 66 Then came the day he saved my life We'd both gone bush for we'd been in strife 1984 Sydnet Morning Herald 24 Mar 6/3 A farmer 'went bush' for nine days after shoot mg a neighbour in a dispute over water supplies and boundary gates . . . After the shooting Elford ran off and lived for nine days in the bush, surviv- ing on bird's eggs and sour lemons. b. Of Aborigines: to return to traditional life. See also quots. 1922 and 1956. 1908 mrs A. gunn We of Never-Never 170 Maudie. discovering that the house was infested with debbil debbils, had resigned and 'gone bush'. 1910 Bulletin (Sydney) 3! Mar. 15/1 When notice has to be taken of nigger lepers–and there are a few m the Territory– they are put on the island, and . provided they 'go bush' and stop there, no senous attempt is made to recapture them. 1914/ Ы. 11 June 24/2 Charlie .. and his two lubras and their piccaninnies had to . . . 'go back bush', as they could get no jobs in Port Darwin. 1922 'J bushman' In Musgrave Ranges 247 It was a strange position for a white man to be in, and if Stobart had not had a stout heart he would have given way to despair, and either 'gone bush' enurely as some white men nave done, and be- come a full member of die warragul tnbe, or he would have committed suicide. 1929 Bulletin (Sydney) 3 July 23/2 The tnbe went bush for their usual 'walk-about'. 19S8 X. herbert Capnco- mia 291 When the necessary discipline was brought to bear, most of the converts went bush, and warned their ignorant brethren against the Mission. 1956 A.C.C. lock Tropical Tapestry 120 That's where you see the 'white' black fellows – white men who have gone bush with the natives, like. 1976 Т shepherd Children ojBlindness 134 They work through the dry and go bush m the wet The whitefellows they work for can't afford to be paternal istic to them c. To leave the beaten track and travel cross country. 1913 W.K. harris Outback m Aust 131 A ht.de dis tance out we 'went Bush' (that is, left the track). 1925 Bulletin (Sydney) 15 Jan. 24/2 While travelling bush through Cape York Peninsula just after the wet season, the thick mat of tail grasses cuts the horses knees to pieces. 1957R.S. PotmousBngalow 20 These were die occasions when Carson left the road and went bush We were in thick box country when he did it the first time To dodge a bit of rough stuff,' he ex- plained. 1960 I L idriess Wild North 184 My mate Harry and I, travelling 'bush' in the middle of a hard luck prospecting tnp, had located the isolated camp that afternoon. 1976 E bain Ways of Life 37 They left the road and started bush.

143 d. To leave urban life for that of the country; to visit the country. 1916 Bulletin (Sydney) 17 Aug 6/4 It was good to 'go bush', even a paltry 250 miles from Sydney. 1925 M terry Across Unknown Aust 49 After finishing all work in town, we 'went bush'. 19S5 L.J. gomm Blazing Western Trails 123 He could 'go bush' and earn big money, but it would melt when he reached the first public house 1947 V C. hall Bad Medicine 251 Well, Doc- tor, m this country of Australia we are dealing with a people that won't go bush even down in the setded areas where they have roads, services, markets, and so forth. 1957 D whitincton Treasure upon Earth 87 What about coming bush with me3 We'll go for a pickled pork into Queensland, pick up some work har vesting or cane cutting maybe 1960 E. north Nobodt stops Me 6 Then 1 went bush again I told myself I was through with the pavement jungles 1963 B. heslinc Dinkumization & Depommihcation 227 Although many of my friends during the years have 'gone bush'–which usually means they have bought a chook farm some place–going bush never appealed to me. for I would as soon work with ad. men as with chooks 1968 Swag (Sydney) in 6/3 That's when he'd head bush, to what he described later as the only place he knew 1972 Bulle- tin (Sydney) 3 June 67/3 She'd be quite happy for him to throw it all up and go bush 1977 D whitington Strive to be Fan 32 The scion of a wealthy familv from Melbourne who had 'gone bush' to prove something to himself or his family 1986 Ло / Times (Sydney) 14 Feb 3/4 Pnme Minister Bob Hawke, who a few days earlier had been bush to talk with farmers in trouble re- acted with considerable concern to the news e. Of flora and fauna: to become wild. 1921 Bulletin (Sydney) 13 Jan, 20/2 My dog put up a domestic cat 'gone bush' and chased it to twin saplings 1930 Ibid 9 July 21/2 Most native creatures kept as pets have a tendency to go bush 1946 Ibid 7 Aug 29/4 The track crossed a bridge near our gunyah ana Darley made a spe- cial point of bringing our rations Then one day the horses went bush. 1953 Ibid 28 Oct 12/4 Do- mestic flowers are beginning to 'go bush' 1965 R.H, conquest Hones in Kitchen 148 The horses . were mostly little short of the brumby class, descendants of horses that had gone bush earlier B. ad] and attnb 1. a. Of or pertaining to natural vegetation or to a tract of land covered therein: cf. bush n 1. 1828 Tasmanian (Hobart) 12 Dec. 4 Then give me still the bush clad hill Where sweet the daisies blow. 1843 Satirist & Sporting Chron (Sydney) 25 Feb 4/1 Doctorlam a free man, and these constables have brought me here without a summons, nor yet a warrant–and I only came off the road, on your bush ground, when you sung out for a trap. 1854 Hobarton Guardian 7 Jan. 3/3 A fearful bush conflagration has taken place in this province, and which, we presume, has never been equalled m the Australias. 1857 'returned digger' Six Yrs in Aust 15 Masses of watde and tea tree scrub, with immense gum and stringy bark trees, shooting up from the bushwood. 1870 C.H. allen Visit to Qld 113 An unbroken expanse of bush country, without any scrub or low bushes. 1886 J norton Austral Labour Market 13 Forced to accept work at pauper wages at roadmaking, bush clearing, stone breaking on Govern ment Relief Works. 1906 Bulletin (Syd- ney) 2 Aug 3/2 In Hyde Park I hear you singing as your kind sang long ago On the bush hills near the city 1907 Truth (Sva ney) 24 Feb. 3/1 They formed a lengthy chain, with a break at each crossing street or road And there are not many breaks m a mile out in that bush suburb 1924 Smith's Weekly (Sydney' 10 May 25/6 Channg Cross, in 1884, was a lonely bush scrub 1945G. casey Downhill is Easier 19 One of the firemen shoved the hard bush wood we were unloading under the boilers 1948 P J hurley Red Cedar 13 It was wild and nigged, hills and deep gullies, bush covered, alternating with fertile val leys, 1960 Bulletin (Sydnev) 14 Sept' 16/2 A resident whipbird lurks m the bush covered sand dunes b. Of artefacts: made with branches, saplings, etc., as materials. 1839 D mackellar Austral, Emigrant's Guide 8 Great care ought to be taken that they are not folded m any of the bush folds that rnay be found by the road side, for fear of getting infected, scab and catarrh being very prevalent throughout the Colony. 1849 A, harris Emigrant Family (1967) 39 He had a sufficient quantity of slabs split, and other bush stuff ready, for the construe tion of two common huts 1865 A.R. richardson Early Memories Great Nor- Wen 2 Sept (1914)31 Very busy getting a bush and bough shed ready for shearing. 1870 E.B. kennedy Four

144 Yrs m Qld 123 A good rod is quite thrown away, you can always cut a bush rod 1888 J F mann Eight Months with Or Leichhardt 30 Mr Hely constructed a 'bush bail' with the intention of milk- ing the cow, who was inclined to be rather wild, 1900 'CAS hamba' Sketchy Characters 27 Can the reader picture mentally a canvas township, vaned in architec ture and building matenai, m the form of bush break wind and calico roofs, scattered over an area of land as extensive as an estate of an English noble-* 1911 st. С grondona Collar & Cuffs 90 Davies . began to build a V shaped bush break, leading up to where the bndge would be 1949 I.L idriess One Wet Season 244 Bert shouted 'Bush1' and as the bush gate swung open the frantic animal charged out and went limp- ing back to the bush. 1979 JJ McRoACH Dozen Dopey Yarns SO Fntz. pinions the snake in the middle of its length with an ordinary bushstick. 1981 A.B facey Fortunate Li/e 10 Aunt's place, which was only a hut, was built near a big hill It consisted of bush poles for upnghts with hessian pulled tight around the poles 2. a. Of Aborigines' living outside white society b. Of flora and fauna' indigenous; also used of these as a source of food Cf bush n 2. 1827 P clnningham Two Yrs m NS W II 30, I have now taken out upwards of six hundred convicts versed in every species of cunning, address, and plaus ibihty, yet none of that number ever exceeded in these particulars a bush acquaintance of mine on Hunter's River 1830 TJ maslln Fnend oj Aust 129 It is the inland or bush tnbes who are eaters of human flesh 1841 G GRivJrnls TwoFxpd N-W fr WA II 90 They had the 'mondak kurrang kombar', or great bush fury, on them, or rather, were subject to wild untutored rage 1870 E В kennedy Four Yrs in Qld 99 Bush game is poor eating when cooked on a camp fire. 1887 ' Сом mercial traveller' Diary Three Months Tnp Qld 44 Pitun is a bush which the names chop up into small pieces and then chew . The effect of indulgence in this bush delicacy is simply to render its votanes half stupefied. 1911 Bulletin (Sydney) 13 July 14/4 What about the friendliest bush animal31 place them fl) The W A. boodie rat, (2) native cat, (3) carpet snake 1926 J mclaren My Crowded Solitude 128 The bush tnbe, in the course of its wanderings. 1948 M. UREN&7m(o/GoW87 If they are sull alive. The blacks might have got them. I didn't like the look of some of those bush bucks I saw near Mt Quin. 1955 Bulletin (Sydney) 21 Dec 13/4 A mob of bush abos appeared and got a bit fractious. 1961 Ibid 22 Feb. 45/3 These men would not remain at the mission. They were 'bush blackfellers' 1978 palmer ft mckenna Somewhere between Black fr White 50 'He's bush.' 'How far bush3 What do you mean, gone walkabout.3' 1986 Centralian Advocate (Alice Springs) 15 Jan. 5/2 There are numerous bush foods all over Aus tralia. 3. a. Of or pertaining to rural, as opposed to urban, life: cf. bush n 3. 1845 Т McCoMBiE Adventures oj Colonist 185 The landlord . was not by any means a good specimen of Bush publicans, 1849 Bell's Life in Sydney 3 Feb 3/1 Those gents in their annual vis- its are in the habit of introducing bush manners which do not exactly assimi late with the milder ones of the metropolitans. 1854 mrs C. clacy Lights & Shadows I 168 Butter making, mutton pick- ling, and innumerable other bush amuse ments. 1856 WW Domt Recoil Visit Port-Phillip 44 The house was frequented nnosdy bv the fraternity of squat ters, or the bush anstocracy 1859W bur- rows Adventures Mounted Trooper 168 The w-hole of the police in the town and bush districts . at length came up with them 1872 mrs E millett Austral Parsonage 251 The wealth.

AUSTRALIAN ENGLISH: STANDARDS, STIGMATA, STEREOTYPES AND STATISTICS'

1. Introduction 1.1. Botany Bay and the consequences William Dampier, son of a Devonshire peasant, stayed for a few months in NW Australia in 1688. He was the first Englishman to show any substantial interest in what was, until the early 19th century, known as New Holland, and the members of his small company were the first to speak English on the new continent. Dampier wrote extensively on the Terra Australis, but he had few attractive details to report on the arid countryside inhabited by people who "setting aside their human shape, differ(ed) but little from brutes", so that he raised little interest. In spite (or

145 possibly because) of the South Sea Bubble of 1720 and Gulliver's connections with New South Wales in 1726, little in the early 18th century indicated that the British (and not the Dutch, French, Portuguese or Spanish) would be the future masters of the country. Only in 1770, when Captain Cook visited the east coast and found Botany Bay and its surroundings quite inviting, was some claim for English sovereignty made: During his stay in Botany Bay, he caused the English colours to be displayed on shore every day; and at his departure, on the 6th of May, 1770, he ordered the ship's name, and the date of the year, to be inscribed upon one of the trees near the watering place. (Banks [1790]:7) During the next few years, various possibilities were discussed for sites of possible penal colonies. Banks was decidedly in favour of Botany Bay, but places such as Gambia, Angola or Madagascar were also proposed (cf. Lacour-Gayet 1976:78f.). As late as 1785 Pitt suggested de- veloping Algoa Bay in the Eastern Cape as a penal colony for those whom the British could no longer send to America. It is as thought-provoking as it is fruitless to speculate what direction world history would have taken (including an Australian apartheid) if the convicts had been shipped to South Africa -and New Holland had continued as a Dutch colony, with Afrikaans, or rather Australiaans, as her national tongue.

1.2. Historical sociolinguistics Although I do not wish to overdo the historical aspects of AusE, it is important to point out the historical and sociolinguistic basis of the new speech community (cf. Horvath 1985), espe- cially as it can be expected that the first generation of speakers is likely to establish norms to which all newcomers will accommodate in some way or other. Transplanting a speech community, or a language, brings with it necessary adaptations. These may look not quite so conspicuous in extra-territorial native-speaker varieties such as Mexican Spanish, Brazilian Portuguese or AusE as they are in second-language communities such as Nigeria or India; nevertheless, the 'normal' language development is likely to be dis- turbed in a number of ways: 1. a characteristic make-up of the social and linguistic profiles of the emigrants, which can differ substantially from that of those staying back home; 2. the necessity of naming objects, institutions and events that materially differ from those in the old home, and for which no words and phrases are readily available; 3. changed linguistic norms that will affect the acceptability, prestige and connotations of lexical items and possibly syntactic constructions and are likely to lead to different options, for instance in the productivity of individual word-formation patterns; 4. different language contact situations, either involving unknown languages or old lan- guages in new contact situations (such as natively spoken French or Spanish of larger groups in North America, a situation not paralleled, for instance, in Britain); 5. different mixes of the population and their regional and social dialects which lead to typi- cal ausgleichssprachen in which the extreme dialect forms (which have little communicational value) tend to be avoided; 6. complementary to the efforts to create a new vocabulary, terms which refer to objects and institutions left behind will come to be disused – or found only in older written texts, or those written in imitation of them, as in literature. For many, the history and present-day characteristics of AusE are neatly summarized in the title of Ramson's (1970) collection of essays, "English transported" – transported overseas, that is, in the more general understanding of the word and used in uninterrupted transmission as the native or dominant language by speakers, who continued using the English that had served them back home, though with adaptations and modifications – and, secondly, 'transported' in the legal sense, as the language that went out with Dickens' convicts from the Essex marshes or Little Em'lys. (Note Dickens' sense of localization when he made these involuntary emigrants come from southeastern areas, but not necessarily from London itself). With 750 convicts and an almost identical number of free Britons starting from Plymouth and (except for a few losses) landed at Botany Bay some eight months later, there must have been two norms in existence from early on in Australia: the overt norm of St E, especially in

146 written use and – among the convicts at least – a covert norm of spoken familiar and colloquial use, both sociolects clearly distinguished by attitudes and prestige factors. Since education was not widespread even among free members of the community (somewhat in contrast to the begin- nings of AmE), we cannot equate the overt and official norm with the rules of prescriptive grammarians of the time. But we can expect that the schools, church, law and administration in due course brought usage closer to what was considered grammatical and cultivated in Britain. The spoken varieties of the upper crust, too, would be levelled, on a southern British basis, to- wards a neutral form not far distant from London middle-class speech. By contrast, convict speech was characterized by lower-class southeastern (mainly, but not exclusively London) fea- tures in pronunciation, syntax and the lexicon – the much quoted, if misleadingly dubbed, Cock- ney heritage. It is now very difficult to judge whether the two layers remained as distinct as Horvath (1985:33) claims they did on the basis of sociohistorical accounts collected in Con- nell/Irving (1980) and as is also reflected in the idealized picture of the characters in Alexander Harris's The Emigrant Family of 1849. In this novel the author juxtaposed the two extremes, the refined speech of an English gentleman-farmer and the vulgar colloquialism of former convicts, and distinguished other characters, Irishmen, Jews and Welshmen, by their retention of dialect speech habits. But between the two extremes a new speech, that of the native-born Australian, as plain English direct and free of affectation, was beginning to make its way. (Ramson 1981:29) For, perhaps contrary to expectation, many of the ex-convicts, who had risen to the rank of 'emancipists' under Macquarie, achieved important positions. Their upward social mobility also contributed to a greater fusion of the two sociolects, in a second stage of levelling, than would have been imaginable in early 19th-century Britain. This development laid the foundations for the General Australian, which was to become the dominant variety in the 20th century. The process is described in Mudie's account of 1837 (quoted from Ramson 1966:97f.): The major part of the inhabitants of the colony are felons now undergoing or felons who have already undergone their sentences. They occupy not only the station of the peasantry and labourers in other civilized communities, but many – very many – of them are also, as respects their wealth or their pursuits, in the condition of gentry, or of dealers, manufacturers, merchants, and lawyers or other members of the liberal professions. But even this classification is not detailed enough. According to a note of 1833 (from AND, s.v. FREED), the Sydney population was "divided into its original inhabitants, the free, the freed, the emancipist, the ticket of leave, and the prisoners" – and, partly cutting across all these categories, there were the old hands and new chums, the currency and sterling lads, the assisted and unassisted emigrants, the colonials and the Government men, the assigned or indented servants, expirees and absentees, cockatoos and croppies – an intricate pattern of sociological variables impossible now to disentangle with Labovian methods. Horvath's division of the population into the ruling classes (that is, military officers, mercantile capitalists and large landowners), convicts and their progeny, and free immigrants is of doubtful classificatory value as far as sociolects are concerned. Finally, there appears to have been a sharp division between the sexes, the women being underrepresented in the colony as a whole, but largely overrepre-sented among speakers of Educated AusE, reflexes of the distinction being noticeable in present-day sociolinguistic investigations. In the course of the 19th century, Australian society must have developed two characteristic features: it became a comparatively open society which relied heavily on the covert prestige of the old hands, and it made newcomers conform very quickly. Turner (1966:6) quotes an observa- tion by Polehampton (1862), which throws much light on such processes of accommodation: It was and is a constant source of ambition among new chums, especially the younger ones, to be taken for old hands in the colony, and they endeavour to gain this point by all manner of expedients, by encouraging the growth of their beards and moustaches to a prodigious length, as well as by affecting a colonial style of dress, and wearing dirty, battered cabbage-tree hats; but their efforts to appear colonial are not always so harmless, and as swearing is an unusually common habit among the colonists, new arrivals often endeavour, and most successfully too, to become proficient in this easily acquired art, and soon add the stock of oaths peculiar to the col- ony (and very peculiar some of them are) to the 'home' vocabulary. But with all these attempts, it is very seldom indeed that they can impose upon a colonist of even a few years' standing.

147 The pressure to conform must, in particular, have affected the stigmatized speech of the Irish who came in great numbers (straight from Ireland or via Manchester and London) from the 1840s onward. This sociohistorical background has also left to Australian society a "distaste and positive distrust of all forms of affected speech", which Baker (1970:455) illustrates with such comments as: "You can't tell whether he's a Pom or a poof. Elsewhere, Baker points out the "per- sistent low-browism" of AusE speech: There is a deliberate speaking down, an avoidance of anything suspected of being highbrow in thought or word, a straining after the simplest and lowest common denominator of speech. (1970:122) While this form of speech was natural to the majority of Australians, it gave much concern to school teachers and kept the language- and status-conscious in a feeling of colonial inferiority – as happened to other British colonies including 18th-century America. A long list of observers can be quoted who despaired of the future of English on the fifth continent; an early one is Ed- ward Gibbon Wakefield who stated in his "Letter from Sydney" of 1829 (here quoted from Baker 1970:3): Bearing in mind that our lowest class brought with it a peculiar language and is constantly supplied with fresh corruption, you will understand why pure English is not, and is not likely to become, the language of the colony. A hundred years later, the same attitude still prevailed. Bernard (1969:69) quotes the judg- ment of the American linguist William Churchill who wrote in 1911: The fact remains that the common speech of the Commonwealth of Australia represents the most brutal maltreatment, which has ever been inflicted upon the mother tongue of the great English speaking nations. It is significant that this verdict came from an American whose national language had been subjected to similarly scathing comment from Englishmen in the 18th and 19th centuries and – again significantly – from the Scotsman Witherspoon (in Mathews 1931:13-30). It strikes one that in all of these cases one underdog proved his orthodoxy in linguistic correctness by attack- ing, in turn, the more recent newcomer to the field of world English. (Note that the Australian administration was most decidedly for stamping out what they regarded as the barbarous, garbled pidgin of Papua in the years of their mandate (1921-46) and their trusteeship (after 1946)). Acceptance of local English was therefore a slow process in more 'respectable' uses of the language. As regards literature, the Britishness of topics and diction made McGregor state in 1883: "Australasia is the depository in the east of the language of Shakespeare and Milton" (quoted from Baker 1970:413) – a dependence found in quite similar forms in other English colonies in the 19th century. Ramson (1966:42f.) has some critical comments on the conven- tional diction used in much of Australian poetry before 1890, which, imitative of British models, tends to be bookish, old-fashioned and laboured – even where the authors wrote on local scenery or aspects of convict society. There is certainly very little information in such texts about the lin- guistic reality of 19th-century Australian society. Attitudes, and with them the literary use of language, started to change in the 'Nationalistic Period' after 1890, when authors like Lawson and Furphy used a greater amount of localized, vernacular diction. But even with them, it is good to have Johnston's qualification in mind: In the prose of Joseph Furphy an uneasy co-habitation of the colloquial and literary is clearly to be seen... Lawson was, like Furphy, extremely self-conscious in his use of the vernacular... Neither Lawson nor Furphy, then, did for Australian prose what Twain did for American prose. (1970:199f.) Such slow acceptance of linguistic and cultural identity, and even denigration of the national culture, forms part of the colonial heritage of alleged backwardness; in 1950, A.A.Phillips coined the expression "The cultural cringe" for this continuing, although much reduced, feeling of infe- riority: Above our writers – and other artists – looms the intimidating mass of Anglo-Saxon culture. Such a situation almost inevitably produces the char acteristic Australian Cultural Cringe, (quoted from Wilkes 1978.99)

148 For, from the 1940s onwards, further changes in the direction of greater political, economic and linguistic independence were to come. However ill-founded Baker's claim, explicitly made in the title of his book The Australian Language, may have been, it is significant that the work was published in 1945. Although Broad AusE, the most distinctive form of the language, never came to be accepted, Educated AusE was increasingly proposed as the national norm, and times were definitely over when there was no better qualification for a radio announcer than to be an educated Englishman.

1.3. Homogeneity vs. regional divergence in AusE There is not a single description of AusE that would not mention how surprisingly homoge- neous AusE is in lexis and syntax and even in pronunciation (cf. Bernard 1969). An explanation of this fact might be possible on the basis of the speech of the convicts and settlers, and their movements in Australia, but no fully convincing interpretation of the phenomenon has been given to date. Hammarstrom (1980) believed that AusE came from southern BrE more or less full-fledged, whereas Tradgill – rightly I think -insists that speech forms were levelled in Austra- lia, a natural assumption if we regard other colonial dialects. However, the main enigma remains unsolved – could such homogeneous forms have arisen independently, or are we forced to as- sume that they spread from one focal area? The historical facts would lead us to expect rather different results: 1. As the spread of settlements shows, the early speech communities in the east were sepa- rated by hundreds of miles from those in the west, and what internal movements there were can hardly have sufficed to spread, say, Sydney norms throughout the continent; and 2. convicts and their descendants formed the majority in NSW until at least 1840, when transportation to this state was ended. Apart from NSW, only Tasmania (from 1804 to 1852) and Western Australiareceived convicts, but WA did so only from 1850-68. This meansmat their speech cannot possibly have had any large impact ontheentire WA speech community – as in- deed the contemporary Irish immigrants failed to have. Why, then, do we not find a pattern simi lar to South Africa, where earlier, more lower-class Cape English contrasts with later, more mid- dle-class Natal English (cf. Lanham 1982)? So why is the speech of Adelaide not more distinct from Sydney than it is? I remain unconvinced of the validity of the arguments put forward by Bernard (1969) and of- ten repeated to explain the great homogeneity of AusE, namely 1) that the early settlers in the few seaports and their hinterlands remained in sufficiently close contact by sea, and 2) that their solidarity against the British administrators produced a strong enough mixing-bowl effect (the Americans would speak of the 'melting pot').

1.4. Social stratification The social history of Australia summarized above makes abundantly clear that there is a great deal of variation in Australian speech. This fact was never in doubt. But it has also been frequently pointed out that the selection of specific degrees of broadness or standardness is more a matter of personal choice than it is in other communities. There are early statements on this such as the one by Eraser in 1910: The curious thing to me was that Cockney was spoken by one member of a family, whilst the other members of the family spoke perfectly correct English, (quoted from Horvath 1985:38) or more recent ones such as Bernard's (in Delbridge 1981:20, quoted from Horvath 1985:18): In the main it is the individual Australian's sense of fitness, his decision about the image of himself which he wishes to offer which determines how far he will move towards this vague un- attainable goal, and whether he will speak Broad, General, Cultivated, or Modified. The circum- stances of his birth have a role to play in shaping his attitudes, of course, but it remains very much a personal matter. Few families are quite homogeneous in speech and some are quite fragmented. Such variety comes to life when listening to the best collection of spoken Australian records to date, Craig/Delbridge's Australians at Talk (1980). Whereas some of the speakers' choices of broadness are difficult to interpret, there are also obvious correlations, such as when Sir Robert

149 Menzies' (1939) highly cultivated oratorical style and articulation is contrasted with the much more demotic pronunciation of the Labor leader and Menzie's successor in office, John Curtin (1941). So although personal choice is certainly important, there is also no doubt about some kind of sociolinguistic correlation. The early date of Mitchell/Delbridge's book (1965) – which remains the major national study of the pronunciation of AusE – explains why they write only in general terms on differences determined by education, occupation and sex. Horvath has re-used their data, changing the way they are presented without changing the facts. With all necessary caution, it is not difficult to see that the correlation between social and linguistic variables is highly valid (cf. Table 1). These data collected from 9,000 secondary school students aged 16 to 18 (of which 7,000 questionnaires were usable) comprised, among other things, the reading of one sentence, which contained six vowels and diphthongs considered diagnostic, and another that did not (cf. phonol- ogy below). Since 1965 we have seen the heyday of Labovian sociolinguistics followed by a very critical phase in which the limitations of such approaches were reflected on. In particular, it has been questioned whether Labov's methods can and should be transferred to other types of communi- ties. Pringle (1985:24) rightly doubts whether sociolinguistic methodology developed for "stable social stratification typical of old European cities (...) and very large U.S. cities (...) is the right methodology for Canada". He points to the fact that up to 16-40% of the Canadian urban popula- tion are of recent non-English-speaking immigrant origin – a clear parallel to Australia, which has led Horvath (1985) to diverge quite radically from some of the accepted methods in her so- ciolinguistic study of Sydney English.

1.5. Conservatism vs. innovation in AusE Colonial societies cannot be expected to preserve a great amount of lexis now obsolete in the mother country (cf. pp. 90-107 above). Australia is no exception to this, at least as far as St BrE is concerned. There is, however, a large number of words that went straight from BrE dialects or urban slang into non-standard AusE (mostly into occupational jargon or slang), from where a fair amount passed into the colloquial common core. Thus, the mining terminology is apparently a repository of BrE dialect words such as fossick (from Cornwall) or darg (from OE dceggeweorc, and surviving in Britain only in Scots, which was given a more restricted use in AusE miners' language). Other colloquial words in modem AusE such as cobber, dinkum, larrikin or tucker are all said to come from BrE dialect sources, though sometimes on shaky etymological evidence. However, it is in pronunciation that we expect features that have, from a London-centred viewpoint, been classified as 'colonial lag'. Trudgill (1986: 130-2) mentions three features prominent in present-day London (lower-class) speech, but without correspondence in AusE: a) a tendency to vocalize [f] in words such as feel, milk; b) glottal stop in words such as butter, but; and c) a less close quality of short vowels than in AusE (and particularly in NZE) – also cf. Lass (1987:297). In all these cases, it can be claimed that the advanced speech of London innovated, whereas AusE/NZE, effectively cut off from phonetic developments in the metropolis, preserved the pro- nunciations current in the speech of the early emigrants. Whereas London lexical innovations such as slang continued to influence AusE quite noticeably (2.5.4./3), the phonetic basis of Broad AusE remained a compromise form of southeastern, mainly urban, lower-class pronuncia- tions which was not affected by London developments after the late 19th century, having become stable enough to absorb the speech of newer arrivals. On the other hand, if there is some conser- vatism in Educated AusE (a matter that has never been properly investigated), it could be ex- pected to result from the use of outdated BrE models as norms of correctness, especially before 1945, in the form of printed sources including British dictionaries, grammars, and prescriptive usage guides a la Fowler.

1.6. The Aborigines and Pidgin English The English and English-based pidgins of Aborigines did not receive much attention before the 1970s. This neglect does not come as a surprise if one considers the harsh judgement passed 150 on the Broad variety of White speakers, and the marginal position of the indigenous peoples in Australian society. It is likely that the interest in American Black English encouraged or urged on a similar interest in Aboriginal forms of English; linguists' concern for the dying Aboriginal languages and for pidgin and creole languages in general also contributed to a wider awareness. Finally, growing numbers of urban Aborigines presented Australia with urgent social and educa- tional problems, which were taken up by linguists within a frameword of applied socio- linguistics and remedial education (cf. Eagleson et al. 1982). The pidgin that must have arisen in the Sydney area quite early on, as a consequence of the rather limited contacts between the Aborigines and the immigrants, was an atypical pidgin in many ways. For one thing, it did not emerge in a multilingual plantation society (as another vari- ety did later in Queensland canefields) and secondly, much of it was apparenty owing to misun- derstanding, words being taken for English by natives, and for Aboriginal by Englishmen, as no- ticed by Threlkeld in his Australian Grammar as early as 1834 (here quoted from Baker 1970:312): It is necessary to notice certain barbarisms, which have crept into use, introduced by sailors, stockmen and others who have paid no attention to the aboriginal tongue, in the use of which both blacks and whites labour under the mistaken idea that each one is conversing in the other's language. The following list contains the most common in use in these parts: Boojery , good. Gommon , falsehood. Kangaroo , an animal. Bail, no. gibber , a stone. Carbon, large. Boge, to bathe. Gummy , a spear. Mije , little. Bimble , earth. Goonyer , a hut. Mogo , axe. Boomiring , a weapon. Hillimung , a shield. Murry , many. Budgel , sickness. Jin, a wife. Pickaninney , child. Cudgel , tobacco. Also compare Hodgkinson's statement (in Baker 1970:313), which practically repeats Threlkeld's. Finally, there was little chance for the broken speech to stabilize – as indeed even today it is only in the Kriol communities of Arnhem Land and the Kimberley region – areas where the great diversity of indigenous languages favoured such development – that we can speak of a Creole developed from a prior pidgin (on the present distribution of these languages cf. Sandefur 1979, 1983). Harris (1988) has made it plausible that early forms of pidgin spread inland from the Sydney area; he believes that lexical items in present-day N.T. Creoles derive from southeastern languages, and were handed on through Aboriginal pidgins. Whether this is so, or whether the words were transmitted through white stockmen and bushrangers is impossi- ble to document. Contemporary documentation of 19th-century pidgin is sadly deficient. The best text survives in a report of The Sydney Gazette of 2 Jan. 1828 (printed in Ramson 1966:110f.); it contains the following authentic-looking sentences: All gammon white fellow '(It is) all false (what) white men Pai-alla cabon gunyah, said (in) great house (=court), Me tumble down white fellow. (that) I killed the white man. Kurryjong bail boodgeree kurrayong rope not good (it's a sad thing to be hanged).

Me like it pai-alla you gentleman, I wish to speak to you, Sir, Bail saterdey tumble down white f., (It was) not S. who killed the white man, Bail me tumble down white fellow (it was) not me who killed the white man,

My list contains a selection of those quoted by Threlkeld/Baker; of these, pidgin origin is ac- cepted in the AND for boojery, murry, pickaninney; gammon is from BrE cant, and boge, boomiring, gibber, goonyer, jin, mogo, murry are all claimed to come from Dharuk (spoken in the vicinity of Port Jackson). It illustrates the gaps in our knowledge of the early interlanguage that eight words (of 19) (bail, bimble, budgel, cudgel, gummy, hillimung, carbon and mije) are not included in the AND, obviously because they were not sufficiently documented.

151 tommy tumble down white fellow, Tommy killed the white man, sit down palabbala, (the lives at Palabbala), bulla jin, (has ) two wives, like it me, brother. (and is) like my brother’. Largely unconnected with the pidgin(s) described above, although ultimately based on the same substratum of South Sea Jargon English, there is a group of pidgins represented by a) Tok Pisin of Papua New Guinea and b) Queensland Kanaka Pidgin (now extinct), Torres Strait Pidgin, Solomon Islands Pijin and Bislama of Vanuatu. Between 1864 and 1904 some 60,000 Melanesians were blackbirded and brought to Queensland to work on the sugar plantations. Some of these workers are likely to have known some jargon English when they came, having acquired it from contacts with whalers and trepang traders, but all would return with fluent pidgin when repatriated in 1906, to form active promoters of the language in their island com- munities. These varieties developed into expanded pidgins and now, particularly in Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu, come close to fulfilling the function of national languages. Their high status can be seen from the fact, amongst other things, that the constitution of Vanuatu is avail- able in Bislama, and that the most popular New Testaments in present-day Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu are the new pidgin versions. Finally, there is the bicentenary in 1988 also of Nor- folk Island. This, the so-called 'Ocean Hell' of the early 19th century, served as a penal colony until 1865, when the descendants of the Bounty mutineers were invited to settle there, many of whom voted for a return to Pitcairn after a few months. On Norfolk Island, the 578 descendants of the Pitcairners in 1978 made up only 34% of the population. Although their speech is handed on as an ingroup language by most Pitcairn families, Norfolk speech shows obvious features of language death (cf. Harrison 1985; Buffett/Laycock 1988). The ultimate future of all these varieties is uncertain. However, it can safely be assumed that where a language shift occurs, it will be towards English, and the variety chosen as a norm will be AusE. An extension of AusE in the Pacific region is easy to foresee, and the existence of Eng- lish-related pidgins in the area may well speed up the change-over to English as a lingua franca in these multilingual societies.²ª

1.7. The American connection The U.S. has occasionally been compared to Australia, as something of an older brother in the 'British' family of nations. Many facts of American immigration, including transportation and the settlement and final breakaway from the mother country are replicated by Australia, with a time lag of 100-200 years. (Note that the Aborigines are referred to as 'Indians' in many early texts, cf. Banks 1790). The parallels between the two frontier societies are mentioned in many statements, thus by Drayman who commented in 1899: Also, the similarity of our surroundings with those of early American folk – big distances, big trees, lack of history, log huts, bullock teams, the solemn stem fight with unkindly Nature, the common language – will certainly produce a similarity of phrase and (barring that tired feel- ing) even character, which will be scarcely distinguishable from plagiarism, (quoted from Baker 1970:87) If looked at as a parallel development, the American pattern could be seen in a more or less positive light. The situation is slightly different with direct American influences, which were not always looked upon so favourably; in fact, they have often been magnified to put across the dan- ger of having AusE corrupted by trans-Pacific speech. American influences, in language and lifestyle, first came with people commuting between the two countries in the 19th century, whereas in the 20th (apart from the 'invasion' of American servicemen after 1942) these were spread mainly through radio, film, television, pop songs, but also newspapers. The American in- fluence of the goldrush period has been carefully documented (Rarnson 1966: 132-51) – but even here it is sometimes impossible to distinguish between borrowings (and from which dialect into which) on the one hand, and independent transmission of 'colonial English' in both AmE and AusE on the other. Awareness of Americanisms was much greater in Australia as alleged slang influences were concerned – but these are also much more difficult to verify. Partridge in 1933 claimed that 25% of the AusE slang was imported from America, and 35% from Cockney –

152 which left only 40% as homegrown, whereas Baker (1970:396) accepts only 15% from Ameri- can and 25% from British sources, as against 60% of Australian origin. He concludes: (although) the large wartime "invasion" of this country by U.S. Servicemen and (after 1956) the influence of U.S. television programmes has left some linguistic scars, (...) we are far from being swamped by importations from America. (1970:397) Since it can be argued that Baker was biased in favour of the independence of AusE, and Par- tridge not sufficiently informed, the truth may lie somewhere in between the two estimates. (Wilkes, Delbridge and Ramson wisely refrain from giving percentages in the prefaces of their dictionaries.) More recently, the impact of America has been mainly through the media (see Sussex 1978), and growing awareness of this influence has led to various attempts to stem the flood of the new linguistic imperialism. This is made clear in the ABC's guidelines (cf. Leitner 1984, who refers to a statement from the ABC "in a reply to a letter of complaint about Americanization: "We regularly delete Americanisms from cable copy and we occasionally find it necessary to remind our American-based staff to avoid them as well"). Such policies in actual fact serve to bring AusE usage back closer to BrE since there is normally a binary choice, and not a specifically Australian option. (For the neutralization of BrE:AmE lexical contrasts cf. pp. 167-70 below).

2. AusE and its distinctiveness on individual levels 2.1. Preliminary The language-ness of a speech variety can with Kloss (1978) be determined by the criteria of abstand and ausbau. This means in our case, how different is AusE from other varieties of Eng- lish, in particular from its main historical source, BrE, and how codified are its norms? Whereas abstand will be discussed below, a few remarks are in order regarding the codification of AusE. A few generations ago, most educated Australians would probably have denied the existence of an independent variety, or dialect, of English in Australia. Morris in 1898 saw his job in col- lecting Australasian words as a complement to the OED, but not as documenting a separate en- tity. It certainly did not contribute to an understanding of AusE as an independent endonormative variety that most of its speakers (and of course Britons) considered its peculiarities to consist in garbled pronunciations of the lower classes and its alleged preference for slang – both regarded as neo-Cockney, and therefore part of BrE anyway. The challenge explicit in the title of Baker's The Australian Language (1945) was not conducive to changing the picture: his claim was based on Mencken's The American Language of 1919, a claim that by the time Baker wrote was cer- tainly taken less seriously by Americans than it ever was, and also because Baker repeated the stereotypes of bad pronunciation and slanginess, which together do not make an independent language, let alone convince its speakers of the need to cultivate it, even for nationalistic reasons. In fact, the attitude of many linguists as well as educational authorities well into the 1970s is summed up in statements such as Ramson's (1966:6): The Concise Oxford Dictionary serves the Australian almost as well as it serves the English- man and, in many areas of usage, he has no occasion to depart from the established BrE pattern. Therefore, it was quite a revolutionary act to put out a properly Australian dictionary in 1981, and it was felt to need the justification contained in the main editor's essay on "The need for an Australian dictionary" (Delbridge 1981:12-17) – a job which was possibly easier because Avis and his team had put out a series of dictionaries specifically meant for Canadian users in the 1970s. However, a grammar of AusE does not appear to be in sight, nor have I heard of an Austra- lian speller, a pronouncing dictionary, a guide to Australian usage nor of similar books indicative of an independent variety.²ª Even in a field where a national standard would seem to be compara- tively easy to achieve, that of radio norms, Leimer's estimate is cautious: What seems necessary for the ABC and Australia in general is a reconsideration of the socio- linguistic status of the genuine contributions of AusE to the English language with a view to de- veloping new and more sophisticated concepts of non-formal styles of educated speech. (1984:80).

2.2. Spelling It has been the policy of Australian educational authorities, editorial boards of newspapers and journals, of publishing houses, and of the administration in general, to stick to BrE orthogra- 153 phy. However, in cases where there is an alternative, the more 'modern' spelling seems to be in- creasingly preferred. But whereas even BrE now admits maneuvre, medieval and jail without qualms, shorter forms of -logue and -gramme compounds are more acceptable in AusE. Also, there is an old Australian tradition of spelling more words of the honour type with -or than in BrE; this tendency is not owing to American influence, although the practice of variable spell- ings in this field would make it easier for American spellings to become accepted. (Leitner 1984:56 thinks there "is variation according to ownership (the Murdoch press being more American than the Fairfax press) and regional distribution (the -or spellings in words like labor is officially recognized as a variant to -our in Victoria but not in NSW")). Decisions in problem areas such as -isel-ize endings tend to follow British practice, but there appears to be variability world-wide. Similar uncertainty applies to the writing of compounds as one word, as two, or hy- phenated; the practice in Australian dictionaries is inconsistent, and these also diverge from one another. However, there is nothing in AusE so far comparable to the degree of mixed orthogra- phies so conspicuous in CanE. 2.3. Pronunciation 2.3.1. Stereotypes and evaluations Pronunciation has always been considered the most distinctive characteristic of AusE. This is not surprising in itself, since most speakers think that regional speech is most typically expressed in pronunciation: the identification of a speaker's provenance, for linguists as for laymen, is easi- est on the basis of the spoken chain. Then, too, regionality tends to be preserved in pronunciation even where other characteristics are lost, that is, where dialect is reduced to accent. It is worthy of note how influential stereotypes have been with regard to AusE pronunciation, in particular negative attitudes to what were considered to be its characteristic features, such as: 1. Nasality (cf. Baker 1970:449). But compare Mitchell who finds "The repeated statement (...) is unsupported, meaningless and almost certainly wrong." (1970:3) 2. Harness. Australians are said to speak without moving their lips and their jaws – as the folk myth has it, a precaution against dust and flies. Baker formulated a pseudo-scientific hy- pothesis for the stereo type and went on to claim that in consequence "the vowels are brought more closely together" and "are more liable to influence each other" (Baker 1970:453) – a clear impossibility, as Mitchell (1970:5) shows. 3. Drawl: Mitchell found that "the drawl is uncommon in Australian speech." (1970:7) Such stereotypes were, and possibly are, cultivated by foreigners and Australians alike. Eagleson quotes an especially harsh statement published as late as 1974 in the Sydney Sun- Herald: It is safe to say that however (the Australian accent) came about, no greater millstone was tied around the neck of any nation. The Australian accent at its worst brands everyone of us whether we speak it or not, as uncouth, ignorant and a race of second-class people. (Eagleson 1982:434) In the meantime, Australians had begun to look at stereotyped Broad pronunciation more lightheartedly. The short-lived fashion of Strine, popular in the 1960s (cf. Muecke 1976), was devised as a respelling of words in rapid pronunciation, and with the typically shifted vowels and diphthongs spelt as if they had trespassed into the areas of neighbouring phonemes, thus sex for 'sacks', egg-nishner for 'air-conditioner', or Strine for 'Australian', and various forms indicating r- lessness, such as Afferbeck Lander (pseud. 1965) for 'alphabetical order', terror scouse for 'ter- race house' etc. 2.3.2. General characteristics of AusE All describers agree that phonemically the southern varieties of SAfE, NZE and AusE share many characteristics. As a group, they are particularly close to the phoneme system of Southern BrE; this is not surprising considering the age of the varieties and the provenance of the settlers. With RP, the three are the only varieties predominantly non-rhotic; they also prefer /a:/ in words of the PATH type. The position of AusE within a framework of world English is illustrated by Trudgill/Hannah (1982:5). They describe four features typical of AusE as (1982:17f.): 1. AusE vowels tend to be closer than in RP;

154 2. Some of the AusE diphthongs are wider than in RP; 3. There is a tendency for the diphthong to have a longer first element or to become mo- nophthongized; and 4. the /a:/ vowel is very front [a:]. All other features often connected with AusE pronunciation are variable and therefore to be discussed under sociolinguistic variables; this includes all consonants and intonational features, which in isolation are not sufficient for an identification of AusE speech. 2.3.3. Regional and social differences in pronunciation Although it has been frequently claimed that there are regional differences in AusE pronun- ciation, and that listeners can identify the provenance of Australians from the way they speak, no reliable proof of this claim has been adduced. Such differences – if they exist – are likely to combine regional, social and stylistic factors and may well differ from one lexical item to an- other, as seems to be the case in the /ka:stl – kæstl/ variation. Social variation is, however, obvious. Mitchell/Delbridge in their major study already re- ferred to (1965) concentrated on six diagnostic features, viz. the vowel nuclei in words of the BEAT, BOOT, SAY, SO, HIGH, HOW type, asking their informants to read the sentence The plane flew low over the runway, then increased speed and circled the aerodome a sec- ond time, which contained them all, and another sentence which did not: Let's pick a good spot near the water and spend the morning surfing and relaxing in the sun. They found that in their total sample of 7,000 speakers, some 34% were to be classified as 'Broad', 55% as 'General', and 11% as 'Cultivated'. A great many objections have been raised against the data and their interpretation, but the study certainly remains the largest investigation of spoken AusE to date. More variables could have been added. Horvath (1985) included in her study of Sydney Eng- lish the consonantal variables (h), (0), and (t), as well as schwa-diphthongs which she writes (r); there is also the morphonemic variable (ing) and the intonational variable (HRT = high rising tone). Of these, h-dropping and /f/ for initial /0/ have additional historical interest, being relics of 'Cockney' speech, re-inforced in Horvath's sample by Italian – but not Greek – speakers, for ob- vious reasons explained by the respective native languages. Horvath, by including in her sample 'new' Australians of Italian and Greek descent, also pro- vides valuable data on linguistic accommodation; whether these can also be interpreted as indica- tive of linguistic change in the entire speech community (as she claims) is more speculative. Is AusE pronunciation, then, becoming more homogeneous than it already is? There can be no doubt that the continuing stigmatization of Broad and the increasing avoidance of Cultivated, which at least outside formal contexts is considered too stilted or sissy, apparently swells the ranks of the General speakers, and the frequency of uses of General. A similar homogenization is appar- ently levelling out the town vs. country differences, a development to be expected with higher mo- bility, more homogeneous education and the growing influence of the language of the media. However, more detailed studies are necessary to make a clever hunch into an objective statement. Attitudes as elicited in various studies using matched-guise techniques (and reported in Collins 1989) appear to be lagging behind, most informants still attributing to speakers of Cultivated greater competence and social and physical attractiveness than to other fellow Australians. 2.4. Syntax and usage Of all the levels of English, syntax is the most homogeneous throughout the world (at least if the close-to-standard end is considered). Even the BrE vs. AmE contrast, which is so conspicu- ous in pronunciation and partly in lexis, is far less noticeable in syntax (cf. IV above). In fact, differences relate either to frequencies in the case of competing constructions (such as past vs. present perfect, or simple vs. progressive, etc.), or to the evaluation of such occurrences (cf. the greater tolerance of double negatives in some styles of AmE) or to individual items in the bor- derland of syntax and lexis (such as choice of prepositions). If there is so little difference be- tween BrE and AmE grammars – which had a much longer time to diverge – it does not come as a surprise to find AusE syntax nearly identical with BrE or world English. Quirk et al. (1985)

155 refer to two features that are typical of AusE (but not exclusive to it), viz. adverbial but and feminine pronouns used to refer to inanimate nouns. They illustrate these two features with two sentences made up for the purpose (1985:21-22): 1. The job's still not done, I'll finish her this arvo, but 2. A: Are you feeling better? – B: Too right, mate; she'll be a jake. (everything will be fine). As Eagleson's (1976) preliminary study of a few socially diagnostic variables indicates, even differences inside AusE syntax according to formality, medium, and level of education appear to be very similar to BrE (but without regional peculiarities such as are found in the BrE south vs. north contrasts). However, there has been no contrastive study of syntactical variation of, say, Sydney and London adolescent syntax to look for quantificational differences. Urban Aborigi- nes, according to Eagleson (et al. 1982:113-62) apparently adopt lower-class syntactical patterns: the study illustrates the same deviances from standard usage that were found in white speakers (again without quantification). It is difficult to say how independent AusE usage has become of British norms. Hammar- strom, in an article on 'irritation phenomena' (1988) found much the same kind of items that irri- tate writers of letters to the editor as elsewhere in the English-speaking world, but Collins' find- ings (1989), based on large text corpora, suggest that an indigenous AusE norm is emerging, at least in certain fields of usage, such as in the use of modal verbs. Such a slackening of confor- mity with BrE and prescriptive 'correctness' would tally with the Australians' reservations against near-RP in pronunciation. 2.5. Lexis 2.5.1. Preliminary It must come as a surprise to all who have been accustomed to the stereotype of racy Austra- lian speech of the stone-the-bloody-crows-and-stiffen-the-lizards, the up-the-gumtree or this- side-of-the-black-stump varieties, or the lexicon contained in the unofficial anthem Waltzing Matilda, that there is only a very limited specifically Antepodean lexis. Mitchell in his foreword to Ramson (1966) pointed to the myths and folkloristic stereotypes connected with Australian speech. However, he continues: The claim so often made for the Australian that he has been uncommonly inventive in lan- guage has to be abandoned. The picture commonly painted of the Australian using a heavy pro- portion of slang terms in his talk when compared with speakers in other countries is difficult to justify by the evidence. (1966:v) In consequence, I would like to concentrate on a few major issues, in so far as a complex field such as the lexicon can be reduced to systematic treatment. The small size of the specifically AusE lexicon is owing to the following reasons: 1) the short history of AusE – which inherited a more homogeneous vocabulary than Amer- ica did; 2) the extent of levelling as a result of high mobility of the settlers from the very beginning which did not leave much regional variation - projects such as Cassidy's DARE (1986) would be impossible in Australia (see below for regional variation); 3) the scarcity of language contact – Australian society being composed of 90% of British descent at least up to 1945, there was no exten sive borrowing from other immigrants' languages as there was in the U.S. and in Canada. The borrowing from Aboriginal languages – for reasons of cultural distance and brutal contempt – amounts to not more than 220 items, many of which are no longer part of the living vocabulary (and some have never been). This is strikingly similar to the minimal impact of American Indian languages on UsE and CanE; and 4) a comparative restraint in innovation. Although the absence of a restrictive prescriptive norm would lead one to expect a greater degree of lexical expansion, the early Australians obvi- ously preferred to use old words for the new objects they encountered. (It has also been pointed out that the fact that most came from urban back grounds made them incapable or uninterested in naming the fauna and flora of the new surroundings). The major contribution of AusE to world English is, then, the changes of meaning and of stylistic marking that become evident when BrE and AusE are compared.

156 It will now be useful to look at the AusE lexis with a positive view on what there is to report. The existing dictionaries of AusE, in particular those published in the past ten years, contain – in a neat complementary way – the evidence one would wish to have. They are: G.A. Wilkes, A Dictionary of Australian Colloquialisms (1978, M985); A. Delbridge, et al., The Macquarie Dictionary (1981, 2 nd rev. 1987); and W.S. Ramson, The Australian National Dictionary (1988). 2.5.2. 'Survivals' in AusE from BrE dialects There was a much greater amount of colloquial spoken BrE in the 19th century than is evi- dent from written sources, but losses of regional lexis were also checked by the fact that the new industrial centres attracted workers from the near-by countryside: Manchester workers came pre- dominantly from Lancashire etc. (cf. Forster 31977). It is therefore a safe assumption that the ma- jority of workers were dialect speakers well afler the introduction of General Education in 1870. Thus the convicts and free immigrants, many of whom came from urban slums, are likely to have been bidialectal in local dialect and a kind of more neutral speech. Since intensity of dialect contact and mixing was much higher on board the ships and in Australia than it was in Britain, it quite understandably led to different results of levelling. Ramson (1966:49f.) states very decid- edly that AusE should be seen as a reshuffling of an existing English pattern in which various nuclei, the slang and dialect vocabularies of London and the industrial Midlands, the slang of seamen and whalers, the slang of convicts, and the more conservative English of the administrators and the military – are set off in a new relationship one against the other. So, whereas fewer dialect words survived in AusE than in BrE, some words were retained in AusE that were lost in Britain; others made it into general currency in Australia which remained strictly local back home. (All this is of course parallelled in other 'transplanted' Englishes, for example those of the U.S. and Canada). There are a number of such survivals in specialized reg- isters such as mining (darg, dolly, fossick, mullock) and in animal husbandry (bail, poddy, poley). More conspicuous items occur in common colloquial AusE, with some of the latter likely to have made their way into acceptability from slang (cf. cobber, dinkum, larrikin, tucker. Early documentation of this vocabulary is very patchy so that first occurrences of these words can be quite misleading; decisions are particularly difficult where such words are also recorded in other transplanted Englishes and priority cannot be established. Indeed, there is a large number of well-known Australianisms with contested etymologies. (Note that a corrective available in such cases in other areas, viz. variant forms of regionally restricted lexis, is largely lacking for AusE). 2.5.3. Regional variation in the lexis of AusE As all observers admit, the number of words of restricted regional currency is not large, and the number of heteronymic pairs even smaller. The homogeneity of AusE would cause a dialect dictionary to be a slim volume. This is a fact that is not likely to change even when the evidence has been collected much more exhaustively. It is striking how few words have a regional label attached to them in the Macquarie Dic- tionary (there cannot be more than, say, 300-400), and mere may be even fewer in the AND whose editor is very cautious in his introduction: Our perception of the vocabulary of AusE as an entity has made us wary also of using re- gional labels for many items in the colloquial vocabulary which are commonly supposed to be localized in their use (...) until there is a survey of regional usage which takes account of the spoken as well as the written word (...) it must remain opinion. (Ramson 1988) Statements about regionally restricted distribution of individual words in Bryant (1989) must be seen with such reservations in mind. A comparison of the respective items in the two diction- aries gives results that would bewilder anyone who forgets the selection principles of the Mac- quarie Dictionary and the AND: Most of Bryant's words are not included in the AND; port, Pa- ter son's curse, peewee and Murray magpie are in, but not marked, cheerio is marked 'NZ', and only Salvation Jane and fritz (SA) agree with Bryant. In the MacqD only Boston bun and yeast bun are missing, but again most entries are not marked as regional; devon and fritz are marked 157 'I.e.' ( = of local currency), port is marked 'Qld' only for the senses 'schoolbag' and 'shopping bag', and only potato cake (Vic) fully agrees with Bryant. The scarcity of items makes it impossible to interpret patterns of restricted currency as re- flexes of settlement history (as is possible in Britain or the U.S.); whether certain words shared by NSW, Tasmania and Queensland represent an earlier lexical layer is impossible to determine from the evidence available so far. 2.5.4. Slang and colloquialisms As was pointed out above, lexicographers from Morris to Delbridge and Ramson had to ward off the charge that what was specifically Australian in the vocabulary consisted exclusively of slang. This is not to say that the slang component in AusE is unimportant – how could it be with the socio-linguistic history of the variety. One of the major contributors to slang has always been criminal cant, and as early as 1812 – not quite a generation after the first landing of convicts – James Henry Vaux collected a New and Comprehensive Vocabulary of the Flash Language (Vaux 1819). Whereas Francis Grose, author of the best-known British book of the type, the Classical Dictionary of the Vulgar Tongue of 1785, was an antiquarian, Vaux was an insider, having been transported three times to NSW, and, as he states in the dedication, intermixed with the most dissolute and unprincipled characters, and that a natural quickness of conception, and most retentive memory, have rendered me familiar with their language and system of operations, (quoted from Ramson 1966:11) The lexis that Vaux recorded was not a full account even of the convicts' language, and the compilation was certainly not meant to be contrastive, listing only Australian innovations: since this was the 'slanguage' of the first convict generation, most of the items listed are in fact im- ported. The difficulty to distinguish between inherited and newly coined terms remained a prob- lem for later lexicographers – since this type of lexis tends to get documented quite late, sources and ways of transmission are notoriously difficult to establish. Although it is, then, precarious to generalize, I would like to offer the following characteris- tics of the informal vocabulary of AusE: 1. There has been less opposition against non-standard lexis than to Broad pronunciation. This led to many cant terms being accepted into slang, and slang terms into colloquial AusE, with meanings often changed in the process (as happened to swag, which was equivalent to 'sto- len clothes' and came to mean 'bundle'). 2. The delimitation of such registers is, in consequence, difficult to draw in AusE. Both Ram- son – insofar as he does include slang – and Delbridge use the slang label very reluctantly, pre- ferring to use the cover term 'colloquial' instead (see nong, snickered, sto-compounds in Del- bridge). On the other hand, the selection principles of Wilkes are not very clearly defined. 3. An exceptional proportion of slang was imported from Britain and America right into the 20th century. In 1900 the Sydney Truth noted that "Cockney slang is quickly displacing the old push lingo in Sydney" (from Baker 1970:358). This includes rhyming slang, to which Austra- lians are said to take a particular liking, but of which Baker (1970:359) finds that Australians are inclined to resist its use if only for the fact that it is a dull; unimaginative type of slang, and has little of the sharp, businesslike nature of other Australianisms about it. What authentic rhyming slang there is in this pan of the world, will usually be in a disguised form. 2.5.5. Borrowings from Aboriginal languages One of the most conspicuous features of AusE is also its least surprising: In need of comment is rather the infrequency of words borrowed from indigenous languages than the fact that there are such loanwords. As with AmE and loanwords from Indian languages, two observations hold: 1) Considering the fact that the Europeans had to identify very strange surroundings for which designations were available in Aboriginal languages, one would have expected many more lexical items taken over into the English of the first settlers; and 2) the earliest language contacts provided the greatest number of loan words – overall, or with only the permanent loanwords counted, which means that the early loans also proved to be the more stable additions to AusE. (Note that many loanwords competed with, or were replaced 158 by, phrasal units containing Indian in America, and native in Australia, such as koala = native bear). Apart from kangaroo, adopted through Cook before the first settlement, it was therefore the languages spoken around Port Jackson that gave AusE the greatest number of native words, among them: corroboree, dingo, gibber, and woomera. Later contacts added mainly names of animals (budgerigar/budgie, koala, wombat), of plants (kurrajong, mulga, wonga-wonga) or of Aboriginal life (billa-bong, boomerang, bunyip, gunyah). Although some 220 loanwords are attested in English texts (Ramson 1966: 131), only 40 are said to be current, and even fewer can be expected to be known outside Australia. Since much of Australian fauna and flora is so very unlike that of other continents there would have been an excellent point in accepting indigenous terminology, which would have been very specific and carried the local flavour in its phonological shape. Instead, the settlers used misleading terms transferred from their European background -or accepted such neo-Greek monstrosities as platy- pus or eucalyptus. 2.5.6. Words of American provenance and the internationalization of English As was noted above, AusE was not as isolated as has sometimes been claimed. In particular, there are connections with AmE, either through the common colonial heritage, or through direct influences, mainly those of AmE on to AusE. Ramson (1966:135-44) discusses in this respect eight words (township, section, block, location, bush, bushranger, landshark and squatter), for all of which American influence is attested – whether they were taken over from AmE, or indi- vidual meanings were, or their currency was strengthened is sometimes difficult to decide. In some ways, the situation is more complicated the closer we get to the present time. Austra- lia and Canada are probably the earliest English-speaking societies that have felt the tug-of-war between British and American centres of gravity (linguistic and otherwise). The result is the somewhat instable state in which British and U.S. usages can conflict with each other and with local words and meanings, possibly distinguished according to levels of formality, choice of me- dium or subject matter. Educational authorities and self-appointed word-watchers may be aware of such uncertainty, and try to regulate them in schoolbooks, and in letters to the editor, espe- cially where spelling and phraseology is concerned, but popular opinion sometimes gets wrong what is specifically American (and in consequence is to be avoided, or preferred). This process is noticeable world-wide, but has not found adequate treatment in any of the ENL or ESL nations affected, and certainly not on a comparative, international level.' Individual scholars have pointed out the ongoing merger of the vocabularies; compare Eagle-son's sketch of the situation a few years ago: '"Note that even the question of which sets form heteronymic pairs in BrE and AmE has been muddled by overgeneralizations and impressionistic statements. The fullest and most reliable parallel word-list appears to be that in Benson et al. (1986:13-174), the most insightful reflec- tions those found in the recent work of Algeo (most recently, Algeo 1989). A selection of het- eronyms in CanE are discussed in Ba'hr (1981; cf V above); the problem will be particularly relevant in Allsopp's work on CarE lexis (Allsopp fc.). For a modest attempl to investigate the lexis of an ESL/EFL country see Mbangwana (1989). The problem is treated in detail, and com- bined with the description of a research project, in Gorlach (MS). What is especially interesting in this context is the conflict, which has sometimes arisen be- tween a British and an American term in Australian English. Lorry, for instance, was once the regular term, but it has now been all but displaced by truck. Lift is giving way to elevator, espe- cially on signs in modem skyscrapers. Modem highways are called expressways and sometimes freeways, but never motorways, the British term. Motorway, however, is used in New Zealand. But not always has the American rival won out. Biscuit, dole, chemist, and nip still retain local allegiance instead of cookie, welfare, drug-store, and shot. Australian and New Zealand cars still have a boot, not a trunk, and are filled with petrol, not gas. One can come across Australian beauticians, and undertakers now style themselves funeral directors rather than morticians. Diaper (instead of nappie) may be heard, though infrequently, from a few under the influence of American films and advertisements, but faucet would never be used instead of tap. Sometimes terms of different origins seem to be in a state of coexistence. Such pairs are kiosk and snack 159 bar, ring me and phone me, let and lease, convenience and rest room, bubbler and water foun- tain, alternative and alternate, holiday and vacation. On the other hand, Australians have pre- served some independence and have adopted neither underground nor subway in connection with their urban railway system. The British register one's luggage and American check one's baggage have been evenly merged into check one's luggage in New Zealand (see Turner 1972). (Eagleson 1982:430) Quite similar remarks can be found in Leitner (1984), who also points out the need of more comprehensive investigations. The topic cries out for a thorough comparative study, which could provide answers to ques- tions such as: 1) What word-pairs conventionally regarded as in BrE vs. AmE contrast have come to co- exist in Englishes outside Britain and the U.S. (or even within these communities)? 2) Which of these are now interchangeable, and which are semantically or sociolinguisti- cally distinct? Which differ in style or in frequency according to medium and formality? Which are becoming dated or literary? 3) To what degree are users aware of such phenomena and how do they react? 4) What are the national differences involved in 1) – 3), and are these indeed distinctive for individual regions or nations? It will be obvious that dictionaries, which are meant for quite different purposes, are no help in deciding these questions. Quite extensive data will have to be collected in lexical surveys be- fore we can be sure. To illustrate the phenomenon, I would like to add a tiny bit of evidence, reliable conclusions can only be based on a much larger amount of data on the specific set of words, and similar al- ternatives. Garbage (AmE) and rubbish (BrE) are normally described as heteronyms, i.e. same content, but different words in regionally complementary distribution, according to dictionaries that care to make such distinctions. There are also neutral words such as refuse, and waste that need not concern us here, as also collocational differences: garbage is collected in a garbage can which is transferred by a garbage man to a garbage truck to be dumped in a garbage dump in the U.S., but British rubbish goes into a dustbin, collected by dustmen in dustcarts which transport the rubbish to (rubbish)-tips. It so happened that I had access to The Canberra Times of 23-26 Janu- ary, 1988 when a local GARBAGE STRIKE was on – a rare occasion to collect 79 instances of GARBAGE/RUBBISH in nine articles, of which five were written by one man, Tony Wright. Table 2 shows what I found – not exciting, but illustrating a mixture of preferences of the major varieties of English that is less likely to exist in most parts of the U.S. or Britain, but ap- pears to become increasingly common outside the two – in Canada, the Caribbean, Singapore or in Australia and New Zealand, and of course in ESL/EFL countries where such nice distinctions between BrE and AmE are beyond the discriminational level of most learners, and sometimes teachers, of English. Such an investigation will of course not be similarly fruitful in all registers, and in all ency- clopedic fields. In particular, one would have to compare only true heteronyms, that is words re- ferring to identical things or concepts, and functioning in the same semantic fields. The follow- ing fields would seem to make a world-wide survey of local, regional or national usages particu- larly worthwhile: a. Meals, menus, dishes, and accompaniments; b.Types of bread and other baked goods; c. Beverages and drinking vessels; d.Types of dwellings and their parts, furniture; e. Clothes; f.Domestic animals and farming; g.Professions and their equipment (tools); h.Children's games; i.Motor-cars and parts/tools, road traffic; j. Railways and trams, ships and air-travel; 160 k.Cinema, radio and television; l. Education; m.The law. 2.5.7. Lexical innovation: change of meaning This topic would require an extended investigation to itself. The entries of polysemous words in The Macquarie Dictionary do not seem to be quite con- sistent in starting with the sense that an Australian is most likely to meet first. Also it becomes quite clear that many words do not refer to the same things that they refer to in Britain, or that their connotation differs from that of BrE. Let me here point out again the changes of meaning that went with the first names applied to Australian fauna and flora, whereby a kind of eucalyp- tus came to be called an 'apple-tree', a 'cherry-tree' belongs to the genus Exocarpus, two species (none of which is an oak) came to be named 'he-oak' and 'she-oak', and 'wattle' was transferred to trees that were most suitable for wattling. While all this does not disturb Australians in domestic use (since names are conventional anyway), it can be awkward for Europeans in Australia and for Australians abroad – not because such designations are biological misnomers. 2.5.8. Compounds and derivations Most of the new compounds in AusE are transparent, or at least were for those who coined the new word. Many of these denominate plants (such as bottlebrush, ironbark, swamp oak) or animals (bulldog ant, lyrebird, red-bill), but there are a few fanciful designations such as bush- man's clock and laughing jackass (both 'kookaburra'), or razor grinder (the 'Australian dish- washer' or 'restless flycatcher'). However, it is derivation that has always been considered as of specific interest in AusE. In particular, words formed (as derivations, clippings or acronyms) on final -ie, -o or -er have been the topic of popular and scholarly investigations. Baker (1970:366-73) contains long lists of these, and Dabke (1976) has made a full study of -ol-ie in particular. There are specific uses of -ie in different parts of the English-speaking world. It is well- known that the frequency of hypocoristic -ie (type hennie) is highest in Scotland, especially in the Northeast, but that England has a fair proportion of these in particular in colloquial/informal speech (which tallies with the assumed provenance of the type from the nursery and in names). Many of these words were, then, exported to Australia (coalie), but the type appears to have been especially productive, and still is, even though in the 20th century increasingly challenged by -o derivations. Whilst this is, again, an international pattern, it seems safe to say that there are more new formations of this type in AusE than elsewhere, and that only in AusE words like garbo for 'garbage collector'/'dustman' (cf. above) sound natural enough for general use. 3. AusE and World English, and what remains to be done It is as common as it is unsatisfactory for the audience to conclude a paper asking "What re- mains to be done". Several topics have been mentioned in my survey that would appear to re- ward detailed exploration, especially with regard to the social history of AusE. It is perhaps sig- nificant that Horvath (1985) starts promising just such an investigation but then fails to bridge the (socio-)historical introduction and the analysis of present-day speech. We need to know more, then, on the following topics and it is to be hoped that with the advances in technologies suitable for handling large amounts of data answers will be forthcoming – note, for instance, the project of the New OED, which ought to supply a much better basis of judging lexical develop- ments of 19th-century English, 'at home and abroad'. 1. What are the exact interrelationships of various forms of colonial English? How did army officers, parsons, teachers, judges, adminis trators spread metropolitan standards and atti- tudes (and with what changes in intensity) and what cross-connections are there, including lin- guistic ones, between say India, South Africa, and Australia/New Zealand – in particular, lexi- cal transfers? 1a. In especial, what are the differences between NZE and AusE (cf. Bauer 1986), and how can similarities be explained by settlement history and history of norms, how divergences by in- dependent development, including different speaker attitudes regarding 'correct and refined' speech, and its equation with BrE? 161 2. What is the history of schoolbooks (primers, grammars etc.) and of language teaching in general, and what the impact of other reading matter, especially the local press? What 'standards' were aimed at, and can we see the results of such prescriptive attitudes reflected in the personal writings of individuals? 3. How far can the methods of oral history still be applied to record linguistic accommoda- tion and standards of linguistic etiquette, and more recently, of the expansion of AusE into the Pacific and south eastern Asiatic area? How does AusE coexist, or compete with, British and American models in various speech communities of the area? 4. Are reactions to AusE changing world-wide? Compare the recent impact that the televi- sion series "Neighbours" has apparently had on a British audience with continuing prejudice and snobbery as expressed in Punch (9 Sept. 1987, p.48) in which an Englishman is confronted with the stewardess's "quite incomprehensible Australian accent". 5. What relevance can comparisons with the situation of other trans planted Englishes "in search of a standard" (cf. Lougheed 1985) have for AusE? Does a nation, for a definition of its national identity, need to be different linguistically, or would not one of Australia's special func- tions be to bridge the gap between the two leading varieties of world English, BrE and AmE? What conclusions can be drawn from the Canadian experience (cf. pp. 108-21 above)? Language historians, or historical linguists, rightly object to prognostic linguistics. However, when Randolph Quirk was asked to speak on "English in twenty years" in 1970 he made some predictions which it is time now, in 1990, to put to the test. The most important new develop- ment in world English he saw in "the new impact of Antipodean English. Having changed within a generation from a remote area of small political influence and almost no linguistic contact with Europe or North America", he goes on to say (not quite convincingly), "Australia... has projected itself as a political and economic force, and sprayed the cultural centres of the northern hemi- sphere with eager, confident young intellectuals who charm hosts and colleagues with a vivid but cultivated variety of English." His evaluation of this impact is comparative, and relative as seen from a London viewpoint: I believe that Australia has already joined the United States as the predominant source of linguistic influence on BrE. Very much in second place, but... We must be in no doubt that the linguistic centre of gravity for the English-speaking world remains in the place it has securely occupied for a good many decades, and that it will remain in North America as we pass beyond our particular twenty-year span... (Quirk 1972:73-74). But perhaps the time of mono- or bi-central English is over. In a time in which the number of non-native speakers of English is coming close to that of the natives, there is a chance for smaller nations to make themselves heard, especially if they – as Canada and Australia/New Zea- land obviously do – find themselves in a mediating position, at least linguistically. So, English in Australia after Dampier having missed what could have been the first century of its possible spread and the actual first century to 1888 passed in colonial bondage and linguistic insecurity, the second hundred years brought the establishment of a self-assured nation that has not only ac- cepted its position in the chorus of world Englishes but started exporting it especially into the neighbouring countries. The next hundred years are, therefore, likely to see a minor third centre of natively spoken English, with an ESL periphery grow in the Pacific area, and bloom 'down under', but rather than cultivating linguistic idiosyncrasies, the Antepodeans and their English is likely to become more international in an age of increasing communications. Postscript The bicentennial has not brought the flood of publications on AusE that many would have expected. The most useful book is Collins/Blair's (1989) collection of 24 papers, which cover a wide range of topics in sociolinguis-tics and dialectology. It is interesting to see that various dis- cussions dealing with national norms (spelling and pronunciation, usage problems, attitudes to 'Americanisms') indicate that the 'Australian' component is becoming more prominent, but that a homogeneous norm has not emerged so far. It is possible that the story of BrE and AmE repeats itself – in the absence of an academy, further standardization could be achieved through diction- aries and schoolbooks (now largely based on Macquarie conventions). 162 Part III Sociolinguistic Practice

LANGUAGE AND GENDER

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164 GENDER SPEECH DIFFERENCES

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1. Read the article and confirm your answers.

2. Discuss these questions on language issues with your groupmates.

3. Discuss these questions about your country. Compare with Britain.

172 4. Read the article and compare its opinions and your choices.

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178 CONTENS

PART I Stories About English Speaking Countries ...... 3 The spread of British English ...... 3 The spread of American English ...... 4 Escaping History ...... 5 Ireland ...... 7 Mediterranean islands ...... 8 Canada ...... 9 Carribean ...... 13 South Africa ...... 15 East Africa ...... 21 West Africa ...... 22 Middle East ...... 23 India ...... 25 Pakistan ...... 30 Bangladesh ...... 31 Sri Lanka ...... 32 Hong Kong ...... 33 Singapore ...... 34 Malaysia ...... 35 Philippins ...... 37 Pacific Islands ...... 38 New Zealand ...... 41 Australia ...... 44

Part II. Sketches on sociolinguistics ...... 51 William Labov University of Pennsylvania THE UNITY OF SOCIOLINGUISTICS ...... 51 The Saga of Place Names ...... 66 Social and geographical aspects of linguistic change ...... 72 ENGLISH AS A WORLD LANGUAGE ...... 82 English in Australia and New Zealand ...... 82 Varieties of English – regional and social varieties of English around the world. The English Language in Australia and New Zealand ...... 97 The Need for an Australian Dictionary ...... 98 Australian Pronunciation ...... 104 The Vocabulary of Australian English ...... 114 Words and the World ...... 119 The Historical Study of Australian English ...... 122 The Australian National Dictionary (AND), 1988 ...... 128 AUSTRALIAN ENGLISH: STANDARDS, STIGMATA, STEREOTYPES AND STATISTICS' ...... 145

Part III Sociolinguistic Practice ...... 163

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